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Art and MigrationNetherlandish Artists on the Move, 1400-1750

Editors / Redactie:Frits Scholten

Joanna WoodallDulcia Meijers

Kunst en MigratieNederlandse kunstenaars op drift, 1400-1750

LEIDEN . BOSTON2014

BRILL_NKJ63_BW_NKJ_63 08-07-14 10:14 Pagina 3


Contents / Inhoud

6

40

58

82

110

136

170

240

264

302

324

348

Frits Scholten & Joanna Woodall

Filip Vermeylen

Hope Walker

Arjan de Koomen

Franciszek Skibiński

Aleksandra Lipińska

Gert Jan van der Sman & Bouk Wierda

Marije Osnabrugge

Abigail D. Newman

Judith Noorman

Isabella di Lenardo

Saskia Cohen-Willner

Netherlandish artists on the move

Greener pastures? Capturing artists’ migrations during the Dutch Revolt

Netherlandish immigrant painters and the Dutch reformed churchof London, Austin Friars, 1560-1580

‘Una cosa non meno maravigliosa che honorata’The expansion of Netherlandish sculptors in sixteenth-centuryEurope

Early-modern Netherlandish sculptors in Danzig and East-CentralEurope. A study in dissemination through interrelation andworkshop practice

Eastern outpost. The sculptors Herman van Hutte and HendrikHorst in Lviv c. 1560-1610

Wisselend succes. De loopbanen van Nederlandse en Vlaamsekunstenaars in Florence, 1450-1600

From itinerant to immigrant artist. Aert Mytens in Naples

Juan de la Corte: ‘branding’ Flanders abroad

A fugitive’s success story. Jacob van Loo in Paris (1661-1670)

Carlo Helman, merchant, patron and collector, and the role offamily ties in the Antwerp-Venice migrant network

Between painter and painter stands a tall mountain.Van Mander’s Italian Lives as a source for instructing artists in thedeelen der consten



In the opening verses of the first section of the Schilder-boeck, the Grondtder edel-vrij schilder-const directed at aspiring young painters, Karel vanMander came straight to the point. Before allowing his readers to embarkon a journey that would acquaint them with the foundations, developmentand principal examples of the art of painting, he was adamant to warn thosewishing to try their luck at working in the field of painting:

‘O sprigs of Hebe/ students of Genius/ All of you who couldn’t stop yourselves,from doodling figures, boats, and various animals on your papers/instead of writing/ barely leaving an empty place on the sheet.It’s as if you were driven by nature to become painters/ So now your parents are carrying you in that direction. […]Yet between painter/ and painter/ see/ there stands a mountain so tall/That many are forced to cut their journey short.Not months or weeks/ but whole years are needed/Before you may taste any sweet reward’.1

Art, Van Mander went on, had a way of sweetly imitating the voices of theSirens, thus luring everyone into joining the game. But to reach art itself:

‘[…] many roads must be traveled and many waters crossed/ And still/ you will have to climb a mountain so high/you will never succeed to conquer it/without the aid of nature’.2

Inclination, raw talent and sheer perseverance were indispensible forattaining art. Yet, if artists wished to reach immortal fame – that ultimategoal any competent artist should strive for – additional qualifications wererequired. Continuing into the poem, the reader learned that only those whopossessed both art and courtesy, such as the famous Apelles and Raphael,would successfully cross the Lethe River and not sink into oblivion. Onlysuch a favorable combination of capacities would ensure that one couldsuccessfully climb the tall mountain and arrive at the temple of immortalfame that stood on its summit (fig. 1).3

In those opening lines of his book, Karel van Mander thus made gooduse of the stoic metaphor of the difficult path one had to travel in order toreach the temple of immortal fame and virtue, without however referringto any definite examples.4 He got more specific towards the end of the Detail fig. 3

349

Between painter and painter stands a tall mountainVan Mander’s Italian Lives as a source for instructing artists in the deelen der consten

Saskia Cohen-Willner



1

Jacob Matham after Goltzius, Tabula

Cebetis, 1592, engraving, 665 x 125 mm,

Amsterdam, Rijksprentenkabinet, detail of

middle section (photo: Rijksmuseum-

Stichting).

Grondt’s opening chapter, where young painters were advised abouttraveling to Italy. Now translating metaphorical notions into more practicalones, Van Mander’s spirited account on how as a young man he had climbedthe ‘horrifyingly high, snow-capped Alps’ and the ‘troublesome Apennines’in order to reach the desired destination of the city of Rome, indeed calledto mind his previous warnings.5 Well-versed in classical literature, VanMander must have been well aware of this analogy and we can safelyassume he intentionally made use of it.6 The road to Rome as he described

350 Saskia Cohen-Willner



it was full of numerous obstructions and difficulties that needed to beovercome. Conquering those mountainous barriers, many dangers lurked,ranging from thieving and brawling fellow travelers to bedbugs, prostitutesand disease. He advised young painters not to leave without their parents’consent, make sure to always be honorable and polite, avoid small inns andbad company, not show how much money they had or mention the greatdistance they were traveling, avoid quarreling and refrain from loaning anymoney to their countrymen.7 Innate talent, hand in hand with a love of art,an eagerness to learn and an all-consuming desire to make a name, madeone set out on a journey. Good conduct, courtesy and hard work, ultimatelyensured lasting success. Whether rounding Mount Parnassus or conqueringthe Alps and Apennines, the rewards of travel could be substantial. It offeredartists a chance at achieving no less than immortal fame for themselves andultimately, through art and behaviour, enhance the prestige and status ofthe art of painting as a whole. Both in a metaphorical or in a more practicalsense, an arduous journey was represented as necessary to develop andexploit one’s talent to the full.

Artistic travel as it was thus introduced in the Grondt, would play asignificant role throughout various parts of Karel van Mander’s Schilder-boeck. This article will take a closer look at how travel and migration figuredin that book, examining in particular the way in which the concept ofmetaphorical travel played a role in the composition of one of its main, anduntil recently largely neglected parts, the Italian Lives. It will also seek toestablish how this concept was closely connected to the author’s aims withhis book. As Vermeylen has pointed out, it remains just as important tograsp the motivations behind the need to move – be it for reasons ofpolitical instability, economic hardship, religious persecution or a need forartistic innovation to ensure one’s competitive position on the art market– as it is to understand why at times such a move was deemed unnecessary.8Relying on a word-for-word comparison between Van Mander’s Italian Livesand the text that figured as its main source, Giorgio’s Vasari’s Vite, I willattempt to shed some light on that last point, and establish how parts ofthe Schilder-boeck may have been intended as an ‘armchair traveler’s guide’of sorts, making travel and migration superfluous, at least for competitivepurposes.9

Migrating artists in the Grondt and Netherlandish LivesHistorians of art have found the Schilder-boeck to be an important sourcefor understanding migrating artists. As mentioned above, the Grondt offereda brief, yet lively insight into the author’s own experiences as a travelingyoung artist on his way to Rome and his wanderings once he had reachedthe eternal city.10 The biographies of the Netherlandish Lives have beenmined for information on the itineraries of individual artists. In conjunctionwith archival research, they have shed light on the reasons why northernartist left their hometowns, be it to flee religious and economic tensions, orfor other more prosaic reasons. Moreover, they were studied for VanMander’s thoughts on the benefits of migration, which was directed atGermany, France and very often Italy.11 It has been noted that Karel van

Between painter and painter stands a tall mountain 351



Mander, described Cornelis Engebrechtsz. as a painter who remained‘constigh sonder Const’ (‘artful without art’), for not traveling abroad andenlarging his knowledge of the Italian classical heritage.12 An artist such asLambert Lombard who did travel to Italy and Rome, was on the other handportrayed as a ‘[…] local father to our arts of drawing and painting, whodrove out the rough and clumsy barbaric manner and established andbrought forth the correct, beautiful antique manner to replace it […]’.13 Hisolder colleague Jan Gossaert was subsequently described as ‘[…] at leastone of the first to have brought from Italy to Flanders the correct mannerof composing and making pictures full of nudes and all kinds of allegoriesfrom Italy to Flanders, which things were not so common in our countrybefore his time’.14 And of course Jan van Scorel was famously presented as‘[…] probably the first to visit Italy and bring illumination to the art ofpainting here, and he was (it is said) called the lantern bearer and road-builder of our art by Frans Floris and others, and recognised as such’.15

These are just a few instances where Van Mander discussedNetherlandish artists improving their art through temporarily or moredefinitely moving elsewhere, or rather, south. These mentions have beenused in art historical literature to establish generic patterns of ‘artisticinfluence’, yet have equally been dismissed as trivial and indefinite for verymuch the same reasons. Both reactions however, do not do justice to theirsignificance and functioning in Van Mander’s historical text. Side-trackinghow his words functioned in the art historical discours concerned withdescribing stylistic developments, and focussing on the author’s intentionswith his text, it is clear that to Van Mander the introduction of many veryspecific artistic properties or qualities was indeed directly tied to the contactwith Italy.16 As is well known, Van Mander considered Italian artists to bethe modern legatees of the artistic inheritance of classical Antiquity. Theyhad absorbed and at times even improved classical art up to a point thatthrough their work, one could simultaneously study modern Italianpainting and antique art. There even seems to be a pattern to the examplesVan Mander gives of those very specific educational artistic qualities thatwere absorbed by Netherlandish painters. They often relate to the depictionof the human figure and connected issues such as the representation ofnaked skin, of different actions, postures or movements or of affecten, thatis the depiction of human passions or emotions.17 Lambert Lombard forinstance, after his stay in Italy ‘[…] demonstrated great thought inconceiving the poses of his figures, the organisation of his compositions,the representation of the emotions and other particulars’.18 Jan van Scorel,as came up in discussing the Baptism of Christ for the great lover of artistsSimon Saen, had learned how to apply ‘[…] very graceful, Raphaelesquefaces’ and ‘[…] beautiful landscape with some nude figures who, by meansof their cleverly depicted postures, represent specific actions’ (fig. 2).19 Janvan Calcar developed under Titian’s guidance both as a painter of thehuman figure and as a draughtsman, hatching his drawings in chalk andpen in a manner very similar to that of his famous master.20 At the house ofthe ardent art lover Melchior Wyntgis, to whom a section of the Schilder-boeck was dedicated, Van Mander found a Bacchanal by Maarten vanHeemskerck which he thought was easily ‘[…] the best painting of all there




is to be seen after his return from Rome, for the naked parts are very morbidoor velvety’.21 Of Karel van Yper Van Mander saw a washed pen drawing of aLast Judgement on a Lombard sheet, which he thought was ‘[…] veryinventive and full of cleverly depicted activity, somewhat Tintorettesque’.22

And of course there was Francesco Badens (fig. 3), at the time known as the‘Italian painter’, in whose life Van Mander explained how Netherlandishpainting had changed over the last few years: ‘We have recently seen ourart in our Netherlands change, and develop a better appearance, especiallyin relation to colouring, flesh colours and shadows which have more andmore abandoned a stony colourlessness, or a pale, fish-like, chilly colour;for the luminosity in the flesh colour and flesh-coloured shading have nowvery much come into general use’.23

Other examples of what Netherlandish artists picked up abroad relateto qualities or genres which generally would not be tied to Italian art, as inthe life of Matthijs Cock who was the first to improve his landscapes bymaking them with more ‘[…] variations in the new Italian or antique way’.24

This should most probably, as Meijer has suggested, be understood asfashioning them after Raphael and Polidoro da Caravaggio’s landscapes withtheir distinct echoes of classical Antiquity (fig. 4).25 Another painter, Dirck

2

Jan van Scorel, The baptism of Christ,

c. 1527-1530, oil on panel, 205 x 156,5 cm,

Haarlem, Frans Hals Museum (photo: Tom

Haartsen).




3

Frans Badens, Venus and Adonis, before

1608, oil on canvas, 127 x 175,5 cm, London,

Sotheby’s, Old Master Paintings, July 10, 2003,

lot 15 (photo: courtesy of Sotheby’s Picture

Library).

de Vries who was still active in Venice, painted ‘[…] kitchens or fruit marketsin the Venetian manner […] very subtly coloured and well painted, beautifuland glowing […]’.26 In the life of the versatile Goltzius, many more exampleswere given of specific desirable qualities of some Italian masters, which headopted as his own: ‘When Golzius returned from Italy he had impressedthe handsome Italian paintings as firmly in his memory as in a mirror, sothat wherever he went he still saw them continuously before him; now itwas the soft graciousness of Raphael that he enjoyed, then the naturalfleshiness of Correggio, then the plastic highlights and deep-retiring,rubbed-back shadows of Titian, the beautiful silken materials and well-painted things of Veronese and others in Venice – so that works from hisnative land could no longer completely satisfy him. It was stimulating andeducational for the painters to hear him speak of this, for he spoke all aboutglowing flesh parts, glowing shadows and such unfamiliar or little heardexpressions’.27

The abundance of the material is impressive. If anything, it indicatesthat while direct contact with the remnants of classical Antiquity remainedimportant, to Van Mander the rewards of wandering south were to a largeextend directly connected to a repertoire of reasonably well described




artistic qualities that were found in the work of those whom he, as saidbefore, considered to be those modern beneficiaries of that classical legacy.28

Now as he made clear in the beginning of the Grondt, Van Mander doesn’tseem to have expected all of his readers to take up traveling themselves. Asshown, he in fact explicitly warned against travel by elaborating on itsdangers.29 It is fair to assume that Van Mander relied as much on his ownpowers of verbal description to get his readers acquainted with thatrepertoire of artistic properties, as he would on his readers’ capacity torecognize from his descriptions those properties, which at some point theyperhaps had seen or would see and admire themselves. Just as he wouldexplicitly state in the life of Taddeo Zuccaro, a description in words couldbe equally educational and insightful as seeing another painter at workyourself, even for learning specific qualities such as handling paint: ‘[…] Daniel of Parma, having lived for many years with Antonio da Correggioand having been associated with Francesco Mazzuoli of Parma(Parmigianino), took on to paint a church in fresco, on the edge of theAbruzzen in Vitto, on the other side of Sora, and he took Taddeo there withhim. And even though Daniel wasn’t the best of painters, as he had seenaforementioned great masters at work often, to Taddeo his words were moreeducational and telling, than if he had seen the others at work,understanding from him the softness and sweetness they expressed in theirwork’.30 If verbal instruction could be just as profitable as studying withfamed masters themselves, this would certainly make travel or migrationfor artistic reasons less engaging.

4

Matthijs Cock, Landscape with Castle above

a Harbor, 1540, pen and brown ink with

watercolor and white heightening on light

brown laid paper, 173 x 261 mm, Washington

D.C., National Gallery of Art, Ailsa Mellon

Bruce Fund (photo: courtesy National

Gallery of Art, Washington).




Re-evaluating the Italian Lives

It is in the Italian Lives that this concept of a repertoire of artisticproperties, with which one would become acquainted through eitherdirect or indeed indirect contact with other masters, becomes especiallyclear. In stark contrast to the attention bestowed on other parts of theSchilder-boeck, the Italian Lives have been largely overlooked as a sourcefor the history of art. Since the early days of art history as an independent,academic discipline, the Italian Lives were written off as an abridged,slavish copy of the second edition of Vasari’s Vite of 1568. At a time whenart historians were interested in rooting their discipline in archival researchand in establishing relevant written sources for their field, they couldhardly have been considered of great interest. As Van Mander himself wasthe first to point out, he had indeed used the Vite extensively and clearlyno new data about artists, works of art or patrons could be expected insuch a text.31 However disappointing this may seem to modern users, sucha supposed lack of new facts conflicted in no way with the author’s originalintentions with the text. Obviously, in the early seventeenth century theconcept of originality was different from our own. As a poet and writer VanMander would have been well at home in the triad of translatio, imitatioand emulatio which in the late sixteenth century were the building blocksin the literary development of a writer.32 Applying that concept to theItalian Lives, it becomes clear that Van Mander selected from Vasari’s textwhat was relevant, omitted what was superfluous and added what wasmissing, thus shaping the Italian Lives into a section that reflected his ownthinking.33 As my new reading of these Lives demonstrates and as isunderpinned by findings presented by Golahny, Van Mander deliberatelyre-worked the Vite, his principal source for writing the biographies of theItalian Lives, to provide his audience with a repertoire of artistic propertiesthey needed to master.34 And as I will shortly exemplify by looking at thebiographies of Andrea del Sarto, Polidoro da Caravaggio and BaccioBandinelli, that repertoire of artistic properties was presented in the ItalianLives by way of intentionally selected examples of those works which couldbest illustrate those properties Van Mander wished to call to his reader’sattention.

The artistic properties in question were better known to Karel vanMander’s readership as selected educational examples of all the so-calleddeelen der Consten or ‘parts of art’. These deelen, later in the seventeenthcentury known as gronden, were understood to be the various artisticcapacities young painters should set out to master. According to VanMander many such skills – be it the representation of rilievo by usingchiaroscuro, the depiction of emotions (affecten) and naked human skin,or applying the correct human proportions – were par excellence theexpertise of Italian painters, or indeed could be learned by studying theworks of the Antique, and contemporary Italian sculptors. Those deelen derConsten represented what skills artists should pick up and for a number ofthem Van Mander indicated in some detail how artists should go aboutlearning them. So through the systematic selection of descriptive, goodexamples of paintings which displayed a few or more of those




fundamentally important deelen der Consten, the reader got to know whatclearly circumscribed qualities to look for in the work of these masters.

That this is how Karel van Mander intended his text to be read, becomeseven even more clear when we look closer at the paratext, such as marginalnotes and in particular the dedication of the Italian Lives. In that adressdirected by the author at the painter and lover of painting BartholomeusFerreris, Van Mander pointed out that he had several intentions with histext. He wished firstly to present educational examples of all the so-calleddeelen der Consten and secondly present useful examples of morally correctbehaviour to young artists, ultimately to promote both the status of paintersand of the art of painting.35 In an attempt to clarify that last point, VanMander gave an elaborate a list of examples of morally correct and incorrectbehaviour by artists, taken from the Italian Lives.36 The authors firstintention with the text, the presentation of educational examples of all theso-called deelen der Consten, did not receive such a treatment. Yet this wouldhave been a deliberate choice, as earlier on in the book Van Mander hadalready given an elaborate description of what those examples entailed.Here it is manifest that the Italian Lives are of course part of a greater whole,and evaluating the text in association with the book in its entirety, providesa better insight into Karel van Mander’s intentions.

The Schilder-boeck: its composition and aimsThe Schilder-boeck was written as a collection of parts, it consists of sixsections or books. The first section was the Grondt, a long, didactic poemon the art of painting. Next were the Antique, Italian and NetherlandishLives, separate collections of biographies of (mostly) painters. The last twobooks, the Wtleggingh op den Metamorphosis and the Wtbeeldinge derFigueren, seem to offer a key to the symbolic application of imagery.37 Allsections were intended for a mixed audience, which Van Mander diligentlydescribed in the title pages and prefaces to the separate parts. The maintitle page stated that the book at large was intended ‘[...] for the benefit andconvenience of painters, art-lovers and poets, and indeed for people of allkinds’ (fig. 5). Here, only the audience of the Grondt was specified separatelyas the ‘leerlustighe Ieught’, meaning young painters with a love for learning(the art of painting).38 The audiences of the other sections however, werementioned on their respective title pages, with all the parts of the Livesintended for ‘painters and all art-lovers’.39

It was for these readers that the notion of the deelen der Consten hadpreviously been fully introduced in the Grondt. As he stated in the exordiumto that part of the text, Karel van Mander wished to explain to youngpainters the foundations, character, conditions and essence of the art ofpainting.40 As he intended to teach the young painter how to paint, hebrought to the attention of young painters: ‘[...] the so-called educationalparts, that I recite to them in my foundations of the art of painting or in theentire Schilder-boeck. I trust in this way they will not gain little advantageand benefit’.41 These ‘educational parts’ were the same as the deelen derConsten, as Van Mander went on to advise young painters to first ‘[...] applythemselves to the most esteemed of the parts of art, that is the rendering




of the human figure, and then embrace all the other parts as well [...]’. Iftheir disposition and talent did not allow such an enterprise, they should‘[...] choose one part and try to achieve excellence in it, because it doesn’thappen every day that one alone may learn, understand or excel ineverything’.42

What is significant in relation to the Italian Lives, is that here VanMander did illustrate his remarks by a long list of disparate deelen derConsten, which had been mastered by a whole array of antique painters.43

It was, in fact, a list very similar to the one Van Mander would give in thededication to Ferreris, but now it did not contain examples of charactertraits, but rather of artistic properties. More importantly, Van Manderexplicitly added that the same diversity of examples of those deelen derConsten could be found with the modern Italian and Netherlandishpainters.44 By adding the last category, he of course underlined theimportance of Netherlandish painters, a subject so closely tied in with hisambitions with the book. It should however be added that due to their placein the historical development of the art of painting which Van Mander sawas a continuous process of artistic renewal, many deelen der Consten tracedback their origins to Italian art or even classical art.45

The deelen der Consten as they were introduced in the Grondt thus werea rather diverse mix of artistic qualities that painters, depending on theirspecific talents, should set out to master. They involved such generalcapabilities as inventiveness and drawing, but also the rendering of figuresin their correct proportions, postures and the question of how these figuresshould be placed in the overall composition. It also involved the importanceof expressing appropriate emotions. They pertained to conveying affectenor passions, to the correct treatment of paint, the rendering of perspective,of light and darkness, of draperies, animals or landscape. Thesequalifications were needed for history painting, as well as for painting avariety of other types of works such as still lives, kitchens, landscapes, nightscenes, portraits or marines.46 So the set-up of the book was such that thedeelen der Consten were first introduced and discussed in the separatechapters of the Grondt, while examples of their application were given inthe different sections of the Lives. In a way the Grondt offered a taste of whatwas to come, as the text was illuminated with examples of the achievementsof Italian painters in various fields. The chapter about painting drapery wasillustrated with references to the works of Raphael, Titian, Andrea del Sarto,Tintoretto, Veronese, Taddeo and Federico Zuccaro, and Federico Barocci.47

While discussing the rendering of night scenes with various sources of lightand reflections, he pointed to the work of Jacopo Bassano and Raphael.48

And for the painting of animals, again the work of Bassano served as anexample.49 It should be noted here that the deelen der Consten seem to bethe very same as the gronden or deelen der Konst which would later bediscussed by Van Hoogstraten.50 These gronden were presented by Van deWetering as the leading concept by which Rembrandt sought to pursue hisown artistic development.51 It was along these lines that Van Mander editedand reworked the Italian Lives. His efforts resulted in a substantial collectionof biographies intended to edify his fellow artists both morally andartistically.

5

Jacob Matham after Karel van Mander, Het

Schilder-boeck, 1604, engraving, 128 x 177

mm, Amsterdam, Bijzondere Collecties,

Universiteit van Amsterdam, OTM: O 63-

6263, titlepage (photo: Bijzondere Collecties,

Amsterdam).




With Van Mander’s intentions with the Italian Lives in the context ofthe Schilder-boeck established, let us examine some examples that mightillustrate of how the Italian Lives served as ‘armchair traveler’s guide’ andas a source of information to those more itinerate artists. This will involvetracing how Van Mander remodeled Vasari’s text, how he tailored it to hisown standards. The first example will entail Van Mander’s life of Andreadel Sarto, clarifying how this long biography was reworked to present thepainter’s universality and his versatility in deelen der Consten such as therendering of human skin and the depiction of human passions. The secondexample will deal with Van Mander’s life of Polidoro da Caravaggio and willshow how Vasari’s text was altered to advocate the correct study andtreatment of chiaroscuro in order to achieve rilievo. The third example willdiscuss the inclusion of the life of a sculptor, Baccio Bandinelli. It willelucidate why painters were advised to study sculpture; not merely to learnthe correct proportion of figures, but rather to achieve the portrayal offigures in beautiful, natural and lively postures, again with a correct displayof all affecten involved.

‘Educational parts’ in the lives of Andrea del Sarto, Polidoro daCaravaggio and Baccio Bandinelli In Vasari’s Vite, the life of Andrea del Sarto came up half way the first volumeof the parte terza. It was preceded by such reputed painters as Leonardo,Giorgione and Correggio, who had opened the parte terza, and by thebiographies of Raphael and some of his followers. Andrea’s vita blended inwith a group of mostly Florentine painters, architects and sculptors. Vasariheld the painter, famously known as the ‘pittore senza errori’, in greatesteem and consequently Andrea’s life and works were describedextensively and elaborately. Summing up his qualities, Vasari praisedAndrea’s figures as free of errors and perfect in every respect. He particularlynoted the painter’s talent for depicting affecten, that is a great variety offacial expressions – natural and gracious in both women and children,vivacious and animated in young and old men – as indicators of numerousinner emotions. Vasari also admired Andrea’s draperies, his nudes and hishandling of paint, which he regarded as ‘[...] rare and truly divine.’52 To thisalready considerable list he added even more, commending Andrea’shandling of light and shade his ability ‘[...] to make things recede in the dark[...]’, the sweetness and liveliness of his pictures and his novel method ofworking in true fresco. According to Vasari, these qualities made his worksof great service to his fellow-craftsmen, for Andrea made fewer errors thanany other painter of Florence regarding manner, drawing and colouring.53

As often in the Vite, there was a downside to all this and the painters broadtalents were matched by some serious flaws. As Vasari articulated at thebeginning of the biography, the painter had a notoriously weak and timidcharacter, lacking the boldness of spirit that would have made him trulygreat.54 This weakness of character made him at times seriously unreliabletowards his patrons, even leaving the art-loving king of France snubbed andinsulted.55 So in the end, regardless his abundant talents, the biographyultimately presented an uneven and unfavorable image of the artist.




To fit into his scheme of things, Van Mander made several adjustmentsto the text. By textual comparison it can be established that Vasari’s criticismof the artist’s character was seriously toned down, while the consequencesof moral weakness on Andrea’s artistic output were completely obliterated.56

Van Mander gave the life a new opening, in conformance to his wish ofpresenting positive and instructive moral examples, and to his ideas on talentand artistry such as were recorded elsewhere in the Schilder-boeck.57 Andreawas now introduced as someone who displayed his natural talents from ayoung age onwards, and developed them to great effect.58 Vasari’s initialcritical remarks regarding the artists weakness of character were replacedby a passage lifted from the life of eccentric Piero di Cosimo, who had beenAndrea’s master. Van Mander disliked all erratic behaviour, which was whyhe had previously ignored Piero’s biography, but here a brief description ofthat artists bizarre conduct proved functional. He introduced Andrea’smaster as: ‘[…] very fantastical, yes someone who had lost his footing in everyrespect, very lonely and tormented, not being able to bear someonecoughing, nor the ringing of bells, crying of children, singing of monks, andsuch things, often also being very angry at flies, so in all, as no one couldendure his company because of his difficult nature, Andrea left him […]’.59

Consequently, this shed a different light on the young painter. Van Mander’sAndrea del Sarto emerged as a rather bold, courageous character who chosehis own path, indeed very distinct from the talented, but rather spinelessfigure Vasari had described.60 Interestingly, set against Piero’s habit of turningaway from life itself and thus making it impossible to let its noise, bustle andemotions become a source for art, Andrea by contrast now came off as doingprecisely the opposite. Indeed, character and artistic qualities were closelyconnected. The artists choice to embrace life was reflected in that veryspecific quality which surfaced throughout his work and had been listed byVasari too: his talent to depict life and human emotions in all its variety. Thiswas one of the artistic properties which Van Mander would specificallyhighlight in connection to Andrea del Sarto.

The importance for the art of painting of the representation of thehuman passions had been argued in the Grondt, where Van Mander haddescribed the representation of human affecten, passions, temptations andsufferings as the ‘[...] siele der Consten[...]’ (‘soul of art’).61 It was explainedthat no one was free of expressions of passions and human weaknesses,which were disclosed by the face – in the brow, eyes, cheeks, nose, chin andmouth – and by the posture of a figure.62 By attentively observing life itselfartists would learn the most, as ‘Natuere wijst d’Affecten’ (‘Naturedemonstrates affecten’).63 Equally important was knowing how other artistshad previously adressed such issues. So for reference numerous instructiveexamples were given of antique and modern works of art in which affectenwere well represented. These included a vase by Mantegna, owned anddescribed by the poet Jacopo Sannazaro, works by the antique sculptorPraxiteles and by several antique painters such as Demon, Thimanthes andZeuxis as described by Plinius, but also examples of later artists such asBrueghel, Michelangelo, Lucas van Leyden and Giotto.64

In the life of Andrea del Sarto, Van Mander chose to select those workswhich could serve as examples of the correct representation of affecten and




6

Andrea del Sarto, Disputation on the Holy

Trinity, 1517, oil on wood, 232 x 193 cm,

Florence, Galleria Palatina (Palazzo Pitti)

(photo: courtesy Soprintendenza Speciale

per il Patrimonio Storico, Artistico ed

Etnoantropologico e per il Polo Museale

della città di Firenze).

by adding marginal notes which functioned as pointers, bringing importantaspects of the text to the readers attention. The painter was still portrayedas an extremely versatile artist with works that were ‘[...] in all parts verybeautiful[...]’, as was for instance the elaborately described Disputation onthe Holy Trinity for the Augustinian church of San Gallo (fig. 6).65 But byleaving out Vasari’s elaborate list of all Andrea’s artistic qualities and byfocusing on examples of the depiction of affecten, more order was broughtto the biography. For the early years of Andrea’s career, the grissailles forthe Compagnia dello Scalzo and the decoration of the Chiostro dei Voti ofthe Florentine Santissima Annunziata presented ready examples of thistalent. In both cases Van Mander gave a complete report of what could beseen there, making sure to integrate all details Vasari had given.66 For theScalzo, a full account was given of all the facial expressions of the figures.67

For the Annunziata-chiostro all scenes were carefully described in detail,among others Saint Philip Benizi punishing the blasphemers (fig. 7),displaying a great variety of affecten carefully observed and represented byAndrea: ‘[...] S. Philip admonishing a few blaspheming gamblers how mockhim; and lighting hits the tree where they are sitting in the shade, hittingtwo of the men and astounding another: some are lying with their handsover their heads as if unconscious, others are running and screaming whilefleeing for cover in great fear. A woman is so surprised and frightened bythe thunderclap, that she runs of, in such a natural way as if she were alive.A frightened horse has broken loose, showing by his jumps and startledmovements the surprise brought on by something so unforseen andunexpected: this was executed by Andrea with a beautiful attentiveness[...]’.68 And, as Van Mander explicitly added, all affecten were ‘[...] needfullyobserved for those who practice the art of painting’.69

The works in the Chiostro dei Voti of the Santissima Annunziatadisplayed another artistic quality which was attached to Andrea’s work,namely his talent for the graceful handling of paint, most notably in thepainting of human flesh or skin. This too had been discussed in the Grondtand indeed, throughout the Italian Lives Van Mander had shown a keeninterest in it. He consistently incorporated all examples of this deel derConsten, added material to the main text where he could, included marginalnotes drawing the readers attention to good examples, and at times gavediverging translations of terms used by Vasari better suited to describe thispart of art.70 It was the Annunziata’s Birth of the Virgin Mary whichdemonstrated Andrea’s brilliance in depicting human flesh, so Van Mandermade sure to specifically praise the figures in this work for the ‘[...] softnessin the application of paint, and a fleshiness, being no other than if they hadbeen alive’.71 That same quality was demonstrated in works throughout hislife, for instance in the early Noli me tangere for the church of San Gallo,which was described as ‘[...] very sweetly and smoothly painted[...]’, and inlater works such as the Sacrifice of Isaac, produced for a dealer buying forthe king of France.72 Again, Van Mander brought his description of this lastwork to the reader’s attention by including a marginal note: ‘Del Sarto’sattentiveness in painting flesh tones’.73

Significantly, where Vasari’s descriptions lacked the necessary detail orstrayed from the main subject, Van Mander cut the text short and moved




to the next item of interest. So overall, in describing the artists artisticachievements, the pattern that can be discerned is that of Van Mander beingdeliberately selective in what he chose to narrate. Unlike Vasari he wasn’tinterested in presenting a complete picture of Andrea’s artistic output, herather chose to give selective examples of it. He preferred to include workswhich Vasari had described in greater detail and ignore non-descript smallerassignments which had only briefly been mentioned, with the exception ofshorter mentions of works displaying Andrea’s talent for rending humanflesh. Mere decorative works, such as the curtain hangings made for thehighaltar of the Santissima Annunziata, were ignored. Van Mander was lessconcerned with the exact whereabouts of a work of art, yet he hardly missedan opportunity to give a full description of the artistic properties of theworks he listed. All too specific details not concerning the properties ofworks themselves, were left out. An approximate indication of where a workwas found was given, but the exact descriptions of the building or site whereit was located were hardly ever cited. The fact that Andrea incorporatedportraits in his works was mentioned, but rather to show the artist ability

7

Cherubino Alberti after Andrea del Sarto,

Saint Philip Benizi punishing the

blasphemers, 1582, engraving, 575 x 493 mm,

London, British Museum (photo: British

Museum).




to work after life itself, than in their capacity of demonstrating the artistsclose affinity to patrons unknown in the Netherlands, as is indicated by thefact that the names of those portrayed were mostly left out.

In all, Van Mander’s biography painted a much more balanced pictureof Andrea. He highlighted the artists specialities, praised his overal talentfor a distinguished selection of artistic qualities and of these instructiveexamples were given, which might serve as illustrations to the statementsmade in the Grondt. What remained was the issue of Andrea del Sarto’sconduct towards the king of France. While at first not wanting to give toomuch attention to Andrea’s reprehensible behaviour, Van Mandereventually mentioned it, though mostly blaming Andrea’s wife for the artistsconduct.74 In the meantime, he never seems to have missed an opportunityto list the king of France as an important patron of art, a topic which weshall come across again.

Polidoro da CaravaggioThe life of Polidoro da Caravaggio is another example of the way Vasari’stext was seriously reworked. This time however, Van Mander wasn’t merelyconcerned with critically selecting what to include from the Vite and bringingaspects of those works to the attention of readers through marginal notes.To Polidoro’s artistic biography substantial new material was added, whichcame from other sources than the Vite. Those selections and additionsdemonstrate how again how Karel van Mander was concerned withpresenting examples of certain deelen der Consten to his readership, in thiscase how to render rilievo by the use of chiaroscuro or mezzatint.

In his revision of this life, he drastically curbed the role of Polidoro’scompanion Maturino, who was the lesser talented of the two. Most of thepassages featuring Maturino were cut from the text, and whenever he wasmentioned, it was as a secondary figure.75 Van Mander restructured the text,leaving out Vasari’s list of the many facades Polidoro and Maturino decoratedin monochrome painting early in their career, while giving a generalqualification of Polidoro’s output and describing ‘What manner of workingPolidoro had’.76 For a start, it was important that in Polidoro’s work one couldsee Antiquity, this being the artists main model and source of inspiration asa draughtsman.77 Then, adding to the text in a large passage not based on theVite, Van Mander admired the postures, strength, character and sense ofmotion of Polidoro’s figures, which resulted from Polidoro’s exemplary useof light and darkness. He explaining how a ‘[...] deel vlack lichts[...]’ (‘a patchof hard, shadow-less light’) would cast strong highlights on groups of figuresin the foreground, whereas the background would gradually recede intodarkness.78 Thus the painter reached the effect that the darker backgroundfigures would appear to be further away and foreground figures would seemto advance, that is ‘[...] the background figures receding in their mezzatintor shadows, and the others advancing forward’.79 With this substantialaddition to the text, Van Mander gave a good description of how Polidoroachieved such a heightened sense of what Italians called rilievo, that is theeffect by which all shapes and figures stand out three-dimensionally, attaina roundness and come away from their surrounding background.80 It was




one of the main reasons why Polidoro’s work was so well studied by artists,both Italian and so-called ultramontani. And as outdoor facade decorations,the works where accessible to all, although Van Mander did complain thatduring his time in Rome, already several decorations where destroyed onaccount of being exposed to all weather conditions.81

Now Van Mander had seen those facades by Polidoro and it is temptingto assume that where he strayed from the Vite, he was replacing Vasari’swords for an account based on his own experiences in Rome in the 1570’s.But as the body of the text of the Italian Lives shows and the author’s tenderage suggests, during those years in Italy Van Mander was not collectingmaterial for the ambitious book he was to publish so many decades later.82

It seems more probable that where he deviated from the Vite’s account ofPolidoro, he replaced Vasari’s insights by those of his learned friend HendrickGoltzius, who had traveled to Italy in 1590-1591 (fig. 8).83 Like in other

8

Hendrick Goltzius, Apollo Belvedere (1592),

1617, engraving, 415 x 300 mm, London,

British Museum (published posthumously by

Herman Adolfsz.) (photo: British Museum).




9

Jan Saenredam after Hendrick Goltzius

after Polidoro da Caravaggio, Marcus Furius

Camillus arriving in Rome to negotiate with

the Gauls, 1593,

engraving, 357 x 568 mm, London, British

Museum (photo: British Museum).

instances when adding new material, Van Mander explicitly mentionedGoltzius as his source.84 While discussing Polidoro’s decorations on abuilding close to the Santa Agata dei Goti near Montecavallo, he noted theseworks were drawn by Goltzius and published to the advancement of youngpainters (fig. 9), ‘[...] among them one, which Goltzius himself consideredworthy to depict and to publish to the advancement of young painters:being where Bremius weighs the gold [...]’.85 A similar motivation is foundon a series of prints after Polidoro, designed and published by Goltzius in1592, right after his return to the Netherlands. The caption of the last of thatseries of eight Gods of Antiquity reads: ‘[These] eight heathen gods werepainted by Polidoro on the courtyard wall in the quarter of St. Paul’sConvent, on the Quirinale at Rome, now called the Monte Cavallo. They aredistinguished by the excellence of their claire-obscure effect. H. Goltziushas sketched them on location and now engraved them for the use of hisstudents’.86 Thus these prints were recommended for their educational valueto students of painting, demonstrating that the qualities shown in themwere based on Polidoro’s mastership of the mezzatint (fig. 10). Whendiscussing Polidoro’s decorations of the Palazzo Milesi in the Via dellaMaschera d’Oro with the Story of Niobe, Van Mander again addedinformation and remarked that Goltzius was so enchanted by these worksthat he registered them in drawing. He added that these drawings were infact so excellent, that they virtually transported the viewer to Rome. It was,he said, as if you could see in them the actual brush strokes of the painterhimself (fig. 11). They were also put into print – which was why Van Mander




attested not to describe them extensively – and again they offered artists asolid foundation or a ‘goet fundament’.87 Even without having to travel toRome, young artists could study these splendid prints and learn how toachieve a good sense of light and darkness or mezzatint, which enabledthem to improve their painting and shape their images into convincingrenderings of three-dimensionality The similarities between the mentionson the prints and the passages Van Mander added to the life of Polidorosuggest the importance of Goltzius to Van Mander for the development ofcritical ideas about art and certain useful ‘parts’. It also demonstrates howprints were not merely mentioned as visual references for artists and artlovers who lived far away from the actual works themselves. Theyrepresented what could be studied away from home and served aseducational tools: they enabled those who could not migrate further thanthe next town, to grasp what foreign art had on offer, and possibly assistthem in studying important deelen der Consten such as rilievo, while indeedremaining safely in their Northern towns. This too sheds new light on acomment Van Mander previously submitted to the life of Andrea del Sarto.

10

Hendrick Goltzius after Polidoro da

Caravaggio, Saturn, (Eight deities), 1592,



11

Hendrick Goltzius after Polidoro da

Caravaggio, Mercury, (Eight deities), 1591,

brown ink on paper, heightened with white,

348 x 193 mm, Haarlem, Teylers Museum

(photo: Teylers Museum).




12

Agostino Veneziano after Andrea del Sarto,

Pietà, 1516-1520, engraving, 300 x 222 mm,

London, British Museum (photo: British

Museum).

When discussing the now lost Puccini Pietà, a painting that was sent to theFrench king and sparked off the king’s excitment about Andrea’s work, VanMander noted it was brought into print by Agostino Veneziano (fig. 12). Yet,to this he added the warning that the artist was so disenchanted with theresult, that Andrea exclaimed never to have his work bring into print again.88

If artistic properties could be learned from prints, their quality was of coursecrucial.

Baccio BandinelliUnlike the Vite which contained the biographies of painters, sculptors andarchitects, the Italian Lives predominantly presented the lives of painters.However, sculptors were not rigorously banned from the Schilder-boeck andVan Mander’s life of Baccio Bandinelli is a case in point. Several reasonshave been suggested for why he was included in the Italian Lives, yet itseems best explained by Van Mander’s ideas on the educational benefits for




painters of the study of sculpture.89 From the late fourteenth and fifteenthcentury onwards, drawing after antique sculpture had become commonpractice.90 As Alberti suggested in his treatise On Painting (1435), it madesense to copy sculptures as they were easier to work from than living andmoving things; in addition, they would instruct one on the application ofsculptural qualities, and on the distribution of light and shade. For Albertithis made copying after sculpture preferable to working after paintings, as‘[...] nothing more can be acquired from paintings but the knowledge ofhow to imitate them’.91

The notion that studying antique and modern sculpture was importantfor painters is found throughout the Schilder-boeck, although not for all thesame reasons Alberti mentioned. In the fourth chapter of the Grondt, VanMander discussed posture, and here he recommended studying the cross-wise (‘cruyswijs’) posture of figures in works by Raphael and Michelangeloand by looking at antique sculpture and the sculptures by Giambologna.92

These postures need not be static, as the work of the Greek sculptorCanachus had demonstrated. His dancing and jumping figures took onelegant poses, his bronze or stone deer were shown as if ready to jump. Thisindeed brings to mind Alberti’s suggestion to evade the practical problemsof using life models. Painters could benefit from studying sculptures, as theyshowed how figures in motion were represented with all limbs involved inmovement.93 The representation of affecten such as sadness and happinesstoo could be understood from studying antique sculpture, although VanMander did note that some ancient paintings expressed a much greatervariety of passions and could even represent a combination of humours ina single figure.94 Several Italian painters were found to work after sculpture,such as Masaccio who tried to follow works by Brunelleschi and Donatellofor achieving the correct the proportion of his figures.95 And the famousgarden of Lorenzo de’ Medici was acknowledged as a school for youngpainters and sculptors where they would study after antique sculptures andmany excellent paintings.96 Still, Van Mander cautioned his readers.Generally drapery was better represented in modern works, as in antiquesculpture it could resemble wet linnen, with the exception of the famousFarnese Flora (fig. 13) that was drawn by Goltzius during his Roman visit.97

Painters were also warned not to work after sculpture exclusively, as VanMander explained in the life of Andrea Mantegna. His work was thoughtby some to possess a certain hardness, notably in the representation of thehuman skin, that should be avoided.98

At the root of this understanding lay the general assumption thatsculpture as an art form had developed before painting, but that both werebased in the art of drawing or disegno.99 It was this common ground thatoffered a justification for incorporating Bandinelli in the collection ofpainters’ biographies. Van Mander paid considerable attention to the factthat Bandinelli was a painter manqué, subtly underlining the prestige ofpainting as an art, yet at the same time explaining that Bandinelli’s work asa draughtsman could offer important models (fig. 14).100 In the proces ofentering the sculptor’s life in the Italian Lives, several adaptations weremade.101 At the beginning Van Mander explicitly stated that Bandinelli’simportance as a draughtsman made him feel ‘[...] obliged to remember him

13

Hendrick Goltzius, Flora Farnese, 1591,

red chalk on paper, 418 x 220 mm, Haarlem,

Teylers Museum (photo: Teylers Museum).




14

After Nicolò della Casa, Portrait of Baccio

Bandinelli, 1548, engraving, 514 x 306 mm,

Amsterdam, Rijksprentenkabinet, on loan

from the Rijksacademie van beeldende

Kunsten (photo: Rijksmuseum-Stichting).

and offer him a place [...]’ in the Lives.102 He then added that drawing wasthe ‘[...] ground and entrance to various arts’.103

This idea was closely connected to his frequent mentioning of the useof models. The concept of models was introduced in the Schilder-boeck inconnection to Italian sculptors, and more significantly, simply explained inBandinelli’s biography as a ‘[...] model is a figure of wax or clay, after whicha figure in stone is carved’.104 In his account of Bandinelli’s early career, VanMander gave several examples of the role those models played in thesculptor’s artistic development and career.105 He added a marginal note withnew information about one of Bandinelli’s first works (in snow), modelledafter the antique Marforio, explaining that this statue of a rivergod couldbe found on the Capitoline Hill in Rome (fig. 15).106 In fact, Bandinelli’smodels at times received more acclaim than his finished sculptures.107

Being the good draughtsman he was and having worked with modelsextensively, Bandinelli was in an excellent position to convey the sculptural




qualities of his inventions to paper. For painters not having his models orfinished works at hand, it was a great advantage to have prints after hisdesigns available. In the sculptor’s life Van Mander indeed mentionedseveral of those prints and used marginal notes to recommend them to thereader (fig. 16).108 His descriptions highlighted certain sculptural qualities,as when elaborately describing a print by Agostino Veneziano and MarcoDente, after Bandinelli Massacre of the Innocents (fig. 17) which was: ‘[...] full of naked men, women and children, dead and alive, with variousmovements by women and soldiers. In this he showed his excellence inmodelling figures, his knowledge of musculature and of all limbs: whichpiece extended great fame to him in all of Europe and is still held in greatesteem’.109 Another print, by Marcantonio Raimondi, was described as aMartyrdom of St. Lawrence (fig. 18) that had been drawn by Bandinelli ‘[...] very meticulously, with great attention and art, showing both dressedand naked figures involved in various movements, tending the fire andworking in other ways. Very harshly he also portrayed Decium, who is fierclyegging on the stokers, evidently advancing the death of the innocent martyr,who raises his hand, appearing to commend his spirit to God. This imagewas cut in a copper plate by Marc Anthonio of Bologna, and the pope (whowas well pleased with this miracle) raised Baccio in honour of his art to theorder of S. Peter’.110

Marginal notes were added to bring the readers attention to these pointsin the text and in his descriptions the same notions return as were broughtto the attention of young painters before: the composition of the naked anddressed figures involved in different types of actions, their musculature andpostures, the display of all types of affecten according to the nature of theevent and of the figures involved (dead or alive, young or old). It was forthese deelen der Consten that the work of Bandinelli was recommended andhis biography included in the Italian Lives.

Again, Goltzius – whose interest in antique and modern sculpture isclearly expressed in his numerous Italian drawings, as in his portraits ofmodern Italian sculptors – could have played a part in Van Mander’s

15

Hendrick Goltzius, Marforio, 1591,

red chalk on paper, 341 x 532 mm, Haarlem,

Teylers Museum (photo: Teylers Museum).

16

Agostino Veneziano after Bandinelli,

Cleopatra, 1519-1530, engraving,

222 x 138 mm, London, British Museum

(photo: British Museum).




19

Hendrick Goltzius, Laocoon, 1591,

black and red chalk on blue paper,

390 x 350 mm, Haarlem, Teylers Museum

(photo: Teylers Museum).

17

Agostino Veneziano & Marco Dente after

Bandinelli, Massacre of the innocents, 1520-

1530, engraving, 410 x 572 mm, London,

British Museum (photo: British Museum).

18

Marcantonio Raimondi after Bandinelli,

The Martyrdom of S. Lawrence, c. 1520,



decision to include Bandinelli’s biography.111 After Goltzius’ return to theNetherlands the project seems partly to have been continued by JacobMatham, from 1593 onwards.112 Goltzius also drew the Laocoon, the famousantique statue which had been restored and replicated by Bandinelli (fig. 19). Van Mander provided an extensive description of Bandinelli’sinvolvement in the restoration of the right arm of the antique marble andof the sculptor’s boasting about being able to improve the original, whichwas to be sent to the king of France as he ‘[...] had no statue of marble,neither antique or modern [...]’.113 Eventually, Bandinelli’s Laocoon neverreached the French king as the pope would not part with it, and an antiquestatue was sent in its place.114 Van Mander had incorporated the referenceto France in his text, not merely acknowledging the French king as an




important patron of the arts, but also to state what works of art could beseen there.115 And although Bandinelli was criticized for certain negativecharacter traits such as his hostility and envy, when it came to his claims tohave improved classical art, these were presented as valid.

EpilogueThis article aimed to examine how travel and migration figured in theSchilder-boeck, in particular looking at how the concept of what here hasbeen named metaphorical travel played out in content and composition ofthe Italian Lives. Furthermore it has sought to establish how this structuringidea for the biographies of the Italian Lives was connected to Karel vanMander’s aims with his book in toto.

As we have seen, when Van Mander’s full intentions with the text aretaken into account and the Italian Lives are regarded within the paratext ofthe Schilder-boeck as a whole, the multi-layered biographies of Italian artistsreveal themselves as a source of examples of both moral and artisticimportance. As the lives of Andrea del Sarto, Polidoro da Caravaggio andBaccio Bandinelli illustrated, Karel van Mander deliberately reworked thetext, in order to present in his Italian Lives a beneficial mixture of examples,adressing moral conduct and the educational deelen der Consten. Bothaspects were included to assist artists on their path towards becoming well-rounded, both in life and in art. Knowledge of both was required for thosetraveling abroad themselves, whether to Italy or France, as well as for thosestudying the deelen der Consten from the comfort of their studio.

While the Schilder-boeck cannot be read as a hermetic system forstudying the art of painting nor as a technical manual on how to paint, itdoes seem to have been Van Mander’s ambition to produce a text that wouldcomplement and deepen his readers’ knowledge of painting and, in the caseof students of art, to supplement what they had learned in the workshopsof their masters. In this way Van Mander’s ambitious undertaking ofreworking the extensive Vite into a more manageable form must beunderstood as a contribution to the professionalization of his discipline,eventually leading to the improvement and prosperity of the art of paintingin the Netherlands.


NotesIn this paper I present some findings whichwill be discussed in full in my forthcomingPhD thesis, De Italiaanse Levens in hetSchilder-boeck (1604) van Karel van Mander ,Utrecht University 2014, written undersupervision of Prof. dr. A.F.W. Bosman andProf. dr. B.W. Meijer. I wish to thank LexBosman and the editors of NKJ for theircareful proof reading and for their insightfulsuggestions for this paper, and the editors forletting me present my ideas on Van Mander’sSchilder-boeck in these pages. Some findingson Polidoro da Caravaggio were firstpresented at the 2011 UAAC Conference in

Ottawa, Canada, in a session on Prints andCross-Cultural Encounters, 1600-1850. I thanksession chair Dr Stéphane Roy for his kindinvitation and participants, most notablyStéphanie Dickey and Matt Kaveler, for theirinterest in my project and their stimulatingquestions. My research greatly benefitedfrom the fact that at an early stage adigitalized, searchable word-file of theSchilder-boeck was most kindly madeavailable to me by the editors of DBNL. Thetranslations are my own, unless statedotherwise.

1 Van Mander 1604, 1r1a-2h:‘O Hebes spruyten/ Genius Scholieren/Ghy die hier en daer/ in plaetse vanschrijven/ Hebt becladdert/ en vervult uPampieren/Met Mannekens/ Schepen/ verscheydendieren/Dat ghy nau ledighe plaets’ en laetblijven/Schijnend’ of Natuer u voort wildedrijven/Een Schilder te wesen/ soo dat u OudersV daer toe aenvoeren op lijf/ enschouders’.




‘By ghemeyn oordeel wordt utoeghewesen/Te zijn een Schilder/ t’woort is licht tespreken/maer Schilder/ en Schilder/ siet/tusschen desen,Leyt soo hooch eenen grooten Berghgheresen/Dat veel de reyse moeten laten steken/T’is hier niet te doen met Maenden oftWeken/maer volcomen Jaren hier toe behoeven/Aleer dat ghy eenich gheniet sultproeven’.

2 Van Mander 1604, 1v4a-h:‘Sijt dan ghewaerschouwt/ want derConsten keleLooft soetelijck nae de Serenesstemmen/Aenlockend’ elcken bevallijck ten spele/maer by haer te comen moetmen al veleWeghen besoecken/ en watersdoorswemmen/Noch isser soo hoogh eenen bergh teclemmen/Ghy en comtter niet over vroegh nochlate/Of ghy en hebt de Natuere te bate’.According to Van Mander art dependedon Nature for providing talent. Bystudying and working diligently artistswould develop their innate talent, yetwithout that first inkling of talent, artcould never blossom; Miedema 1973, II,354-359; Miedema 1981, 1-6, 123, 125, 213.

3 Van Mander 1604, 4r36a-h; 4v39a-40h.There is an analogy with the TabulaCebetis, an allegorical depiction of thepath of life passing through three rings toreach a temple on top of a mountain,which stands for the domicilium salutis,or residence of salvation or happiness.This image was brought into printamong others by Jacob Matham in 1592,after a design by Hendrick Goltzius. H.L.Spiegel described the Tabula Cebetis inHert-spiegel; Veenstra 1992; Miedema1973, II, 381-382.

4 According to Miedema, it also served asthe model for the composition of theGrondt itself; Miedema 2002, 234-240.

5 Van Mander, 7v76a-77h:‘Door Pictura ben ick daer toeghecommen/Als dat ick met lust/ versoetsel derpijnen/In Helvetia ben over gheclommen/ De besneeuwde Alpes/ hoogh omverschrommen/En oock de verdrietelijck’ Appenninen/Door wiens nevel en onweders

bruwijnen/Hannibal den grooten MartialisteDaer over te comen t’voornemen miste.Ick quam soo verr’ ick sach/ en woondebinnenDe begheerde Stadt/ die (soo men machlesen)Van twee Voesterlinghen eenderWolvinnenOp Palatinus bergh nam cleyn beginnen/Wiens faem in al de Weerelt is gheresen/Vervallen bouwinghen my onderwesen/En betuyghden met een seker belijden/Hoe heerlijcken Roome was invoortijden’.

6 See for instance Den NederduytscheHelicon (1612), an anthology of poemsinitiated by Van Mander and after hisdeath completed by Jacob van derSchuere, a schoolmaster from Haarlem,in collaboration with 18 other poets. Thepoems are embedded in the frameworkof a story that deals with climbingMount Helicon in order to reach thetemple of virtue (‘Kerck der deught’). Foran interpreation of the book, Thijs 2004.De Kerck der Deucht, a poem written byVan Mander and dedicated to CornelisKetel, was incorporated in the book andhad been published seperately by GillisRooman in or just before 1600; Miedema& Spies 1973.

7 Van Mander 1604, 7r69a-70h.8 See Vermeylen’s article in this volume, a

draft of which was presented at asymposium organized by the editors ofthe Nederlands KunsthistorischJaarboek vol 63, at Castle Well, TheNetherlands, December 2012.

9 Dr. H. Nijboer kindly pointed out that as‘armchair traveler’s guide’, the text wouldhave functioned in much the samemanner as Heinrich Bünting’s wellknown Itinerarium Sacrae Scripturae of1581, which appeared in Dutchtranslation in multitudinous editionsbetween 1594 and 1663 and is foundconstantly in inventories; see H. Bünting,Itinerarium sacrae scripturae. Dat is: eenreysboeck over die gantsche heyligheschrift ( ...). In onse Ned. spraecke door eenliefhebber over-ghesteldt, Utrecht 1594(and later editions: see STCN); Van derHeijden 1998.

10 Van Mander 1604, 6v66-83; Noë 1954, 25-42; Cohen-Willner 2002.

11 Cat. Brussels & Rome 1995.12 Van Mander 1604, 210r28-34: ‘Alhoewel in

voorleden tijden in onse Nederlanden deSchilder-const was gheoeffent/ ghelijckmen segghen soude/ constigh sonder

Const/ dat is/ sonder gheleertheyt/studie/ oft nae d’oude alderbeste wijse/die d’Italianen naemaels uyt d’Antijckebeelden hebben bespeurt: Soo isnochtans te verwonderen van denwelstandigen aerdt/ die onseNederlanders so heel vroegh lieten sienin hun beelden en stelselen der bootsen/als uyter Natueren geleert/ en wat eengheestighe fraey handelinghe en wijsevan doen’.

13 Van Mander 1604, 220r39-45: ‘Hy heeftoock Italië en Room besocht van waer hyniet ydel noch ledigh weder is ghekeert:maer is daer in zijnen bergigen hoeckLandts van Luycke[n] een Vader vanonse Teycken en Schilder-constgheworden/ die de rouwe en plompeBarbarische wijse wech genomen/ en derechte schoon Antijcksche in de plaetseopgerecht/ en te voorschijn ghebrachtheeft: waerom hy niet weynigh danck enroem verdiende’.

14 Van Mander 1604, 225v03-07: ‘Hy heeftItalien en ander Landen besocht/ en iswel een van de eerste/ die uyt Italien inVlaender bracht de rechte wijse van teordinere[n]/ en te maken Historien volnaeckte beelden/ en alderleyPoeterijen:/ t’welck voor zijnen tijt inonse Landen so niet in gebruyck en was’.

15 Van Mander 1604, 234r38-234v03: ‘So datd’Italianen dus verlicht wesende/hebben vroegher ghetroffen den rechtenaerdt en welstandt der beelden/ als welons Nederlanders/ die soo op een sekeraenghewende wijse van wercken/ metonvolcomen kennis/ tot beter en beterdoen stadigh en vlijtigh hebbenghetracht/ hun selven veel met t’gemeenleven te volghen vernoegende/ saten(ghelijck of men segghen soude)ghenoech donker/ oft met weynighlichts/ tot dat Ioan van Schoorel, hun uytItalien het wesen van de beste wijse oftghestalt onser Consten bracht/ en voorooghen stelde. En om dat hy wel deneersten was/ die Italien besocht/ en deSchilder-const hier heeft comenverlichten/ worde hy van Frans Floris enander (als men seght) den Lanteeren-drager en Straet-maker onser Consten inden Nederlanden gheheeten/ engehouden te wesen’.

16 Sluijter 2006, 16-17 on how the depictionof the nude was a motif directlyassociated with the artists of the ItalianRenaissance and their interpretation ofthe art of classical Antiquity.

17 The terms ‘passions’ and ‘emotions’ willbe used interchangeably in the modern



sense; see also Dickey & Roodenburg2010, 8-9, n. 3.

18 Van Mander 1604, 220r46-220v2: ‘[...]hebbende in zijn wercken grootopmercken in’t stelsel der beelden/ordineren der Historien/ enuytbeeldinghen der affecten/ en anderomstandicheden’. (English translation:Miedema 1994-1999).

19 Van Mander 1604, 235v46-236r02: ‘[...]bysonder een Ioannes Doopsel/ datee[n] seer schoon stuck is/ waer in datcomen eenige seer aerdige Vroukens/met seer gracelijcke Raphaelschetronikens/ opsiende nae het neder dalenvan den heyligen Geest: achter comt eenschoon Landtschap/ met eenighe fraeywerckende naecktkens’. (Englishtranslation: Miedema 1994-1999).

20 Van Mander 1604, 218r02-15.21 Van Mander 1604, 246v11-16: ‘Noch heb

ick ghesien eerstmael by een Const-beminder Pauwels Kempenaer, ennaemaels by den seer Const-liefdighenMelchior Wijntgens, een lanckwerpichstucxken/ een Bacchanalia, oft Bacchifeest/ waer van genoech de selfordinantie in Print comt: maer dit is welhet best gheschildert van al wat men naezijn comst van Room sien mach/wesende seer morbido, oft poeselich vannaeckte[n]: Daer in zijn te sien die oudedertelheden/ die men by den Heydenenin die feest oeffende/ van tuymelen/ enderghelijcke dinghen’. (Englishtranslation: Miedema 1994-99). VanMander dedicated the Grondt der edel-vry Schilder-const to Melchior Wyntgis.

22 Van Mander 1604, 253r16-21.: ‘Ick heboock van Carel ghesien een Oordeel/gheteyckent op een lombaerts bladt/ghedaen met de Pen/ en ghewasschen,t’welck Carels Weduw een Schilder/ diehaer Man had helpe[n] bewaren/, hadghegheven/ dat ick acht d’ordinantie vandit mocht wesen: het was seerversierlijck, en vol aerdich ghewoel/ watTinturet-achtich: Den Christus sat opwolcken/ en hadde onder hem deteyckene[n] oft Dieren der vierEuangelisten’. (English translation:Miedema 1994-1999).

23 Van Mander 1604, 298v17-22: ‘Onse Consthebben wy cortlijck in onseNederlanden ghesien in beter ghestaltnistoenemen en veranderen, besonder in decoloreringhe/ carnatien/ en diepselen/,meer en meer zijn ghewordenafghescheyden van een steenachtigegraeuwicheyt/ oft bleeckeVischachtighe/ coudtachtighe verwe:

want de gloeyentheyt in lijf-verwe envleeschachtighe diepselen zijn nu heelseer in ghebruyck gheworden. Hier toeheeft oock geen cleen behulp ghedaenFrancesco Badens, [...]’. (Englishtranslation Miedema: 1994-1999).On Francesco Badens’ Italian manner,see Taylor 1998, 162-169; Sluijter 2005, 158-77; Bok 2005, 5-12.

24 Van Mander 1604, 232r18-21: ‘Hy was oockd’eerste die de Landtschappen op eenbeter manier begon te maken/ met meerveranderingen/ op de nieuw Italiaenscheoft Antijcksche wijse/ en was wonderversierigh en vondigh in’t ordineren oftby een voegen’ (English translation:Miedema 1994-1999).

25 Cat. Brussels & Rome 1995, 43.26 Van Mander 1604, 296r38-43: ‘[...] dan dat

ick wel van desen Vries verscheydenkeuckenen oft fruyt-marcten hebghesien op zijn Veneets/ die aerdighghecoloreert en wel gheschildert waren/schoon en gloeyende/ so dat ick zijnennaem hier niet con verswijghen [...]’.(English translation: Miedema 1994-1999).

27 Van Mander 1604, 285v15-24: ‘Goltziuscomende uyt Italien/ hadde de fraeyItalische schilderijen als in eenenspieghel soo vast in zijn ghedachtghedruckt/ dat hyse waer hy was nochaltijts gestadich sagh: dan vermaecktehem de soete gracelijckheyt van Raphael,dan de eygen vleeschachticheyt vanCorregio, dan de uytstekendehooghselen/ en afwijckende verdrevendiepselen van Tiziaen, de schoonsijdekens en wel gheschilderde dinghenvan Veroneso, en ander te Venetien/ dathem de Inlandtsche dinghen soo heelvolcomen niet meer conden voldoen.Het was den Schilders eenen lust envoedsel/ hem hier van te hoorenspreken: want zijn woorden waren algloeyende carnatien/ gloeyendediepselen/ en derghelijck onghewoon oftweynigh meer ghehoorde verhalinghen’.(English translation: Miedema 1994-1999).

28 For example Van Mander 1604, 234r24-41.29 See also Van Mander 1604, 6v66a-h, and

the marginal note: ‘De Roomreyseongheraden, om datter veel middel is,t’ghelt onnut te verteeren, ende niet welom winnen’.

30 Van Mander 161v10-18: ‘HierentusschenDaniel van Parma, die veel Iaren haddegewoont met Antonio da Coreggio, enomgegaen met Francesco MozzuoliParmesaen, hebbende aengenomen te

schildere[n] een Kerck op’t nat, voor aenin Abruzzo tot Vitto, aen gheen sijde vanSore, nam hy Taddeo met hem daerbuyten. En al was Daniel den bestenSchilder niet, dewijl hy die voornoemdegroote Meesters veel hadde sienwercken, so waren Taddeo zijnwoorde[n] meer vorderlijck in’tonderwijsen en seggen, dan of hy eenander hadde sien wercke[n], verstaendeuyt hem, met wat poeselicheyt ensoeticheyt sy hun wercken deden’.

31 Van Mander 1604, 48r22b; 198r37-39: ‘T’iswaer dat my, aengaende d’ItalischeSchilders, groote verlichtinghe isgheschiedt door de schriften Vasari, denwelcken heel breedt van zijnLandtsluyden handelt [...]’.

32 On the poetical phenomenon of‘imitatio auctorum’; Jansen 2008,especially 113-217; 370-373, 449-460.

33 When it comes to the overbearing arthistorical attention given to theNetherlandish Lives, it should be notedthat after that whole proces of reworkingthe Vite Van Mander arrived at a text thatwas almost exactly equal in size to theNetherlandish Lives, the Italian Liveshowever being one folio larger.Waterschoot was one to point this out aswell. Waterschoot was also critical of thegenerally excepted idea that Van Manderhad only fully applied his attention andtalent to the writing of the NetherlandishLives, whereas the Antique and ItalianLives merely served to complete theoverview of the history of painting;Waterschoot 1983b, 12-13. Noë howeverexpressed the opinion that from theonset, it must have been Van Mander’sintention to discuss Netherlandishpainting the most elaborate, whereas theAntique and Italian Lives were merelyintended as an introduction to thosebiographies; Noë 1954, 228. More recentlyStumpel still referred to the section of theNetherlandish Lives as Van Mander’s ‘[…]most important and original one, whichwas to become his greatest claim to fame[…]’; Stumpel 2011, 88.

34 In order to establish the method VanMander followed in editing the text, Imade a verbatim comparison betweenthe Italian Lives and the Vite, thusrevealing were they match up and wherethey differ, see my forthcoming PhDthesis: The Italian Lives in Karel vanMander’s Schilderboeck. For acomparison between Vasari’s and VanMander’s life of Titian; Golahny 2000.

35 Van Mander 1604, 92v10-15: ‘[…] op dat




het d’Aencomende Schilder-jeught dienetot een Lusthof, oft Boomgaert, omverscheyden nutte vruchten te plucken,tot wasdom, voedtsel, envermaecklijcken lust: eerst, in veelplaetsen leerlijcke voorbeelden van alledeelen der Consten vindende: daer naer,de verscheyden conditien derConstenaers, die haer t’Aenmerckenstaen, om t’nutte goet te volghen, ent’schadighe quaet te schouwen’. Thesecond intention was at some pointmistaken for Van Mander central aimwith his text; see Miedema 1984, p. 15.

36 Van Mander 1604, 92v15-28: Ghelijck denvlijt om leeren van Pieter Perusijn,Masaccio, en Pierijn del Vaga: devolherdighe ghedult van TaddeusZuccaro: de Zedicheyt , vriendelijckheyt ,en punticheyt van Lucas van Cortonen:den lust tot wercken van DomenicusGirlandaio: den beleeefden en lieflijckenomgangh van Raphael d’Urbijn: deneersticheyt, kuysheyt, en mildtheyt vanMichel Agnolo, en derghelijcke tevolghen: En te mijden den al te stadighenarbeydt van Thomas Giottino: deslofheyt van Lionardo da Vinci: denijdicheyt van Baccio Bandinelli: delanghsaemheyt van Daniel van Volterra:en de traegheyt van Bastiaen delPiombo: de twist-liefdicheyt van LippoFlorentijn: de korselheyt van FranciscoSalviati: de tijdt-quistinghe van SandroBotticelli: t’quaet naebedencken vanRosso: de latendunckenheyt vanFrancisco Parmesaen, en derghelijcke:soo in’t lesen van verscheyden natuerenoft gheneghentheden, Exempelenworden ghevonden’.

37 The first explained the stories of Ovid;the second described the rendering ofanimals, objects, trees and plants andsubsequently offered a shortintroduction into how abstract conceptssuch as peace, friendship or occasioncould be portrayed in imagery or, indeed,poetry; Prins 1995, 97-102; Miedema 2002,58.

38 It is hardly surprising the Grondtreceived this special attention, as in away the title page served as a title to thefirst section of the book as well. As partof his argument that the separatesections of the Schilder-boeck wereintended for different audiences,Stumpel mistakenly proposed that theSchilder-boeck should be regarded as thetitle of the Grondt only, while hesuggested the other sections whereoriginally not intended to be placed

under that same name; Stumpel 2011, 85-87. He argued this was declared byWaterschoot as well. Waterschoothowever expressly stated that althoughthere are individual title pages to theSchilder-boeck as a whole and again tothe Wtlegghingh and Uvtbeeldinge, thesections cannot be considered asseparate publications; Waterschoot1983a, 273; see also Miedema 1973, 12. Forthe collation of the book and the place ofthe portrait print, Waterschoot 1983a,274-275; Miedema 1973, 7-11.

39 Van Mander 1604, 58r, 91r, 196r, *1r, 123r.The title of the Italian Lives runs in full:‘Het Leven der Moderne oft dees-tijtschedoorluchtighe Italiaensche Schilders.Beginnende aen de ghene die d’EdelSchilder-const in dese leste Eeuwenweder als van der Doot verweckt oftherbaert en tot desen onsen tijdt inItalien hebben gheoeffent en tot meer enmeer volcomenheyt gebracht, tot grootnut en vermaeck der Schilders enSchilder-const beminders’.

40 Van Mander 1604, *4v11-15: ‘Ick dan (soveel het zy) een Oeffenaer, en naevolgherdeser soo loflijcker Const, welcke (hoeweerdigh) ick verhope my nietonweerdigh sal achten, dat ick harengront, aerdt, ghestalt en wesen, haervernuftighe lieve naevolghende Ieught(soo veel ick vermach) voordraghe,ghelijck ick heel willigh ghenegen ben[…]’.

41 Van Mander 1604, *5v25-28: ‘[…]d’onderwijsighe deelen, die ick in desenmijnen Schilder-consten gront, oftgantschen Schilder-boeck, hen voorooghen stelle oft voordraghe. Ickverhope dat sy geen cleen voordeel oftnut daer door deelachtigh sullenworden’; Van Mander 1604, *4v34-36;*5v15-16.

42 Van Mander 1604, *5v31-38: ‘Soobespreeck ick, datse onvertsaeghdlijcktoetreden, en aengrijpen voor eerst hetbesonderste deel der Consten, te weten,een Menschlijck beeldt te leeren stellen,oock eyndlijck alle ander omstandighedeelen t’omhelsen, oft immers alsNatuere en Geest anders niet willentoelaten, eenigh besonder deel, om daerin uytnemende te moghen worden: wanthet niet daeghlijcx gheschiet, dat eenalleen alles vermagh, leeren, begrijpen,oft in alles uytnemende worden can’.

43 Van Mander 1604, *5v40-*6r07: ‘WantApollodorus leyde sonderlingh toe op deschoonheyt. Zeuxis maeckte te grootehoofden: maer was goet Fruyt-schilder.

Eumarus ghewende hem alles te doennae t’leven. Protogenes con eerst maerscheepkens schilderen. Apelles was inalles gracelijck. Parasius, goet vanomtreck. Demon, vol inventien.Tymanthes, verstandigh: in zijn werckwas altijts eenighen verborghen sin oftmeyninghe. Pamphilus was gheleert.Nicomachus, veerdigh. Athenion,diepsinnigh. Nicophanes, net en suyver,Amulius, schoon van verwen. Pausias,fraey van kinderen, en bloemen.Asclepiodorus, goet van mate, oftproportie. Amphyon, van ordineren.Serapio, fraey in’t groote. Pyreicus, in’tcleen. Anthiphilus, in cleen, en groot.Dionisius con alleen Menschen beeldenschilderen. Euphranor, alles. Nicias,beesten, besonder Honden. Nicophanes,copieren, en was suyver in zijnwerck.Mechopanes, te rouw in zijnverwen. Nealces, fraey vanuytbeeldinghe. Aristides, van affecten.Clesides, nae t’leven, oock by onthoudt:en Ludius, van Landtschap’.

44 Van Mander 1604, *6r07-10: ‘De selveverscheydenheden salmen oock vindenby den dees-tijdtsche Italianen enNederlanders te zijn geweest, hier te langte verhalen waer by de Ieught gheleertsal wesen, om in de Const volherden, tegrijpen nae t’ghene Natuere meestaenbiedt’.

45 See my forthcoming dissertation on VanMander’s notions on the historicaldevelopment of painting, which shouldbe understood in the light of PolidoroVergil’s De inventoribus rerum as a seriesof progressive inventions; Copenhaver2002, p. xii.

46 Van Mander 1604, *6r10-18: ‘Ist niet devolcomenheyt in beelden en Historien,soo mach het wesen Beesten,Keuckenen, Fruyten, Bloemen,Landtschappen, Metselrijen,Prospectiven, Compartimenten,Grotissen, Nachten, branden,Conterfeytsele[n] nae t’leven, Zeen, enSchepen, oft soo yet anders te schilderen.maer boven al behoort oft behoeft yederop t’uyterste yverigh en vyerigh tetrachten, om d’eenighe oppersteheerschappije onser Consten tot hem tetrecken en te vercrijghen, waer toe mensonder eenigh ghevaer, krijgh oftbloetvergieten, gheraken can, als menmaer ernstigh met stadighen vlijt demilde Natuere te baet com [...]’.

47 Van Mander 1604,44r24a-e; 44v25d-h;44v26a-h.

48 Van Mander 1604, 32r37-38, 32r39-32v40.




49 Van Mander 1604, 41r36.50 Van Hoogstraten 1738, 31; Van

Hoogstraten 1678, **2-3. Weststeijnargued that Van Hoogstraten derived theconcept of the deelen der Consten fromJunius, who speaks of the ‘partespingendi’, a direct translation of thepartes orations, but failed to notice thesimilarities with Van Mander’s use of thisterminology; Weststeijn 2008, 49-50.

51 Wetering 2011, 3-140. Van Mander neverspeaks of gronden, as Miedema pointedout in his reply to Van de Wetering;Miedema 2011, 102-107. Although moreresearch would be needed into its use inother texts, it seems probable that VanHoogstraten’s use of gronden actually isderivative of Van Mander’s Grondt,where the equivalent to those gronden,the deelen der Consten, were discussed.

52 Vasari 1568, II, 150: 02-04.53 Vasari 1568, II, 170: 18-28.54 Vasari 1568, II, 149: 03-12, 150: 01-02.55 Vasari 1568, II, 159: 07-27.56 Miedema has argued that from the life of

Leonardo onwards, Van Manderunintentionaly incorporated moremiscellaneous material into the text,simple because Vasari’s Lives got moreand more congested with descriptions ofworks of art, Miedema 1984, 125.

57 In the introduction to the Grondt, VanMander explained how a young artistshould apply himself from the start of hiscareer to the rendering of the humanfigure. If he mastered that which shouldbe regarded as the most important partof art, than he could begin studyingother parts of art, and according to thenature of his talent and character,choose to specialize in one of them. VanMander stressed that an artists couldapply himself to the part for whichnature gave him the tools: Van Mander1604, 5v31-47; 6r14-17; Miedema 1973, II,342-343.

58 Van Mander 1604, 123v04-07: ‘Als denMensch van zijnder jonckheyt wordtbestelt te doen de dingen, daer hy van deNatuere toe verordineert, oft gheborenis, dan sietmen ten eynde een uytcomstevan grooter volcomenheyt, en eenuytmuntinge, die seldsaem, enverwonderlijc is. Dat wel haest waer tewesen hem openbaerde aen Andreas delSarto […]’. Miedema does not list thesenew lines in his concordance: Miedema1984, 129.

59 Van Mander 1604, 123v29-35: ‘[…] die eenOudt Man was, en seer fantastijck, Iaedie alle dingh in den wegh was, seer

eensaem en quellijck, niet moghendeverdraghen dat yemandt hoestede, nochClock luyden, Kinder ghecrijt, Monickensangh, en sulcke dinghen, dickwils oockseer vergrammende op de Vliegen,summa, daer niemant en mocht om zijnmoeylijckheyt by ghedueren, is Andreasvan hem ghescheyden […]’. Vasari 1568,II, 25: 34-36, 27-28, 40-41.

60 Whereas Van Mander would add somecritical remarks regarding Andrea’s falsebehaviour towards the French king, hecertainly made sure not to make it amajor element of the biography’sopening, nor did he wish to end the lifeon such a critical note. At some point,more than halfway through the text, VanMander did alert the reader with amarginal note to the ‘ontrouwheyt’ ordisloyalty of Andrea del Sarto towardsthe king of France. Another marginalnote was added at the end of the text,remarking on the artist ‘trouwicheyt’ orloyalty: Van Mander 1604, 125v, 127r.

61 Van Mander 1604, 27r; Schiller 2010, 86-88.

62 Van Mander 1604, 23r4a-5h.63 For Van Manders notions on working

after life, Miedema 1981, 122-128.64 Van Mander 1604, 24v21a-23d: Mantegna;

25v37a-26r39c: Praxitiles; 26r39d-40b:Demon; 26r40c-43h: Timanthes; 28r64e-65h: Zeuxis; 27r54a-h: Breughel; 27v60a-h: Michelangelo; 28r62a-h: Lucas vanLeyden; 28r63a-d: Giotto.

65 Van Mander 1604, 125r10-20: ‘Daermaeckte Andreas noch een derde, endaer in vier staende Beelden, die van deDryvuldigheyt disputeren, eenen S.Augustijn, met een tronie als eenAfricaen, en een Bisschops cleedt, eenenS. Pieter Martelaer, S. Franciscus, en S.Laurens: beneden knielen twee beelden,eenen S. Sebastiaen, toonende denrugghe, die meer levende alsgheschildert schijnt: t’ander eenMagdalena, met schoon lakenen,welcker tronie (gelijck als hyghemeenlijck te passe bracht in alleVrouwe tronien) was gedaen nae zijnHuysvrouwe: Dit stuck was gheacht hetbeste van Olyverwe van hem ghedaen,om datmen daer in siet een goedeproportie der figueren, actien, enaffecten, en eyghenschappen dertronien, de jonge soet, de oude hardt,half oudt matigh wesende: summa, deesTafel is in alle deelen seer schoone’.Another example is the work in Poggio aCaiano, which was elaborately describedand to which Van Mander drew the

readers’ attention by adding a marginalnote: Van Mander 1604, 125v47-126r20;126r: ‘Historie van Iulius Caesar, seerconstich door del Sarto ghedaen’.

66 Van Mander 1604, 124r02-47.67 Van Mander 1604, 124v16-24: ‘[…] En

noch twee Historien, eene, daer Ioannespredickt, wiens aensicht toont heelgheestelijck, en vol aendachticheyt tewesen: oock de toehoorders seerverwonderende, van soo een nieuweleeringhe te hooren. maer noch hadde hyzijnen gheest meer gheoeffent ind’ander, daer Ioannes doopt eenontallijck volck, daer eenighe beeldenzijn ghemaeckt, ontcleedende eenige diegedoopt worden: en ander, die naecktverwachte[n], dat ander, die voor zijn,ghedoopt sullen worden: in welckewordt ghetoont een vyerighe begeerte,en alles soo aerdigh van wit en swartghedaen, als oft van Marber verhevenwaer’.

68 Van Mander 1604, 124r09-18: ‘[…] ind’ander, daer S. Philips vermaent eenigheblasphemerende tuysschers, die hembespotten, en daer eenen blixem slaet inden boom, daer sy onder in schaduwesitten, en twee van dese verslaet, en deander seer verbaest maeckt: Eenighe metden handen aen t’hooft liggen als inswijm: ander loopen, en begheven hun alcrijtende ter vlucht, met grooter vreese.Een Vrouw isser van haer selven doorden donderslagh, also verbaest vanverschricktheyt, oock vluchtigh, soonatuerlijck, datse schijnt te leven. EenPeerdt isser oock door vreese losgheworden: welck met zijn sprongen, enschricklijck ghebaer, betoont, wat so eenonversienich en onverwacht dingenverbaestheyt maect: t’welck vanAndreas, met een fraey aendachticheyt,is te wege gebracht […]’.

69 Van Mander 1604, 124r09-19: ‘[…]noodich waerghenomen voor die deSchilder-const oeffenen’. Other scenesfrom the same cycle, Saint Philip Beniziliberating the posessed woman and Thedeath of Saint Philip Benizi, werementioned for how they showed ‘[…]everything that is proper […]’ for such ascene and for the way both life and deathwere portrayed next to each other,showing the great changes between thetwo: Van Mander 1604, 124r19-25: ‘Dederde History was, daer S. Philips eenbeseten Vrouwe verlost: oock alledinghen waernemende, dievoeghelijckst in sulcken doen zijn uyt tebeelden. Noch twee Historien maecte hy




in dit voorhof oft portael: Een, daer S.Philips doot is, en van zijn Monickenbeweent, en daer een doot kindt de baregheraeckt, en verrijst, t’welck levende endoot gheschildert is, met grootewaerneminge der veranderinghe […]’.

70 See my forthcoming dissertation.71 Van Mander 1604, 124r40-41: ‘[…] en

poeselighe coloreringhe, envleeschicheyt, niet anders dan ofseleefden’.

72 Van Mander 1604, 123v46-124r01: ‘[…] eenAltaer-tafel van Maria Magdalena byChristum in’t Hof, t’welck seer lieflijck engladdich ghecoloreert was […]; Vasari1568, II, 151: 24-25.

73 Van Mander 1604, 127r: ‘Aendachtigheytvan del Sarto, in’t coloreren dercarnatien’.

74 Van Mander 1604, 125r44-125v14.75 See for instance how Maturino’s name

disappeared from the title of thebiography an how his role in Polidoro’seducation was marginalized; VanMander 1604, 128r33; Vasari 1568, II, 197:01-02. Van Mander 1604, 128v01-05; Vasari1568, II, 198: 03-11.

76 Van Mander 1604, 128v: ‘Wat manier vanwercken Polidoor hadde’.

77 Van Mander 1604, 128v18-23.78 On the use of the terminology, see also

Taylor 2008, 168-170.79 Van Mander 1604, 128v28-44: ‘Het waer

een groot eyghen Boeck, te verhalen allede ghevelen, die dees twee soouytnemende hebben ghedaen van wit enswart, en uyt den gelen op zijncopersche, en alles van seer uytnemendeteyckeninge. Maer t’claeghlijckste is, datdese miraculeuse dinghen van windt enweder meest al vergaen zijn, datse niet(ghelijckse meer als weerdigh waren)onder dack en zijn bewaert gebleven: endat de Schilder-const van sulckeIuweelen berooft wesende, nu soontciert moet trueren. Hun dingenwaren veel Romeynsche Historien, inwelcke men siet seer eygentlijck alledingen uytghebeeldt, soo Bataillien telande en te water, so Wapenen, Schilden,Schepen, en alle ander reetschappen:oock Offerhanden, Triumphen, enanders, dat het te verwondere[n] is, waersy’t al ghelesen en vergadert hadden.Seer is oock te verwonderen hun vastestelsel, en groote cracht in den Beelden,het wesen, en de vlucht dieder in is tesien. En hoe dat (bysonder segghe ick)Polidoor soo een discretie gebruycktheeft, een deel vlack lichts in somvoorgroepen te weghe te brenghen, en

hoe hy zijn graeuw laet bruynder enbruynder t’samen by een, en onder eenverliesen: oock de achter-beelden in hunMezza tinte oft graeuw wech wijkende,en ander voorcomende’.

80 Freeman 1989, gives an overview of theuse of rilievo as an artistic notion fromthe 15th century onwards.

81 Van Mander 1604, 129 r20:’[…] de anderdingen waren meest al van in mijnen tijtvergaen’; Cat. Ottawa 2009, 23, 156-161;Cat. Los Angeles 2007, 31-32, 71-77.

82 See my forthcoming dissertation.83 Luijten 2003.84 The first substantial addition to the body

of the text taken from Vasari which wasadded to the life of Correggio, was alsobased on Goltzius; Van Mander 1604,116v17-32.

85 Van Mander 1604, 129r17-20: ‘[…] onderander eene, die Goltzius hemgheweerdighde te conterfeyten, en totvoordeel der Ionghers uyt te gheven:wesende daer Bremius t’goudt weeght, enCamillus comt ontset doen’.

86 Hollstein/Leesberg 2012, 254-255, 259, no.315: ‘Octo gentium Dij per Polydorumquondàm quodam in atrio Romae eCenobij Divi Pauli regione: in colleQuirinali, nunc M. Cavallo adpa[n]rietem et lucidè et subumbrosedeliniati per HGoltzium ibidem adnotatiet c[a]elati postmodum in Tyronumgratiam’.

87 Van Mander 1604, 129r37-43: ‘Teghenover dese Facciate is een ander van hem,daer is die seer wonderlijckewelgehandelde Frijse, van d’Historie vanNiobe, welcke oock de handt Goltzij totnaeteyckenen soetlijck aenlockte, en sooghehandelt heeft, datmen deseteyckeninghe siende, mach denckendaer tegenwoordich te wesen, enPolidoors Pinceel streken selfs te sien:Dese comt oock, tot een goet fundamentder jonghe Schilders in Druck, waeromick den inhoudt niet behoeve teverhalen.’

88 Van Mander 1604, 124v33-38.89 In the Vite, Bandinelli had primarily

been cast as Michelangelo’s antagonistand to some extend he still performedthat role in the Italian Lives, for instanceVan Mander 1604, 151r38-151v04.Miedema has suggested Van Manderincorporated Bandinelli because severalprints after his designs were known, yetdoes not address the question why thoseprints were of interest; Miedema 1984, 10.

90 Luijten 2003, 119; Scheller 1995, 82-85;Fusco 1982, 175-194; Wiemers 1989, 39-60.

91 Alberti 1966, 94-95. 92 Van Mander 1604, 12v10a-12h.93 Van Mander 1604, 14r30a-32h.94 Van Mander 1604, 25v37d-26r39c;

26r39d-40h.95 Van Mander 1604, 102r33-37.96 Van Mander 1604, 164v01-04.97 Van Mander 1604, 44v27a-29h, and

marginal notes: ‘By den Antijcken gheengoet laken, oft weynich’; ‘In’t PalleysFarnese eenige coperen Vrou-beelden.Antijck goet vlieghende laken. De Floraaldaar exempel’.

98 Van Mander 1604, 108r11-38.99 Van Mander 1604, 60r-61v.

100 Van Mander 1604, 151v06-32, andmarginal notes: ‘Hoochmoedichvoornemen van Baccio’; ‘Baccio wilschilderen, als sonder by Meester tehebben gheleert’; ‘Baccio verlaett’schilderen, en keert weder totBeeldtsnijden’.

101 Unlike Vasari, the artist was addressed inthe title of the life as a sculptor cumpainter; Van Mander 1604, 150v32-33:‘Het leven van Baccio Bandinelli, Schilderen Beeldtsnijder van Florencen’; Vasari1568, III, 423: ‘Vita di Baccio BandinelliScultore Fiorentino’. Van Mander alsochanged the sequence of artists,choosing to discuss Bandinelli not at thebeginning of the second part of the parteterza, but only after the lives of Giovannida Udine, Jacopo Pontormo and GiovanFrancesco Rustici were told. So nowBandinelli was presented followingartists working in the more decorativearts: Giovanni da Udine and JacopoPontormo respectively worked on stuccodecorations and paintings fortriumphant processions, GiovanFrancesco Rustici, who had beenBandinelli’s master, excelled in virtuoso,theatre-like productions, combiningpainting, sculpture and design; VanMander 1604, 143r17-150v31 and severalmarginal notes.

102 Van Mander 1604, 150v34-40: ‘Dat het denconstigen Schilder niet soo swaer, enondoenlijck is, Beeldtsnijder te worden,als het den ervaren Beeldtsnijder is eenSchilder te worden, wijst ons ten deelet’volghende Exempel van BaccioBandinelli: den welcken ick wel nae hadghelaten berusten onder denBeeldthouweren, om dieswille hyweynigh gheschildert heeft, en anderoorsaken, sonder van hem veel teverhalen: doch zijn uytnementheyt in deTeycken-const, heeft my gedrongen hemte ghedencken, en plaetse te gonnen’.




103 Van Mander 1604, 151r: ‘Teyckenen dengrondt en ingang tot verscheydenConsten’.

104 Van Mander 1604, 151r: ‘Model, is eenBeeldt van wasch oft cley, daer men dande steenen Beelde[n] nae maect’. Theirimportance, not only to sculptors but topainters as well, was made clear earlierin the life of Verrocchio, where thatmaster’s invention of making plastercasts after life and after sculptures hadbeen elaborately discussed andhighlighted by another marginal note,Van Mander 1604, 107v: ‘Plaister gieten,by wien eerst in’t ghebruyck gebracht’.

105 Van Mander 1604, 151r02-04, 27-28;151v44-152r02; 10-18; 22-23; 152v10-14.

106 Van Mander 1604, 151r: ‘Marsori, is eengroot Beeldt van eenen Rivier-Godt, lightte Room opt Capitoliu[m]’; compareVasari 1568, III, 424: 27. Van Manderwould not have seen it there himself, as itwas only moved to that location after1592; Reznicek 1961, 334-335; Haskell andPenny, 258-259; Although Goltzius, whomade a large sketch after the statue,could have pointed the work out to him,it must have been a later visitor to Romewho supplied the information of its newlocation. This could very well have beenJacob Matham, who was in Rome from1593-1597 and who in Goltzius footstepscontinued making drawings afterantique and modern works of art;Hollstein/Widerkehr 2007, I, xxx-xxxiii.On Bandinelli’s snow sculpture seeScholten 2012, 281, 282.

107 Van Mander 1604, 151v44-152r02-05.108 He also named prints after Bandinelli’s

drawings by Agostino Veneziano,showing a naked Cleopatra and severalstudies of anatomy, for which the artistwas greatly admired, Van Mander 151v41-

44, and a marginal note: ‘Baccio laet eennaecte Cleopatra, en een blat metAnatomien in Print uytgaen’.

109 Van Mander 1604, 152v04-10: ‘DewijleBaccio aen dese dingen doende was, enliet nae zijn gewoonte niet af teteyckenen, en maecte voor Marcus vanRavenna, en Augustijn Venetiaen,Plaetsnijders, onder ander een grootbladt, wesende een Kinderdoodinge, volnaeckten van Mannen, Vrouwe[n] enkinderen, doode en levende, metverscheyden actien van Vrouwen enSoldaten. Hier gaf hy te kennen de goedeteyckeninge, die hy hadde in denfigueren, t’verstandt van den spieren, enalle Lidtmaten: welck stuck hem overgantsch Europa groot gheruchttoelangde, en is noch in grooter weerdengehouden’. Marginal note: ‘Print van eenKinderoodinge va[n] Baccio, uytnementwesende’.

110 Van Mander 1604, 152v43-153r07: ‘Ditwerck gaf Baccio groot gherucht en lof.Hier nae teyckende Baccio voor den Paustwee Historien, die hy tot S. Laurens teFlorencen wilde laten schilderen, endedese op open Lombaerts vel: d’een wasde Martelisatie van S. Cosmus enDamianus: d’ander, daer S. Laurens opden rooster light. Dit teyckende hy seernet, met grooter aendacht en Const, sogecleedde als naecte, op verscheydenactien, nae de lichamen in’t vyer stoken,en ander wercken doende waren. Seerwreet had hy oock uytghebeeldt Decium,die hittich aenstouwende de stokers,schijnt te vorderen de[n] doot desonnooselen Martelaers, welcken d’eenhandt opheffende, schijnt zijnen gheestGode te bevelen. Dese Historie wierdt incoper plaet ghesneden van Marc Antoniovan Bolognen: en Baccio werdt van den

Paus (wien dit wonder wel beviel)gegeven om zijn Const, een Ridderschapvan S. Pieters’. Marginal note: ‘Baccijprint van S. Laurens’.

111 Eventually only three of Goltzius’drawings after antique sculptures wereposthumously brought to print –Hercules Farnese, Apollo Belvedere andEmperor Commodes as Hercules – but itseems he had planned to publish hisdrawings after antique – and probablymodern – sculpture in a large series; seeLuijten 2003; Leeflang 2012.

112 Widerkehr 2007, I, xxx-xxxiii. Mathamfor instance made a print afterMichelangelo’s statue of Christ standingwith a cross in the Sta Maria sopraMinerva in Rome. Van Mander addedinformation about this sculpture to thelife of Michelangelo; Van Mander 1604,168v12-15; Vasari 1568, II, 739: 42-45.

113 Van Mander 1604, 152v14-15: ‘Doe ter tijdten hadde Franciscus Coningh vanVranckrijck geen Beelt van Marmor,noch Antijck noch Moderne (…)’.

114 Two marginal notes were added; VanMander 1604, 152v: ‘Baccio vermeet hemeene[n] betere[n] Laochon te maken, alsden Antijcken op Belvideer’; ‘Bacciodroegh he[n] heel wel in zijn Laochon,en maeckte den rechte[n] arem aen denAntijcken’.

115 He also incorporated other mentions ofsculpture in France, as in the life ofMichelangelo were he added that thetwo statues representing nakedprisoners, the Rebellious Slave and theDying Slave, were now in Cevan inFrance, where also Rosso’s painting of aDead Christ could be found; Van Mander1604, 131v29-31; 166r33-34.


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Detail fig. 13


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