Chapter- 2

FOREST AND FOREST

DYNAMICS IN PRE­

INDEPENDENT INDIA

Chapter- 2

CHAPTER- 2

FOREST AND FOREST DYNAMICS IN PRE-INDEPENDENT

INDIA

India has prided herself as a 'forest culture', an Aranya Sanskrit. India's

words of wisdom are drawn from the forest and its ancient texts are

called Aranyakas. Her seers and sages lived in communion with forest, so

their unit of life is, harmonious and interdependence with nature. In our

Atharva Veda, we have a chapter called "B hum isulra" in which our

people in those days, that is almost 3000 years ago spoke of things,

which sounds so relevant and modern, through all the ages. That is, life

is indivisible,_ there is a basic harmony about life; and they fonas one

whole.3

Kalidasa, Gandhi and Tagore reinterpreted the concept of nature

as a teacher, a model for human society and harmonious man-nature

relationship. Sri Aurobindo said, Rig Vedic society represented the

noontide of civilization, and he also spoke of the consciousness that

emphasized the unity, the harmony of life.

India's best ideas were came from, where man was in communion

with the trees, rivers, lakes, and away from crowds. The culture of forest

has fuelled the culture of Indian society. The unifying principle of life in

diversity of democratic pluralism, thus became the principle of Indian

civilization.

Indians have articulated the need to sustain and promote the

ecological balances of nature through sacred incarnations, and

systematized rituals for the sustainer oflife on this earth.4

Thus, Indians in the ancient times were taught to respect various forms

of nature. All life humankind, wild and aquatic life, vegetative world are

interrelated and interdependent.

39

Chapter- 2

Kapila Vatsyayan states, that India is an example of the most

complete holistic perspective of the universe. The man-nature

relationship was at the core of this vision. To the Indian creative psyche

conquest over nature is a self-defeating goal. The environment would be

good to one who gives away one's own places to the environment, and

displaces oneself from the illusory fortress of one's own, as if unique

existence. s

The Indians have applied the cultural lessons at two levels. First,

at the level of relationship between society and nature and second,

between people and people within the society. Indian society modeled on

the bases of forests and agriculture, thus it was socialized to respect the

forms of diversity and have a niche for every life form including an insect.

The Indian society was thus eco-culturally socialised.6

Renewability and sustainability were other lessons. It is based on

the recognition that sustenance comes from the forest, net from the

man-made cities; from the fields, not from factories. Sustainable

reproduction of society can only be based on the maintenance of diversity

in the forests, which contributes to human needs in diverse ways:

agriculture, animal husbandry, water and irrigation, housing and health

care.

The forest as a source and means of sustenance means that the

forest and trees must be treated as sacred and its integrity is inviolable.

When sacredness of nature is violated and society divorced from the

nature, its essentials like diversity, renewability and sustainability are

lost with degradation and destruction of nature. 7

In spite of rich text, tradition and deep understanding of ecosystem

in our society, dynamics of forest revels contrary fact. The forested land

40

Chapter- 2

m India today is far below the scientific norms for a self-contained

economy and proper ecological balance, at least one third of the total

land area must be kept under forests (natural vegetation). In India it is

as low as 19.27 percent (Annual Report 2001-2002). The photographic

evidence derived from the satellites has confirmed that only 46 million

hectares are under real forests as against 63.34 million hectares. While

the dense forest (crown density more than 40%) and open forest (10%-

40%) occupy about 11% and 8% of the geographic area respectively,

while mangroves occupy 0.15% of the total geographic area.s

According to the report, the country has lost about 5500 sq. kms.

In the last two years, mainly in the States of Madhya Pradesh, Andhra

Pradesh, Assam, Orissa, Manipur and Nagaland. However, the report

says that there have been significant gains in the forest cover in the

States of Maharashtra, Gujarat, Mizoram, Rajasthan, Punjab and West

Benga1.9

Summing up the data, it can be said that the country is far away

from its target ie.- one-third area must be kept under forest cover.

However, adequate forest cover was not a problem in the past prior to the

colonial rule in India. India was able to maintain its forest sustainablly.

In fact sustainable forest practices were in-built phenomenon ever since

the Vedic age (Misra: 1993).

As in the case of any other nation or reg1on, the dynamics of

forests of India is closely linked with its polity, history, demography and

economic development. Political, economic and social changes also led to

change in consumption and conservation of forests over the centuries.

Broadly speaking, the following factors have had a major bearing on the

dynamics of forests in India:

41

Chapter- 2

1. Increase in population pressures;

2. Changes in the econ.omic condition of the people;

3. Variations in climatic and geological conditions;

4. Pressure brought about. by the large scale clearing of forestland for

agriculture and human settlements;

5. Wars and conflicts, which required tree felling on a very large scale;

6. Social and religious conditions;

7. Polity ofthe Country;

8. Scientific awareness and the need to conserve the forest ecosystem (both

flora and fauna).

Focusing into history of forest human relation, it is very difficult to

give comprehensive information, on the bases of data available. Forest

not being an issue of concern prior to British rule, Perhaps the effort was

not made, to make history of Indian forest systematic. Still there are

some evidence in the form of, mythology, accounts of foreign travelers,

monument and remains, some historical writing and cultural practices,

what provides some information about dynamics of forest in relation to

people and state.

In primitive form of life people were related to nature either

individually or in small group as a dependant, not as a regulating agent

of nHture in order to full fill their need. They do not have control on their

lively hood. They use to spend a nomadic life. Primitive man being

nomadic, it is very difficult to consider them as a part or unity of any

local ecosystem. Every aspect of there life was determined by forest.

Justifying deterministic role of environment, in 1945 an American

geographer Huntington wrote the monumental book, The Principles of

Human Geography, and was a protagonist of environmental determinism.

He took the most dec: 3ive step since the time of Hippocrates towards

42

Chapter- 2

something new and conclusive in environmental causation thinking.

Over many ye~rs he was engaged in developing the idea of climate's

leading role in the advancement of civilization. Huntington categorised

the world in the mild and harsh climatic zones and established that the

ancient civilizations (Egyptian, Mesopotamian, Chinese, and Indus)

flourished in the fertile river valleys of mild climates. He also established

the hypothesis of invasion and tribal warfare. Through which he made an

effort to prove impact of environment on humanity. In his word, the great

outpouring of nomadic people from Central Asia, which led to Mongols'

conquest of Iran, Iraq, Turan, Turkistan, Central Asia, China and India.

The raids in Eastern Europe in the 13th century could be explained by

the dying of pastures of west Asia, on which the nomads were dependent . . ·-

According to Huntington, religion and racial character are the products

of climate. Temperature of about 20°C and variable atmospheric

conditions (temperate cyclonic weather) are t..'1e ideal climatic conditions

. for high mental and physical efficiencies.

Huntington further explains, it is owmg to the humid, hot,

oppressive weather, which makes the person lethargic, lazy, inefficient

and -suspicious. Thus he believed that out of all the factors of

environment, climate was the fundamental factor in the civilization and

climate is totally dependent on forest.Io Thus, to say in other word, forest

determines pattern of life, further in specific to say in case of tribe o-r

primitive men forest determines almost every aspect of life. Such as food

habit, way of life, culture, religion and social structure of society.

However, with the time, when primitive man learns, use off fire,

cultivation and etc, than they started to live a life of settlers. The term

settlement implies, there must be a group of people to stay together,

some code of conduct to regulate community living and some people

either nominated or selected within the group to supervise code of

conduct, the community is independent to regulate all of there means of

43

Chapter- 2

livelihood, and a space at there command to live in. In other words,

settlement must have _population to live together, a government in the

form of selected or elected body of individual to supervise and to operate

sovereignty, and a space to live together, which justifies Birth of state

with the birth of human civilization.

From the ecological standpoint state is collectivity of individuals,

which interacts with the nature in order to full fill need of people. This

collective form of life came in to existence, when primitive men found

difficult alone to survive. Thus, collective life was a compulsion for

humanity. It's function was mint for basic need, but with the time

human need turn in to human greed due to invention of new technology

those are knowledge of cultivation, invention of plough, wheel, etc. Prior

to invention of new technology they use to spend entire time of their life

in order to collect their basic requirement. But with these technology

. men became a better actor to collect their basic requirement. They were

able to save good amount of time of their life, and with this leisure time

men found a space to think for comfort. And in order to achieve it they

started to invent further new technology, with this further new

technology men became an agent of exploiter of nature, because human

greed came in to play. So, in brief to say, collective life, invention of new

technology such as, knowledge of cultivation, plough, wheel and etc,

leisure time and human greed were the factors, which played a role to

initiate an exploitative relation of men with nature.First, Science than

culture became an active factor to determine mode of human relations

with forest. So far depletion of forest is concern, it was started due to

growing human need, but in fact, human greed only unsettled balance of

ecosystem. 11

It is believed that the Dravidian civilization and culture flourished

m India as long as 2000 BC. The people seemed to have lived in

Chapter- 2

consonance with the forests, which were abundant. India was inhabited

by waves of settlers. The Aryans settled in many parts of northern India.

They quickly cleared the thick forests and made settlements, mainly

along the banks of the major rivers. During those days the saints and

sages lived in the forests and it is in these forests that epics like the

Mahabharata, Ramayana and the Holy Scriptures including the Vedas

were written.

The Mahabharata and the Ramayana give attractive descriptions of

forests like Dandakaranya, Nandavan and Khandavavan. The ancient

culture of Hindus had its origin in the Aranyas and Ashrams. There was

great reverence for forests and groves near temples. There was no effort

on the part of the rulers or the people of the land towards any regular

management of the forests or their perpetuation.l2

The records of Chinese pilgri!ns (600 BC) refer to dense Indian

forests. Those days state operated . either through direct democracy or

indirect democracy, and agenda of state was of people's agenda. Forest

being abundant, conservation was not in state agenda. From the records

of Alexander invasion it has come to light that dense forests covered the

areas visited by him. However, as soon as Alexander left for Greece, the

territories conquered by him began to break away and there was no

central authority to organise the administrative set up of the country till

the reign of Chandragupta Maurya in "300 BC".

With the foreign invasion and ruttenization of democratic and

traditional authority, monarchy form of state came in to existence, and

with the monarchy form of government monarch reduced people's agenda

in to agenda of ruling class. Chandragupta Maurya was first king of India

recognized the importance of forests and appointed a high official to look

45

Chapter- 2

after the forests of his kingdom. The official was assisted by a number of

subordinates.

The salient features of the forest administration during the reign of

Chadragupta Maurya and his successor Hindu Kings were:

1. The forests were classified as-

( a) Those set aside for the study of religion;

(b) Those reserved for the supply of forest produce;

(c) Those set aside as grazing grounds for royal elephants, which formed an

important part of the army;

(d) Hunting areas set aside for the royal family;

(e) Hunting areas set aside for the general public;

2. The staff of the king did protection of wild animals living 1n specified

forest areas;

3. Punishments were prescribed for specific forest offences.

Forests and forestry assumed more importance during the rule of

Ashoka. He advocated those wild animals and trees must be protect~d.

Stress was laid on planting trees along roads, paths and around camping

sites. Growing of plants yielding medicines was also encouraged. As a

matter of fact, the famous edicts of Ashoka also cover subjects like tree

planting and protecting wild animals.l3

However, inspite of this compensatory act of state, state power was

abrogated from people and utilized to protect interest of the ruling class.

Since than alienation of common man was initiated from common

resource. The act of. reserving a good chunk of forest for royal use and

punishment on violation of royal forest rule, conforms above fact. So,

marginalization of interest of the forest dependant due to vested h.terest

46

Chapter- 2

of ruling elite, was an age-old phenomena. Still there were no crises of

ecology. People of ancient India were eco-culturally socialized. Way of life

or culture was eco-centric rather than anthropocentric. Apart from

economic value, religious, aesthetic, recreational and medicinal value of

forest was known to them.l4

Medieval Period

With the Muslim invasion, the local people· who were uprooted

sought refuge in the forests, which they cleared for settling down. The

invaders did not have any special interest in the conservation. They

cleared them either for strategic reasons or for other purposes. However,

they were in teres ted in forests for hunting and in the creation and

maintenance of gardens besides planting of trees along the highways and

canals. The great Mughal E:nperor, Jl..kbar, who evinced interest in the

planting of trees along canals, directed "that on both sides of the canal

down to Hissar, trees of every description, both for shade and blossom,

be planted, so as to make it like the canal under the tree in Paradise."

With the fall of Mughal Empire, the country was divided into a number of

small kingdoms that were frequently fighting among themselves, as a

result of which many people abandoned cultivation in disturbed areas

and went to remote forest areas. The increase in population also led to

the clearance of more forest areas for agriculture. Shifting cultivation in

the hills was also responsible for clearance of forestlands more than

necessary. There was no organized interest in forest maintenance. Only

specified species of timber value were proclaimed by local rulers as

"Royal trees" and royalty was· collected for the extraction of such trees.

Otherwise, the forests were open to all and the public obtained their

requirements without restriction.Is Generation of revenue on selected

trees strengthen hold of rulers and enhanced estrangement of people

from natural resource and commercial value of forest was recognized.

47

Chapter- 2

British Period

Till the end of the 18th century, forest was treated by local dwellers

and the Indian State as an open access resource. This did not imply that

it should be used or misused by anyone with no restraints attached. It

was effectively managed with the help of a complex range of rules and

regulations woven around the socio-cultural milean as well as the

economic activities of local communities. In fact the indigenous model of

natural resource utilization were sensitive to the limits to which these

resources could be used (Bandopadhyay & Shiva, 1988).16

With the arrival of Britisher, the organised interest of colonial state

were introduced into Indian forest . Devoid of good forest in there own

country, requirement of British navy and requirement of British modern

industries in, were some of their compulsion, what made them realize the

commercial value of Indian forests and they tried to exploit and through

systematic effort, in order to protect colonial interest of the British.

According to Chhatrapati Singh (1986), forests come mostly under

common property of ancient origin where resources were commonly

owned by the village. Traditionally forest dwellers did not conceive their

habitat as their property, common or private, and such a concept was

alien to them. However the rulers within whose domain the land fell,

claimed ownership even where they may not be claiming land revenue

from the native people or interfering with them. This monarchical claim

was exploited by the British to introduce the concept of common property

over which the sovereign had absolute rights (Singh, 1986).17

With the establishment of British colonial rule in India there was a

major change in the way the natural resources were being utilised. The

ever-increasing. resource demands of the industrial revolution in England

. wer,e largely met from colonies like India. The basic purpose behind the

48

Chaoter- 2

colonial exploitation was a state oriented forest management to utilise

the forest in the service of the industry and army. The British themselves

were new to ideas of systematic forestry, as they had no developed forest

organization then in Britain. As supplies of first class oak timber became

short in England, large quantities of teak from India were used for the

British Navy.

At the close of the 18th century the position regarding forests in

India was no better than before the advents of the British. Only certain

species, which were acceptable for export purposes were exploited and

that also in an unregulated manner. Apart from timber, the Sandalwood

of south India was exploited for its highly scented wood and it found its

way to different European markets. In fact, all the requirements needed

for governmental activities we~e then easily procurable from the forests.

With the time and with the experience imperial administration has

learned scientific management of forest and state control was introduced.

Establishment of colonial control over forest got various aspect. First the

whole emphasis was on the state deciding what the forest stood for, who

should use it and in what manner. Since the government became the

owner of these resources, peoples' access was being governed by the

state as a concession. The entire process of expansion of state control

over forests in India started about the same time that major

transformations characterized the wider politico-economic scene.

With the expansion of markets for several forest products Indian

forest resources became economically attractive. Forest soon became a

major source of state revenue and forest management was closely linked

up with the needs of commercial interest. The general policy was to

expand agriculture and to obtain teak and other timber for the Navy, for

constructional . purposes and industrial need, But even in the early

decades of the 19th century, the rapid diminution of forests and their

49

Chapter- 2

likely failure to continue to yield the requirements (especially of selected

species) in adequate quantities began to be felt by the administration. In

the year 1800 a Commission was appointed to Enquirer into the

availability of teak in the Malabar forests. Regulations followed

prohibiting the felling of teak below 21 inches in girth. In 1805, a Forest

Committee was constituted to enquire into the capacity of forests and the

status of proprietary rights in them. As a result of the Forests

Committee's report, a proclamation was made declaring 'royalty' rights

over teak trees in the south, and prohibiting unauthorized feelings of

teak. And this act of imperial state can be called, the process of state

empowerment vis-a-vis people on the question of control over forest. 18

In 1825, Wakkaach was deputed to enquire into and report on the

extensive forests at the base of the Himaiayas. His report pointed to the

need for conserving the forests of Sal and Sissoo in Avadh and the Terai.

He recommended that government should interest itself actively in their

management. 19

However, the observations that large number of Sal seedlings

occurred every season near the big trees, led Falconer to conclude that

the forest wealth was inexhaustible and the exploitation of the forests

could continue unabated. The difficulty of establishing the young Sal was

not realized then. The belief that, the forests were inexhaustible, hence

uncontrolled exploitation took place. Further demand for timber was

intensified in the early years of the building of the railway network after

about 1853. While great chunks of forest were destroyed to meet the

demand for railway sleepers; no supervision was exercised over the

felling operations. The following table shows the pattern of railway

expansion in India from 1853-1910: 2o

50

Chapter- 2

felling operations. The following table shows the pattern of railway

expansion in India from 1853-1910: 18

"f."

Table 2.1

Railway Expansion in India, 1853-1910

Year ·Kilo Outlay Net earning

Metera~e (_Rs. Millionl {Rs. Million) 1853 32 3.8 0.05

1860 1,349 266.6 3.0

1870 7,678 900.0 30.3

1880 14.745 1,285.7 63.9

1890 26,395 2,136.7 103.6

1900 39,834 3,296.1 164.5

1910 51,658 4,390.5 239.9

Source: Government of India", History of Indian Railways", Delhi 1964, p.214.

In addition to presser from railway, there was also presser from

British shipping industry, it turned towards Indian forest to meet their

need for wood, An indication of escalating demand is provided by the

increase in tonnage of British merchants ships (i.e. excluding the Royal

Navy) from 1,278,000 tones in 1778 to 4,937,000 tones in 1860

(Leathart, 1982).19

Later the expansiOn of railways in first part of 19th century m

India further increased the demand, so deforestation was very high. In

order to compensate and to make supply possible some plantation were

also made, during the period 1865-70. The planting of Casuarina in the

coastal areas of Madras was one of them. Which was initiated in order to

make good and large quantities of fuel to make available. Again to meet

the considerable needs of the railways. Forest tracts were demarcated to

provide for the supply of fuel for the working of the railways. In fact, at

51

Chapter- 2

energies to maintaining a regular supply of fuel and this resulted in

cutting trees over large areas of forests. The fuel plantations that were

formed were small in extent when compared to the extent of forests that

had been worked. The Secretary of State was particularly alarmed at the

absence of progress in the formation of fuel plantations. The large-scale

demand of fuel for the railways, however, resulted in the .govemment

agreeing to large tracts of wastelands converted into fuel reserves and

their being placed under the Forest Department. Stewart, Punjab's first

regular Conservator of Forests (1864), carried out detailed inquiries

regarding fuel supplies required for the railways in that region. Sleepers

also continued to be supplied from the timber forests in the hills of

Punjab. As the first attempts deodar plantations were not successful,

Stewart examined the question in detail and considered that it should be

the duty of the Department rather to conserve the existing resources

than to raise new plantations of deodar at that stage of forest

management in the western Himalayas. He considered that the best

course would lie in felling first class trees, not exceeding 1 I 3 of the whole

stock, in such a manner as to leave convenient space for growth of the

young trees obtained by natural sowing from the remaining two- thirds of

mature trees. It would thus be seen that Stewart visualized the gradual

introduction of shelter wood system, which was later so successfully

developed in Punjab.22

Besides these plantation, in 1842, Conolly, the Collector of

Malabar, initiated action that resulted in the world-famous teak

plantations of Nilambur. The Court of Directors of the East India

Company thus recognized the need to improve the forests of Malabar by

forming teak plantations. 23

After the World War afforestation works were taken up in Punjab

(Hoshiarpur) and U.P. (Etawah, Terai and .Bhabar) for reclamation of

52

Chapter- 2

chows, ravmes and other eroded areas during the earlier period, were

continued during the period 1924-47. The success achieved initially

indicated the need for similar work on a large scale in other provinces

also, so that the denuded areas could be reclaimed and at the same time

the increasing demand for small timber and firewood could be better met

than all along.

However, Initially colonial agenda were introduced in forestry

sector in an unplanned manner, but resistance from the tribal and the

apprehension of fast depletion of forest by the British gave birth to the

first forest-policy of 1854. The forest were declared a national asset and

efforts were made to introduce what was called "scientific management"

which was only a mode of getting higher revenue for the state.

The railway requirements were the first and by far the most

formidable of the forces thinning Indian forest (Cleghorn, 1860:60) To

ensure a sustained availability of requirements of different railway

companies for railway sleepers the Governor General called in 1862 for

the establishment of a separate forest department. The imperial

department was formed in 1864 with Dietrich Brandis as its first

Inspector General of forest. However the task of checking the

deforestation of previous phase and the consolidation of forest estimate

could not be accomplished without the a~sertion of state monopoly right

over forest (Guha, 1993). It was in this dual sense that the railways

proved to be a watershed with respect to forest administration in India,

the need was felt to start an appropriate department and for its effective

functioning, an enactment of legislation to curtail the previously

exercised unlimited right of users was required. 24

In his dispatch dated 1st November 1864, the Governor- General

pointed out to the Secretary of State, that the idea of allowing proprietary

53

Chapter- 2

right in forests to individuals should be abandoned, as such rights were

almost certain to lead to the destruction of the forests concerned. It was

considered necessary that all government forests should be strictly set

apart and made inalienable. It was conceded that provision would have

to be made for the continued exercise of certain private rights already

existing, but it would be a good policy to extinguish even those rights on

equitable terms wherever possible. The dispatch also pointed out the

need for:

( 1) exercising great care in the disposal of wastelands containing forests;

(2) demarcating and fixing the limits of forests to be preserved as such;

(3) enacting a comprehensive Indian Forest act.

In order to carry out an All-India policy in respect of forests, it was

considered that an officer shouid be placed solely in charge of forest

matters. As a result, an Inspector General of Forests, directly under the

orders of the Government of India, was appointed. Her Majesty's

Government approved the proposal to make a separate Forest

Department under the Government of India for dealing with all questions

relating to the forests in the provinces. The dispatch from the governor­

general to the Secretary of State on 1st November 1864 and the

Secretary's reply there to initiate the birth of separate Forest Department

under the Government of India. More systematic interventions and

assertion of state monopoly was through the Indian Forest Act of 1865.

The Act was made to regulate forest exploitation, management and

preservation. It empowered the government to declare any land covered

with trees, brushwood or jungle as government forest by notification,"

provided that such notification should not abridge or effect any existing

right of individuals or communities" (section 2). For the first time an

attempt was made to regulate the collection of forest produce by the

forest dwellers: Thus the socially regulated practice of the local people

were to be restrained by law (Sarad Kulkarni, 1987) . 25

54

Chapter- 2

The act was applicable only to forests, which were under

government control, and no provisions were made to cover private

forests. This act marked the inception of formal state properly in forests in

India.

In a conference of forest officers in 1874, a discussion was held on

the defects of 1865 Act. The British themselves reversed a process, which

they themselves initiated, treating forests as inexhaustible and worthless

and by doing so permitting the villagers to exercise right of users

unhindered. In fact all the provisions of 1865 Act except the one

pertaining to arrest were found to be defective. In section VIII of the Act,

it was stated "gives the one satisfactory power in the Act, and must be

maintained in the new law, arrest without warrant is absolutely

essential". The Act provided for a series of prohibitions but said nothing

about the principles of managing the forest. In the colonial bureaucracy

there was a considerable debate on the absolute control and ownership

rights of the state and it was decided to treat the customary use of the

forests by the Indian villager as based on "privilege" and not on "right".

These considerations were to be incorporated in the new (1878) Act.

The Act of 1878 was more comprehensive than the earlier one. It created

three classes of forest:

(a) Reserved forest consisting of compact and valuable areas and well

connected to towns, which would enable the department for sustained

exploitation. In reserved forests a legal separation of rights was aimed for

in order to ensure Total State control. Though attempts at cordoning off

certain species of forests had been attempted earlier, the first "Reserved

Forests" from which local users were excluded altogether were created

after the 1878 act.

55

Chapter- 2

(b) In the second category the protected forest rights were recorded but not

settled. "Protected Forests" were more or less a residual category after

the entire non-cultivated land had been classified as being under

reserved forests or within the Assi sal boundaries. Thus it included,

among other things the omnibus category of "waste lands". The Act

allowed the government to declare any part of the protected forests as

reserved. This entailed another potential encroachment on the customary

rights of local users. Infact the 14,000 square units of state forests in

1878 had increased to 56000 square miles of reserved forests and 20,000

square hectares of protected forests in 1890 (Guha, 1993: 134.)

(c) The category of "village forests" included a provision for the creation of

forests for the exclusive use of villagers in the future. In practical terms,

it meant the forests within the Assi Sal boundaries to which locals had

free access. Even though this third category of forest i.e. village forest"

were created, the option was not exercised in most' parts of the country.

People were notified to record their claims over land and forest produce

in the proposed reserved and protected forests.

The Act imposed many prohibitions of forest use. Certain acts like

trespass or pasturing of cattle were prohibited. Provisions were made to

Impose duty on timbers. Some provisions were also made for private

forests. Acts like forest fires, felling of timber was declared as forest

offences and imprisonment and fines were also prescribed for these.

Under the provision of 1878 Act, each family upright holders were

allowed a specific quantum of timber and fuel, while the sale or barter of

forest produce was strictly· prohibited. This exclusion from forest

management was therefore both physical, as it denied or restricted

access to forest and pasture as well as social, as it allowed 'right holders'

only a marginal and inflexible claim on the produce of the forest (Gadgil

and Guha, 1992: 135).

56

Chapter-2

The forest policy statement of 1894 also reasserted the principle of

state monopoly over forests. The resolution declared that the sole

objective with which the state forests were to be administered was to the

public benefit. In some cases, the public to be benefited, were the whole

body of taxpayers, in others the people of the tract within which the

forest was situated.

Forests were divided into four classes: (a) forests the preservation

of which was essential on climatic or physical grounds, (b) forests which

afforded a supply of valuable timber for commercial purposes, (c) minor

forests and (d) pasture lands. The above-mentioned classifications were

applicaule only to forests under the management of the state. However

some suggestion~ were also made for wastelands not declared as forests.

It was categorically specified that L.~e claims of cultivation were stronger

than the claims of forest preservation and that whenever an effective

demand for cultivable land could be supplied from a forest area it should

be ordinarily granted without hesitation. The policy was a response to

the serious discontent among the agricultural classes caused by strict

forest administration. Though the provisions were considerably in favor

of the need of the viilages, it cautioned that these should be met only "to

the utmost point that is consistent with imperial interest." (Regional

Archives Dehradun, list no. 22, File no. 244, circular no 22f, 19 Oct

1894, revenue & agricultural forest).

We must distinguish between policy statements and legislative

enactments. Whereas it is always possible to make conciliatory gestures

in the former it is the latter which will actually be in operation (Gadgil &

Guha, 1992).26 The government thus graduaily increased its control over

the forest and the forest department was strengthened from time to time

with a view to regulate people's right over forest lands and produce.

There was a steady and considerable increase in revenue obtained from

57

Chapter- 2

the forest and the forest department was strengthened from time to time

with a view to regulate people's right over forest lands and produce.

There was a steady and considerable increase in revenue,~ obtained from

the forests. The table below indicates consistent increase in surplus

account of the Forest department.

Table 2.2

Revenue And Surplus Of Forest Department 1869-192525

Yearly average for Revenue Surplus Per cent of

the period (Rs. (Rs. column 3 to 1869-70 to 1873-74 5.6 1.7 30

1874-75 to 1878-79 6.7 2.1 31

1879-80 to 1883-84 8.8 3.2 36

1884-85 to 1888-89 11.7 4.2 36

1989-90 to 1893-94 15.9 7.3 46

1894-95 to 1898-99 17.7 7.9 45

1899-1900 to 1903-4 19.7 8.4 43

1904-1905 to 1908-9 25.7 11.6 45

1909-1910 to 1913-14 29.6 13.2 45

1914-1915to 1918-19 37.1 16.0 43

1919-1920 to 1923-4 55.2 18.5 34

1924 to 1925 56.7 21.3 38

Source: see reference

In 1927, an attempt was made to codify all the practices of the

forest officials. The Indian Forest Act of 1927 was an attempt to further

regulate peoples' rights over forest lands and produce. The division of

forest into: (a) reserved forests, (b) protected forests and (c) village forest,

were kept as it was in the Act of 1878. Elaborate provisions were made to

' extend state control over forests as well as for taking over the

management of private forests in certain cases. Forest offences like 58

Chapter- 2

for herding cattle or for any other purpose of any land in any such forest,

were declared offences punishable under the Act and the rules made

there under.

Most importantly this Act started with the assumption that the

common land which the forest and the people cohabit is the property of

the government and that the latter is entitled to its forest produce.

(Singh: 1986). According to this Act, no one can claim on forest-land as a

right to property merely because he is domiciled there or even if his

ancestors had lived there for centuries. Nor do such people have any

rights over forest produce. Vide section III of this forest Act it is stated

that, "the Government may constitute any forest or wasteland & over

which the Government has a proprietruy right, The same attitude is

reflected in Baden Powell's argument for the absolute control and

ownership right of the state over all common land, whether inhabited or

not.28

The British Parliament through the Government of India Act 1935,

created provincial legislature and what is known as the dual system of

Government came into operation. The subject of forest was included in

the provincial list under the Act (item 22). Thereafter several provinces

made their own laws to regulate forests most of which were within the

framework laid down in the 1927 Act.29

While critically reflecting on the forest policies of British India, it

can be stated that the regulations enacted during the period represented

the first disruptive intrusions of the Modem State and of capitalism in

the subsistence economy of the local people. The colonial state

intervention in natural resource management led to conflicts over vital

renewable natural resources like water and forests and induced new

forces of poverty and deprivation. As major thrust was on cultivation,

59

Chapter- 2

vast tracts of forests were being eroded, dislocating the forest-dwellers

from their survival economy. It came in conflict with local people's age­

old rights and practices related to natural resources utilisation. More

importantly it led to institutional change with the ascendancy of state

property in forest resulting in gradual erosion of traditional cooperative

arrangements.

It is often stated that the maJor problem with forest policy was

severe paucity of funds. For long Forest Services were an extension of the

department of agriculture or revenue and gained independent status

much later. The responsibility for the exploitation of forest was often left

to private enterprises since government did not have the means or even

the desire to take it up. In fact when the creation of the forest

department was. under discussion in the 1860s, one of the mrun

objections that were raised against Brandis, the then Inspector General

for forest was that a forest department was bound to be unprofitable and

would be a burden on the colony's exchequer. After the creation of the

forest department the suspicion remained and the department always

had to prove conclusively that it was making profits. Thus the forest

department had to put its main emphasis on commercial exploitation of

the forests rather than on maintenance and improvement

(Pouchepadass, 1995).

This also reflects the approach the Indian State had towards

forests. It was at best a legal administrative category serving the interests

of the colonial state. The imperial Govt totally over looked people's

participation or community participation in the management of forest. In

fact the state and peasants, according to Bandopadhyay and Shiva had

two non-interactive structures. The state represented the industrial

urban use of the forest and partisan science while the villagers

represented harmony with nature and a symbiotic relationship with

Chapter- 2

forests (Pathak, 1992). One authorised spokesman of state forestry

summed up in the following manner the official thinking in 1865. "The

state alone, which does not can be concerned about the future of society

and assume the task of raising these great plants" (Bandopadhayay. and

Shiva, 1986, 1987b, 1988). Akheleshwar Pathak does not agree with this

categorization and rightly considers it as the major drawback in all their

work, since they do not see structures are interacting. He further

reiterates that while Guha corrects this by locating Chipko movement in

the historical social setting of the peasant society in Uttarkhand, he

reduces the relationship between the state and the peasants to binary

categories. Pathak sees it as multiple relationship, (Pathak, 1994).30

With the overpowering dominance of the state, other community

structures were gradualiy eroded and the traditional conservation and I

management systems around the forest declined. The state itself was

quite lukewarm about the constitution of community forests.

Simultaneously, British land policy serving the interest of rich farmers

and the ruling classes worked towards the increasing differentiation of

the peasantry and the decline of communal institutions. The peasants on

the other hand lost his autonomy and being dislocated from his land was

pushed into the vortex of the market economy. The incentive to preserve

and conserve their own resources declined and the dispossessed users

relinquished the sense. of responsibility, which had hitherto bound their

interests to maintain the forests. Illegal felling of trees were rampant

signifying a slow but significant process of ecological decline.

Colonialism had thus much to grun for itself by destroying the

existing institutional arrangement that governed village life. This

institutional vacuum along with the attendant poverty of people at the

village level resulted in immense resource destruction. The former

political and economic cohesion of village got disintegrated and lost <:heir

61

Chapter- 2

ability to exercise control over the action of the residents with respect to

natural resource use as authority system declined. The essence of village

life was a structure of authority and control, encompassing both

permiSSIOn and restraint within which all communal. ( Jacques

Pouchepadass: EPW Aug 19, 1995)1.

This was the . major tendency in the overall colonial policy.

Vbeleker, a consulting chemist to the Agricultural Society wrote - "the

tendency of our system of government has to a considerable extent been

to break up village communities, and now for the most part they are

heterogeneous bodies rather than communities, (Gadgil & Guha, 1992).31

Everyday forms of forest dependant resistance activities took place.

One would argue that the very purpose of a village life was to serve as a

locus of control and cooperation such that the welfare of the group would

be enhanced. The village was therefore an economic and social unit of

great importance to the use and management of land and related natural

resources (Bromley, 1991). 32

The disintegration of the important role played by villages can be

traced to the introduction of new land laws, the related intrusion of

urban interests into the rural village, the opening up of external trade

and markets and the centralization of revenue and judicial

administration leaving the village Panchayats with little or no formal role.

The essence of colonial administration was to harness the political

power of the village to secure legitimacy for the alien power of the

grassroots. It became necessary to undermine the existing authority

system so that it would be responsive to the interests and imperatives of

the colonial administration. This was quite obvious vis-a-vis the forest

Chapter- 2

policies enacted during the period. Thus the institutional arrangement

imposed by the colonial administration on the villages' social, political

and economic life were to: (a) encourage the cultivation of those crops

which were of interests to the colonial administration, (b) provide tax

revenue to support the administration and (c) undermine indigenous

institution, stluctures and processes to strengthen and serve the

interests of the colonial administration. These transformations

essentially destroyed the village as an autonomous decision making unit,

which was of course the very purpose of those, imposed institutional

changes.

It can therefore be argued from the 'commons' perspective that the

real tragedy of the commons is the process whereby indigenous property

rights get undermined and delegitimized. This destruction of local level

authority system is the principle cause of natural resource degradation.

However, besides exploitation of forest, Britisher made some

landmark effort in the context of forest management. Some of them are

initiation of plantation, establishing forest department, making forest

management scientific, and introducing forest conservation and forest

research. But every thing gun in-ven from the people's prospective, due

to vested commercial interest of the Britisher. Other than the vested

interest of imperial rules, there are some domestic and nondomestic

event's, what got some bearings on forest situation of India.

Freedom Struggle Of India

Chapter- 2

The Mutiny or Indian War of Independence in 1857 had a bearing on the

course of forestry in India. Excessive commercial exploitation of timber

was done to pay for the cost of suppressing the War of Independence.

There was a tremendous demand for timber in the aftermath of

this mutiny and this led to the destruction of forests. As a result of the

movement for Indian Home Rule organized in 1916 and the Non­

Cooperation Movement that followed, there was a general defiance

against forest laws and damage to forests was caused by fire in some

places (Bengal, Kumaon Hills of U.P.). And a large numbers of villagers

made a large number of raids into the nearby forests and trees were cut

down. In Andhra instances of violence against forest officials were also ·

recorded. There are some freedom fighter outfits, which operated their

freedom struggle from forest, in order to give them an effective check

Britisher cut down forest in some areas.33

World War-1 and World War-11

World War I (1914-1918) had its effect on the forests of the country. The

shortage of imported materials caused by the German submarine

campaign made it necessary to develop indigenous materials, and

towards this erid the Forest Research Institute undertook different tests

regarding the suitability of local materials. During World War I many of

the younger officers of the Forest Department were called on to serve in

the Army, and this threw additional work on the officers left in the

Department, especially as they had to deal with the enormous demands

for timber and other forest- produce from the military authorities.

Silvicultural work had perforce to be held in abeyance in some of the

forest areas, which had to concentrate on other aspects. Large-scale

supplies of timber, firewood and other produce (like hay) were made to

the Army. Timbers from India's forests were utilized in various mid­

eastern fieJds of World War I. The Forest Research Institute at Dehradun

64

Chapter- 2

also carried out important investigations on the possibilities of utilizing

the so-called jungle woods, many of which were recognized later as good

substitutes for the important materials.

The world war, two, which came physically much nearer to India,

the demands made on India's forests were of much greater magnitude

than the demands during World War I. Enormous quantity of timber

(from almost every wood species) were extracted, causing excessive felling

and advance working in almost all Forest Divisions in the provinces.

There were also very extensive over- felling in private forests and forests

in the Princely States. Many varieties of timber, which had not been used

previously in any appreciable quantity, began to be consumed in large

quantities.

Economic Depression of 1930s

Thirties economic depression got some bearings on forest on the form of

large-scale Curtailment of the Indian Forest Service in the postwar period

( 1921-26). The Governments of the Provinces rapidly reduced their needs

for highly paid forest officers; and all recruitment to the Indian Forest

Service came to an end in 1930. Direct recruitment of forest officers was

not revived till 1938. Retrench- mere measures were taken and some of

the Divisions and Circles amalgamated. The position gradually improved

towards the end of the thirties and timber trade rehabilitated itself and

increased demand for timber, firewood and other forest produce

occurred. 34

Demand From Industries

New forest industries also began to come into existence in different parts

of the country; some of them big undertakings like the newsprint factory

at Nepa Nagar in Madhya Pradesh. The plywood industry came into its

Chapter- 2

existence during this period and many new plywood factories were

started especially in the Calcutta area.

However, concluding the discussion it can be said, towards the end

of British Rule the Indian rural societies were impoverished and

sustainable forest conservation was broken. More importantly the

traditional institution of forest conservation were not visible. Due to

adaptation of anti-forest dependence policies the people were alienated

from their source of survivability. The isolation of people from the forest

does not led to only economical impoverisation but also it distracted

people's religious, cultural, educational, social and recreational relation

with forest.

Apart from these effect of colonial rule on forest dependant

community and on Indian forest in the form of economic poverisation,

deforestation and commercialization of Indian forest at macro level and

delegitimisation of traditional forest conserving institution,

desocialisation of forest and forest dependant's, socio cultural relation at

micro level, there are some more impacts of colonial rule on post

independent forest management and forest policy, which is taken in to

focus in next chapter.

REFERENCES

1 Singh, On self, Forest and Environment, Journal Of The Anthropological Survey

Oflndia, 39((4)) (Dec. 90): 231-35

2 Rao, R. K. and Sakaran, S. R. (2003) Forest myths, Jungle laws and Social

Justice, Economic & Political Weekly, 38(46), (15-21 Nov.): pp.4819-24

3 Singh, On self, Forest.and Environment, Journal Of The Anthropological Survey

Of India, 39((4)) (Dec. 90): 231-35

66

Chapter- 2

4 Rao, R. K. and Sakaran, S. R. (2003) Forest myths, Jungle laws and Social

Justice, Economic & Political Weekly, 38(46), (15-21 Nov.): pp.4819-24

5 Thapar, Romila (200 1) Perceiving the forest: Early India, Studies in History,

17(1), (Jan-June): 1-16

6 Ibid.

7 Op., Cit., Singh, pp 231-35.

' The present report is based on the Inc.ian Remote Sensing Satellite IRS-1B

Data.

10Ambrose, P (1969) Analytical Human Geography, Longman, London.

"op. Cit., Romi1a Thapar, pp 1-16.

12 Negi, S.S. ( 1994) Indian Forestry Through the Ages, Indus Publishing

Company, New Delhi, pp 39-70.

I) Ibid.

14 Ibid.

15 Anon (1961) Hundred Years of Forestry in India, GOI, Delhi.

16 Bandopadhyay, J. and Vandana Shiva (1988) Political Economy of Ecology

Movement, Economic and Political Weekly, June 11, pp. 1223-1332.

Chapter- 2

17 Singh, Bhupinder (1986) People's participation in Resource Management for

Eco-Development, Paper presented at a -seminar on -'People's Participation ic

Resource Management for Eco-Development', Delhi, Institute of Economic

Growth, 20th Nov. 1986.

18 Saravana, V. (2003) Colonial commercial forest policy and tribal private

forests in Madras presidency, 1792-1881. Indian Economic & Social History

Review, 40(4), (Oct-Dec.): pp 403-27

19 Op., Cit. Negi, S.S.

20 Government of India ( 1964) History of Indian Railways, New Delhi, p.214.

2: British shipping industry turn towards Indicu.J. forest to meet their need for

wood later the expansion of railways in Indian further increased the demand.

An indication of escalating demand is provided by the increase in tonnage of

British merchants ships (i.e. excluding the Royal Navy) from 1,278,000 tonnes

in 1778 to 4,937,000 tonnes in 1860 . Leatharts, 1982, "Review of N.D.G.

James, A history of English Forestry'', Times Literary supplement, 8 January.

22 Brandis, D. (1906) Forestry in India, London.

2' Op. Cit.,Negi, S.S.

24 Saldanha, I. M. (* ) Colonialism and professionalism: A German forester in

India.

25 Kulkarni, Sharad ( 1987) Forest Legislation and Tribal Comments on Forest

Policy Resolution, Economic and Political Weekly, December 12.; Sharad

Kulkarni ( 1996) Forest , state and the people, Artha Vijnana, 31 (3)(Sept): 297-

304 Review article. (chapter 4)4 REGO, Stephen Further dispossessing the

tribals: Implications of draft forest bill.

68

Chapter- 2

26 Gadgil, M. and Guha, R. ( 1992) State subsidies and Resource use in a Dual

Society", In Anil Agarwal (ed.) (1992) The Price of Forests, New Delhi, CSE.

27 Gadgil, M. and Guha, R. (1992) State Subsidies and Resource Use in a Dual

Society, In Anil Agarwal (ed.) (1992) The Price of Forests, New Delhi, CSE.

28 Gadgil, M. and Guha, R. (1992) New Forest Policy: For Genuine Friendship,

Survey of the Environment, The Hindu.

29 Powell, Baden (1895) The Legal Positions of Forest Rights, Indian Forester, 21.; Stebbing III,

p.620

30Pathak, Akhileswar, 1994, Contested Domains: The State, Peas~nts and

Forests in Contemporary India, New Delhi, Sage Publications.

31 Pouchepadass, Jacques, 1995, "Colonialism and Environment m India".

Economic and Political Weekly, August 19.

32 Bormley, D. W., 1991, "Property, Authority Systems and the Artful State",

paper presented at a conference on "Common Property, Collective Action and

Ecology", Bangalore, Center for Ecological Science, India August 19-21.

33 Guha, R. (1981) Forest Policy and the People: Aspects of Past Experience,

Paper Presented at the International Workshop on the Rural Poor: Their Hopes

and Aspirations, December, 16-19.

34 For details see L.C. Jain et. al. (1985 ) Grass Without Roots: Rural Development Under

Government Auspices, New Delhi; Sage Publication; and Neil Webster, Panchayati Raj in West

Bengal: Popular Participation for the People or the Party? Development and Change (23) 4; 129-

164, October 1992.

69