gender and corruption in latin america: is there a link?
TRANSCRIPT
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Regional Centre for Latin America and the Caribbean, Panama
Regional Bureau for Latin America and the Caribbean (RBLAC)
Democratic Governance Practice Area & Gender Practice Area
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UNITED NATIONS DEVELOPMENT PROGRAMME
Centro Regional para América Latina y el Caribe, Panamá/ Dirección Regional para América Latina y el Caribe/ Área de Práctica de Gobernabilidad Democrática
GENDER AND CORRUPTION IN LATIN AMERICA:
IS THERE A LINK?
Working Document
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UNITED NATIONS DEVELOPMENT PROGAMME- UNDP UNDP REGIONAL BUREAU FOR LATIN AMERICA AND THE CARIBBEAN DEL PNUD – NEW YORK Jessica Faieta Director
UNDP REGIONAL CENTRE-PANAMA
Freddy Justiniano DIRECTOR a.i Carmen de la Cruz TEAM LEADER GENDER CLUSTER Gerardo Berthin GOVERNANCE AND DECENTRALIZATION POLICY ADVISOR Neus Bernabeú SPECIALIST GENDER CLUSTER AUTHORS AND COLLABORATORS
Delia Ferreira, Gerardo Berthin, Neus Bernabeu, Sandra Liborio, Mario Andres Velasco Rodriguez y
Veronica Cid
Original version in Spanish English translation by Tess Marie de los Ríos COVER: Public domain image
JULY 2014
The views expressed in this publication are those of the authors and do not necessarily represent those of
the United Nations or the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP).
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Content
Forward
Acknowledgement
Introduction .................................................................................................................................................. 9
Starting points ............................................................................................................................................ 11
Definition of basic terms in the relationship between gender and corruption
Different approaches to the relationship between gender and corruption Information: the Great Challenge
Gender and corruption as a phenomenon of exchange ........................................................................... 17
Petty and Grand Corruption
Stakeholders
Victims
Currencies of exchange
Gender and corruption as a public concern .............................................................................................. 26
Constitution of the Problem
a) Complaints and Demands b) Visibility and Mobilization c) Stabilization
Institutional responses
Next Steps- Moving Forward ...................................................................................................................... 34
Suggestions for Continued Research
Suggestions for Public Policies on Anti-corruption
Bibliography ................................................................................................................................................ 37
Annex .......................................................................................................................................................... 40
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Index of Figures and Tables
Table 1: IPC 2013
Table 2: IPU- August 2013. Percentage of women legislators in Single or Lower Houses
Table 3: Sectors Most Affected by Corruption
Table 4: Is corruption a serious problem in the public sector in your country?
Figure 1: People who faced the courts for corruption offenses
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Forward
Corruption delays efforts in the countries and in citizens to achieve higher levels of human development
and to reduce inequalities, including gender. In a global study undertaken in 2012 by the United Nations
Development Programme (UNDP) found that corruption has a negative impact in the empowerment and
participation. In her traditional role as home caretakers and caregivers, women experience corruption
in their daily lives when they register their kids in school, when they participate in welfare and subsidy
programs, when they file complaints on abuses, and when they participate in electoral processes.
The analysis of the connection between gender and corruption is still very incipient in our region, and
this is why from UNDP´s Regional Centre of the Regional Bureau for Latin America and the Caribbean,
through its democratic governance and gender areas, has promoted the development of this working
document on corruption and gender. This effort had the support of the UNDP Global Anti-Corruption
Program of the Bureau for Development Policy and country offices in Chile, Colombia and El Salvador,
where the three cases studies were undertaken.
The objective of this working document is to review the existing production on the topic, how some
ideas and myths were approached in current studies and to question with new evidence some premises
that have been installed in the collective perception. One example: women by nature are less
corruptible than men, and thus when they are more women in decision making positions there is less
corruption. These types of essentialist approaches are reflected in in some policy response in the region
with strategies to increase women in institutions. Although beneficial in the short-term in terms of
parity and democracy, long-term it could have counterproductive effects if expectative is raise to end
corruption with women (and “their incorruptible nature)” without focusing on those factors that
promote corruption and trigger it.
The document addresses other issues, such as the differentiated perception of corruption: women tend
to perceive higher levels of corruption than men. It also probes into the role of women and men as
actors and victims of small and grand corruption and how this can be influenced by gender patterns.
But it also points that issues like extortion and sexual exploitation, particularly affecting women, are not
included in the international legislation such as the United Nations Convention against Corruption, or in
the regional legislation such as the Inter-American Convention against Corruption. A pending issues to
review these action frameworks.
In the final section, the working document highlights some areas that will require the attention of policy
makers to generate preventive anticorruption policies and the same time diminish the gender bias. As
such, there are suggestions to enhance information systems and capacity building and training; to
improve bureaucratic mechanisms, that are free and excluded from threats; establish effective controls
against petty corruption focusing on those sectors in which women are more expose; and improve the
analysis and monitoring systems for anticorruption policy with gender components.
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In summary, this exploratory study has allowed us to know the state of the discussion and the analysis
of the issue, to test a methodology in three country studies that now we want to improve, expand and
deepen to develop a regional research to answer more questions to be able to carve a working agenda
with research, public policy and regional and global dimensions. We hope it will serve as a starting point
to begin a dialogue on the links between corruption and gender with our partners and allies.
Jessica Faieta Deputy Assistant Administrator
and Director Regional Bureau for Latin America and the Caribbean
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Acknowledgements
This document is the result of collaboration between the Global Anti-corruption Initiative (GAIN), the
regional Initiative Transparency and Accountability in Local Governments (TRAALOG) of the UNDP Latin
America and Caribbean Regional Centre, and three UNDP Country Offices in Latin America (Chile,
Colombia and El Salvador). This document has been elaborated collaboratively by the Democratic
Governance and Gender teams of the Regional Center for Latin America and the Caribbean.
A special recognition and thanks to Delia Ferreira, the regional research coordinator, and main author of
the document. Gerardo Berthin and Neus Bernabeú complemented with inputs and in the final edition
of the document. Sandra E. Liborio (El Salvador), Mario Andrés Velasco Rodríguez (Colombia), and
Verónica Cid (Chile) were the researchers for the country case studies.
A special thanks for their support to Jose Ricardo Puyana and Amalia Alarcón (UNDP-Colombia), Marcela
Rios and Elizabeth Guerrero (UNDP-Chile) and Laura Rivera and Xenia Diaz (UNDP-El Salvador). The
document has benefited from comments and suggestions from Ana Patricia Polo, Adriana Ballestin,
Laura Rivera, Elizabeth Guerrero, José Puyana, Marcela Ríos, and Xenia Diaz. A special thanks to Adriana
Ballestin, the Democratic Governance Specialist in the Latin America and the Caribbean Regional Centre
who was responsible for the design and assembly of the document.
Also thanks to Anga Timilsina, Programme Manager of UNDP’s Global Anti-corruption Initiative (GAIN);
Aida Arutyunova and Diana Torres from DGG/BDP/UNDP.
Last but not least, a heartfelt appreciation goes to Freddy Justiniano, Director, a.i. of the UNDP Regional
Service Centre for Latin America and the Caribbean.
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Introduction
As part of a continuing effort to understand and analyze various manifestations of the corruption
phenomenon and its impact on democratic governance, this study addresses gender issues and
corruption in Latin America. This work anchors itself on two recent UNDP studies that address the topic.
First, the study of Corruption, Accountability and Gender: Understanding the Connection published in
2010 in conjunction with UNIFEM; and second, the study Seeing Beyond the State: Grassroots Women´s
Perspectives on Corruption and Anti-Corruption, published in 2012 jointly with the Huairou Commission.
These and other studies are beginning to analyze perceptions and the different impact of corruption on
the lives of women and men. That is, how much is the phenomenon of corruption affected by gender?
Within the framework of the new Strategic Plan (2014-2017) and the new Regional Programme for Latin
America and the Caribbean (2014-2017), the UNDP is actively promoting gender equality and women´s
empowerment through a two pronged strategy: mainstreaming gender into programs, into projects
being implemented and into general activities and the development of specific initiatives aimed at
accelerating progress in gender equality. Gender and corruption is linked to the topic of Inclusive and
Effective Governance and Gender Equality and Women’s Empowerment and more specifically to the
outcome Citizens expectations for voice, effective development, the rule of law and accountability are
met by stronger systems of democratic governance.
Few indexes and other measurements of corruption currently in use provide information and analysis
disaggregated by sex. The exercise of analyzing disaggregated data could, on the one hand, generate
inputs for the design of public policies and on the other hand, it can help identify areas where further
effort is needed to disaggregate and analyze data. This exploratory work aims to show the need to
continue deepening the knowledge of the relationship between corruption and gender.
This Working Paper wants to contribute to lay the foundation for dialogue and analysis on gender and
corruption in Latin America. To that end, it defines a conceptual framework, and develops an analysis
methodology based on three case studies: Chile, Colombia and El Salvador. Rather than being
prescriptive, this effort is exploratory as it aims to shed light on a subject that is still very new. The
working document focuses on the findings in the three case studies, without evaluating or assessing the
experiences, and highlights what is missing or what could not be found.
The study is divided into four parts. The first part offers a conceptual overview of the issue, both in
regard to the relationship between gender and corruption as well as the different approaches to the
relationship. In this initial section, an approach is also proposed to address the issue of corruption from
a gender perspective and includes an analysis of corruption as a social phenomenon and the processes
that lead to the consolidation of corruption as a public issue.
The second section highlights gender and corruption as a phenomenon of exchange and the focus is on
analyzing petty and grand corruption, the stakeholders, the victims and the currencies of exchange. The
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third section highlights gender and corruption as a public issue, emphasizing areas such as complaints
and demands, and institutional responses among others.
The fourth and final section focuses on next steps. That is, an agenda for future work to continue
unraveling the complex issue of corruption and gender. Unfortunately, the three case studies did not
provide sufficient inputs to produce conclusions. However, the three cases offered clues that can serve
as starting points to continue more in-depth analysis in the future. This effort to better understand the
relationship between gender and corruption in Latin America shows that there is still much to be
researched not only theoretically, but in terms of concrete social and political practices.
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Starting Points
Basic definitions in the relationship between gender and corruption
To avoid generalizations that can blur the main objective of this working paper, it is important to clarify
from the beginning how the key terms of gender and corruption will be used.
Various definitions of corruption exist; some are focused on public service, others have a market
approach, and others emphasize morals, ethics and/or the public good.1 For Rose-Ackerman, for
example, corruption is “the misuse of public power for private gain."2 Klitgaard defines it as “the misuse
of a public service position for personal gain. The public service position is a position of trust, where one
receives authority in order to act on behalf of an institution, be it private, public, or non-profit.
Corruption means charging an illicit price for a service or using the power of a public or private position
to further illicit purposes."3 For Friedrich, corruption is a behavior deviant of the norm or the perceived
norm as a prevalent in a given context, a behavior that is motivated by a purpose to gain individually at
the expense of a broader public interest. Corruption exists when “a holder of power who has been
entrusted to do a set of tasks…is enticed by monetary rewards or other…to take actions that benefit
those that provide the reward and thereby harming the institution or organization."4
In an attempt to cover all angles, Nino defines corruption as “the behavior of those who perform a social
function that requires specific active or passive obligations to meet certain ends. To that end, they were
designated in that social function, but do not fulfill their obligations and/or in way that the goals are not
met and/or fulfilled because they want to obtain a certain individual benefit or an individual benefit for
a third party, as well as because a third party leads one to, or aids one in benefiting from such
violation."5
The United Nations’ manual on anti-corruption measures – following the criteria adopted by the
Convention of the United Nations against Corruption (UNCAC) –instead of defining corruption, leans
towards the enumeration of specific behaviors which could be considered corrupt.6 The UNCAC7 covers
these in Chapter III and includes bribery or embezzlement (applied to national and foreign officials and
1In this regard see: HEIDENHEIMER, A. et Al (eds): Political Corruption. A Handbook, Transaction Publishers, 5th ed., New
Jersey, 1999, Part I, Terms, Concepts and Definitions: An Introduction, pp 3-14; one can also see: MALEN SEÑA, J.: La corrupción. Aspectos éticos, económicos, políticos y jurídicos, Gedisa, Barcelona, 2002, especially chapter. 1, pp. 21-38. 2 ROSE-ACKERMAN, S.: La corrupción y los gobiernos. Causas, consecuencias y reforma, (trad. A. Colodrón Gómez), Ed. Siglo
XXI, Madrid, 2001, p. 125. 3 KLITGAARD, R. et Al: Corrupt Cities. A Practical Guide to Cure and Prevention, World Bank Institute, Washington, 2000, p. 2
4 FRIEDRICH, C.: "Corruption Concepts in Historical Perspective", en HEIDENHEIMER, A. et Al (eds): Political Corruption. A
Handbook, Transaction Publishers, 5th ed., New Jersey, 1999, p.15. 5 NINO, C.: Un país al margen de la ley, Emecé, Buenos Aires, 1992, p. 112.
6 UN: Handbook on Practical Anti-Corruption Measures for Prosecutors and Investigators, Viena, 2004, Chapter 2: "Corruption
Defined", pp. 23-30. 7http://www.unodc.org/documents/treaties/UNCAC/Publications/Convention/04-56163_S.pdf
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the private sector), misappropriation and embezzlement of public funds, embezzlement or misuse of
resources by a public official, trading in influence, abuse of functions, illicit enrichment, and laundering
and money laundering (these always in relation to an act of abuse of entrusted power for personal gain).
The Inter-American Convention against Corruption (ICAC)8 on the other hand, has a less detailed, but
useful, definition in Articles VI to XI including bribery or bribes, embezzlement, abuse of power,
transnational bribery, illicit enrichment and misappropriation of public funds.
Throughout this study, the synthetic definition of corruption used by the United Nations Development
Programme (UNDP) is used: “Corruption is the misuse of entrusted power for private gain."9
Accordingly, to define wrongful acts or offenses that criminalize corrupt behavior, the categorization
adopted by specific international conventions and treaties will be used.
A common problem in the sparse literature that exists on gender and corruption is the identification of
any type of illegal offense—particularly those affecting women, as if it were a corruption case.10 This
work aims to highlight the relationship between corruption and gender, not the relationship corruption
and women. The key question is whether or not corruption and transparency are influenced or
determined by gender. In this sense, gender is understood as a set of social attributes, relationships and
opportunities associated with being male or female. Gender is a social construction that is essentially
historical and is modified depending on the cultural context of each society in each era. Gender is
related to the relationships of power between men and women and “determines what is expected,
allowed, and valued in a woman or man in a given context."11
Different approaches to the relationship between gender and corruption
The first studies on gender and corruption emphasized psychological or even moral conditions and
characteristics that differentiated men and women. This suggested that women were more honest and
less tolerant of corruption than men and that the increased presence of women in government and in
economic activity would yield lower levels of corruption.12
This essentialist interpretation was based on crisscrossing information on the perception of corruption
in the countries and statistics of participation by women, especially in parliamentary seats and in senior
8http://www.oas.org/juridico/spanish/tratados/b-58.html
9 UNDP - UNIFEM: "Corruption, Accountability and Gender: Understanding the Connections", Primers in Gender and Democratic
Governance, # 5, New York, 2010, p. 3, y PNUD: Programas Anti-Corrupción en América Latina y el Caribe, Centro Regional para América Latina y el Caribe, Panamá, 2012. 10
See, for example, THITEUX-ALTSCHUL, M. (edit) :Género y Corrupción. Las mujeres en la democracia participativa, Libros del Zorzal, Buenos Aires, 2010, Prólogo, p. 12-13 y EKEANYANWU, L.: "Nexo entre Género y Corrupción. ¿Mito o Realidad?", in the same volume, chapter VIII, especially p. 160. 11
http://www.un.org/womenwatch/osagi/conceptsandefinitions 12 WORLD BANK: "Engendering Development. Through Gender Equality in Rights, Resources and Voice", Oxford Univ. Press, Washington, 2011. http://www-wds.worldbank.org/external/default/WDSContentServer/WDSP/IB/2001/03/01/000094946_01020805393496/Rendered/PDF/multi_page.pdf
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positions in the government bureaucracy.13 The problem with this approach was the lack of control of
other variables that could actually be determining not only the lower perception of corruption, but also
the increased presence of women in government. Other variables involved could be effective
enforcement of the rule of law, the recognition of civil and political rights and the degree of inclusion
guaranteed by the democratic system.14
Although, in recent years, social psychology studies have shown that honesty and integrity are not
inherent conditions of males or females, it is interesting that some governments today continue to
adopt public policies based on the assumption that women are naturally less likely to act corruptly than
men. For example, the decision by the State of Mexico’s authorities to create women-only teams of
traffic police authorized to impose fines for violations, specifically citing the greater honestly of women,
as a way to prevent and avoid corruption.15
Both El Salvador and Colombia have examples along these lines. In El Salvador, for example, women
were assigned to the traffic police ranks of the three main metropolitan city areas (San Salvador, San
Miguel and Santa Ana). The Chief Inspector of the Traffic Division of National Civil Police said stressed
that family and moral values of the women agents would contribute to the reduction of cases of
corruption within the Traffic Police. “A woman,” he said, “has more values because who ever does this
thing (corruption) goes to jail or will die.”16 In the case of Colombia, the case study mentions an incident
in the Municipality of Valledupar where the Mayor reported that his cabinet is comprised of 70%
women, and furthermore, he has placed them in charge of services exposed to corruption as a way of
increasing transparency in management and as a check on corruption. According to statements by the
Mayor, “women are less venal, more responsible, and not involved in disorders of revelry and have a
great deal of administrative and organizational skill.”17 Chile’s case study has no recorded examples of
such policies.
Although the correlation may be valid: more women in politics/less corruption, the analysis of existing
and current data in Latin America does not demonstrate a causal relationship.
Tables 1 and 2, respectively, reflect – on the left – the ranking of Latin American countries according to
the data from the Corruption Perceptions Index of Transparency International in 2013.18 This index ranks
countries on a scale of 100 (not corrupt) to 0 (highly corrupt). As is evident, most countries in the region
fall in the lower third of the scale. In the table on the right, the same countries are sorted according to
the percentage of women in the lower house of Congress or national unicameral legislative bodies,
13
DOLLAR, D. et Al.: "Are Women really the Fairer Sex? Corruption and Women in Government", World Bank Development Research Group, Washington, 1999. See also SWANY. A .et Al: "Gender and Corruption", 2000, en http://web.williams.edu/Economics/wp/Swamy_gender.pdf 14
SUNG, H.: "Fairer Sex or Fairer System?" Gender and Corruption Revisited", The University of North Carolina Press, Social Forces, Dec -2003, 82(2), pp. 703-723. 15
see http://www.npr.org/2013/09/28/226903227/mexican-state-s-anti-corruption-plan-hire-women-traffic-cops, and http://www.periodicoafondo.com/main/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=2429:solo-mujeres-policia-podran-aplicar-infracciones-de-transito-en-ecatepec&catid=2:ecatepec 16
http://elmundo.com.sv/mujeres-policias-controlan-el-trafico-en-grandes-ciudades 17
VELASCO RODRIGUEZ, M..:-Estudio de caso - Colombia. Informe Final, p. 17. Declaraciones del Alcalde en http://www.eltiempo.com/politica/ARTICULO-WEB-NEW_NOTA_INTERIOR-13264133.html 18
http://www.transparency.org/cpi2013
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updated until August 1, 2013.19 Countries that are located at the top of the table are the countries with
the highest percentage of female legislators in the lower house of Congress or national unicameral
legislative bodies.
By comparing the two tables, no direct correlation is noted. At first glance, the order of the countries is
different. The two countries perceived as being the least corrupt in the region (Uruguay and Chile) have
low percentage of women in their congresses. Conversely, Nicaragua, since the 2012 reform,20 has had a
high percentage of female legislators but is considered among one of the most corrupt countries in the
region. Argentina and Mexico also have a high percentage of women in their respective congresses and
are seen as having high levels of corruption. The case of Costa Rica is distinct: they have a corruption
perception index of 54 out of 100 and a high percentage of women in the National Assembly as well as
until recently a female president.21 The fact that Argentina and Brazil have women presidents does not
seem to influence the level of perceived corruption. This data is illustrative, but serves to clarify the
correlation. That is, is as much as there could be correlation, there is no direct causal link between the
two variables, or there is an unambiguous correlation.
19
http://www.ipu.org/wmn-e/arc/world010813.htm 20
Law 790, adopted in May 2012, modified the Electoral Law 331 and incorporated -in article 82- the parity criterion (50% male and 50% female) and alteration in the candidate lists. The application of the new standard in the 2012 elections determined the high percentage of women in the National Assembly for the period considered in the table. 21
Laura Chinchilla was the President of Costa Rica until May 8 2014.
Country Score
Chile 72
Uruguay 72
Costa Rica 54
Cuba 48
Brasil 43
El Salvador 38
Panama 38
Peru 38
Colombia 36
Argentina 35
Mexico 34
Bolivia 34
Guatemala 33
Dominican Republic 32
Ecuador 32
Nicaragua 29
Honduras 28
Country % Women Legislators-
Lower House
Cuba 48,9
Nicaragua 40,2
Ecuador 38,7
Costa Rica 38,6
Argentina 37,4
Mexico 36,8
El Salvador 26,2
Bolivia 25,4
Peru 21,5
Dominican Republic 20,8
Honduras 19,5
Paraguay 17,5
Venezuela 17
Chile 14,2
Guatemala 13,3
Colombia 12,1
Uruguay 12,1
Table 2: IPU- August 2013
Percentage of women legislators
Single or Lower Houses
Table 1: IPC 2013
100- No corrupt
0-Very corrupt
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The response to a survey on the perception of corruption could substantially differ from the specific
attitude of a person against an incident of corruption. To experimentally verify whether or not a
person’s gender determines his or her degree of integrity and tolerance to corruption, Alatas conducted
an experiment with university students of both genders in several countries (Australia, India, Indonesia
and Singapore). The experiment consisted of a simulation of situations in which the participants were
subjected to various conflicts or ethical dilemmas. The results showed that there was not a significant
correlation between the gender of the participants and their ethical behavior.22 On the contrary, the
conclusion pointed to the attitude of the people, whether they were men or women, to the opportunity
for corruption.23
If the initial premise is that women are less tolerant of corruption and less likely to engage in corrupt
deals, the increased presence of women in public service and public policy decisions should be
promoted as part of anti-corruption efforts. However, if, -as Alatas argues- the attitude of people
towards the opportunity of corruption is the determinant factor and not whether they are men or
women, then the anti-corruption measures must go beyond just increasing the number of women who
are public officials and decision-makers. 24 Obviously, one must remember that the increased
participation of women in politics is not just an instrumental issue, but also a fundamental principle that
creates quality in democratic governance, with full inclusion and recognition of the rights of all the
population.25
A recent study identifies risk as one of the factors that may explain a different attitude of men and
women facing corruption. In a democratic context characterized by pluralism of opinions, rule of law
and effective justice and transparency risks and costs for involving oneself in corrupt deals increases
significantly compared to more authoritarian contexts characterized by discretion, impunity and the
opacity of decision making processes. According to Esarey and Chirillo, the risks of being caught and
punished impact differently, legally and socially, men and women, “and women feel more pressure to
accommodate to current anti-corruption normative frameworks.” 26 Consequently in democratic
contexts where the risks of engaging in corruption are high, both men´s and women´s behavior would
tend to favor towards more intolerance to corruption and less likely to engage in corruption. In
contrast, in contexts where the risk is low or zero – or where it is even more risky to tackle corruption
than to bow to it –incentives tend to favor more tolerance towards corruption, and there is more
probability to engage in corruption.
The question of the degree of risk in a democratic context is interesting in the case of Latin America
where democratic governance has different levels of development, with progress and setbacks. One
22
ALATAS, V. et al.: "Gender and Corruption: Insights from an Experimental Analysis", University of Melbourne, Department of Economics, Research Paper # 974, Melbourne, 2006. 23
Another study based on experimentation that also found no significant gender bias in corruption can be seen in: FRANK, B. et Al.: "Gender and Corruption. Lessons from Laboratory Corruption Experiments" en European Journal of Development Research (2011) 23, pp. 59-71. 24
ALATAS, V.: cit, p. 14. 25
BAREIRO, L. y TORRES, I.: (Ed.): Igualdad para una democracia incluyente, IIDH-USAID-ASDI, San José de Costa Rica, 2009. 26
ESAREY, J. y CHIRILLO, G.: "Fairer sex or purity myth? Corruption, Gender and Institutional Context", Rice University, 2013, p. 2.
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must keep in mind that the risk for corrupt behavior increases to the extent that the rule of law and the
norms are enforced; where there is independence and checks of power, and where controls – formal
and informal – are effective in preventing impunity.
In reference to the relationship between the perception of the wrongfulness of corruption and the risk
of being discovered, a survey of constitutional culture applied in Argentina did not reflect very different
results in terms of gender. Respondents were asked to what extent they agreed with the following
statement: “Violating the law is not so bad, it is bad if they discover you.” The results showed that 13%
of men and 11% of women noted that they “agree and strongly agree,” while 84% of men and 88% of
women said they “disagree and strongly disagree.”27
It is also possible, as Goetz argues,28 that the supposed or mythical greater honesty and integrity of
women in public service in some contexts is due to the lack of opportunities for women, because they
have not yet integrated into networks of real and effective power, even though they are present in
politics and bureaucracy. What if a critical mass of women occupied the networks of power and the
political and administrative leadership or businesses? One possible answer is that the change of
leadership would bring with it a less corrupt practice. But it is also possible that women entering these
networks - that is to have the opportunity of corruption and the protection or impunity of the network -
the number of women and men involved in corrupt deals would be similar. In any case, there is still a
great deal to further research, but through this initial analysis a number of elements that require further
research can be highlighted.
It seems clear that especially in public policy, governance and institutional design it is necessary to
review the assumptions and myths in an attempt to detect, through case studies and data, the areas in
which corruption and the fight against corruption have effects and lead to different attitudes by gender.
In addition to analyzing corruption as a social and political phenomenon, it is necessary to verify
whether gender influences the configuration factor of corruption as a public policy in a given country. It
is important to consider whether in specific cases, such as in the three countries analyzed for this study,
there is a gender difference when it comes to denouncing actual concrete corruption and when it comes
to proposing solutions when real ethical policy dilemmas are faced.
This will develop more efficient anti-corruption policies and, when necessary, diversify these policies to
focus on gender.
27
HERNANDEZ, A. et Al.: Encuesta de Cultura Constitucional. Argentina: una sociedad anómica, UNAM-AADC-IDEA, México 2005. 28
GOETZ, A. M.: "Political Cleaner: How Women are the New Anti-Corruption Force. Does the Evidence Wash?", U4 Paper, 2003 http://www.u4.no/recommended-reading/political-cleaners-how-women-are-the-new-anti-corruption-force-does-the-evidence-wash/, p. 16-17.
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Information: the Great Challenge
One of the most notorious deficits in the analyses of the relationship between gender and corruption is
the absence of concrete data to support working hypotheses and their feasibility to be solid starting
points for public policy. To move forward in this direction, this working paper as a starting point aimed
to gather specific data on some of the different angles of the relationship between gender and
corruption in three Latin American countries (Chile, Colombia and El Salvador).29
The three cases were aimed at obtaining hard data and other information or evidence to unravel
whether the country had a gender bias in corruption from two perspectives. On the one hand,
corruption as a social phenomenon was analyzed from a gender perspective, in particular issues related
to stakeholders, currencies of exchange and corruption victims. Later the processes leading to the
consolidation of corruption as a public issue were analyzed. From this perspective, it was possible to see
whether or not there was a gender differentiation regarding the incorporation of the problem on the
agenda, the complaints, the investigation and the institutional response to corruption.
The same data was not always found in the three countries and many times, while data was found, the
statistical systems, the base methodology or the timelines did not coincide. This hampered the ability to
compare across countries. This is a generalized problem that affects national statistics on gender
issues,30 and this first attempt to link corruption and gender confirmed the same challenge.
The easiest data to compare comes from aggregated opinion studies such as the LAPOP survey, or the
studies done by Transparency International (both the Corruption Perceptions Index and the Global
Corruption Barometer), which provide comparable information across a number of countries. The lack
of information for Latin America is in itself a significant finding in the initial research effort of this
working document.31
Gender and corruption as a phenomenon of exchange
Petty and Grand Corruption
In addressing the issue of corruption as a social phenomenon it is important to distinguish what in the
literature is identified as “grand corruption” and “petty corruption” or “retail corruption.”32 The actors,
the currencies of exchange and the victims are not the same depending on the type of corruption.
29
Research in Chile was conducted by Sociologist Veronica CID BOTTESELLE; Colombia’s case study was conducted by Political Scientist Mario VELASCO RODRÍGUEZ and the El Salvador case study was analyzed by Sandra LIBORIO. 30
Gender studies have paid special attention to the issue of statistics. In the following link contains, for example, very interesting contributions received from skilled professionals during the International Workshop on Gender Responsive Statistics, held in Mexico in 2001. http://www.inegi.org.mx/est/contenidos/espanol/sistemas/genero/taller_genero/default.asp?s=est&c=14468 31
The list of questions used in the case studies can be found in Appendix I. 32
UN: Handbook on Practical Anti-Corruption Measures for Prosecutors and Investigators, Vienna, 2004, p. 23.
18
Grand corruption occurs within the higher ranks of public policy and where political and policy decision-
making takes place. Without prejudice to identifying specific victims, the phenomenon of grand
corruption affects society collectively, impeding greater development opportunities, embezzling public
funds and weakening confidence in institutions.
Petty corruption, or “retail” corruption, occurs in personal relationships between individuals and the
state apparatus. It is mostly located in the lower levels of public administration, and involves those
which interact on a daily basis with the general population on public service issues. The actors in these
exchanges have no power to set or change public policy, but they are able to make discretionary
decisions affecting specific individuals in their daily lives. This type of corruption is a central sphere of
action with regard to the provision of public services and access to rights by the population.
Not only do the involved actors and victims of corruption change, but rather, the two forms of
corruption are also differentiated by the type of currency, both in terms of the amounts involved and
the nature of that currency. In the case of grand corruption, generally the currency is a significant
amount of money. Yet in the case of petty corruption, not only money is used as currency, but also
personal services, and in some cases, sexual favors.
Although the two circuits of corruption may seem absolutely unconnected, it is necessary to recognize
that in some conceptual frameworks petty corruption is only one link, maybe the initial one, in a
structural scheme of corruption reaching to the highest levels. An example of this may be the case of
security forces receiving bribes to carry out the obligations arising from their role as service providers
for public safety, or to protect offenders who breach their duties. These bribes, or kickbacks, can be
isolated incidents aimed at increasing the income of a police or customs officer. But they can also be the
collection mechanism for higher levels of the hierarchy which in turn must pay their superiors to
maintain the position.
Unlike the rejection that grand corruption produces, petty corruption generates, in some societies, a
habituation effect in the population which, in many cases, justifies the corrupt actions on the meager
wages they receive or it is downplayed as a crime compared to grand corruption, or even considered
necessary to expedite process. This habituation that “normalizes” petty corruption has a rougher effect
on the values, principles and practices on which democracy is built and consolidated.
In the following sections, the main characteristics of these two types of corruption are analyzed from a
gender perspective in order to uncover whether this factor affects the configuration and effects of the
phenomenon of exchange.
Actors
In every exchange relationship there are, at least, two main actors. In the case of corruption: the one
who requests/receives the payment or bribe and the one who offers/pays the bribe. The actors´
characteristics, motivations and situations of power change in grand and petty corruption.
19
In grand corruption, at one extreme of the exchange relationship one can find high and senior level
public functionaries (presidents, ministers, secretaries, legislators) and the arrangement involves large
sums of money or very lucrative business deals for personal gain. These actors, because of their position
they hold, have great power to facilitate the adoption of a necessary decision, but it also gives them
great power of pressure and retaliation. At the other extreme of the exchange relationship are powerful
business groups, often transnational or –at worst— the heads of criminal organizations.
In grand corruption cases, both extremes of the exchange relationship are present, mainly comprised of
males. This coincides with the arguments of some authors in the sense that women appear as less
corrupt because they are actually not in the circle of corrupt networks where business is conducted.33
But what happens when women hold positions of power. When women reached that level have they
been involved in cases of corruption? The answer is yes. This why when trying to establish a relationship
between gender and corruption it is important not only to rely on surveys or simulated experiments but
also review the political realities within the countries.34
The case study from Chile, for example, offers some interesting data regarding state actors involved in
corruption. At the parliamentary level, 37.5% of the 18 female representatives35 in office have been
involved in allegations of corruption, according to the Attorney General[s Office. The Compendium on
Gender Statistics from 2010, indicates that of the total number of people made to face a judge for
corruption offenses, 75% were male and 25% female. Furthermore, the official statistics provided are
broken down by gender for the various types of crimes as seen in Figure 1.36
33
See GOETZ, A.: "Political Cleaners..." cit. 34 For illustration purposes only, we mention a few recent cases. In 2013, in Honduras there was a case of embezzlement/theft of public funds for private purposes in which the main protagonist was the Minister of Public Health and a scheme using spurious resources of the National Program on Dengue which ended in serving for appointments of relatives and payments of travel and hotel for the official and his associates. See the compliant in the media: EL HERALDO, Tegucigalpa-Honduras, 22 de Mayo de 2013 http://www.elheraldo.hn/Secciones-Principales/Al-Frente/Araujo-Quien-compra-es-la-gerencia-administrativa and May 28, 2013 http://www.elheraldo.hn/Secciones-Principales/Al-Frente/Nepotismo-y-viajes-sin-liquidar-en-gestion-Araujo. In Argentina, in December 2012 the former Minister of Economy of the Nation was sentenced for the crime of concealment of money laundering. She was the first woman to hold the Ministry of Economy position (2005-2007) and she could not explain the origin of funds found in a bag in the private bathroom in her office. The case was even more striking because the Minister, once known in the case, gave countless explanations that were different and contradictory during the investigation and she even tried to hide evidence. The suspect, beyond the crimes for which she was convicted, received these funds as a bribery payment. See more information at this link:http://www.lanacion.com.ar/1540721-felisa-miceli-condena-caso-bolsa and on the official website of the Nation’s Judiciary Office: Center of Judicial Information http://www.cij.gov.ar/nota-10676-Dieron-a-conocer-los-fundamentos-de-la-condena-a-la-ex-ministra-Felisa-Miceli.html. Sometime later, a business woman announced that the mechanism to collect bribes used by some officials in the Province of Santa Cruz was to ask business owners to use the bathroom of her office and there they would leave the cash in a medical kit. http://www.clarin.com/politica/empresaria-Vido-cobraba-Santa-Cruz_0_910109004.html. 35
The participation of women in the Chilean Congress has been relatively low so far. The 2013 elections marked an improvement in the percentage of female legislators passing from 5 to 7 female Senators (13.1% to 18.4%) and from 18 to 20 Representatives (15% to 16.7%). CID BOTTESELLE, V.: Estudio de caso - Chile. Informe Final, p. 28 36
CID BOTTESELLE, V.: Estudio de caso - Chile. Informe Final, p. 17.
20
In the three country case studies, taking into account the most notorious cases of corruption and
scandals in recent years, greater participation of males than females has been reported. In Chile, the
database developed by Chile Transparente recorded a total of 30 cases relevant to public corruption; 59
men and 4 women37 were involved in these cases; in Colombia, of 10 documented cases, the main
protagonists were mostly men, although in 5 of the 10 cases one woman was involved.38 The same
applies in the case of El Salvador where 1192 allegations were received by the Government Ethics
Tribunal – since 2007 – of which 72% involved male 28% female officials respectively.39 In seven
significant cases analyzed in El Salvador, only four involved women and always there were in much
fewer numbers than men.40
A less explored aspect is the question of the willingness of businesswomen to pay bribes in cases of
grand corruption. The fact that there are few women in positions of power in companies makes it
difficult to conclude that women and men have different levels of susceptibility to engage into business
in a corrupt way. Although, just for illustrative value, the Chile41 and Colombia42 case studies recognized
the participation of businesswomen in some of the most notorious cases of corruption in the decade.
In the petty corruption cases, the actors who request/receive a bribe are usually public officials or lower
level employees responsible for providing specific services, the division of property or assuring any
37
CID BOTTESELLE, V.: Estudio de caso - Chile. Informe Final, p. 20 y Anexo I. 38
VELASCO RODRIGUEZ, M.: Estudio de caso - Colombia. Informe preliminar, p. 10-15. 39
LIBORIO, S.: Estudio de caso - El Salvador. Informe Final, p. 14. 40
LIBORIO, S.: Estudio de caso - El Salvador. Informe Final, p. 19-22. 41
CID BOTTESELLE, V.: Estudio de caso - Chile. Informe Final, p. 19. 42
VELASCO RODRIGUEZ, M..:-Estudio de caso - Colombia. Informe Final, p. 18 y 19.
Figure 1: People Made to Face a Judge for Corruption Offenses
25%
50%
44%
33%
23%
18%
17%
17%
75%
50%
56%
67%
77%
82%
83%
83%
0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90%
TOTAL
Violation of secrets
Misuse of public funds
Usurpation of powers
Tax fraud and state agencies
Corruptoin crime penalized by law
Bribery
Abuse against individuals
Men
Women
Source: Summary of Gender Statistics 2010. National Statistic Institution
21
citizen rights. These officials have no power in decision-making at the macro level, but they do have a
margin of discretion that may affect individual cases.
In this regard it is interesting to explore in which areas there are higher perception corruption levels.
The Global Corruption Barometer of Transparency International43 analyzes the sectors most affected by
perceived corruption in each country. According to available data for Latin America in 2013, there are
many countries in which the public sector is seen as one of the most affected. If it were established that
petty corruption has a gender bias, the situation in these countries should be carefully considered since
public officials play an important role in petty corruption.
43
http://www.transparency.org/gcb2013
Country 1
st most Affected
Sector 2
nd most Affected Sector
3rd
most Affected
Sector
Argentina Political Parties Public Officials Parliament
Bolivia Police Political Parties Courts
Brazil Political Parties Parliament Police
Chile Political Parties Parliament Courts
Colombia Political Parties Parliament Public Officials
El Salvador Police Political Parties Courts
Mexico Political Parties Police Public Officials
Paraguay Parliament Police Political Parties
Peru Courts Political Parties Parliament/ Police
Uruguay Political Parties Police Public Officials
Venezuela Police Public Officials Political Parties
Table 3: Sectors most Affected by Corruption
Source: Transparency International - Global Corruption Barometer - 2013
22
Two public sectors that are mentioned in the literature as particularly problematic in terms of
corruption are: Health and Education. According to the results of the Global Corruption Barometer, the
Education sector appears among the top five sectors that are most affected by corruption in Chile and
the Health sector appears within the top five in Colombia. Interestingly, in the case of Colombia, in the
Health sector, there is no difference in the percentage of men and women who claim they were asked
for a bribe in exchange for their services (both were at 4%) and in the Education sector, the difference
between men and women is relatively low: 3% for males and 4% for females.44
Another significant finding that emerges from the Global Corruption Barometer is that in Latin America
and the Caribbean, women identify the Police and the Courts as sectors where they have been most
exposed to requests for bribes in the last year;45 two central areas for the defense of women’s rights in
cases of discrimination, abuse and violence.
Social program is another area that is often cited as having females being more exposed to corruption
than males, particularly those programs aimed at women, mothers or female heads of households.
However, in order to determine whether the existing corruption in the implementation of the social
programs has a gender bias, not only programs that target women should be considered. Instead, the
focus should be in all social programs, the degree and type of corruption that occurs and detect –if any-
a differential factor in those programs in which women are the main beneficiaries.46
In cases of petty corruption, in the other extreme of the exchange relationship, one finds ordinary
people who need the services, and the delivery of this services are exposed to corruption as a way of
avoiding any penalties or enforcing their rights. These people are in a subordinate position of power
versus the public employee or servant, and moreover are more exposed to reprisals if they do not
accept the requested payments.
The literature on the relationship between gender and corruption assumes that in cases of petty
corruption a gender bias exists in the extreme weak end of the relationship. It is argued that women are
more vulnerable to corruption because the poor sectors of the population have the greatest need for
public goods and services, and the feminization of poverty phenomenon also intersects when corruption
occurs. Another factor that exposes women to corruption in relation to men is that jobs of caring for
others are mainly carried out by women.
In this regard, it seems necessary to distinguish between the situation in which exposure to corruption
takes place and the condition of the victim of corruption. When exposure to corruption is mentioned, it
44
VELASCO RODRIGUEZ, M.: Estudio de caso - Colombia. Informe Final, p. 22. 45
WICKBERG, S.: "Gender-specific Corruption Risks in the LAC Region", Transparency International Helpdesk, 29-11-13, p. 2. 46
For more information see: GRUENBERG, Ch. et Al.: "Análisis preliminar sobre la relación entre el clientelismo, la pobreza y el género", en THITEUX-ALTSCHUL, M. (edit): Género y Corrupción, cit, p. 41-59. See also WICKBERG, S.: ."Gender-specific Corruption ...",cit.
23
refers to the actors –in particular of petty corruption as they are more susceptible to being asked for
bribes-which does not always coincide with the person who suffers damages –the victim.
The LAPOP for 2010 indicates that in Latin America women are less exposed to corruption. It shows that
21.5% of men surveyed report having received a request for a bribe, while 14% of the women surveyed
said the same.47 This trend continued in the 2012 study.48
The same trend is reflected in Chile’s case study based on the data reported in the Global Corruption
Barometer in 2013. Of all male respondents, 22% reported receiving bribe requests against 14% of all
female respondents interviewed.49 Also in the case of Chile, the results of the “National Survey of Urban
Public Safety (ENUSC) 2011 of the National Institute of Statistics, in which 25,933 people in urban
Chilean households were interviewed, only 0.4% replied that she/he or any member of the family had
been a victim of a crime of corruption, that is to say that 104 households were offered or requested to
offer a bribe. The crime of corruption presented the lowest rate of victimization among the crimes
measured by the ENUSC, peaking at 1.1% in 2003 and dropping to 0.4% in 2010 and remaining the same
in 2011."50
In the case of Colombia, the 2012 LAPOP survey recorded a difference of almost 10 percentage points
among men (20.8%) and women (11.5%) having received bribes in one or more occasions in the past 12
months. The difference may be due to the lower participation of women in economic activity, which
would present fewer corruption scenarios.51
The difference is similar in the case of El Salvador. According to the 2012 LAPOP survey, 13.6% of men
surveyed had received a bribe or a request for one in the past 12 months, whereas only 9% of women
surveyed had received a bribe or a request for one in the past 12 months.52
In Latin America, there are few national studies about the opinions of men and women with respect to
corruption. The Corruption Perception Survey carried out by Proética53 in Peru is worth noting. This is
the eighth edition of a survey in which there is data disaggregated by gender. In 2013,54 for example a
significant difference was seen in terms of gender when asked, “in the last 12 months have you been
asked for or received gifts, gratuities, bribes or kickbacks by or for a government official?” The results
47
VANDERBILT UNIVERSITY: "Political Culture of Democracy 2010. Democratic Consolidation in the Americas in Hard Times. Report on The Americas", Nashville, 2010, p. 76-77. 48
VANDERBILT UNIVERSITY: "Political Culture of Democracy in The Americas 2012. Towards Equality of Opportunity", Nashville, 2013, p. 153. 49
CID BOTTESELLE, V.: Estudio de caso - Chile. Informe Final, p. 16. 50
CID BOTTESELLE, V.: Estudio de caso - Chile. Informe Final, p. 24 y 25. 51
RODRIGUEZ-RAGA, J.C. y SELIGSON, M.: "Cultura Política de la Democracia en Colombia y las Américas 2012: Hacia la Igualdad de Oportunidades", Univ. de los Andes, LAPOP, USAID, 2012, p. 100 y VELASCO RODRIGUEZ, M.: Estudio de caso - Colombia. Informe Final, p. 16. 52
CORDOBA MACÍAS, R. et Al.: "Cultura Política de la Democracia en El Salvador y las Américas 2012: Hacia la Igualdad de Oportunidades", FUNDAUNGO, LAPOP, USAID, 2013, p. 110 y LIBORIO, S.: Estudio de caso - El Salvador. Informe Final, p. 18. 53
http://www.proetica.org.pe/ 54
See results at: http://www.proetica.org.pe/viii-encuesta-nacional-sobre-percepciones-de-la-corrupcion-en-el-peru-2013/
24
show that 10% of respondents said yes, “I was asked and I gave”; this group was comprised of 15% men
and only 4% women.
Victims
The few studies that focus on the relationship between gender and corruption assume that gender is a
determining factor for those affected, or the victims of corruption, particularly in the case of petty
corruption. The reasons given are related, as mentioned above, to the feminization of poverty and the
fact that women are usually a majority in poorer areas and on the other hand, the sexual division of
labor that focuses the care giving responsibilities mainly on women.55
This deserves further reflection. It is one thing if a woman –for taking on positions of care giving-
becomes the vulnerable point of contact for the phenomenon of exchange. It is another when she is the
victim of corruption for gender based reasons. In many cases, it appears that the victim is not only a
woman, but rather the family as a whole unit. The pressure is on the family, or the child cannot go to
school, or the elderly cannot receive assistance. In these cases, the gender bias is manifested in terms of
the subject who is exposed to corruption and not necessarily the subject who suffers direct damages
from corruption.
The inference that because women make up the majority of the poorer population, they are more
affected by corruption also deserves further review. Indeed, it is estimated that worldwide, most poor
people are women.56 It is also a fact that the poorest sectors of society need to make greater and more
frequent use of government services. Similarly, it is also a fact that in these levels of bureaucracy there
may have been petty corruption practices. But is the character of the victim of petty corruption
determined by the condition of poverty or by gender?
There are cases in which gender determines not only the person of contact but also the direct victim.
One hypothesis is that of health services—given that women require a greater need of health services,
especially in the reproductive years. Another hypothesis relates to situations where the currency of
exchange is sexual favors. This is a case in which there is a clear and direct victimization by gender. In
the following section, reference is made to the latter hypothesis.
In the case of grand corruption, although the effects on the economy and development of a country are
global and, therefore individual victims cannot be specifically identified, it could also be argued that
gender is relevant when it comes to victimization on a macro level. That is, since the poor population
are the most affected by the lack of development and opportunities and taking into account – as
mentioned above—that most of the world’s poor are women.
55
UNDP - UNIFEM: "Corruption, Accountability and Gender...", cit. , p. 10-11. 56
http://www.un.org/spanish/conferences/Beijing/fs1.htm
25
Currencies of Exchange
One of the areas of the corruption phenomenon where gender differences can be identified is in the
currencies of exchange, especially in the case of petty corruption.
Some authors have argued that a gender bias refers to the amount of money that must be paid by way
of a bribe or bribery to obtain goods or services. It is not about differentiated “fees” between men and
women, but the relative weight that these amounts have in women’s budgets, due to the fact that they
are the majority in the poorer populations of the world.57 Another argument that is used refers to
gender determining access to and independent management of resources –however few they were.
Since women have fewer personal resources to manage, they will have a smaller room to maneuver
when deciding to pay a bribe and, consequently, many times they will not access the service or goods
offered.58
In the 2013 edition of the Global Corruption Barometer by Transparency International, on a global level,
28% of men reported they had paid bribes compared to 25% among women.59 In the case of Latin
America and the Caribbean, 21.5% of male respondents reported paying bribes while and 18.5% of
females.60
When, instead of money, the currency of exchange is sexual favors, an important gender bias emerges in
particular affecting women. Obviously, for socio-cultural and religious reasons it is difficult to detect and
quantify the phenomenon due to the additional stigma of sexual abuse within the great secrecy of
corrupt deals. However, there are some studies that address this issue.61
The case of sexual favors as currency in contexts of corruption falls undoubtedly within the broader
context of gender violence. It is a form of exercising gender violence. In this sense, it is necessary to
identify those cases in which the sexual favor works as currency in a corruption case and those in which
it is a separate crime of domestic violence or sexual abuse. The distinction is important in terms of
criminal policy and penal legislation.
57
CHETWYNG, E. et Al: "Corruption and Poverty. A review of recent literature", Management Systems International, Washington, 2003. 58
With relation to access to the Courts service: UNWOMEN: 2011-2012 Progress of the World's Women: In Pursuit of Justice, Washington, 2011, p. 54. Also see: CHÉNE, M.: "Corruption and Gender in Service Delivery: The Unequal Impacts", Transparency International, Working Paper #02/2010. 59
http://www.transparency.org/gcb2013, Reporte, p. 9. 60
WICKBERG, S.: "Gender-specific Corruption ...",cit., p. 2. 61
UNESCO, notes a study conducted by ROSSETTI, S. about sexual abuse at school in Botswana. Approximately 560 students were interviewed, 20% reported that their teachers had asked them for sex. Of this 20%, 42% affirmed that they accepted due to fear of receiving lower grades. See also: UNIFEM-UNDP: "Corruption, Accountability and Gender: Understanding the Connections", cit., p.12. http://www.unesco.org/education/efa/know_sharing/grassroots_stories/botswana.shtml
26
The Global Report on the Learn without Fear Plan from 2008, collected information on sexual favors
demanded by teachers or students in exchange for class registration or grading in 66 countries.62
In the case of Latin America, the United Nations’ Study on Violence against Children found that “girls in
the Dominican Republic, Honduras, Guatemala, Mexico, Nicaragua and Panama experience sexual
coercion by their teachers, occasionally with threats that their grades would be affected if they did not
accept the demands."63
In interviews conducted for the case studies, the issue of sexual favors as currency in corruption cases
was mentioned, but in none of the three countries -- Chile, Colombia and El Salvador-- were there
records in this regard and the interviewees noted that for cultural reasons these cases were seldom
reported. In El Salvador's case study, one of the female respondents mentioned that there are acts or
conducts that "for cultural defect" or lack of information, these acts are not considered corruption or
mismanagement. She specifically referred to situations that may be faced by women when needing to
conduct a bureaucratic process in the public sector…., since it is common to offer "economic privileges"
or apparent kindness, which borderlines on sexual harassment, these are not reported and are seen as a
normal practice to speed-up processes, in any…office that requires procedures. These acts, in the words
of Doris Montenegro of CEMUJER, occur daily that they are overlooked."64
The issue of the currency of exchange is an area that should be part of anti-corruption policies. A corrupt
exchange does not only occur when money changes hands. It can also involve gifts, travel, club
memberships, power and sexual favors. In China, for example, the laws limit the offense of corruption to
the receipt of money in exchange for a decision. As such, in recent cases where the currency of
exchange was sexual favors, the defendants were not prosecuted criminally for these acts although they
were convicted in the same process, for other acts in which the exchange of currency included giving
money.65
Gender and corruption as a public concern
The construction of the problem
To analyze corruption as a social phenomenon involves reviewing the context, the actors involved, the
common features and the differences in the cases, their causes and effects. But what makes a situation
become a public problem? How does this process unfold? Who are the protagonists? These are the
62
http://plan-international.org/learnwithoutfear/files/learn-without-fear-global-campaign-report-spanish, List of countries included pp. 58-60. See also TAYLOR, R. y CONRAD. S.: "Break the Silence", Dakar, Senegal, 2008, y EKEANYANWU, L.: "Nexo entre Género y Corrupción ...", cit. p. 158. 63
UNITED NATIONS - SECRETARY GENERAL: World Report on Violence Against Children, 2006, Chapter 4, p. 121 http://www.unicef.org/violencestudy/reports.html . See also: JONES, N. et Al.: "Painful Lessons: The Politics of Preventing Sexual Violence and Bullying at Schools", ODI, Working Paper 295, London, 2008, p. 23 64
LIBORIO, S.: Estudio de Caso - El Salvador. Informe Final, p. 15. 65
http://blog.transparency.org/2013/07/16/sexual-favours-are-not-considered-corruption-in-china/
27
questions addressed in this section, paying particular attention to the role of gender in the construction
of corruption as a public issue.
As Gusfield points out, not all painful, annoying, complicated or “bad” community situations become
issues for the public agenda or are subject to public decision-making. On the other hand, a given
situation could receive public attention in a society or in a historical moment, but be excluded as a
public problem in other circumstances or places. For a public problem to exist, it is necessary for this
determined situation to generate awareness and social concern to provoke action by public officials and
political institutions and a reaction or social mobilization. The public problem exists when society
realizes that “something must be done."66
Corruption is not a new phenomenon. By contrast, in the history of humanity, cases of corruption have
been collected from centuries back.67 What has changed is that since the 80s and 90s of the twentieth
century, the social phenomenon has taken shape as a public problem, both nationally and
internationally.
The construction of the public problem is a result of a process and of linking main actors to the
corruption phenomenon, as well as other individual and collective stakeholders.
The main stages of the process to construct a social phenomenon into a public problem are:68
1) Making a complaint of the problem and demanding a particular solution, which includes an
interpretation of the phenomenon itself, the definition of its characteristics and a proposed
course of action.
2) Making the problem visible and generating awareness to mobilize society. In this stage, the
“scandals” play a central role because they contribute to the visibility of the phenomenon.
3) Stabilization, which is when the problem has been recognized in the social consciousness and
the public agenda, the institutional framework has become clear in what is to be done and when
the responsibilities for a solution have become defined.
Does gender have implications in the process?
The first stage when the complaint and the demand are made involves the actual case and making the
case for the incident or occurrence to be a problem. A fundamental aspect of this stage is the degree of
tolerance or social acceptance of a situation. The compliant and demand are not common behaviors in
66
GUSFIELD, J.: The Culture of Public Problems: Drinking-Driving and the Symbolic Order", University of Chicago Press, Chicago, 1984, especially Chapter 1, p. 4. See also LOSEKE, D.: Thinking about Social Problems: An Introduction to Constructionist Perspectives, 2a. edic., Transaction Publishers, 2011. 67
See, for example, FERGUSON, N.: Dinero y Poder. En el Mundo Moderno 1700-2000, (trad. S. Marí), Taurus-Historia, Madrid, 2001, Chapter VIII. An anecdote about Gladstone and what his interpretation would be in present day is particularly revealing, p. 338. 68
PEREYRA, S.: Política y Transparencia. La Corrupción como Problema Público, Siglo XXI editores, Buenos Aires, 2013.
28
contexts where corruption is perceived as normal or traditional and oblivious to the concerns and
priorities of the society. Is there a difference in the tolerance of men and women towards corruption?
From 2012 LAPOP data, the case study on Colombia reported that the question of whether or not, given
the circumstances, the payment of bribes is justified, 87% of women and 75% of men respectively
responded with a no,69 which shows a slight degree of difference in tolerance.
Furthermore, the sensitivity to the phenomenon of corruption is an important factor. The 2013 Global
Corruption Barometer asked respondents if corruption is a problem in the public sector in their
countries. In Latin America, 66.9% of women surveyed said it was a “very serious problem,” compared
to 63.4% of male respondents.70 As shown in the table below, in relation to the perception of the
seriousness of the problem of corruption there are important differences in the results for the three
countries that were part of this work.
The degree of social acceptance or tolerance of corruption is the backdrop against which the public
problem is constructed and how the complaint and demand would operate.
Some studies conclude that women are less likely to expose corruption of which they are aware –or of
which they are victims—due to the unequal distribution of both economic and symbolic resources based
on gender consideration. Other authors argue that in many cultures the willingness to file a report and
demand a solution holds a gender bias derived from mandates and social models that assign the man a
stronger and more proactive role while women are a model of submission, timidity and silence.71
69
VELASCO RODRIGUEZ, M.: Estudio de caso - Colombia. Informe Final, p. 23. 70
2013 Global Corruption Barometer data analyzed by Transparency International’s research team. 71
INTERNATIONAL COUNCIL ON HUMAN RIGHTS POLICY -ICHRP: Integrating Human Rights in the Anti-Corruption Agenda. Challenges, Possibilities and Opportunities, Ginebra, 2010, p. 59.
Country Women % Men %
Chile 64,5 45,2
Colombia 59,3 64,1
El Salvador 54,4 59,3
Average Latin America 66,9 63,4
Table 4: Is corruption a serious problem in the public sector in your country?
Source: Global Corruption Barometer - Transparency International- 2013
29
In regard to reporting individual cases in particular of petty corruption, the 2013 Global Corruption
Barometer found that there is a universal relationship between complaints and gender. Therefore, in
countries such as Nepal and Pakistan, males are more likely to make complaints than women. However,
in Colombia, for example, the relationship is reversed: 27% of women reported having made a
corruption complaint, versus 16% of men.72
Another interesting point is the willingness to report corruption in general – not in relation to a case
where one has been the victim. Globally, 68% of women surveyed were willing to expose corruption,
versus 70% of men. Data for Latin America and the Caribbean detected no difference between men and
women and the willingness to report and/or file complaints, which for both is 83%.
A significant indicator is the willingness of women to report and/or file a complaint, which grows in
proportion to the quality of the rule of law and the observance of freedoms. In analyzing the results of
the Corruption Barometer, depending on the classification of countries according to the Freedom Index
from Freedom House,73 the willingness of women to report in the “not free” countries is 57%; in the
“partly free,” 65% and in the “free” countries the percentage rises to 75% respectively.74
In the case of Peru, the Corruption Perception Survey conducted by Proética –the 2013 edition75- asked
on filing complaints to those respondents who were asked either to give or receive a bribe. To the
question, “When you were asked to give or gave bribes, did you report it?” the percentage of women
(8%) who said they have reported was twice that of men (4%).
Moving from opinion surveys to data on complaints in concrete cases can provide for interesting results.
For example, when verifying the rate of complaints received by Transparency International´s ALACs,
which are legal advice centers for corruption cases organized by the respective national chapters.
Currently there are ALACs in 60 countries. In 2011, an analysis was done by gender of the complainant
on a total of 96,606 complaints received in 35 countries. The result was that only 30% of complaints
were made by women. This analysis also highlighted important regional differences in the percentage of
complaints submitted by women. “In Europe and Central Asia 35%; in Latin America 32% came from
women. The percentages were significantly lower in Africa and the Middle East (24%) and in Asia
(9%)."76 A new analysis was done of 21,206 complaints (January 2013 - June 2013), of which 36% of the
complaints came from women.77
In Chile and Colombia ALACs do not exist, but there is one operating in El Salvador. As part of the case
study, an illustrative analysis was made of the cases received. Between January and September 2013,
72
http://www.transparency.org/gcb2013. Report, p. 9. 73
http://www.freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-world/freedom-world-2013 74
2013 Global Corruption Barometer data analyzed by Transparency International’s research team. 75
See results at: http://www.proetica.org.pe/viii-encuesta-nacional-sobre-percepciones-de-la-corrupcion-en-el-peru-2013/ 76
MARIN, M.: "Why do women report corruption less than men?".The article refers to the experience in the chapters about Zimbabwe and Rwanda where it was possible to notably increase the number or reports given by women. http://blog.transparency.org/2013/03/08/womens-day-why-do-women-report-corruption-less-than-men/ 77
MARIN, M: Infography. http://infogr.am/Baseline_newsletter?src=web
30
ALAC El Salvador received 13 complaints, 9 made by men and 4 by women. Women were the majority in
terms of information requests.78
The Government Ethics Tribunal of El Salvador reported that since 2007, they received a total of 1192
complaints of alleged corruption cases. In this case, 67% were made by males and 28% by females, the
remainder were institutional complaints.79
Given that a complaint is a critical part in the construction of corruption as a public problem and as a
pressure leverage to generate both specific and general solutions, it is interesting to learn the reasons
that discourage a complaint. Transparency International’s Corruption Barometer offers some interesting
clues. “I do not know where to report” is the reason that 15% of men and 18% of women interviewed
responded; “I am afraid of the consequences,” was mentioned by 34% of men and 38% of women
respectively; and “It makes no difference” was the response from 51% of men and 44% of women
respectively.80
In Colombia’s case study, impunity was noted by non-governmental actors as one of the factors that
discourages reporting corruption cases. Corruption, they argued, “is established culturally as a common
practice which leads to impunity because government and/or private agencies are not doing what needs
to be done to question and/or eradicate corruption."81
As for reasons why women do not report corruption, the Chile study suggests that the fear of retaliation
and the lack of protection or restraining networks are two of the factors.82 Some interviewees in El
Salvador noted that women do not report because they are subjected to too much pressure or social
punishment if they do.83
In some countries, specific channels for complaints have been created for certain social programs where
people can submit complaints of alleged cases and to report irregularities or unlawful acts linked to
corruption. For example, in Argentina, the Prosecution Unit set up to investigate Crimes against Social
Security and is in charge of crimes related to allocation, distribution and implementation of social
programs, recorded between 2002-2007 that women reported 49% of the cases compared to 21%
reported by men. The other allegations were collective (12%), institutional (2%) and the remaining could
not be identified. The prominence of women’s complaints could be related to “over-representation of
women in poverty” according to Gruenberg. As for the accused, 40% were male and 34% were female.84
In the countries analyzed for this working document, Chile, Colombia and El Salvador, social conditional
cash transfer programs aimed at women exist. However, there are not specific official mechanisms with
which to file a complaint such as those described above.
78
LIBORIO, S.: Estudio de Caso - El Salvador. Informe Final, p. 13. 79
LIBORIO, S.: Estudio de Caso - El Salvador. Informe Final, p. 14. 80
2013 Global Corruption Barometer data analyzed by Transparency International’s research team.. 81
VELASCO RODRIGUEZ, M.: Estudio de caso - Colombia. Informe Final, p. 15. 82
CID BOTTESELLE, V.: Estudio de Caso - Chile. Informe Final, p. 15. 83
LIBORIO, S.: Estudio de Caso - El Salvador. Informe Final, p. 27. 84
GRUENBERG, Ch. et Al.: "Análisis preliminar ...", cit., p. 53-54 y 56.
31
In cases of grand corruption and allegations of corruption as an institutional problem, in addition to
individual complaints, civil society organizations often play an important role. An interesting fact to
share is the action completed by denouncing corruption and demand for transparency on behalf of
women’s organizations.
The Huairou Commission and the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) developed an
interesting research on the perception and everyday experience of women and corruption at the local
level in poor and marginalized communities, both urban and rural.85 The majority of cases involved were
petty corruption. The research included 473 interviews in 8 countries (Brazil and Nicaragua in Latin
America) and generated anti-corruption action initiatives within groups of women from the participating
countries which aim to control local budgets, access to services and recognize poor women as key actors
in the struggle for transparency.86
In Argentina, the Women in Equality Foundation have been active in issues related to corruption and
gender.87 They have developed an initiative specifically aimed at transparency and the right of law to
access of information on behalf of women, as a tool to monitor governance and ensure women’s rights.
It is the Network of Women on the Information Edge, which brings together NGOs with a gender
perspective that are focal points for each region of Argentina and, at the same time, bring together
other civil society organizations to work together in obtaining access to information from the provincial
and municipal governments on gender violence, human trafficking, health safety and urban planning."88
Chile’s case study reports that requests for access to information in accordance with the Transparency
Law for the period 2010 – 2012 have been presented mostly by men (64%), while 36% of the requests
were made by women.89 Moreover, that women’s organizations have not incorporated corruption in
their agenda because the gender agenda has other priorities and there is no data to show that the issue
is relevant in the country.90
Another key actor in the construction phase of a public problem is the media, especially investigative
journalism. It would be interesting to investigate in each country whether or not gender is relevant to
journalists who write about issues related to corruption. If one checks, for example, the list of winners
for the award of investigative reporting on corruption, which is given by the Institute for Press and
Society (IPYS) and Transparency International, or the award for investigative journalism by IPYS, it is
apparent that many female journalists have won the awards. However, the majority of the awards are
85
HUAIROU COMMISSION - UNDP: "Seeing beyond the State: Grassroots Women's Perspectives on Corruption and Anti-corruption", New York, 2012. 86
With respect to, HUAIROU COMMISSION: "Anti-Corruption: Grassroots voices and Gender Perspectives" 87
With respect to THITEUX-ALTSCHUL, M. (edit): Género y Corrupción. Las mujeres en la democracia participativa, cit. http://www.mujeresenigualdad.org.ar/ 88
http://www.mujeranticorrupcion.org.ar/ 89
CID BOTTESELLE, V.: Estudio de Caso - Chile. Informe Final, p. 27, datos elaborados a partir del Reporte Anual 2010-2011--2012. Comisión Defensora Ciudadana y Transparencia, Disponible en http://www.cdc.gob.cl/estadisticas/reportes-anuales/ 90
CID BOTTESELLE, V.: Estudio de Caso - Chile. Informe Final, p. 25.
32
given to male journalists. In Argentina, for example, most journalists investigating corruption cases are
men, although some involve female journalists91 can also be highlighted. The same situation exists in
Chile92 and Colombia.93
Complaints and demands alone are not sufficient to make corruption a public problem. Visibility and
mobilization are also essential because they allow the public access (a general or specific audience) to
information related to the corruption problem and to an open discussion on possible solutions.
Scandals are essential catalytic factors for social mobilization in this part of the process, because they
are the combined result of the complaint, the investigative journalism and social outrage. If the
complaint does not generate social outrage or rejection, the scandal would not take place.
An interesting aspect for more in-depth research is the impact of gender in the production of scandals
related to corruption, particularly in response to whether the complainer and the suspect are males or
females. Moreover, whether there is a gender bias or not in the treatment and coverage of corruption
scandals could also be another line of research. In this sense, one of the interviewees in El Salvador said
that when a woman is involved in an act of corruption a “maximization of facts” occur, as well as an
attack on her because she is a woman.94
The scandal highlights a moral or moralizing evaluation in the sense that it reflects what values are
prevalent within a society. In terms of corruption, scandals are inversely proportional to the social
tolerance, acceptance or indifference to corruption. A greater tolerance would equal a lesser probability
of a scandal, in spite of strong and well-founded complaints and evidence.
The stage of stabilization of the problem is when the mere complaint and controversy are overcome,
and the problem is consolidated and legitimized in the public agenda, on the basis of some evaluative
consensus around which, as stated above, the social belief is built on the premise that “something must
be done.”
A public problem is stabilized on an agenda when a consensus, even if it is tacit, on the labels, concepts
and categories through which the social phenomenon is analyzed, interpreted and confronted as it
transforms into a public problem. A problem becomes stabilized when "the existence of the problem is
no longer a matter of opinion."95 In this sense, scandals play an important role at this stage as they
91
Among those that stand out, María Fernanda Villosio who uncovered the scandal of bribes in the Nation’s Senate in 2000; María O'Donell who worked on corruption cases and political financing and Luciana Geuna who investigated corruption in the Kirchner era, particularly in the area of the Courts. 92
CID BOTTESELLE, V.: Estudio de caso - Chile. Informe Final, p. 21. In Chile the journalist Mónica González, won the World Freedom of Press UNESCO award and Pilar Rodríguez, director of CIPER. 93
VELASCO RODRIGUEZ, M.: Estudio de caso - Colombia. Informe Final, p. 21, in Colombia the efforts of María Jimena Duzán are renowned. 94
LIBORIO, S.: Estudio de Caso - El Salvador. Informe Final, Anexo 2, p. 37-38. 95
PEREYRA, S.: Política y Transparencia cit., p. 285.
33
provide proof of the reality of the phenomenon96 and transform the issues from abstract to concrete
stories that the public understands and relates.
Scientific and legal discourse are both central to the stabilization process of the problem of corruption.
The impact of the discourse has to do with the legitimacy and credibility of the persons involved in the
process, which may or may not coincide with the actors who brought the complaint and demand. As
such, if it were true that people’s perceptions of a leader’s honesty have a gender bias, women,
perceived as more honest, should play a key role. To verify if this is how it plays in reality, specific cases
need to be analyzed.
The stabilization of the problem is the moment in which a perspective on corruption is consolidated. As
such, it is an excellent opportunity to introduce the gender perspective, not based on assumptions or
speculations but rather validated by quantitative and qualitative data.
Institutional Answers
Once a social phenomenon has become a public problem, answers and solutions become a requirement.
Corruption is a globally consolidated public problem. Does gender play a role in the responses to
corruption? Are proposed solutions different when posed by men versus women, both within
governmental and non-governmental sectors?
Beyond the policy of including women in public service as a form of curbing corruption, which was
mentioned earlier in this this working document, it would also be of benefit to do more research
especially in countries with high corruption: who the legislators are and whether or not they concerned
with the problem of corruption in their respective countries, what their proposals are and if there is a
gender difference in the solutions they propose. It would be interesting as well, to review anti-
corruption agendas of female prime ministers or presidents, as well as mayors and compare them to
those of men. The same could be done at election time with male and female candidate proposals and
platforms.
In the case of Colombia, the majority of anti-corruption bills presented in the last 4 years have been led
by men.97 The study from Chile reflects the same trend; most of the bills related to anti-corruption have
been presented by men in both Houses of Congress. 98
One could also research whether or not a gender bias is present in the actions of non-governmental
organizations, going beyond the topic of complaints, and instead focusing on public policy proposals
against corruption. In this regard, it would be of benefit to review the anti-corruption initiatives of
96
PEREYRA, S.: Política y Transparencia, cit. p. 120, and especially, Chapter 4, p. 139 y ss. 97
VELASCO RODRIGUEZ, M.: Estudio de caso - Colombia. Informe Final, p. 29. 98
CID BOTTESELLE, V.: Estudio de caso - Chile. Informe Final, p. 27 y 28.
34
organizations that put emphasis on capacity building of women to increase their ability to file
complaints and demands.
Next steps – Moving Forward
The idea behind this first study was to explore the topic and begin to research only a few areas and
topics. Therefore, it would be hasty to draw any specific conclusions. On the basis of this analysis, and
the inputs based on the three case studies, a number of findings are emerging that can serve as
launching points for additional studies and actions. Among them, the following are worth highlighting:
1. There is no solid evidence linking the presence of women in leadership and decision-making
positions to the degree of corruption in a given country.
2. Broadening women’s participation in politics is a matter of rights and quality of democracy and
by itself is not an anti-corruption means.
3. A major gap is detected in gender disaggregated data in official statistics, which could help to
better understand the link between gender and corruption.
4. In cases of petty corruption, there are areas in of public administration in which corruption can
have a gender bias (education, health, police, justice).
5. An important deficit exists in institutions that facilitate citizens in effectively reporting cases of
corruption. The effect of this deficit can be exacerbated by factors associated with gender
discrimination.
This working document will be useful to begin to question some essentialist myths on the relationship
between corruption and gender, as well as identify some new areas of analysis and action. As such, it is
an exploratory product that would lead to a second phase and be able to propose a more
comprehensive conceptual and methodological framework, and prioritize new research questions. This
working document offers already an agenda for future research work and policy actions.
Suggestions for Continued Research
This first exploratory study on the relationship between gender and corruption in Latin America shows
that there is a great deal more to be researched, not only theoretically, but in terms of the specific social
and public policy practices in each country. What follows is list of several research lines that can be of
value to get a more in-depth look at the topic “gender-corruption:”
Comparative Regional Studies: One possible line of work would involve expanded country studies,
using the enhanced and validated methodological approach presented in this working document,
which will allow for a comparative regional analysis. As such, this will produce inputs to analyze how
democratic development and the consolidation of the rule of law in each country influence the
relationship between gender and corruption.
35
A Look across Time: It would also be interesting to see the changes over time in terms of corruption
and its relation to gender. Historical research would verify, for example, if the growing participation
of women in politics and public policy has promoted any variation in the perception of corruption,
transparency policies and/or in incorporating anti-corruption issues on a country’s public agenda.
Assessments of Anti-corruption programs It would be interesting to undertake assessments on
specific cases of plans or programs which have been developed on the assumption that the
presence of women in some areas (traffic police, for example) has lowered the level of corruption.
Throughout this working document examples have been mentioned, but no assessment of results or
impact was found.
Exposure and Victimization: Another area that requires a deeper study is relative to the difference
between exposure and victimization of women and men when dealing with cases of corruption, to
better understand the impact of corruption in the lives of people.
Sectors: Another line of research worth exploring is related to various sectors of public
administration which are seen as conducive to gender bias in matters of corruption. These include
Health, Education, Social Programs, Police and the Justice System.
Actors: Two key actors offer an opportunity seldom explored more in-depth in matters of corruption
and gender that merit more research and analysis. The first is the private sector, mainly in terms of
understanding how they are an actor of the corruption phenomenon. And the second, the media
and their role in the construction of the public problem, paying close attention to media coverage of
corruption cases.
Political Parties: Another topic that offers an interesting research topic is corruption in political
parties and their relationship to gender. As noted above,99 the Global Corruption Barometer
identifies political parties as one of the institutions most affected by corruption. Does this
perception refer to corruption within the parties or does it point more generally to political
leadership of political parties as government or the opposition? If the focus is on political parties,
classical categories of corruption must be reevaluated since the phenomenon does not easily fit into
the category of grand and petty corruption. This would also have an implication on the analysis of
corruption from a gender perspective.
The creation of the problem and the responses: The creation of corruption as a public problem and
its relationship to gender is a realm that opens interesting areas of research, particularly in relation
to the media, the use of social networks, and the different degrees of involvement in various
positions of power, to mention but a few. The information that was gathered in this explorative
work is not even the tip of the iceberg.
99
Ver punto II, b).
36
Public Policy: With regards to the impact of gender in the design of public anti-corruption policy,
both in normative and regulatory aspects as well as in the implementation process, the anti-
corruption agendas and women in the legislative and executive programs in various levels of
government (national, provincial and local) could be subjects of research. It would also be
interesting, especially in contexts of electoral campaigns, to analyze the different public policy
perspectives on anti-corruption of male and female candidates.
Women’s Organizations: It would be interesting to research more in-depth the behavior of
women’s organizations on the issue of corruption. Identifying the factors that determine the
agenda of these organizations and why, in some countries with similar conditions, organizations
work anti-corruption and in others they do not.
Complains: As for the incidence of gender in the construction of the public problem, an area that
merits more in-depth analysis is that of reporting cases of corruption. It is important to determine
not only whether there is a gender bias in terms of reporting channels, but also with regard to the
treatment of complaints received.
Suggestions for Public Policy on Anti- Corruption
Although it is still very preliminary data, the working document highlighted some areas that require the
attention of decision-makers to create public policies that simultaneously prevent corruption and
reduce gender bias. In this regard it is important to:
1. Generate information and strengthen capacity building for citizens and especially for women to
know their rights and how to exercise them.
2. Create and or strengthen permanent accountability mechanisms and spaces for authorities to
account to citizens for their actions and decisions.
3. Facilitate spaces and channels where citizens can file complaints on corruption freely and openly
with no risk of retaliation (special lines, whistleblower protection) paying close attention to
gender bias that may affect one’s willingness to file a complaint;
4. Establish effective controls to prevent petty corruption, particularly in the critical areas of
service delivery, resource allocation and the exercise of rights with an emphasis on those sectors
where women are most vulnerable to corruption;
5. Establish or strengthen statistical systems and analysis tools because without specific and
reliable data it is difficult to make an accurate assessment of the situation, to design appropriate
policies and to control efficiently policy implementation. As noted, there is a significant deficit in
statistical systems in issues related to gender and public policy.
6. Assess public policies once implemented and verify the results periodically. This will show how
effective the approach is, especially when designing anti-corruption policies with a gender
component.
37
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Annex
A List of Guiding Questions for the Case Studies
The following questions are aimed at sectors identified as relevant in determining whether gender
differences exist in corrupt acts.
Some questions aim to obtain data from public records of complaints, project presentations, or other
types of interventions, to collect statistics and survey results or other types of research. Answering these
questions would involve research in public and private databases. Other questions require the review of
media data (for example, when information on the most relevant corruption scandals is requested).
Finally, other questions point to collecting information from protagonists, their experiences and
impressions for which it will be necessary to conduct interviews with relevant actors (government
officials, experts on gender and corruption, journalists, members of civil society organizations working
on gender issues and those engaged in the issues of transparency and anti-corruption.)
The idea of incorporating this list of questions is related to the aspiration of setting a baseline of
comparable information for Latin America, which, in turn, would allow for comparison across regions
around the world where research has been conducted, albeit with a sectorial approach.
Each national study will answer the following questions, without prejudice to incorporate other
information relevant to the issue.
Does gender disaggregated data exist in terms of social programs or public service beneficiaries,
for example in health, education grants, housing, social or conditional cash transfer programs or
other relevant in-country data?
Some countries where they offer social subsidies/family plans or conditional cash transfers,
offices or phone lines for reporting complaints/allegations have been created. If such exists in a
country, is there gender disaggregated data for complainers and defendants? What are they?
Complaints referred to corruption or other problems - delays, poor quality of products/services,
etc.?
Does an Anti-Corruption Bureau or an Anti-Corruption Prosecutor exist? Are there records of
complaints before the Anti-Corruption Bureau or before the Public/Specialized Prosecution
Ministry? Is the data gender disaggregated with respect to the complainers and defendants? If
so, what does this data show?
Is there any regulation that protects “whistleblowers” in corruption cases? If so, are there
records or studies on their use where the data is gender disaggregated? What does this data
say?
Does the country have centers for reporting corruption within civil society (along the lines of
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Transparency International’s ALAC centers) or service centers for victims of corruption? Is this
information gender disaggregated by whistleblowers and defendants?
In any of the above mentioned, have complaints of corruption been linked to the business
sector—permits, licenses, import or export permits, service operations, etc. Is the complainers
data disaggregated by gender? What is the reported data?
What kind of resources (economic and symbolic) do, on one side, men have and on the other
side, do women have with respect to reporting corruption?
Is there a difference in terms of the nature of illegal compensation (kickbacks, bribes, facilitation
payments, performing favors or services) required for men and women to access a service or
obtain a benefit from the State or to simply have the laws recognized and respected?
Are there any complaints or demand cases –from women or men –reporting sexual favors in
exchange for delivery of public services (health, education grants, housing, food baskets) or the
guarantee of rights (access to candidacy, access to public employment, access to public credit,
etc. for example)?
Are there complaints or cases recorded demonstrating that economic or financial consideration
was illegally required of men and women and whether the amount was different?
What is the outlook and experience of the various government and non-governmental actors,
with respect to the currencies of exchange and the victims in cases of corruption and the
possible differences in the element of gender?
What is the opinion and experience of government and non-government actors on the impact of
gender regarding the incorporation of the issue of corruption on the public agenda, in reports, in
research and in the institutional and social responses to corruption?
In the most relevant corruption cases or scandals of the last decade, were there females
involved/reported? Who were the main protagonists of the cases—women or men—in the
formal complaint (judicial, legislative, administrative) and in the media’s version?
Are there any journalists –investigative or chronicle—especially dedicated to the issue of
corruption? If so, among them, is there a notable gender profile?
Is there gender disaggregated data with respect to tolerance towards corruption and willingness
to fight corruption? Have any social experiments been conducted and if so, what were the
results?
In opinion surveys, with respect to the reliability and honesty of political leaders, is information
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disaggregated by gender?
Is there data related to the perception of corruption of male and female leaders on national,
sub-national, regional and/or local levels? Is this data disaggregated by the gender of
respondents?
Are there any surveys or research with gender disaggregated data about experiences with
corruption (petty corruption) experienced by the population (such as Transparency
International’s Global Corruption Barometer)?
Are women’s organizations incorporating the issue of corruption into their agendas?
Could it be said that in the sector of organized civil society, participation by women is a majority
in the country? In this case, what impact does this have or could this have in promoting
transparency and accountability?
In the last four years, at the national level, how many bills to combat corruption have been
presented by male legislators and how many by female legislators?
Are there experiences of positioning women in specific jobs based on women being “less likely”
to be corrupt/corrupted? What results, if any, have been observed? Analyze these experiences.
General data that should be recorded:
- Number of women in Parliament
- Number of female ministers at the national level
- Number of female governors / officials / mayors
-Presence of females as heads of anti-corruption entities (anti-corruption offices, anti-corruption
prosecutors, ombudsmen or similar position, if it deals with corruption-- civil society reporting
centers.)
-Poverty data disaggregated by gender.
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Regional Centre for Latin America and the Caribbean, Panama
Regional Bureau for Latin America and the Caribbean (RBLAC)
Democratic Governance Practice Area & Gender Practice Area