framing the art curriculum || instructional resources: looking into oceanic art

National Art Education Association

Instructional Resources: Looking into Oceanic ArtAuthor(s): Nancy Schien Parks and G. Edward MaxedonSource: Art Education, Vol. 50, No. 3, Framing the Art Curriculum (May, 1997), pp. 25-28+37-40Published by: National Art Education AssociationStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3193695 .

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INSTRUCTIONAL

LOOKING INTO

OCEANIC ART

New Ireland (Melanesia), Memorial Carving, Malanggan. Wood, pigment, fiber, sea-snail opercula. H 74.9 cm. IUAM 81.17.



LOOKING INTO

OCEANIC ART To look at Oceanic art is to look at remarkable things. Some, such as masks, canoes, and carved orpainted houses, are

awesome or disconcerting. Others, such as polished stone personal ornaments and the designs ofbark cloth and woven mats, are

beautiful and intricate. But to look at is not the same as to look into. IfPacific artforms are indeed striking on the surface, what

lies beneath the surface may be still more challenging and provoking. Looking into artforms means examining their parts and

composition, as well as the effect of the whole. Looking beyond surfaces also means looking into contexts.

(Thomas. 1995)

A s we gaze at the delicate open work of a fiber mask from New Guinea, we can easily appreciate the innovative ways natural materials have been combined to create a unique and extraordinary

object. As we explore the formal qualities of a carved Maori pendant, we can appreciate the harmonious interaction of the rhythmic lines, shapes, and patterns. However, to limit these artworks to strictly formal or aesthetic concerns is to exclude a broader understanding of the varieties and subtleties of the cultural traditions that produced them. It is only by placing these objects within a proper cultural context that we can begin to understand the diversities and commonalties of the peoples throughout the different regions of Oceania.

The Indiana University Art Museum has had the extraordinary good fortune to obtain, over the course of the last 30 years, the heart of the Raymond and Laura Wielgus Collection of the arts of Africa, Oceania, and the Americas, This collection is widely regarded as one of the most discriminating and beautiful ethnographic holdings in the world.

While collaborating we became aware of a number of misconceptions and misinterpretations by teachers and students about the art works in this collection. Through a series of conversations about Oceania, we began to recognize the importance of placing the work within an appropriate cultural context. By examining four art works from the Oceanic Collection at the Indiana University Art Museum, we hope to provide a model to assist educators in their understanding and interpretation of art from outside the Western tradition. The pieces include: 1) a carved

wooden figure from New Ireland, 2) bark cloth from Samoa, 3) a woven mask from New Guinea, and 4) a carved stone pendant from New Zealand.

AN EXCHANGE ABOUT OCEANIC ART NP: Establishing a geographical context as a way to

begin our discussion seems important. Can you provide a geographical overview of this part of the world?

EM: The vast stretch of the South Pacific known as Oceania is conventionally divided into three geographical and cultural areas: Polynesia, from the Greek words meaning "many islands," a large triangular area with sides some 4,000 miles long connecting New Zealand to Hawaii in the north and Easter Island in the east; Melanesia, "black islands," comprising New Guinea and a group of islands stretching to the western limits of Polynesia; and Micronesia, "small islands," the area north of Melanesia and south of Indonesia. Some geographers include the continent of Australia as well.

NP: What are the origins of these people? EM: The original populations immigrated from Asia. By

25,000 B.C.E., several different groups of people with different languages settled into Melanesia, resulting in a multi-lingual population which is there today. In contrast, Polynesians spoke a single Austronesian language. The various dialects as well as the arts and myths of this region can be traced to the same origin.

NP: Art educators and museum educators are increasingly aware of the dangers of over generalizing about diverse cultures within a given area like Oceania. However,

ART EDUCATION / MAY 1997

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INSTRUCTIONAL SiEe r E

some generalizations can be made. Can you comment on this?

EM: It is always a good practice to refrain from over generalizing when discussing any area with as many different cultural groups as Oceania. What, at first, may look to be the same cultural form or practice in one group of people may have an entirely different context in a neighboring community. There is an enormous diversity of cultures and cultural forms found among peoples who live within a close proximity of one another, such as along the Sepik River in New Guinea.

Broadly speaking, in both Polynesia and Melanesia the supernatural world is made up of ancestors and spirit associated with natural phenomena. As island people, they were skilled at fishing, boat building, and horticulture. The art of these cultures was made from materials found in their natural environments, such as palm fibers, shells, wood, animal hair, boars' tusks, feathers, etc. In the Wielgus Collection there is an impressive mask fashioned with steamed and carved tortoise shell as well as an intricately carved drum with a shark-skin head!

NP: What are some of the distinctions between the arts of Polynesia and Melanesia?

EM: A wider range of artistic styles evolved in Melanesia than in Polynesia. In Melanesia, status usually was not hereditary, as was often the case in Polynesia, but acquired through individual prowess. The required result from head hunting, warring, farming, or the involvement in associations or cults established an individual's rank. The concept of ruling nobility, found throughout Polynesia, is not common to Melanesia. As a result, no dynastic art exists.

In contrast to the "heirlooms" of Polynesia, which were handed down from generation to generation, Melanesian artwork was more likely to be made for a single occasion or event and then discarded or refashioned. For this reason, it is not surprising that few surviving examples of Melanesian art can be dated earlier than the mid-19th century.

NP: You raise an interesting point in discussing Melanesian art. For example, malanggan forms originally were not intended to be preserved. Discuss the idea of disposable art as it relates to the malanggan featured in this resource.

EM: On the island of New Ireland, northeast of New Guinea, artistic production centered on the malanggan, a term that refers to both the ceremonies commemorating the dead, and the various statues, masks, instruments, and other accompanying paraphernalia used in them. A malanggan ceremony was very expensive to host, but brought tremendous prestige to the organizers. Each piece was made

and used for only one single ceremony and afterwards abandoned or destroyed. This idea of disposable art does not carry over to other New Ireland art forms. In contrast, ancestor figures were preserved for an extended period of time in specially built, permanent structures.

NP: Tell me about the malanggan carving tradition? EM: The carved figural sculptures made from the

malanggan were not portraits in a traditional sense, but were collective likenesses thought to perhaps refer to ancestral myth. Usually, symmetrical, they were carved with great intricacy from a single block of wood by malanggan specialists. Often, the sculptures are painted in bright colors and sometimes inlaid with shells for eyes or plant fibers for hair. The artist often carves away a large portion of the wood, leaving the figure in a cage-like structure. Painted surface patterns in whites, blacks, and ochres enhance this mysterious appearance.

NP: Many of the malanggan figures appear to be similar and suggest there was a common prototype. Were there models for portraying these figures?

EM: There certainly is a generic type of sculpture that one can identify as malanggan. Interestingly, certain families had "copyrights" for specific types of malanggan carvings. If a certain type was desired for display, a fee would have to be paid to the owners before the piece could be carved. Some carved figures were made to be stacked vertically to make a malanggan pole for display. One can only wonder for how many centuries, perhaps millennia, this cultural form could have been made. Today, after contact with Europeans, these sculptures have been replaced by cement grave markers.

EM: What do you know about Polynesian bark cloth? How was the cloth made and what do you know about the decorative motifs?

NP: The bark cloth featured in this resource is identified as being from the Samoa Islands in Polynesia and is made from mulberry fiber. The brown lines and circular shapes appear to be hand painted, which was a familiar technique in this area, but information about the cloth's maker or the decorative motifs used in the cloth is unavailable. Research, however, provides a basis for a general understanding of bark cloth and some regional distinctions.

A vivid description of production techniques is provided byThomas (1995) who stated the following:

The process of production would always involve phases of soaking, scraping and beating the bark; in some areas a few days' fermentation, at an early stage, was allowed to make the material more sticky and easier to beat into cohesive sheets. Supple and strong varieties were produced by beating out very fine sheets that were

MAY 1997 / ART EDUCATION



Samoa Islands (Polynesia), Bark Cloth, Tapa, 19th Century. Mulberry bark fiber. Gift of Dr. and Mrs. Edward J. Kempf. IUAM 73.83.9.



Abelam peoples; Papua New Guinea (Melanesia), Yam Mask. Fiber and pigment. H 35.5 cm. IUAM 63.76.



then pounded together; old tapa could similarly be repaired or joined to new pieces, but since the cloth was adversely affected by exposure, it seems more usually to have been simply discarded. (p. 133) Reds, browns, blacks, and yellows were typical colors

used and produced from plants and other natural sources. Color was added through the use of dyes, stains, or mud, applied through stenciling, stamping or simply rubbing the stain onto the cloth. Ochres and soot were also used, and varnish was sometimes applied to bark cloth or exposed to smoke to achieve a certain look. Scents were also applied to individual strips or entire cloths in some instances. Variations in the decoration of bark cloth have occurred according to geographic location. Samoan bark cloth reflects complex decorative techniques that employed rubbing and hand painting to make intricate designs. In Hawaii, decorative patterns carved into the wooden beaters left their impressions in the cloth, and block printing was unique to this area. Some of the oldest tapa designs in Tahiti were circular and during the latter part of the 18th century, ferns were dyed then laid on the bark cloth, and finally removed, leaving a delicate impression. Bark cloth designs evolved through cross cultural influences that included both indigenous and European.

EM: Is tapa another word for Polynesian bark cloth? NP: According to Kooijman (1988) bark cloth from

Oceania is referred to as 'tapa.' Initially the term 'tapa' was restricted to a few geographic areas like Hawaii and Mangareva. The Hawaiian term for bark cloth is kapa which has a similar meaning to the Polynesian form which refers to border or edge. Samoan bark cloth is referred to as saipo and the uncolored portion of the cloth is referred to as tapa. Kooijman discusses the origin of the term 'tapa,' as coming from early 19th century French, British, and American whalers who set up bases on the islands and took samples of the decorated cloth back to Europe and the United States.

EM: What purpose did bark cloth serve? NP: To view bark cloth as simply decorative is a

misconception. The use of bark cloth and the context of its use, whether worn for ceremonial purposes or given as a gift, conveyed meaning that is integral to interpreting it. Bark cloth was used to mark areas of taboo, for example. Status, rank, and class were also very much associated with bark cloth. Worn on festive occasions by people of high rank, the tapa was an indication of the person's social status. Important individuals within the community, such as chief, or a high- ranking adult female after being wrapped in layers of bark cloth, are reintroduced to the community, Thomas also discusses how elite households accumulated cloth as a

means to express their wealth and status. "Hobu," a special white tapa cloth, was believed to be used for clothing by aristocratic women.

NP:Do issues of status and rank apply to either the Yam masks or the malanggan?

EM: Various associations and cults were often formed within a Melanesian community to aid and guide the various religious and social needs. For example, the Abelam peoples from the Prince Alexander Mountain area of New Guinea have a Yam cult centered around the growing and harvesting of this vegetable.

Yams are central to this society. Not only are they a chief means of barter and a staple to their diet, but they also determine a man's status for the coming year. A bumper crop of yams, ranging in size up to six feet long, signifies to the community that this farmer has taken necessary provisions and precautions to ensure a bountiful harvest. Certainly, he must have enlisted the aid of his ancestors and performed all of the necessary rituals to have been favored with such a magnificent crop of yams.

NP: What role do the Yam masks play in these associations?

EM: The Abelam peoples have an elaborate celebration that takes place over several days during harvest time with orations and performances, as well as the display of each man's yams. During this time masks are woven and painted by the men to wear. Similar masks are placed on the yams as well. A man's identity is linked to the yams directly as well as metaphorically. This particular mask was woven out of plant fibers. The fibers are wrapped tightly around a core, leaving open areas in the frill or collar that surrounds the denser head area. This gives a lace-like appearance and delicacy to the mask. Feathers were usually attached to the outer edges and the body of the mask was painted with natural pigments.

EM: Another important aspect of Oceanic art is reverence to ancestors. I know that this is especially true of the hei-tiki pendant. What do you know about this piece?

NP: The significance of ancestors in Oceanic cultural forms can not be overlooked. You referred to the Abelam's reliance on their ancestors as a part of the necessary steps for

ensuring a bountiful yam harvest. The hei-tiki featured here is a pendant made out of nephrite and haliotus shell by the Maori of New Zealand. These ornamental forms are anthropomorphic and the term hei-tiki refers to human image. The curvilinear form with two large eyes encircled by glimmering haliotus shell, maintains a disconcerting presence. The polished green stone, nephrite, was difficult to come by, and often obtained through trade with other island groups, which added to the value of the ornamental pendants.

ART EDUCATION / MAY 1997



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These pendants were ornaments that transferred authority of Maori ancestors from one generation to another. The power of the pendant increased through contact with the mana of past ancestors (Newton, 1986). Mana is regarded as a supernatural force or energy that existed in all inanimate and living things. This force was manifested in varying degrees and could be lost or minimized through illness or death, or entities having less mana (Pelrine, 1996).

NP: We have barely scratched the surface in discussing these four diverse cultural forms, but I would like to raise one final issue and to hear your comments to end our exchange. In thinking about the representation of these objects in the classroom and museum context, I was struck by the anonymity of the object's makers. The lack of knowledge about the artists is not always due to the unavailability of information but has to do with Western conceptions of non- Western art. The anonymity of the non-Western artist enhances an aura of mystery around the object. This perception is in direct contrast to Western views. Could you comment on this issue and its implications for art educators and their students?

EM: Most Oceanic art is utilitarian, envisioned as a necessary, integral, and often vital part of the community. The notion of an artist as a special personality, signing and owning the work, is truly unique to Western culture. Artists in different areas of Oceania were known for their expertise and skill. However, as throughout much of the world and throughout history, emphasis was not placed on the individual artist. Instead, the artist was viewed more as a vehicle for the expression of the society's religious, social, and artistic concerns. In addition, the collectors of Oceanic art in the early 20th century were not interested in the contexts of the pieces. As a result, much basic information such as identity and provenance were lost.

DISCUSSION EXERCISES FOR TEACHERS AND STUDENTS TO CONSIDER:

I. Context and Interpretation Think about the importance of context in understanding

art. Consider the relationship between the four objects featured in this instructional resource and their context. Beyond the display context of each of the four objects, what role might context play for the viewer in interpreting each object? Visit your local museum and select an object from an unfamiliar place to learn about. After viewing the object, locate information about the object's geographic location, the period in history when the object is believed to have been made, and the culture from which the object originated.

II. Context and the Display of Objects Museums design a plan for the display of objects in their

collections or on loan for a special exhibition. Objects from non-Western cultures present particular challenges for exhibition designers. Sometimes text is incorporated into an exhibition, and special lighting is used, with video tapes and other devices to help the viewer contextualize the objects. Develop a plan for the exhibition of the four objects discussed in this resource that would provide the viewer with a cultural context in which to view the objects.

III. Defining Art Think about the interrelationship of decoration and

function as they relate to Polynesian bark cloth. The meaning of these cloths is located in the transactions with the cloth. Discuss how this view of art as relationships or as transaction differs from the Western view of the object as art.

IV. Ancestors What are some of the ways Western cultures honor

ancestors? Ancestral figures in New Ireland were preserved in specially built structures. What kinds of forms do Westerners make to commemorate or honor ancestors? Are these forms preserved?

Nancy Schien Parks is Associate Instructor at Indiana University, Bloomington. G. Edward Maxedon is Curator of Education at the Indiana UniversityArt Museum in Bloomington.

REFERENCES Austin, L., & Teilhet, J. (1986). Art in its cultural context: Museums and

laboratories of ethnic arts and technology. Unpublished paper, Indiana University Art Museum Docent Files, Bloomington, Indiana.

Gathercole, R., Kaeppler, A. L., & Newton, D. (1979). The art of the pacific islands. Washington, DC: National Gallery of Art.

Kaeppler, A (1975). The fabrics of Hawaii (bark cloth) F. Lewis. Kooijman, S. (1988). Polynesian bark cloth. UK: Shire Publications,

LTD. Leonard, A, & Terrell, J. (1980). Patterns ofparadise: The styles and

significance ofbark cloth around the world. Chicago: Field Museum of Natural History.

Mead, S. M., & Kernot, B. (Eds.). (1983). Art and artists of Oceania. New Zealand: Dunmore Press.

Mead, S. M. (Ed.). (1979). Exploring the visual arts of Oceania. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press.

Oliver, D. (1989). Native cultures of the Pacific Islands. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press.

Pelrine, D. (1996). Oceania. Paper presented at a Docent meeting at Indiana University.

Seiber, R., Coe, M., & Newton, D. (1986). African, Pacific, and Pre- Columbian art: Indiana UniversityArt Museum. Bloomington, IN: University Press.

Thomas, N. (1995). Oceanic art. London: Thames and Hudson.

MAY 1997 / ART EDUCATION



Maori peoples, New Zealand (Polynesia), Pendant, hei-tiki, 19th Century. Nephrite and haliotis shell. Raymond and Laura Wielgus

Collection. H 22.5 cm. IUAM 80.5.2.



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