familial and ecological correlates of self-esteem in african american children

African American chiMren develop positive self-esteem and ethnic identity with the assistance ofa supportivefumily environment and strong kinship network and with the formation of an appropriate peer group.

Familial and Ecological Correlates of Self-Esteem in African American Children Katrina Walket; Eric Taylot; Angela McElroy, Di-Ann Phillip, Melvin N. Wilson

Self-esteem has been defined as a person’s values, attitudes, and conscious beliefs about himself or herself (Spurlock, 1986). Researchers have long spec- ulated that strong familial support correlates with positive self-esteem. How- ever, many of the factors that contribute to the development of a child’s positive self-esteem remain elusive. The number of research studies conducted on the self-esteem of African American children has increased steadily since the 1960s (Martinez and Dukes, 1987; Spencer, 1988, 1990). In many instances, the literature indicates that African American children have lower self-esteem than White American children (Barclay and Moran, 1988; Murphx 1988; Robinson, Bradley, and Stanley, 1990). Demo and Hughes (1989) suggested that a person’s self-esteem reflects an internalization of others’ positive regard. Therefore, since the majority of African Americans are still generally regarded as having relatively low status on many social indices, it is assumed that they are more likely to have lower levels of self-esteem than do their White American counterparts.

Many researchers, however, fail to consider that African Americans do not necessarily compare themselves with the larger White American society. Instead, African Americans’ self-appraisals may reflect the perceptions of family, friends, and others within the African American community. Harrison (1985) suggested that African American self-appraisal is a multifaceted and multidetermined process of the individual self-concept. This view would imply that much of the research that has been done on African American self-esteem

NEW DIRECTIONS K)R c m DwetopMprr. M. 68, Summcr 1995 0 JosvVgus publ i sh 23

24 AFRICAN AMERICAN FAMILY LIFE

is not properly contextualized. In this chapter, we will examined the contex- tual aspects of African American children’s self-esteem.

Spurlock (1986) revealed that prior to the 1960s, African Americans were found to have lower self-esteem than White Americans. Similarly, Harrison’s (1985) review of the literature noted that African American children were reported as having low self-esteem, as rejecting their ethnic identity, and as pre- ferring the identity of the majority culture. Harrison noted that such studies assumed that African American children were incapable of appropriate social and academic adjustment. More recent studies, however, have shown that African American children hold a positive regard for themselves and their ethnic group (Haynes, Hamilton-Lee, and Comer, 1988; Ornstein and Levine, 1989). It was not until the growth of the civil rights movement and African American consciousness raising that African Americans’ self-esteem levels were reported with ranges that are considered high, positive, and healthy (Martinez and Dukes, 1987).

Research has shown numerous factors to be highly correlated with the self-esteem of African American children, including socioeconomic status, familial composition, and educational level (Ornstein and Levine, 1989; Reynolds, 1989); the quality of parenting (Richard, Gitelson, Peterson, and Hurtig, 1991; Barber, Chadwick, and Oerter, 1992); school transitions (Hirsch and Rapkin, 1987; Simmons and Blyth, 1987); and the level of perceived social support (Cauce, Felner, and Primavera, 1982). In contrast to other literature reviews on self-esteem and identity development, we will probe the influence of the extended family and other social supports on self-esteem in African American children.

Socialization and Family Influences It is important to understand that the socialization process of African Ameri- cans necessarily reflects a process of living in a bicultural world (Brookins, 1985, 1993; Spencer and Markstrom-Adam, 1990). The socialization process that occurs in African American families is a reflection of the ecological reality of living as a part of and at the same time apart from the dominant American culture. That is, African American socialization refers not only to the way children are reared but also to the ecological context of an ethnic lifestyle in Amer- ican society. It refers to the way in which one lives and the way in which one’s life is orchestrated and guided by both internal resources and external limita- tions. Although all families care for and nurture their children, the set of goals, values, and beliefs given to children within African American communities are coded for both an understanding of the family’s cultural background and an understanding of the dominant culture. Accordingly, Harrison (1985) asserts that in order to understand the development of self-esteem and identity for African American children, we have to study the social systems witnin which they grow and develop.

SELF-ESTEEM IN AFRICAN AMERICAN CHILDREN 25

Self-esteem is enhanced by a supportive peer and family network. There is a paucity of research, however, that examines the family’s influences on a child’s self-esteem. Most researchers tend to focus on negative influences on African American children’s self-esteem (Slaughter-Defoe, Nakagawa, Takan- ishi, and Johnson, 1990). Self-esteem can be positively influenced through .the presence of effective role models, strong family support, higher socioeconomic status, and through the positive self-esteem of one’s parents. The availability of fathers plays an especially important role in the development of positive self- esteem in African American boys. For instance, studies have found positive correlates between delinquency and father absence. African American boys who were living in father-absent homes or reported poor paternal relationships were more likely to exhibit low self-esteem, field dependent behavior, and hypermasculinity (Barclay and Moran, 1988; Espinoza and Ehrlich, 1989; hung and Drasgow, 1986; Heimer and Matsueda, 1987). A consistent research finding reveals that adolescents’ perceptions of support from significant others (such as parents and peers) have a direct effect on their self-esteem (Cauce, Felner, and Primavera, 1982; Richard, Gitelson, Peterson, and Hurtig, 1991). Richard and her colleagues found interesting gender-of-parent effects on the development of self-esteem. Daughters’ self-esteem was more strongly related to fathers’ behaviors than to mothers’ behaviors. Girls with higher self-esteem reported warmer, more supportive parenting from both father and mother than did girls with lower self-esteem.

Brown, Hutchinson, Valutis, and White (1989) suggested, however, that the quality of family relationships and not the structure or composition of the family influence the level of self-esteem. Their study found that other factors such as adequate nurturing, love, and support determine a child’s self-concept. Therefore, although a trend exists that supports a tendency for single-parent families to be highly associated with delinquent, maladaptive behavior in children, it is not the structure itself causing these behaviors, but the relations within the structure (Brown, Hutchinson, Valutis, and White, 1989).

In other instances, several researchers (Johnson, Shireman, and Watson, 1987; McRoy, Zurcher, Lauderdale, and Anderson, 1982,1984; Shireman and Johnson, 1986) have found that African American children who were raised in transracially adopted homes showed no differences in African American identity development and self-esteem. Brookins (19931, however, advocates that minority status poses an additional challenge to African American children’s development of self-esteem, and that acquiring positive self-esteem is difficult without constant guidance from important socializing agents. Spencer and Markstrom-Adams (1990) suggested that families are essential in estab- lishing a sense of personal and racial self-esteem. They suggest that the familial environment provides cultural beliefs and practices that permit children to develop important strategies for bicultural survival. In other words, African American children must rely on their families for knowledge about their ethnic group (McAdoo and Crawford, 1990).


African American families in general tend to live closer to their relatives, which supports the perception of African Americans’ strong familial associa- tions. Grandparents who live close (within two hundred miles) to their grandchildren see themselves as being more involved in their grandchildren’s lives than those who live further away (Scherman, Goodrich, and Kelly, 1988). Grandchildren see their grandparents as being involved regardless of distance. Rather than being figureheads, grandparents are actively involved in decision making and other aspects of their grandchildren’s lives. In fact, it has been shown that in times of crisis, the grandparent takes on added importance to the child (McAdoo, 1982; Scherman, Goodrich, and Kelly, 1988).

Children with low self-esteem frequently report many physical problems or symptoms. They are more tired, less willing to participate in activities, and generally show more signs of illness. Smets and Hartup (1986) found that families that were more cohesive and whose parents were more adaptable to their children’s changing needs had children who displayed fewer symptoms. Con- versely, Enright and Ruzicka (1989) found that gifted children reported that their parents used high levels of parental support and control. These studies suggest that parents who are not happy with their children and parents who are overly permissive could possibly be fostering low self-esteem in their children. Also, children who have many stressors or daily hassles in their lives and who also have very little family support display a higher level of symptomology and a lower level of self-esteem than do children with an equal amount of stress and high levels of familial support (Wertlieb, Weigel, and Feldstein, 1987).

The mother’s aspirations for the child have been shown to be strongly correlated with the African American student reaching his or her professional career expectations (Dawkins, 1989). The mother’s aspirations were more strongly predictive of the child’s success in reaching his or her professional career goals than were the variables of the child‘s socioeconomic status, gender, or parental education (Dawkins, 1989). In another instance, Thompson, Alexander, and Entwisle (1988) reported that children who had earned high grades by the end of their first school year had parents who held high expectations of their children’s reading achievement.

The quality of the parent-child interaction plays a significant role in self- esteem and identity development of the child. Zelkowitz (1987) interviewed thirty-nine families to determine the outcomes of children in a supportive family structure. Support and nurturance were the parenting styles most clearly associated with the development of self-esteem and positive identity in children. Moreover, Kanigsberg and Levant (1988) suggested that parents could be trained in positive parenting skills. They found that children of parents who participated in behavioral or communicative skills training programs showed significantly positive changes in self-concept.

Searight, Searight, and Scott (1987) found that family rigidity is highly correlated with the child acting out his frustration in school. Also, Lapsley and Quintana (1988) found that adolescent identity achievement was inhibited by the perception of high parental control. Results suggest that a noncontrolling

SELF-ESTEEM IN AFRICAN AMERICAN CHIU)REN 27

family climate may assist adolescents in their ego identity development. Con- versely, parents who placed a high emphasis on rules and structure empha- sized religious over recreational activities. The preferences of strict religious families often conflicted with the changing needs of young adolescents.

Peer Relations In addition to relationships within the family, other relationships play an important role in the self-esteem and identity development of African Arneri- can children. For example, divorce is a major life change that causes a consid- erable amount of svess for parents as well as children. Children of divorce have been found to have fewer support opportunities, and they tend to become vic- tims of social isolation, which often leads to lowered self-esteem. It is crucial, therefore, that parents, teachers, and administrators foster opportunities for children of divorced parents to interact with other children in similar situa- tions, to encourage family visits, and to assist participation in outside social support to facilitate positive self-esteem (Wyman, Cowen, Hightower, and Pedro-Carroll, 1985). In addition, Zelkowitz (1987) clearly shows that positive results can be obtained for children if they are a part of a supportive and functional family network.

Friendships and peer groups are critical aspects of children’s development. The formation of peer relations is necessary because the social support of peers can help promote positive self-esteem as well as relieve the social isolation that can lead to lowered self-esteem. Lack of social competence may hinder some children from making and maintaining friendships, however (Panella and Henggeler, 1986). Mallinckrodt (1988) suggests that support from members of the campus community may be crucial for African American students’ remaining in college. Therefore, groups that provide strong peer support as well as concrete survival skills for incoming African American students repre- sent an effective way of helping students cope with the stresses of adjusting to college life (DeFour and Hirsch, 1990).

Educational Environment and Self-Esteem Several early studies examined self-esteem and school success (Haynes, Hamilton-Lee, and Comer, 1988; Ornstein and kvine, 1989). Ornstein and Levine (1989) hypothesized that middle-class teachers may not be able to relate to or motivate the working- and lower-class students. Teachers who believe they have low-achieving students may hold expectations that lead to self-fulfilling prophecy When students have previously been unsuccessful, they may begin to perceive themselves as incapable and therefore have low self- esteem. Low academic achievers also reported low levels of self-esteem (Haynes, Hamilton-Lee, and Comer, 1988). Haynes and his associates suggested that children’s perceptions of teacherb bias may have detrimental effects on their academic achievement measures.


Transition between elementary and junior high school has been viewed as an extremely stressful and difficult time for many adolescents. Whereas it has been reported that during the middle of the seventh grade children’s self-esteem increases (Hirsch and Rapkin, 19871, during school transition self- esteem among boys and girls initially decreases (Brack, Orr, and Ingersoll, 1988). The anxiety level of a junior high school student is much higher than that of an elementary school student. In the past, anxiety has been shown to be negatively correlated with self-esteem (Matthews and Odom, 1989). Sim- mons and Blyth (1987) found that adolescent girls’ reported levels of self- esteem were pervasively and detrimentally affected by the standard transition from elementary school into junior high school.

It has been consistently found that African American students assessed as being below average in classroom tasks tend to have significantly lower self- esteem than their higher achieving peers, not only in terms of their intellectual and school status, but also in tenns of their social competence and peer relationships (Haynes, Hamilton-Lee, and Comer, 1988, Comer, Hamilton-Lee, and Haynes, 1988; Martinez and Dukes, 1987). It has been suggested that a child’s level of cognitive development can influence the development of self- concept (Marshall, 1989). Thus, low academic self-esteem and academic competence may generate a ripple effect that perpetuates a cycle of failure and negative experiences within the school system and leads to early school drop out. Conversely, several researchers (Demo and Parker, 1987; Martinez and Dukes, 1987) have concluded that African American male and female college students’ academic achievement was not associated with overall self-esteem.

Ethnic Identity and Self-Esteem According to Brookins (1993), self-esteem and self-concept precede the formation of personal identity. For minority children, there are additional components, including ethnic and racial identity, preference, racial attitudes, and reference group orientation (Johnson, 1988; Sellers and others, 1994; Spencer, 1988). Failure to achieve ethnic identity may have many negative ramifications on a child’s level of self-esteem. Children with a low sense of ethnic identity tend also to suffer from low self-concept and self-esteem. In cases of extreme rejection, self-hatred may even be the end result. Many researchers have suggested that children without a positive sense of group identity are caught between rejecting their own ethnicity and being ostracized by the majority group (Ogbu, 1991). Previous researth showed that as early as age four a child is capable of distinguishing between different ethnic groups (Aries and Moore- head, 1989; Carr and Mednick, 1989). Thornton, Chatters, Taylor, and Allen (1990) have shown that 63 percent of a sample of 2,107 guardians and parents had begun to inform their children about racial and group preferences. Those youngsters from two-parent homes who lived in racially mixed neigh- borhoods were more likely to receive earlier racial socialization. Moreover, Bowman and Howard (1985) found that parents who taught their children


about being African American in the United States and offered them appropriate racial coping strategies promoted a greater sense of personal efficacy and academic attainment in their children.

As African American boys get older, racial group identity becomes more important while socioeconomic status and academic achievement becomes less important. For example, Aries and Moorehead (1989) revealed that ethnicity was most predictive of overall identity status and was seen as the most important factor for self-definition among African American students. Ethnic- ity was viewed as being more important to self definition than occupation, ide- ology (religion and politics), or sexual and interpersonal attitudes and behavior. The findmgs of other studies indicate that racial group identification is strongest among older African Americans (Baldwin, Bell, and Duncan, 1987; Broman, Jackson, and Neighbors, 1988; Streitmatter, 1988). Nevertheless, African American children must develop ways to counteract negative stereotypes as they attempt to develop their identities. The constant harassment of negative forces is often abated by positive agencies such as family, school, and church (Brookins, 1993; McAdoo and Crawford, 1990).

Socioeconomic Status and Self-Esteem It is apparent that poverty often undermines the optimal development of children’s self-esteem because limited and inadequate material and psychological resources yield debilitating growth patterns. However, other situational influences from various socioeconomic status backgrounds do occur. According to Banks (1988), the reported level of self-esteem for middle- and lower- class African American children may be affected by different situational factors. African American students from similar socioeconomic background reported higher levels of self-esteem than students from mixed socioeconomic groups (Kohr, Coldiron, and Shihgton, 1988). It was also shown that a positive relationship exists between socioeconomic status and self-esteem. These findings call into question the conclusion of some past research, that African Americans had lower self-esteem than White Americans. Such studies may have been sampling poor Africans Americans, and may have also found low self-esteem among White American children from lower socioeconomic backgrounds (Marshall, 1989).

Socioeconomic status seems to be a particularly important predictor of self- esteem in preadolescent and adolescent African American boys. In a study done on fifth, eighth, and eleventh graders, it was determined that for both African American and White American male students, measures of self-esteem increased uniformly as student’s socioeconomic status increased, regardless of whether the students attended a low or high socioeconomic school (Blast and others, 1988). However, in another study on African American subjects eighteen years of age and older, social class was found to have minimal if any effect on subjects’ self-esteem (Demo and Hughes, 1989). It would thus seem that findings on the influence of socioeconomic status on self-esteem are inconsistent at best.


Although socioeconomic status is largely unrelated to the personal self- esteem of adult African Americans, it appears to be significantly associated with adults' sense of personal efficacy or feeling of internal control (Demo and Hughes, 1989). Demo and Hughes found that for adult African Americans, measures of socioeconomic status are the most important predictors of personal efficacy. Overall, their findings indicate that higher socioeconomic status, better-quality relations with family and friends, being male, being older, and having high racial self-esteem are related to a greater sense of efficacy. The strongest influences on self-esteem are the quality of family and friendship relations and religious involvement. Since the personal efficacy of African h e r i - can adults is strongly influenced by socioeconomic status, and since White Americans' personal efficacy is equally influenced by their socioeconomic status, then the average White American, who has greater socioeconomic stams than the average African American, will also have greater personal efficacy (Carter and Helms, 1988; Housley, Martin, and McCoy, 1987). Factors such as inequality strongly influence personal efficacy by depriving African Americans of opportunities that would enable them to feel efficacious.

Conclusion It is obvious that the cultural and ecological context of the developing child plays a crucial role in acquiring positive self-esteem. The presence of family and peers who are positive role models are important to the child's self-esteem. The presence of a supportive family environment and the formation of an appropriate peer group contribute mightily to the development of positive regard for self and group (Enright and Ruzicka, 1989; Jackson, 1990; Spur- lock, 1986). The African American extended family has been referred to as a major "stress-absorbing system" and is beneficial to both children's and adults' positive self-esteem. For African American children and youth, the development of self-esteem continues to have complicated psychological, physical, and social implications. The African American child must develop an acceptance of self and group identity that encompasses an acknowledgment of all the various disparaging stereotypes associated with the group. Inasmuch as the importance of these ecological and social factors cannot be denied, there continues to be a dearth in the literature documenting their role in formation of self-esteem. Further research is needed in this area if proper assessment of the self-esteem of African American children is to take place.

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34 AMERICAN FAMILY LIFE

UTRINA WALKER is completing doctoral requirements in psychology at the Univer- sity of South Carolina, Columbia.

ERIC TAYLOR recently completed studies in law at Harvard University.

ANGEIA MCELROY is a consultant at IBM in Dayton, Ohio, and plans to continue graduate studies in organization behavior

D1-A” PHILLIP is completing doctoral work at the University of Virginia, Charlottesville.

MELVIN N. WlLSON is associate professor of psychology a t the University of Virginia, Charlottesville.

familial and ecological correlates of self-esteem in african american children

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