“fostering moratorium” in residential child and youth care education

"Fostering Moratorium" in Residential Child and Youth Care Education

Emmanuel Grupper Youth Aliyah and Haifa University, Israel

Rivka A. Eisikovits Haifa University

A B S T R A C T : This paper highlights the professional socialization process of child and youth care workers from a new point of view, namely, focusing on the existential needs of beginning practitioners for a period of moratorium. The data gathered during an ethnographic study of newly recruited group workers in Israeli residential institutions led the authors to the conceptualization of a new model, the "Fostering Moratorium."

This paper focuses on the socialization process of child and youth care workers in residential settings. Although in many European countries a trend toward the professionalization of direct care occupations in youth work has been under way since the Sixties, in other countries, such as the United States, the United Kingdom, Canada, and Israel, the para-professional model is still prevalent. Our conceptualization is based on an ethnographic study of newly recruited direct care workers in Israeli residential institutions. These workers generally have only a very brief period of pre-service training, and their occupational socialization occurs primarily in-service and in relation to the particular agency in which they are working.

Our data yield a characteristic profile of these workers, who can be defined as in need of a period of "moratorium." It is our claim that when planning various training and supervision programs for such workers, these existential needs must be taken into account along with the institutional context. Providing educational developmental experiences for workers in moratorium transforms this period into a "fostering" experience, by which we mean to characterize the em- powering impact of training and supervision programs, or an ecologi-

Requests for reprints should be addressed to Emmanuel Grupper, Youth Aliyah, 17 Kaplan Street, Tel Aviv, Israel.

Child & Youth Care Forum, 22(3), June 1993 �9 1993 Human Sciences Press, Inc. 177

178 Child and Youth Care Forum

cal structuring of the new child and youth care worker's working environment in a way that its atmosphere can stimulate and enhance experiential professional learning--what we refer to in this paper as a "fostering moratorium." This is believed to result in improved worker competence and a reduction in the high burnout rate, which is often mentioned as a major preoccupation in countries where this work is generally performed by paraprofessionals (Gottesmann & Shalom, 1979; Lane, 1990; Linton, Fox, & Forster, 1986; Shemer, 1985; Vanderven, 1981). The application of this proposed model should serve to enhance the quality of services delivered to children and youth in group care.

C o n c e p t u a l F r a m e w o r k a n d Li terature R e v i e w

Current Trends on the Professionalization Issue

The reports of three professional and independent public commis- sions recently published in Israel (Kashti & Manor, 1988; Langer- man, 1988; Shapira, Shief, Rosenfeld, & Millham, 1989) underline the severity of the problems stemming from the unsatisfactory level of personnel working in direct child and youth care in the residential field. Yet they all refrain from overtly recommending the professionalization of this occupation, but they emphasize the need to find solutions that will attract higher quality applicants, such as graduates of teacher training institutions and of human service disciplines in general, for child and youth care positions.

The legitimacy of this demand notwithstanding, we do not believe that it represents a viable option as long as a significant shift in the system's attitude toward the "desired" level of professionalization of the occupation does not occur. Further, the fact that the manpower situation in this field in Israel has been practically unchanged for the last decade necessitates realistic solutions that take into considera- tion the characteristics of the actual candidates who choose this occupation.

In contrast, let us remember that the trend toward professionalization of the field that has prevailed in Europe since the beginning of the Sixties (Beker & Maier, 1981; Jones, 1985; Ligthart, 1991; Lin- ton, 1971) has brought significant changes in this respect. A survey undertaken in France (Lambert, 1981) followed graduates of training centers for Educateurs Specialises (professional youth workers) for ten years following completion of their degree and found that:

1. A rise in the quality of personnel followed the increasing professionalization of the occupation;

Emmanuel Grupper and Rivka A. Eisikovits 179

2. The turnover rate of workers employed in the various child and youth care service delivery contexts has decreased considerably; and

3. After an average of three to five years in direct care work in residential facilities, many workers tend to move on to other, community-based youth services.

The Concept of Moratorium in the Context of Professional Socialization

In seeking to identify the specific existential needs of newly recruited residential direct care workers in Israel, special attention has been given to the notion of "moratorium." Webster's Dictionary (Third International Edition) refers to it as, "A legally authorized period of delay in the performance of a legal obligation or the payment of a debt."

Erik Erikson (1956) was the first to apply this term in the context of human development. He defines moratorium as " . . . an institutionalized period of delay granted to someone who is not ready to meet an obligation or . . . thrust upon somebody who by all signs should have t a k e n . . , such a time out." He views the developmental need for moratorium as a universal phenomenon (p. 6). Elsewhere, he emphasizes the fact that in order for a moratorium to be effective, it should be limited in duration and followed by a period of vigorous and purposeful activity. He also notes that in many instances, the individual is guided during such times by idealistic or utopian ideas (Erik- son, 1975).

Marcia (1966), who expanded the developmental uses of the concept, coined the term "identity status." He claims that in the process of identity formation, a confrontation takes place between "crisis" situations and the emergence of new commitments. He describes this encounter graphically, using a matrix that includes four identity statuses, one of which he calls "moratorium." According to his definition, this is a developmental stage in which one is in the midst of deliberations, but still lacks the readiness to undertake long-range commitments.

We think that this definition of the concept, as a transitional developmental phase, is most congruent with our conceptualization of the socialization process of workers entering a new field. Newcomers need a certain period of exposure to the occupation, during which they can examine it without being urged to make a long-term commitment. In the specific case of child and youth care workers, this stage is most important because--particularly where the non-professional model prevails--new candidates frequently begin the job with little or no pre-service training.


In reviewing the literature, we did not find this concept applied in the context of adult occupational socialization. It has most commonly been used with reference to adolescents, such as in its application by Kahane (1986) to the socialization of immigrant youth, by Kahane and Starr (1984) to youth transition from school to work, and by Rap- poport (1988) to the analysis of various socialization agencies. In this paper we wish to focus on the application of the term to the existential situation of an adult person who enters a new occupation, namely youthwork, experiences the stress accompanying role transition, and consequently feels a need for "moratorium."

M e t h o d

The Field Work

The data on which this study is based were gathered through the application of various ethnographic methods, primarily in an intensive study of 30 new residential child and youth care workers in three Israeli institutions in their first year of work during the 1988-89 school year. Ethnographic interviews and participant observation were held throughout the research year using structured field guides (following the models of Whiting et al., 1968, and Spradley, 1979, 1980).

In this way, most of the workers' routine daily activities were cov- ered by participant observation, including individual case conferences with residents, group meetings, monitoring the residents in the din- ing-room, crisis intervention, meetings with the student council, club meetings, bedtime activities, meetings with parents, celebration of special events, etc. Observations were also conducted during staff meetings, training sessions, and interactions with superiors. The second ethnographic instrument used was ethnographic interviewing with child and youth care workers, superiors and supervisors.

The Subjects

Due to the high dropout rate of youth counselors during that period, we decided to expand the circle of informants by adding ten newly recruited child and youth care workers to the 30 new workers who were followed throughout the research year. The additional ten were questioned through group interviews prepared following Brendtro & Ness's (1983) model of the "Group Life Space Interview," based on the assumption that such interviews mirror the microcosm of the group as a whole. This instrument enables the researcher to


obtain meaningful information contextually. Thus, the ethnographic data collected were actually based on the study of 40 new workers.

Data Analysis Procedures

The content analysis of our fieldnotes and interview transcripts yielded a list of recurrent themes, the frequency of which (in the subject's perception) we counted. After having established the most sa- lient categories through this process, we decided to further validate them on a wider population. To this end we contacted 57 new residential workers who participated in an orientation course organized by the Youth Aliyah in-service training center and asked them to re- spond to an open-ended questionnaire based on our ethnographic interview guide. The questions focused on several issues:

, The reasons for their attraction to youth work in general, and for choosing this job in particular;

* Perceptions of child and youth care work as an occupation; and * Personal expectations and idiosyncratic attributes believed to be

conducive to success in working with youth.

Once again, a detailed content analysis was performed. We counted the frequency of each sub-theme in the subject's responses and recur- ring themes were grouped into larger categories, four of which emerged as the generalized profile of the beginning child and youth care worker, to be presented below. Smaller categories are followed by figures that represent (in percentages) their frequencies. For example, the category, "Wish to feel loved and respected by the residents" appears in the answers of 38 subjects. Thus, 38/57 = 67% is its relative frequency (see Results). To yield a comprehensive picture, we have added illustrative examples from the interviews.

An Experimental Intervention

In an effort to test this model experimentally on a pilot basis, a structured training program for newly recruited child and youth care workers was offered to a subgroup of ten of the subjects who participated in the study. 1 It necessitated the development of a special curriculum and adopted study skills in the context of training sessions which took place once a week (during the second semester of the 1988-89 academic year) at the University of Haifa under the auspices of the Youth Policy Center, entitled "A Career Development Program for Residential Child and Youth Care Workers." This program en- abled our informants to become part of an intimate group of col-


leagues in a supportive atmosphere. The fact that it took place at a prestigious institution of higher education whose entrance require- ments the participants did not meet proved to be a moral booster. They registered for it as an undergraduate course in the School of Education, and they were issued special participation cards. At the end of the program, they each received a diploma. The curriculum, to be detailed in a subsequent article (based on Grupper, 1992), opera- tionalizes and applies the "child-care-worker-as-ethnographer" model for the first time. ~

The Child-Care-Worker-as-Ethnographer Model. This perspective and approach (Eisikovits, 1991) has been derived inductively from field observations of residential child care workers in the United States and posits that the anthropological perspective and the associated research methodology can become highly useful tools to enable the youth counselor to gain a better understanding of the cultural milieu of the institution. Some of the expected outcomes of applying the ethnographic model are: 3

a) An awareness of the need for adopting a holistic approach in the assessment of on-the-job encounters, an ability to map the diverse cultural groups which make up events, and an understanding of the process of attributing meaning to activities and behavior patterns--al l this based on the assumption that the residential facility has its own cultural characteristics (Eisikovits, 1980);

b) A clear distinction between the descriptive level of factual details and the level of analysis and interpretation in which these facts are given specific meaning and significance; and

c) In contrast with the ethnographic researcher, whose primary goal is to understand situations from the vantage point of insiders, the practitioner's goal is intervention as a change agent. Despite the difference in aims, they both optimally employ the same thought processes in decision making by recognizing the need for careful and systematic data collection as a basis for drawing conclusions or taking action and by alternating between the role of emo- tionally involved participant and that of detached spectator.

All this is crucial for a multi-angle coverage of social interactions.

R e s u l t s

Our findings, inductively derived from the data, are presented on three levels of conceptualization representative of their spiral developmental quality. Starting with the most concrete level, they are:


a) The characteristics of the residential child care workers studied during our field work;

b) The conceptualization of a generalized profile of the child and youth care worker in need of moratorium; and

c) The construction of a new theoretical model--the fostering mor- a t o r i u m - i s the highest level of generalization to which the analysis of our data led us.

Initial impressions from the experimental training program follow these findings.

A. Characteristics of the Research Subjects

Our findings indicate that most of the youth counselors studied were, during their first year of service, at a relatively low point in their personal life course. Some had experienced crises as a result of role transition, such as the move from the army to civilian life or leaving a kibbutz 4 and moving to a more individualistic way of life. Others had experienced traumatic events such as the loss of a spouse, failure in school, a financial or a romantic entanglement, etc. The common motif is a need for "time out" to adjust to the change and regain strength in a relatively intimate and sheltered environment that provides their basic needs. Working as residential child and youth care workers offers them the challenge of joining a team of helping professionals from whom they can learn effective ways to work. These opportunities for experiencing success meet an important aspect of these workers' existential needs.

B. The Profile of New Child and Youth Care Workers in Need of Moratorium

Trying to generalize the characteristics of the newly recruited workers, we found that the concept of moratorium might be very useful. The findings about the subjects' need for "time out" have led to the formulation of a specific profile made up of four core categories of existential needs. Each of these represents a particular aspect of the moratorium period. The authors would like to make it clear that this does not mean that these people cannot be competent, empathic, and caring youth counselors. The central argument is that during the process of socialization into the new occupation and the organizational context of the residential setting, the salience of the child and youth care workers' existential need for moratorium should be recognized. Details of the four categories of the new workers' profiles follow.

1) Persons Who Seek Solutions to Primary Needs but Wish to Invest Little Mental Energy in the Process. In modern society, people are ex-


posed to a variety of pressures s imultaneously--f inding a suitable occupation, ensuring satisfactory living conditions for themselves and members of their household, and struggling for social s tatus and mo- bility, to name a few. Some people find it too difficult to invest enough of their personal resources into occupation and career development while being preoccupied, at the same time, with fulfilling their basic needs. For them, a moratorium period can be provided by a situation in which their basic needs are fully supplied by the institution that hires them to work with children.

Thus, the youth counselors we have studied clearly indicated that the provision of lodging--since the job requires living on the prem- i s e s - r e l i e v e d them of a major concern and, at the same time, provided a suitable arrangement for their families. This allowed them to devote more of their energy to on-the-job challenges. In their expectations from their new positions, as expressed in the interviews, a heavy emphasis was placed on the following issues:

a. Provide reasonable housing for myself and my family 53% b. Provide a satisfactory quality of life for my family 35% c. Provide a steady income for my family 32%

The following two excerpts from our ethnographic material complete the picture:

G. (a new counselor) states: " . . . look, I'm about to get married. I don't have enough money for an apartment. I like working with youth�9 Free housing (supplied by the institution) is also an important factor. I'm saving myself a lot of headaches by not having to worry about everything: food, housing, furniture, and all that. In a year or two, we'll see what happens; it's difficult to foresee it right n o w . . . "

Another counselor highlights the double advantage of this occupa- t i o n - t h e provision of lodging and the opportunity for personal development:

�9 . . I was discharged from the army in 1983. Since than I have been a member of a kibbutz . . . My wife and I felt that we needed a change; we wanted to experience life outside the kibbutz. And I was looking for a satisfactory occupation that would also enable me to fulfill the needs of my family. It was important to me that the children not experience the radical transition from kibbutz to city life. I wanted to have enough free time and a "clear head" to learn a new occupation to let myself grow and develop in i t . . .

Our field notes offer ample additional examples, but these two seem to highlight best the component of moratorium under discussion.


In Israel, as part of the ideology of the youth village as community (Arieli, 1992; Gottesman, 1991; Kashti, 1988; Wozner, 1985), youth care workers are required to live on the premises. The comprehensive services the institution provides--housing, food, laundry, health care services, tennis courts, swimming pool, etc.--are important assets in fulfilling the elements of the moratorium, as discussed above. This pattern is in use in the Swiss "Pestalozzi youth village" and in some of the residential group or family home models used in Holland and elsewhere in Europe. The title of Jones et al.'s (1985) book, "The socialpedagogue in Europe: Living with Others as a Profession," conveys the importance attributed to this feature of residential group care work in Europe.

In most North American residential t reatment centers, on the other hand, youth workers do not live on the premises; hence these attributes of institutional life do not apply to them fully. However, even partial reliance on these resources--as in the case of those who work long shifts, university students for whom this is an opportunity for flexible scheduling, etc.--can prove to be a source of personal gratification for the workers.

2) Persons Who Need the Support Provided by a Nurturing Work En- vironment in Order to Deal with New Challenges. As noted before, many of our informants proved to be at a "low point" in their life course. The common motif is a need for "time out" that would, in turn, buttress their self-confidence and their capacity to invest themselves in the job in the context of their personal career development process. The analysis of the informants' responses to the ethnographic interview guide indicates the following expectations regarding the overall work ecology they hope to experience:

a. Looking for an interesting and satisfactory occupation 86% b. Wish to feel loved and respected by the residents 67% c. Wish to be appreciated by colleagues 47%

The youngsters are obviously a dominant factor in the worker's environment. Youth counselors spend most of their time with their charges; for many, the residents constitute the "most meaningful others," and the counselors express a strong desire to develop close and trust ing relationships with them. Because the workers place the stakes so high, residents under their responsibility become at the same time a source of anxiety, for only through satisfactory interac- tion with the latter will the child and youth care workers' often bat- tered self-concepts be enhanced. To quote a new counselor:

�9 . . A f t e r a whi l e , I hope to see m y c h a r g e s b e h a v e a n d f u n c t i o n proper ly . It's very important for me to be appreciated by residents, co-

1 8 6 C h i l d a n d Y o u t h C a r e F o r u m

owners, and superiors. I particularly want the children to love and trust m e . � 9 1 4 9

Some of our informants were ready to discuss candidly their need to overcome a personal crisis and acquire strength via the demanding work with youth in a residential setting. Here is an excerpt from an interview with a new child and youth care worker at a youth village:

�9 . . When I came to this village, I was totally inexperienced. My self- image was at an ebb following a personal crisis. At the beginning, it was terrible! I almost left after my first week. I used to call my father every night and cry on the telephone. I love working with youths and I was very good at it in the past�9 However, everything was very different here. Now, after the initial period of adjustment, things have started falling into place. On the whole, the children love me and I love them. They feel free to come to my house. It doesn't bother me at all. On the contrary, I encourage them. Look, these youngsters are my friends, as well. I spend most of my time with them. We practically "live together�9 I know about everything that happens to them, and they know almost everything that happens to me. The housemother (who is my co-worker) and the staff coordinator have been very instrumental in helping me to adjust�9 I asked them a lot of questions and was afraid of being treated as a "pest," but no, they really give me the feeling that they want to take me in. The difficult part is dealing with the fact that you are con- stantly being scrutinized--by the children as well as by the administration and the senior staff members.. . The feedback I get from the senior staff members and the administration is generally positive. But my relationship with the residents is the real source of gratification...

These two examples highlight the fostering qual i ty--for the workers - -o f the life/work context.

3) Persons Who Wish to Rely on Their Intuitive Skills as a Launching Pad for Their Career Development but Without Making Long-Term Commitments. In line with Marcia's (1966) definition of moratorium, we detected among our informants a strong desire to gain familiari ty with a new occupation in order to discover new meanings, but without having to make a long-term commitment. Upon trying to find out how this process of exploration takes place, we learned tha t the informants ask themselves three questions: "What do I like to do? .... What am I able to do, for what kind of job do I have intuitive skills?" and "In which adjacent fields do I have previous experiences?"

The content analysis of their answers indicates the following themes with regard to the first question:

a. I like children 70% b. I like helping others 68% c. I like living in a group setting and performing leadership

roles 56%

E m m a n u e l G r u p p e r a n d R i v k a A . E i s i k o v i t s 1 8 7

d. I wish to perform meaningful service for society 49%

In relation to the second question, the following themes were promi- nent:

a. I have good interpersonal skills; I am empathic 68% b. I can serve as a role model for others 32% c. I am very dedicated to my colleagues and to my charges 23% d. I am a dependable and responsible individual 19% e. I am a hard worker 16%

The following quotation demonstrates this perspective:

� 9 I was looking for a job and didn't know what to do. I know that I like children very much. When I finished my army service. I got the idea to look for a job as a youth counselor... Now that I have been accepted, I can examine whether I am suited for the occupation�9

Another point tha t emerges is the significant connection between the need for a period of moratorium and the desire to work for some worthy social cause- - in congruence with Erikson's argument (1975) on this subject in reference to adolescents. One respondent said:

�9 . . I am 23 years old and single, so I am free to choose an occupation which seems both interesting and challenging�9 The state of the youngsters I met in this youth village indicates to what extent society failed on this subject. I think I am capable to offer these kids a lot. I can equip them with more positive norms and values�9 Molding the next genera- tion may sound "banal ," . . . but in my opinion, a good counselor can change the kids' outlook on life, on their environment and the coun- try �9 �9 �9

In sum, we are dealing with a group of people who lack professional t ra ining yet are genuinely interested in t rying their hand, at least for a while, in an occupation for which they have some natural inclina- tion. Their perhaps naive usage of idealistic elements is also characteristic of the moratorium they all seem to need.

4) Persons Who Need the Opportunity to Experiment with an Occupa- tion on a Trial and Error Basis in Preparation for a Carder Decision. A person lacking professional t ra ining is especially in need of oppor- tunit ies for trial and error experimentation upon entering a new field. Kahane (1986), referring to immigrant adolescents, counts the right to experiment without humiliat ion as one of the functions of moratorium. This principle applies equally to the condition of novices in a new occupational culture.

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The following responses to the question: "What aspects of the occupation influenced your choice to become a youth counselor?" lend further support to the above theoretical stance:

a. Flexible hours tha t allow me to combine work with school 70% b. The possibility to gain work experience under conditions

of loose control or supervision 53% c. Legitimation for trial and error 49%

Such an open, liberal atmosphere is considered an asset for building on-the-job competence and self-reliance. The following excerpt emphasizes the effectiveness of this learning opportunity, particularly when it is accompanied by constructive peer-guidance or supervision:

�9 . . At the beginning I was more like a friend to my charges�9 I'm twenty-six, not much older than they. They used to hug me whenever they returned from school�9 I realized that many co-workers were an- noyed by this habit. The social worker who supervises me suggested that I establish clearer boundaries. I tried different schemes to achieve this delicate balance�9 The essence of our relationship has not changed, yet they learned to be more respectful towards me and I have learned a valuable lesson, t o o . . .

This concludes the presentation of the profile of the newly recruited child and youth care workers. We now proceed to the third level of conceptualization, i.e., the heuristic design of a new model.

C. The Fostering Moratorium Model

In most professional occupations requiring intensive pre-service training, a recognized practicum period allows for institutionalized experiential learning to occur. For many parprofessional occupations, however, such an ar rangement does not exist. As conceptualized here, the "fostering moratorium" is meant to fulfil this function. A logical conclusion stemming from the findings that have been presented is that newly recruited child and youth care workers need an institutionalized period of experiential learning upon entering the field as much as or even more than professionals in the human services need their practicum.

The fostering moratorium carries the potential to transform the new counselor's first encounter with direct child care in a residential facility into an enriching educational experience that can become a catalyst for choosing a career in child care. Thus, we claim that it is possible to simulate work pat terns and life situations that can tu rn one's initial exposure to the job into a special developmental opportunity. This period can be structured so as to enable beginning


workers 1) to familiarize themselves with the new occupation without making a long-term commitment to either the occupation or the institution; 2) to learn the rules and norms of the institution in a relaxed and supportive atmosphere; 3) to learn by trial and error and, finally, 4), to develop skills such as flexibility, resourcefulness, and "reflective thinking" (Schon, 1987).

Impressions from the Experimental Training Program

The cumulative effect of this intervention appeared to be an im- provement in self-image, in addition to the acquisition of applicable knowledge and useful skills for affective practice of their occupation. The ethnographic model organized these into a coherent conceptual system which, in turn, enhanced the emergence of a humanistic worldview (see Eisikovits, 1991, for more details on this point). The evaluation revealed that this program also helped the counselors gain a sense of success in performing their job. This program encompassed the overall existential spectrum of these workers and appears to have added a meaningful fostering dimension to it.

C o n c l u s i o n s

It seems apparent that developmental goals for new workers entering the child and youth care field can be achieved by establishing appropriate on-the-job training programs and providing sensitive professional supervision during the initial period. This is not to advocate for the establishment of a "therapeutic environment" for new child and youth care workers, but rather to suggest that their initial encounter with residential group care work be made into a stimulating one--and how that can be achieved.

Thus, the evaluation of the training program in which part of this target population participated indicated that, beyond the application of the ethnographic model, which was our original objective, it has added a fostering dimension to the overall occupational situation of these workers. We found that wherever the institutional context con- tained some elements of moratorium (particularly in the terms elabo- rated above), the fostering impact of the training on the participant was much more powerful. The combination of a structured moratorium during the first month on the job and the application of the ethnographic model that was applied in this program encompasses the overall existential spectrum of these workers. This holistic perspective is the essence of the "fostering moratorium" model?

The professional socialization process of residential child and youth


care workers is approached in this paper from a new point of view-- namely, focusing on the existential needs of new workers. After having identified their particular needs, we inductively derived a generalized profile of these workers that makes instrumental use of the moratorium concept. The four categories of moratorium presented should serve as an outline for any structuring of new child and youth care workers' initial experiences on the job.

Our findings have shown that the residential group care context can be of high importance for workers characterized by that profile. The comprehensive facilities and services available for the welfare of young people in care prove to be instrumental for the new worker as well. In addition to these functional services, there is the rewarding sense of social belonging to the community that the residential institution represents. The intensity of the time spent together with children and staff members in the setting creates close relationships that enhance the development of a sense of sharing and working together for the sake of a common goal.

The findings presented in detail show that a proper structuring of beginning workers' occupational environment has the potential to meet their moratorium needs. Although the study was done in an Israeli cultural context, we believe that its conceptualizations can have implications for North American and European programs as well.

One can argue that this way of analyzing the child and youth care worker's socialization process does not do justice to many devoted, empathic, and sensitive workers who invest a great deal of energy, creativity, and faith in their jobs. There is also the ethical question of whether, in view of their own special educational and psychological needs, persons "in need of moratorium" are capable of caring well for children and youth in residential programs. Both of these arguments are legitimate and pertinent but, as long as non-professional workers predominate, reality for large numbers of children and youth in care will continue to involve their exposure to direct care workers with such characteristics.

The issue is not whether we like the idea or not; it is how we will deal with the fact that such workers do predominate in many settings in this field and will continue to do so. Responsible supervisors and administrators will, therefore, seek to address themselves to the application of methods that will enhance the effectivess of residential care work in this context.

Therefore, this paper offers new insights into the existential needs of beginning residential child and youth care workers and proposes a new conceptualization, including an experimental t raining program based on the "Child-care-worker-as ethnographer" model, that can


transform the occupational situation of the new child and youth care workers into a "fostering moratorium." Residential institutions that wish to improve the quality of services and care they deliver to children and youth can apply this approach to create for their new child and youth care workers a holistic situation, so as to provide for the moratorium needs of the workers and to stimulate them with the kinds of training and supervision programs that give the moratorium period a "fostering" dimension. The authors hope that the application of these perspectives will facilitate the empowerment of staff, leading to improved services to children and youth in residential care.

N o ~ s

1. It is not our intention, in this paper, to deal with this particular training program and its evaluation at length. For a full description, see Grupper (1992).

2. Referred to hereafter as the "ethnographic model." 3. For a broader treatment of these points, see Eisikovits (1991). 4. A Kibbutz is a collective living arrangement where the community provides for all

of the basic needs of each member. 5. Although we believe the "fostering moratorium" is no less applicable to the needs of

new workers in occupations at higher levels of professionalization, the discussion here is restricted to the paraprofessional workers who constituted our study population.

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“fostering moratorium” in residential child and youth care education

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