exposure to alcohol billboards and beliefs and attitudes toward drinking among mexican american high...
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This article was downloaded by: [Queensland University of Technology]On: 31 October 2014, At: 02:21Publisher: RoutledgeInforma Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number: 1072954Registered office: Mortimer House, 37-41 Mortimer Street, London W1T3JH, UK
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Exposure to Alcohol Billboardsand Beliefs and Attitudestoward Drinking amongMexican American High SchoolStudentsDana E. Mastro & Charles AtkinPublished online: 10 Nov 2010.
To cite this article: Dana E. Mastro & Charles Atkin (2002) Exposure to AlcoholBillboards and Beliefs and Attitudes toward Drinking among Mexican AmericanHigh School Students, Howard Journal of Communications, 13:2, 129-151, DOI:10.1080/10646170290089926
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Exposure to Alcohol Billboards andBeliefs and Attitudes toward Drinking
among Mexican American HighSchool Students
Dana E. MastroBoston College, Chestnut Hill, Massachusetts , USA
Charles AtkinMichigan State University, East Lansing, Michigan, USA
Current controversy regarding the target marketing of alcoholbillboards in Latino communities, alongside recent trends in alcoholconsumption patterns among Mexican Americans, has led to concernabout the impact of exposure to such advertising on the drinkingbehaviors of Mexican American youth. This study addresses this issueby evaluating the images depicted on alcohol billboards andexamining the resultant relationship between exposure and beliefs.This relationship is examined within the framework of Bandura’ssocial cognitive theory.
To determine the prevalent themes on alcohol billboards surround-ing a public high school in Chicago, Illinois, a content analysis wasperformed. Subsequently, the findings were incorporated into asurvey examining beliefs and social perceptions regarding drinkingamong Mexican American high school students. Results suggest thatone retention measure—brand exposure—and acceptance of positivethemes related to drinking are associated with more positive attitudestoward drinking.
KEYWORDS alcohol advertising, billboards, Latinos, media effects
A ttempts to determine the associations among alcohol advertising, attitudes to-ward drinking, and drinking patterns have met with mixed results.While studieshave linked children’s exposure to televised beer commercials with brand recall
and positive beliefs about beer (Grube & Wallack,1994), research is inconsistent with re-gard to advertising and consumption (Saffer, 1996). Studies taken at the national level,
Address correspondence to Dana E. Mastro, Department of Communication,Boston College, 215-H Lyons Hall, 140 Commonwealth Avenue, Chestnut Hill, MA02467, USA. E-mail: [email protected]
The HowardJournal of Communications,13:1297151, 2002Copyright # 2002 Taylor & Francis
1064-6175=02 $12.00 + .00DOI:10.1080=10646170290089926 129
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utilizing national advertising expenditures (inclusive of all advertisers across all media forthe year), report no relationship between ads and consumption. Conversely, examinationsemploying local-level, cross-sectional data suggest that a significant and positive relation-ship exists such that increases in advertising result in elevations in consumption (even-tually reaching a point of diminishing returns). Saffer (1996) notes that the insignificanteffect nationally is likely a result of the constant and high level of advertising at the na-tional level, varying only slightly from year to year.
As such, determining the extent to which this relationship exists is particularly conse-quential for Latino youth as they may be disproportionately exposed to such advertise-ments (compared with Whites), receiving these messages not only on television with allother consumers but also heavily in their local environment via billboards and outdooradvertisements (Alaniz, 1998). This heavy concentration of alcohol billboards in Latino(as well as African American=Black) neighborhoods makes understanding the impactof exposure to such advertising distinctly noteworthy. The present design assessesthis potentially harmful relationship from the framework of Bandura’s social cognitivetheory. In testing this link, both a content analysis of billboard ads surrounding a largepublic high school in a predominantly Latino neighborhood and a survey of currentMexi-can Americans attending that school were conducted.
Drinking Patterns and Factors Associated withDrinking among Latinos
While the consumption of alcoholic beverages amongWhites in the United States hasdeclined over the past decade, this trend is not evident for Latinos (Midanik & Clark,1994). Instead, this population consistently exhibits some of the highest rates of consump-tion in the nation (Marin, Posner, & Kinyon, 1993; U.S. Department of Health andHuman Services,1994). Midanik and Clark (1994) indicate that 67% of Latinos are `̀ cur-rent drinkers’’and 8.9% consume `̀ five or more drinks’’at least once a week. This patternis more than double that of either African Americans=Blacks (3.5%) or Whites (3.5%)on the measure of `̀ five or more drinks’’and is recognizably higher for `̀current drinkers’’at 62% and 66%, respectively. In particular, Mexican American men report higher ratesof heavy drinking than either Whites (Lee & Callcott, 1994; Perez-Stable, Marin, &VanOss-Marin,1994; Randolph, Stroup-Benham, & Black,1998) or any other Latino sub-group, regardless of marital status or education or income level (Black & Markides,1994;Caetano, 1988, 1994). Additionally, the decline in heavy drinking that typically occurswhen individuals reach middle age is not apparent for Latinos (Alaniz & Wilkes,1995).
Drinking pattern assessments indicate that Mexican American men consume farmore alcohol than their female counterparts (Black & Markides, 1994). Compared withthe national average, Latinas have among the highest abstention rates in the United States(Randolph et al.1998).This is not surprising when it is recognized that drinking is consid-ered a male activity by normative Latino standards (Black & Markides, 1994; Caetano,1994; Canino, 1994). Mexican American women, however, report more heavy drinkingrelative to other Latina populations, including Cubans and Puerto Ricans (Caetano,1994; Caetano, Clark, & Tam,1998; Canino,1994).
According to a national survey of high school students, 88% of seniors have experi-mented with alcohol and 28% have engaged in heavy drinking (Epstein, Botvin, Diaz,
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Schinke,1995). Moreover, junior and senior high school students consume 1.1billion beersper year (Kusserow, 1991). Research examining the pervasiveness of alcohol use amongLatino youth has met with mixed findings (Warheit,Vega, & Khoury,1996). In some stu-dies, Latino use has been found to be lower than the national average; however, many ofthese investigations were limited by school-based samples that failed to account for socio-economic factors and drop-out rates (Epstein et al., 1995). Other investigations indicatethat the consumption patterns of Latino adolescents are equal to or higher than non-Lati-nos (Marin et al., 1993). Moreover, it has been detected that teen Latino boys who drinkhave an inclination toward binge drinking and heavier drinking thanWhites when con-trolling for age, academic performance, peer attitudes toward drinking, and parents’ atti-tude toward drinking (Dusenbury, Epstein, Botvin, & Diaz,1994).
Studies on alcohol use among Mexican Americans have identified a number of otherfactors related to the drinking behaviors of men and women, including level of accultura-tion (Black & Markides,1993; Caetano,1994; Canino,1994; Farabee,Wallisch, &Maxwell,1995;Treno, Alaniz, & Gruenewald,1999), marital status (Black & Markides,1993; Myers,Kagawa-Singer, Kumanyika, Lex, & Markides, 1995; Perez-Stable et al., 1994; Treno etal., 1999), education level, employment status, and socioeconomic status (Black & Mar-kides,1993; Canino,1994; Myers et al.,1995).
For Mexican American youth, factors influencing drinking include marital status ofthe parents, sex of the adolescent, drinking rates of friends, attitudes of parents and friendstoward drinking, and alcohol advertising (Aitken, Eadie, Leathar, McNeill, & Scott,1988; Grube & Wallack,1994; Myers et al.,1995). Studies have further established correla-tions between alcohol advertising and underage alcohol consumption; however, this linkis mediated strongly by environmental influences and the family (Aitken et al., 1988;Austin & Meili, 1994). Additionally, youths with unmarried parents are more likely toengage in frequent drinking, as are youths whose friends and parents have positive atti-tudes toward alcohol consumption (Dusenbury et al., 1994; Myers et al., 1995). Boysare typically more frequent drinkers than girls (Dusenbury et al., 1994; Myers et al.,1995). Moreover, if their friends drink, adolescents are more likely to drink (Myers et al.,1995).
Target Marketing the Latino Consumer
As such, differential targeting (or target marketing) of minorities with alcohol adver-tisements, particularly billboards, has increasingly become an issue of concern (Alaniz& Wilkes, 1995; Ringold, 1995; Schooler, Basil, & Altman, 1996; Wells, 1997). After cigar-ettes, alcoholic beverages are the second most heavily advertised product in the UnitedStates (Adams=Jobson Beverage Group,1996). The alcohol industry spent approximately$94 million for outdoor advertisements of their products in 1998 (LNA=Mediawatch,1999), 90% of which has been found to appear in African American=Black and Latinocommunities (Goldstein, 1991). Notably, Latino neighborhoods contained significantlymore beer and wine billboards (23%) thanWhite (6%), African American=Black (5%),orAsian American (4%) communities (Altman, Schooler & Basil,1991). Although limitedresearch exists examining the placement and frequency of alcohol advertisements, a1998survey conducted by the Los Angeles City Planning Department found that 80% of thebillboards in their Los Angeles sample were within five blocks of a school, 7% of which
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could be seen from the schools. Of those billboards visible from the schools, 80% werealcohol advertisements.
When considering the size, age, growth, location, and consumption patterns of theLatino market, we can see that they emerge as a highly accessible target for advertisers.Latinos compose between 12713% of the U.S. population, 59% of whom are of Mexicanorigin (U.S. Census, 2000). Compared with the general population, this community isparticularly youthful (Alaniz & Wilkes,1995) and is primarily concentrated in the metro-politan regions of nine states (Johnson & Delgado,1989).Yearly Latino purchasing powerranges from $250 to $350 billion, and the annual growth rate of their market is more thanthree times that of the national growth rate (Hispanic Marketing Connections [HMC],1998; Oregon Council for Hispanic Advancement [OCHA],1997).
This urban concentration alongside the dramatic market growth has resulted inaggressive attempts to capture the Latino consumer (Alaniz & Wilkes, 1995). To securethis population, alcohol manufacturers have engaged in target marketing Latinos(Lee & Callcott,1994). Target marketing provides culturally specific campaigns for pro-duct promotion (Basil, et al.,1991).The design appeals to the particular behaviors, charac-teristics, norms, beliefs, and customs of the target segment (Basil et al., 1991; Ringold,1995).
Research suggests that advertisers use many of the traditional images in a culture tocreate a symbolic environment that idealizes drinking and alcohol (Alaniz & Wilkes,1995).This reinvented lifestyle incorporates both concrete and abstract components in anattempt to appeal to the consumer’s sense of nationalism and to promote a sense of authen-ticity (Alaniz & Wilkes, 1995). Concrete icons for Latinos, such as flags, national colors,maps, yearly festivals, fiestas, and traditional ceremonies are common on billboards andin advertisements (Alaniz & Wilkes, 1995). Essentially, such indicators may be seen toenhance the extent to which the audience, in this case the Latino consumer, will identifywith the message. As a result, this increased feeling of association and similarity shouldresult in the greater influence of advertising content.While no studies to date have empiri-cally assessed the effectiveness of such targeting on Latino consumers, research on adver-tising to racial=ethnic minorities suggests that simply matching model race=ethnicity tothat of the target population is insufficient (Green, 1999). Instead, the degree of ethnicidentification of the consumer as well as the extent to which the product is considered tobe race based are salient.Thus, alcohol advertising campaigns commodifying Latino cul-ture are of particular concern.
In addition, abstract images oftentimes symbolize stereotypes along gender lines.Women in Latino-specific advertising are portrayed as passive and sexual, while menare active and successful (Alaniz & Wilkes,1995). Across all target segments, most alcoholbillboards contain models that are both attractive and youthful (Ringold,1995; Schooleret al., 1996). Major themes promoted in these advertisements include companionship,romance, active lifestyles, and sociability (Alaniz & Wilkes,1995; Schooler et al.,1996).
Given the potentially detrimental influence of alcohol advertising on consumptionpatterns, assessments of content presented in this medium mandate evaluation. Based onthe limited existing research on billboard content, the following research propositionshave been developed:
(1) The primary characteristic of models in alcohol billboards in MexicanAmerican communities will be sex appeal.
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(2) The majority of billboards in Mexican American communities will utilizetraditional symbols of Latino culture in the promotion of the product, includ-ing flags, maps, and the colors green, red, yellow, and black.
More specifically, Schooler and colleagues (1996) identify variations in the themebased on neighborhood ethnicity. Their content analysis of 901 billboards in commercialneighborhood districts of San Francisco, California, suggest that alcohol billboards inWhite neighborhoods often posit active and individualistic messages, while alcohol adver-tisements in African American=Black communities favor themes of romance and sexual-ity. While no significant thematic differences emerged in their sample of billboardswithin a Latino neighborhood, further investigation into the use of modeling cues war-rants consideration.
Variations in rewards, cultural indicators, and behavior outcomes as a function ofneighborhood ethnicity may be associated with differential behavior motivation. Insofaras such differences emerge, distinctions between beliefs and behaviors in relation to con-sumption of alcohol across ethnic groups, can be assessed. To further explore the contentexhibited on these billboards, the following research proposition was posited:
(3) The prominent themes of alcohol billboards located in a predominantlyMexican American community will be those of sociability and romance.
In their content analysis of outdoor advertising, Schooler and colleagues (1996)further assessed the relationship between the promotional attributes of alcohol and thecorresponding target population. They proposed a linear model of product depictionbased on social cues. This process suggests that alcohol and cigarette billboards are morelikely to include people due to the importance of sociability for each of these products. Sec-ond, they suggest that these models are likely to represent three attributes: similarity,attractiveness, and rewards. Similarity is an indication of an ethnic match between themodel and the community. Attractiveness describes the prestige, fashionability, individu-alism, and sex appeal of the model. These attributes function to add influence to the pro-motion. Last, reward cues suggest the potential, positive outcomes associated withconsumption of the product.These rewards include romance, sociability, recreation, spor-tiness, and adventure. While it is clear that targeted social cues are used in billboardadvertisements of alcohol, specific audience responses and behavioral outcomes have notbeen investigated.
One prominent finding of their study indicated that ethnic matching did not occurbetween the model and the neighborhood for Latinos, but did so for African American=Black and White communities (Schooler et al., 1996). A second noteworthy finding wasthe use of people in the advertisements. Forty-two percent of the alcohol billboards in thissample depicted people. Models appeared in only 16% of outdoor advertisements forother products (excluding tobacco and cosmetics). Moreover, the outstanding character-istic of the models in these alcohol billboards was sex appeal (i.e.,`̀coy model pose,’’p.117).
Social Cognitive Theory
The impact of such advertising techniques (particularly target marketing and useof social cues) on the drinking behaviors of Mexican Americans calls for investigation
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when examined from the perspective of Bandura’s social cognitive theory, which con-centrates on the outcomes associated with exposure to modeled behavior. This frame-work offers an explanation for the potential effects of advertising on learned behaviorbased on modeled rewards, motivations, perceived self-efficacy, and situational appro-priateness. More specifically, social cognitive theory emphasizes an interactive processin understanding knowledge acquisition and behavioral enactments (Bandura, 1986,1989a, 1989b, 1999). The theory suggests that human thought and action operate withina system of `̀ triadic reciprocal causation’’ in which action, personal influences (cogni-tive, affective, and biological), and environmental events act as behavioral determi-nants. The influence of these factors is neither simultaneous nor equal in strength.Instead, the relative influence of these factors, either individually or in combination,varies according to the activity, the individual, and the circumstances. As a result,individuals both produce and are products of their environments (Bandura, 1994);they do not simply react to environmental or personal influences (Bandura, 1986,1989a, 1989b).
Social cognitive theory addresses the influence of these factors through fivehuman capabilities: symbolizing capability, forethought, self-regulatory capability, self-reflective capability, and vicarious capability (Bandura, 1989b, 1994). Each of thesesystems helps provide the capacity for understanding the human environment. As such,each capability aids in the understanding of how adolescents come to engage in alcoholconsumption.
Through the human symbolizing capability the direct and=or vicarious influencesfrom the environment are cognitively filtered. This determines the events that will beattended to, what meaning they will hold, and whether they will have a lasting impact(Bandura,1994). An adolescent could therefore learn, create, and test ideas about drinkingbefore having engaged in the activity. Such cognitive, symbolic representations of antici-pated future events can serve as motivators and incentives of behavioral enactment byway of forethought, which is influenced by internal standards of self-regulation (Bandura,1989b).Through utilizing forethought, adolescents are able to plan future drinking beha-vior while weighing the consequences of their actions, thus allowing them to guide theiractions according to anticipated feedback. Media portrayals can influence the way inwhich these consequences are perceived by emphasizing positive rewards and limitingsanctions.
In addition, the self-regulatory capability identifies the satisfaction attained from per-sonal accomplishments to be a strong incentive (or disincentive) for action (Bandura,1994). Again the images depicted in the media may provide justifications for the engage-ment in underage drinking by allowing youths to reconstruct the value attached to thebehavior, justify its social acceptance, and deflect personal culpability. Here, advertisingmay supplant preexisting personal standards by providing incentives so valued that theyoverride alternative beliefs. Alternatively, these ads may simply supply validationfor engagement in abehavior previouslydeemed unacceptable, therebydisplacing respon-sibility.
Another dimension of self-influence within the social cognitive model is that ofthe self-reflective capability (Bandura, 1994). This function allows individuals to moni-tor and evaluate the validity and value placed on one’s own thoughts through com-parisons with indicators of reality. Using the media to verify thoughts may lead todistorted versions of social reality (Bandura, 1994). This is particularly salient to the
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influence of alcohol advertising on adolescents who may foster misperceptions as aresult of exposure.
Clearly, a profound amount of human knowledge is acquired vicariously by observ-ing the rewards and punishments associated with others’ behaviors either directly or sym-bolically (via media). Because individuals interact with only a limited segment of thesocial world, their perceptions about social reality are largely influenced by their vicar-ious learning capabilities. Consequently, it follows that the media greatly broaden andinfluence an individual’s beliefs about reality. Such knowledge acquisition, resultant fromsymbolic modeling, is regulated by four processes: attentional, retentional, production,and motivational (Bandura,1977,1994).The attentional process guides the selection of thatwhich is observed. This is influenced by the characteristics of the event (modeled events)and the attributes of the observer. Modeled events are impacted by a number of factors,including salience, value, prevalence, accessibility, cognitive complexity, and affectivevalance. Observer attributes involve cognitive capabilities, arousal level, preferences,and preconceptions. If, within the conceptualization of social cognitive theory, peoplelearn from observing the rewards and punishments associated with the behaviors ofothers, then the modeling of social cues on alcohol billboards that target Mexican Ameri-cans provides the ideal framework for this process. Attention to billboards is facilitatedby a number of factors, including frequency of exposure, visibility of the message, locationof sign, as well as use of target marketing and social cues (Donthu, Cherian, & Bhargava,1993; Schooler et al.,1996).These elements provide accessible images that require minimalcognitive exertion.
Consistent with the attentional process within social cognitive theory the followinghypotheses have been derived:
H1: Higher exposure to alcohol billboards is associated with perceptions of greater peeralcohol consumption.H2: Higher exposure to alcohol billboards is associated with more positive perceptionsregarding drinking.H3: Higher attention to alcohol billboards is associated with more positive perceptionsregarding drinking.H4: Higher attention to alcohol billboards is associated with perceptions of greater peeralcohol consumption.
The retention process suggests that recall is a fundamental component to modeling.An individual must retain the event in order to model it. This includes a process of trans-forming information into coded information for ease of storage, retrieval, and mentalrehearsal. Studies indicate that the recall of outdoor advertising messages is common(Donthu et al., 1993; Fitts & Hewett, 1977; Whitehill King & Tinkham, 1990). Evensingle exposures have been shown to produce increased levels of recall (Whitehill King& Tinkham, 1990). Further, once learned, the messages depicted on billboards areretained (Whitehill King & Tinkam,1990).
Congruent with the retentional process in the social learning model, the followinghypotheses have been postulated:
H5: Higher retention of information and messages from alcohol billboards is associatedwith more positive attitudes toward drinking.H6: High retention of information and messages from alcohol billboards is associatedwith perceptions of greater peer alcohol consumption.
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Third, the production process is the operation by which conceptions and beha-viors are matched and evaluated for acceptability. This process necessitates the modifi-cation of behaviors based on situational demands. This adaptive capability allows forthe production of numerous behaviors from a single cognitive representation. Theseenacted behaviors undergo both evaluation and modification based on feedback.Oftentimes behaviors must be repeatedly matched with the conceptual model toachieve mastery. With regard to the relationship between alcohol billboards and drink-ing, these images provide a conceptual guide for application in the enactment of alco-hol consumption.
Based on this subfunction, the following hypotheses were formulated:
H7: Higher belief in the influence of alcohol billboards on drinking behaviors (indicativeof the modeled behavior as a conceptual guide) is associated with more positive attitudestoward drinking.H8: Higher belief in the influence of alcoholbillboards on drinking behavior (indicative ofthe modeledbehavior as a conceptual guide) is associated with greater perceptions of peeralcohol consumption.
This leads to the final function, that of motivation, which states that performance of abehavior is influenced by three incentive motivators. The first, external reinforcement,includes direct rewards and valued outcomes such as social approval and money(Bandura,1977,1994).The second motivator is vicarious reinforcement which occurs whenan individual observes the rewards or punishments associated with the behaviors ofanother individual. People are motivated by the success of similar others but are unlikelyto model behaviors that are punished or discouraged. Last, the self-reinforcement motiva-tor suggests that personal standards and morals provide a source of motivation. Behaviorsthat provide personal satisfaction are likely to be modeled, while those that create perso-nal disapproval are likely to be rejected. Billboard advertisements provide numerous rein-forcements, incentives, and rewards toward the motivational process. Models are young,attractive, happy, social, sexy, and oftentimes ethnically matched with the target popula-tion. Moreover they are primarily engaged in romantic and social activities (Schooleret al.,1996).
In accordance with this component of behavior modeling it is posited that:
H9: Higher acceptance of themes related to drinking is associated with more positive atti-tudes toward drinking.H10: Higher acceptance of themes related to drinking is associated with perceptions ofgreater peer alcohol consumption.
The manner in which Mexican American communities are targeted with alcoholbill-boards provides the necessary components for behavioral modification as specified byBandura’s social cognitive theory. Consequently, the impact of these messages, based onthe content depicted, is of considerable note. The implications of the effect of alcohol bill-boards on Mexican American youths emerge both socially and cognitively from the influ-ence of target marketing and the aforementioned behavioral characteristics of thecommunity.The symbolic environment represented in such advertisements, coupled withindividual beliefs related to task performance, maximize the potential for behavioralenactment. Within this framework, then, billboard advertisements become prominent
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components in learning the alcohol consumption process. This article proposes to exam-ine the impact of this relationship on the attitudes and perceived behaviors of MexicanAmerican high school students regarding alcohol use and acceptability. The potential forbinge-drinking within this group alongside the sociological influences on these youth iso-lates them for consideration as an at-risk population.
Method
Content Analysis
To determine the relationship between outdoor advertisements for alcohol and thebeliefs and behaviors of Mexican American youth regarding drinking, a content analysisand survey were conducted. The content analysis was performed to assess the themesand images of the alcohol advertisements surrounding the participating high school. Alloutdoor alcohol advertisements within a five-mile radius of the school were color photo-graphed for evaluation.This distance was selected to include all ads within the parametersof the school’s zone. Outdoor advertisements were defined as out-of-home advertisements,including highway and roadside billboards, kiosk (bus stop) messages, and mounted signsdisplayed for the purpose of general product promotion. Excluded from consideration inthis sample were bar=market promotions, sale banners, and any posting or neon signappearing on or around abar, liquor store, or market for the specific purpose of increasingsales for that particular establishment.
Outdoor advertisements were photographed over a two-day period in early March1999, and content analyzed during the following week.These findings were then incorpo-rated into a survey implemented at the target school one week later. To increase consis-tency between questionnaire items and current billboard depictions, students weresurveyed within 9 to 11days of photographing the advertisements.
Content coding and reliability. Two female graduate students served as content coders.One coder was Asian American and the other wasWhite. The coders were trained usingpictures of alcohol billboards outside the actual sample. Once acceptable levels of reliabil-ity were achieved, each coder evaluated all billboards in the sample. Scott’s pi was thencalculated for all variables.The items identified for analysis were drawn from the existingresearch on billboard content and consisted of product identifiers, billboard descriptives,and thematic measures. Variables (variable name in italics) and reliabilities (Scott’s pi)follow:
Product identifiers included type of product (beer, wine, liquor, other), pi = 1.0 andname of product, pi = 1.0.
Billboard descriptives incorporated a number of indicators, including number ofhuman models (0, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5), pi = 1.0; race=ethnicity of each model (Caucasian, AfricanAmerican, Latino, Asian American, Native American, Other), pi = 1.0; gender of eachmodel (male, female), pi = 1.0; age of each model (less than twenty, twenties, thirties,fourties and older), pi = 1.0; physical attractiveness of each model (very attractive, moder-ately attractive, not at all attractive), pi = .78; sex appeal=sexiness of each model (verysexy, moderately sexy, not at all sexy), pi = .88; stylishness of the model (very fashion-able=stylish, moderately fashionable=stylish, not at all fashionable=stylish), pi = .78;
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sociability=friendliness of each model (very friendly, moderately friendly, not at allfriendly), pi = .88; and activity level of the model (high, medium, low), pi = .78. This cate-gory also identified a number of foreground images on the advertisement including aflag (yes, no), pi = 1.0; a map (yes, no), pi = 1.0; and the product itself (yes, no), pi = 1.0.Background colors also were noted: green (yes, no), pi = 1.0; red (yes, no), pi = 1.0; yellowor gold (yes, no), pi = 1.0; black (yes, no), pi = 1.0; and blue (yes, no), pi = 1.0; as was alltext appearing in the advertisement. The following behavioral acts also were examined:holding cups, glasses, or other container of alcohol (yes, no)pi = 1.0 and drinking by amodel on the billboard (yes, no), pi = 1.0. Last, the size of the product (proportion of thevertical height of the billboardö25%, 50%, 75%, or 100%), pi = .92 and the locationof the product (whereöleft, center, right), pi = 1.0 were coded as peripheral processingassociated with product placement, which has been linked to marketing to differentgroups (Popcorn, 2000).
Thematic measures were each reliable at pi = 1.0 and assessed the prevalence of thefollowing themes: romance (yes, no); individuality (yes, no); sociability=friendliness (yes,no); relaxation=leisure (yes, no); sportiness=active lifestyle (recreationöyes,no); adventure-=risk (yes, no); party=celebration (yes, no); and traditional ceremonies (yes, no).
The variable income level of the model (high, moderate, low) was dropped from ana-lyses due to lack of reliability.
Chi squares were calculated to determine differences in content across advertise-ments. Frequencies were reported for all variables. After achieving acceptable levelsof reliability between coders, the average score per item was used in all analyses ofcontent.
The Survey
In creating the instrument for this study, two focus groups (N = 11) were conductedwith Mexican American high school students to ascertain the readability and level of stu-dent comprehension of the instrument. Following the focus groups, the survey was pre-tested among 84 Mexican American high school students. This pretest allowed for scaleconstruction, modification, and analysis. Standardized item alphawas computed for eachmeasure using confirmatory factor analysis. Utilizing a confirmatory factor analyticapproach allowed us to test for internal consistency and parallelism. All identified scalereliabilities were reassessed using the target sample.
Dependent variables.Three dependent variables were created as measures of the extentto which beliefs and perceptions of high school students were affected by outdoor adver-tisements for alcohol, as defined in the social cognitive process. The variables includedthe following.
Drinking intention (a = :78). This four-item measure of the general acceptabilityof drinking included items such as,`̀ When I am 21, I plan to drink beer’’and `̀ I never planto drink alcohol.’’ Response categories ranged from strongly agree to strongly disagreeon a five-point scale (strongly agree = 5, agree = 4, neurtal = 3, disagree = 2, stronglydisagree = 1).
Approval of underage drinking (a = :94).This two-item measure of the extent towhich underage drinking was deemed acceptable contained the statements, `̀ It is all rightfor people under 21 to drink BEER’’ and `̀ It is all right for people under 21 to drink
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HARD LIQUOR.’’ This construct used the same response categories as the drinkingintention measure.
Social perception (a = :82). This was a four-item measure of perceptions aboutdrinking among peers. The numeric response category ranged from 0 to 10. The itemexamined estimates of drinking, for example,`̀Out of every 10 kids your age, how manydo you think have tried beer?’’
Independent variables. In order to test the hypotheses derived from the social cognitivemodel, the following measures served as independent variables for the attentionsubfunction.
Attention (a = :76).This four-item measure assessed the amount of attention paidtobillboard advertisements, in general. Response categories ranged from usually to neveron a four-point scale (usually = 4, sometimes = 3, rarely = 2, never = 1). The scale wascomposed of questions such as,`̀ Do you pay attention when you see alcohol billboards?’’
Exposure frequency (a = :83).This index was a self-report measure of the numberof beer, wine, and liquor billboards seen in an average week.
Retention. For the retention subfunction of the social cognitive process, independentmeasures included the following.
Recall.This self-report account of billboard content included specification of images,brands, and slogans. It was the sum of 12 items assessing recall of billboard content includ-ing questions such as,`̀ Please tell me the slogan on one beer billboard you can rememberseeing’’and `̀ Please tell me the brand of one beer billboard you remember seeing.’’
Brand exposure. This recall measure listed a number of beer and liquor brands toassist the respondent in identifying the billboards to which they had been exposed. Brandsthat appeared on outdoor advertisements in close proximity of the participating school,as well as several that did not, were listed and tallied.
Production. For the production subfunction in the social cognitive model, independentmeasures included the billboard effect as follows.
Billboard effect (a = :93). This was an eight-item measure of perceptions aboutthe effectiveness of billboards in influencing teenagers to drink. Responses ranged fromstrongly agree to strongly disagree on a five-point scale (strongly agree = 5, agree = 4,neutral = 3, disagree = 2, strongly disagree = 1). Questions included, `̀ Teenagers who seea lot of beer billboards will develop a more favorable attitude toward beer’’ and `̀ Teen-agers who see a lot of hard liquor billboards will try brands of liquor they haven’t triedbefore.’’
Motivation. The independent variable for the motivation sub-function of the socialcognitive process included the following prodrinking beliefs.
Prodrinking beliefs (a = :78).This scale measured beliefs about people who con-sume alcohol. Specifically, the acceptance of positive themes associated with drinking, asdepicted in billboards, was assessed. It contained four items such as, `̀ Drinking makes aparty more fun’’and was created from the findings of the content analysis of billboards sur-rounding the high school as well as from themes identified in existing literature. Responsecategories ranged from strongly agree to strongly disagree on a five-point scale (stronglyagree = 5, agree = 4, neutral = 3, disagree = 2, strongly disagree = 1).
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Control Variables
Existing literature suggests that extent of individual acculturation, parents’ percep-tions about drinking, and parents’ level of educational attainment are important influ-ences on drinking beliefs and behaviors among Mexican American teenagers. As such,the following measures were used as control variables.
Parental approval (a = :92).This was a three-item measure, which assessed youthperceptions of their parents’ attitudes toward the acceptability of drinking alcohol.Responses ranged from strongly agree to strongly disagree on a five-point scale (stronglyagree = 5, agree = 4, neutral = 3, disagree = 2, strongly disagree = 1). Sample itemsincluded, `̀ In general, my parent=s believe it is okay for me to drink alcohol (e.g., beer,wine, liquor)’’and `̀ My parent=s believe it is okay for me to drink alcohol as long as I amnot driving.’’
Acculturation (a = :94). This five-item scale was derived from the ARSMA IIacculturation measure (Cuellar, Arnold, & Maldonado, 1995). A selection of questionswas used to assess a single dimension of acculturation. Response categories ranged fromalways to not at all (always = 5, very much = 4, moderately = 3, very little = 2, not atall = 1). Items such as, `̀ I speak Spanish’’ and `̀ My thinking is done in Spanish’’ wereincluded.
Parents’marital status (married to each other = 2, not married = 1) and level of educa-tion (some high school = 1, graduated from high school = 2, some college = 3, graduatedfrom college = 4) were also ascertained for control purposes.
Demographic Variables
Measures of demographics were included to assess the participants’age (self-report),race=ethnicity (African American=Black, Latino=Hispanic, Caucasian=White, AsianAmerican), and gender (male, female).
Measures of Similarity and Attraction
Both social cognitive researchers and advertising researchers have identified modelsimilarity (including racial=ethnic identification) and attention to social cues as influen-tial conditions in the modeling process (Green,1999). To evaluate the prevalence of thesefactors, the following measures were created:
Girl similarity to model (a = :84).This construct used three items to assess per-ceived similarity to a billboard model in the alcohol advertisement depicted in the ques-tionnaire. The scale applied only to female participants as the model was a female. Onebillboard was presented as an aided recall measure to assess perceived similarity acrossrace=ethnicity and gender. Response categories spanned from very similar to very differ-ent on a four-point scale (very similar = 4, similar = 3, different = 2, very different = 1).Sample items included,`̀ In general, how similar do you think you are to the model in thisbillboard’’ and `̀ How similar to the model in this billboard would you like your friendsto be?’’
Boy similarity to model (a = :80). This scale contained three items to assess per-ceived similarity to a billboard model in the alcohol advertisement depicted in the ques-
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tionnaire.This scale applied only to male participants as the model was a male. Again, onebillboard was provided as an aided recall measure to assess perceived similarity acrossrace=ethnicity and gender. Response categories were the same as those used forgirl similar-ity to model, with items such as,`̀ In general, how similar do you think you are to the modelin this billboard’’and `̀ In general, is the model in this billboard similar to your friends?’’
The Sample and Survey Administration
Students from a public high school in a large Midwestern city participated in thisstudy on a voluntary and anonymous basis. Consent was obtained from the school princi-pal who officially served in loco parentis. The sizeable Mexican American population atthis school (89%), as well as the high probability of exposure to alcohol advertisementsas a result of the availability of advertisements (N = 66) surrounding the campus, madethis an ideal sample area. The survey was administered over a three-day period amongtenth, eleventh, and twelfth graders during preapproved class sessions. An administratorintroduced the project, identified the voluntary and anonymous nature of the study bothverbally and in writing, administered the survey, and debriefed all participants followingcompletion. One hundred twenty-three Mexican American students participated in thestudy.
Multiple regression and correlational analyses were performed to determine the rela-tionship between the variables for all hypotheses. Appendix A presents the correlationmatrix for the independent, control, and dependent measures.
Results
Content Analysis
Content analysis findings revealed that among the 66 outdoor advertisements foralcohol surrounding the target high school campus, 27 were billboards and the remaining39 were signs. Specifically,13 of the billboards were for beer while14 were for hard alcohol.All 39 signs were for beer. No outdoor advertisements for wine appeared in this sample.While seemingly small in quantity, this sample represents an attempt to capturean exhaustive collection of the local outdoor ads for alcohol. The product brand, type,and slogan for all advertisements in this sample can be found in Appendix B.
Twelve outdoor advertisements contained human models. All12 depictions occurredin billboard advertisements for hard liquor. Models, then, appeared in 44% of billboards(12=27). In total 28 human models were portrayed. Fifteen of the models were female(54%) and 13 were male (46%). Fifty-seven percent of models were Caucasian (n = 16).African Americans and Latinos each appeared as models 21% of the time (n = 6). Gener-ally, the age of the model was indicated as either thirties (n = 16, 57%) or twenties(n = 12, 43%), and the models were identified as moderately attractive (n = 26) 93% ofthe time. Only 7% of the models (n = 2) were coded as very attractive.
Lending some support for the first research proposition, which suggested that the pri-mary characteristic of the models depicted in these billboards would be sex appeal,exactly half the models were classified as very sexy (n = 14) and the other half were con-sidered moderately sexy (n = 14). All models (n = 28) were identified as moderately
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fashionable and stylish in their dress.The models appeared to be moderately sociable 79%of the time (n = 22) and very sociable in 21% of the depictions. The activity level of themodels was moderate in 50% of the images (n = 14). Forty-three percent of the time themodel was considered to be highly active (n = 12). The remaining 7% were identified aslow in activity (n = 2).
Descriptive measures of the nonhuman images portrayed on the outdoor advertise-ments indicated that 61% (n = 40) of all outdoor advertisements displayed pictures of theproduct. The largest proportion (n = 17) of these product depictions (26%) were 100% ofthe vertical height of the advertisement. Approximately 8% of the advertisements pre-sented the product as 75% of the vertical height (n = 5), and 6% of products (n = 4) com-posed 50% of the height of the ad.The largest proportion of the time (32%) the productwas displayed on the right of the advertisement (n = 21). Six percent of the time it appearedin the middle (n = 4). In 2% of the cases, the product was shown on the left (n = 1). Nohuman models were shown holding the product or drinking alcohol.
In examining the second research proposition, which predicted that these billboardswould depict traditional symbols of Mexican American culture, including colors (red,green, yellow, and black), it was found that red appeared in the background of 55% ofthese outdoor alcohol advertisements (n = 36). Twelve percent contained green (n = 8)and 6% exhibited black (n = 4). Both yellow and blue were identified in 2% of the adver-tisements (n = 1). These findings should be interpreted with caution, as there is no way todetermine whether the colors reflect attention to cultural indicators or attempts to elicita psychological response. Moreover, the coding scheme did not consider the influence ofproduct packaging color(s) on ad color(s). No flags or maps appeared in any outdooradvertisements in this sample.
The third research proposition predicted that romance and sociability would emergeas the prominent themes in the sample of billboards. Analyses revealed that the most com-monly occurring motif across this sample was that of romance (14%).The theme of socia-bility did not appear. In addition to romance, themes of relaxation, recreation, andadventure were each identified 5% of the time. Depictions of individuality, par-ties=celebrations, and traditional ceremonies did not emerge in this sample.
Chi-square analyses computed to assess differences in themes and content betweenbeer and hard liquor advertisements suggest that models were significantly more likelyto appear in advertisements for hard alcohol as opposed to beer X2 (1, N = 66) = 54.5,p < .001.This comes as no surprise when considering that no models appeared in any beeradvertisements. It follows, then, that romance was significantly more likely to be a themein billboards advertising hard alcohol X2 (1, N = 66) = 38.7, p < .01; as well as relaxationX2 (1, N = 66) = 11.7, p < .01; recreation X2 (1, N = 66) = 11.7, p < .01; and adventure X2 (1,N = 66) = 11.7, p < .01.
The color red was significantly more likely to appear in outdoor advertisements forbeer X2 (1, N = 66) = 21.3, p < .001. Pictures of the products occurred more frequently inoutdoor advertisements for hard liquor. This was a significant finding X2 (1,N = 66) = 21.3, p < .001. Finally, the image of the product depicted on the advertisementswas significantly larger on hard liquor billboards than on beer billboards X2 (2,N = 26) = 9.1, p < .01.
High school survey. Descriptive statistics.The sample of students consisted primarily of 15year olds (n = 51, 41%) and 16 year olds (n = 49, 40%). Eleven percent of the sample were
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14 (n = 13), and the remaining 8% were17 years of age (n = 10).The mean age was approxi-mately 15. The gender breakdown was nearly equal, with girls composing 51% of thegroup (n = 63) and boys 49% (n = 60). Sixty-six percent of these children resided in ahousehold with married parents. Fifty-seven percent of parents were reported to havegraduated from high school, and 31% were identified as having attended some college.
On average, these high school students identified being exposed to four beer, twowine, and three hard liquor outdoor advertisements in an average week. Generally, theybelieved that 83% of students their age had tried beer and that 55% drank beer regularly.They estimated that 74% of their peers had tried hard liquor and that 43% drank liquorregularly. These students identified attending to billboards only `̀ sometimes’’ and wereexposed to approximately 13 billboards in an average month. Their recall of the specificslogans and images on the billboards was approximately three items. In addition, theycould identify an average of nine beer and liquor brands to which they had been exposed.
Questions assessing perceived similarities between the models for outdoor alcoholadvertisements (pictured in the survey) and high school students (girl similarity to model;boy similarity to model) revealed that these respondents found both themselves and theirfriends to be largely dissimilar to the billboards. On average, girls identified the femalemodel as `̀different’’ from themselves and their friends. Likewise, boys indicated that boththey and their friends were `̀different’’ from the male model depicted.
Regression analyses. Multiple regression analyses assessing the relationshipbetween the independent variables (exposure frequency, attention, recall, brand expo-sure, billboard effect, and prodrinking beliefs) and each dependent variable (socialperception, drinking intention, and approval of underage drinking), while holdingcontrol variables constant (parental approval, marrital status, and education), pro-vided minimal support for the posited hypotheses. Hypothesis 1 predicted that highexposure to alcohol billboards would result in elevated perceptions of peer alcoholconsumption. This hypothesis was not supported (Table 1). Exposure to alcohol bill-boards also failed to reach significance in predicting perceptions regarding drinking,as stated in Hypothesis 2 (Tables 2 and 3). Additionally, attention failed to predict
Table 1 Summary of Regression Analyses for Variables Predicting SocialPerceptions of Drinking among Mexican American Students(N = 123)
R2 DR2 df F pModel .11 .04 6 1.6 nsIndependent variables b t p
Attention .08 .73 nsExposure frequency – .15 – 1.4 nsRecall – .01 – .10 nsBrand exposure .10 .87 nsBillboard effect .05 .45 nsProdrinking beliefs .11 1.1 nsControl variables b t p
Parental marital status .19 2.0 .05Parental education – .27 – 2.6 .01
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perceptions regarding drinking (Hypothesis 3) and beliefs about peer alcohol con-sumption (Hypothesis 4).
High retention of alcohol billboards also was expected to predict positive attitudestoward drinking (Hypothesis 5). Neither recall of the images and information on bill-boards nor seeing billboards were found to be significant for drinking intent. Brand expo-sure, however, was found to be positively and significantly associated with approval ofunderage drinking (b = .19, t = 2.2, p < .05). This suggests that as seeing billboardsincreases, so does the belief in the acceptability of underage drinking. As such, Hypothesis5 was partially supported (Tables 2 and 3). Hypothesis 6, which posited that increasedretention would be a positive and significant predictor of increased perceptions of peerconsumption rates also failed to be supported (Table1).
Perceptions regarding the influence of beer and hard liquor billboards on drinkingbehavior (billboard effect) were not found to predict acceptability of drinking or approvalof underage drinking (Hypothesis 7;Tables 2 and 3). No support was found for Hypothesis
Table 2 Summary of Regression Analyses for Variables Predicting Drink-ing Intention among Mexican American Students (N = 123)
R2 DR2 df F pModel .53 .20 6 13.9 .001Independent variables b t p
Attention .03 .34 nsExposure frequency – .03 – .43 nsRecall – .05 – .63 nsBrand exposure .13 1.6 nsBillboard effect .04 .55 nsProdrinking beliefs .48 6.0 .001Control variables b t p
Parental approval .33 4.2 .001Acculturation .19 2.5 .05
Table 3 Summary of Regression Analyses for Variables Predicting Appro-val of Underage Drinking among Mexican American Students(N = 123)
R2 DR2 df F pModel .40 .13 6 8.8 .001Independent variables b t p
Attention – .10 – 1.1 nsExposure frequency .08 .88 nsRecall – .15 – 1.8 nsBrand exposure .19 2.2 .05Billboard effect .00 – .01 nsProdrinking beliefs .38 4.2 .001Control variables b t p
Parental approval .35 4.0 .001
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8 postulating that high belief in the influence of alcohol billboards on drinking behaviorwould be associated with increased beliefs in peer alcohol consumption (Table1).
The motivation measure of acceptance of themes associated with drinking (pro-drinking beliefs) was found to significantly and positively predict (b = .48, t = 6.0,p < .001) general acceptability of drinking (Hypothesis 9).This measure also was a signifi-cant and positive predictor of acceptance of underage drinking (b = .38, t = 4.2, p < .001),again suggesting that greater acceptance of positive themes associated with alcohol adsleads to greater acceptance of drinking, as indicated in Hypothesis 9 (Tables 2 and 3).However, acceptance of themes failed to predict perceptions of peer alcohol consumptionas posited in Hypothesis 10 (Table1).
Discussion
The purpose of this study was to investigate the influence of outdoor advertisementson Mexican American high school students’ beliefs and social perceptions regardingdrinking. When considering that drinking behaviors are strongly influenced by outcomeexpectancies, which to some degree are shaped by the media (Austin & Meili, 1994), therole of alcohol billboards becomes salient. As identified, exposure may be disproportion-ately high for this group (compared with Whites) as a result of the heavy concentrationof such ads in Latino (and African American=Black) neighborhoods (Alaniz,1998).More-over, the behavioral patterns and associated health risks linked to alcohol consumptionamong Latinos in the United States gives this relationship cause for immediate attention.As such, the findings of this study offer an initial step toward understanding this issue inthat they expand current research by incorporating the roles of both personal and envir-onmental factors into the learning process. Existing studies have pointed to a number ofsocial influences, including parents and friends, as primary indicators of drinking beliefsand behaviors. However, the role of environmental factors (specifically billboards andoutdoor advertisements) and the knowledge acquisition process have been largelyignored.
Content Analysis
The participants in this study reported findings somewhat consistent with the resultsof the content analysis with regard to the specific images appearing on alcohol billboardsin their communities, specifically people and bottles. Contrary to the prevalent portrayalson the billboards surrounding their school, however, these students did not associateactive lifestyles or romance with drinking. Insteadthe students suggested that party sceneswere a recurring theme on billboards (46%). These discrepancies may suggest thatstudents are unable to distinguish between the recall of billboard images and those ofadvertisements in magazines or even on television.
Survey of Mexican Americans
By utilizing a social cognitive approach in the examination of Mexican Americanhigh school students’ drinking beliefs and social perceptions, the determinants of teenalcohol expectancies can be more explicitly understood. It was expected that each
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subfunction in the social cognitive model would be significantly and positively associatedwith belief systems regarding alcohol and intentions to consume. However, only measuresof retention and motivation were found to have predictive ability. More specifically, asretention and motivation increased, so too did approval of underage drinking. Increasingmotivation also was associated with increasing levels of intent to drink. Because motiva-tion was measured via acceptance of themes associated with advertisements for drinking,what this may suggest is that these images are being utilized cognitively to match beha-viors on acceptability. In this way, the positive images depicted in alcohol advertisementscould serve as incentives to engage in the behavior by justifying the enactment for cogni-tive matching.This is a clear representation of the motivation function in the social cogni-tive process. Thus, the belief in the rewards and valued outcomes associated withdrinking, as typically depicted in billboards, may provide the requisite incentives toengage in the activity.
Therefore, using social cognitive theory as a conceptual guide, the current findings,though limited, help isolate some key components in the learning process pertinent toalcohol-related attitudes. In particular, these data add to the theoretical model by high-lighting the role of outcome expectancies. Specifically, the reinforcement categories prev-alent on billboards supply any number of external and vicarious rewards (e.g., status,sociability, money, romance, active lifestyle), which may be appealing to young audiencemembers.
Implications and Limitations
Although only a small portion of the hypotheses in this study were supported, thefindings do suggest that these advertising messages may have measurable, albeit minimal,effects on the alcohol-related expectancies of high school students. The images depictedon alcohol billboards appear to have some persuasive ability, influencing both the proces-sing of messages and subsequent perceptions.
One possible reason for these limited findings could have been that the imagesdepicted in this community were not especially salient to these Mexican American stu-dents due to the perceived dissimilarity found between the models and the studentsthemselves, as well as the limited representations of Mexican models. Alongside theracial differences, this lack of identification may have resulted from the fact that themodels pictured in the advertisements were not perceived to be high school students.This may have diminished the ability of these images to act as cognitive guides due todifferences between the students and the displayed conceptual ideal. Research into theeffect of model race=ethnicity on the influence of advertising has found, with relativeconsistency, that consumers are more likely to be affected by ads featuring models oftheir own racial=ethnic background (alongside additional product-specific factors;Green, 1999).
A second possible reason for this inconsistency could have been that the influence offamily and culture, both found to be significant predictors (as consistent with existingresearch), were more consequential in the learning process along this dimension. There-fore, cognitive representations of drinking may have been strongly associated with pen-alty during the process of matching behaviors for acceptability.
Another limitation of the study may have resulted from the specific measures uti-lized. More sensitive measures of billboard themes that considered both positive and
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negative outcome expectancies and with greater variability in response options wouldbe valuable. Although not included in the present study, probing both positive and nega-tive incentives (Bandura, 1986) would aid in crystallizing this relationship. In fact,research has found that counteradvertising campaigns effectively reduced usage of somevice products (i.e., cigarettes; Saffer, 1996); thus, the extent to which both positive andnegative reinforcers appear in such ads would be highly influential on the effectivenessof the message.
These notwithstanding, the findings of this study lend minimal support for the propo-sition that alcohol billboards provide the requisite models and incentives toward theacquisition of drinkingbehaviors.These messages are frequent and prevalent.They depictsexy and appealing models and contain desirable outcome expectancies, potentiallylegitimizing the behavior and subsequently providing a cognitive model for behavioralmatching.
What will be important in future examinations of this relationship is an assessment ofthe ways in which peer pressure, social desirability, and access to alcohol affect the cogni-tive learning process. If drinking is a normative behavior among teens’peer groups, thenthe action will be reinforced. Continued research in this area should attempt to examinecurrent drinking behaviors of both the participants and family members. Tendencies toabuse alcohol also should be examined. The continuing problem facing researchers willbe in gaining full access to youth, parents, and their behaviors. Perhaps the utilization ofless intrusive community-level measures and nonparticipant observations would aid inthe alleviation of this problem. Incorporating aggregated data (e.g., census=demographicdata) with environmental indicators (e.g., number and type of antidrinking billboardsin the area, amount of grocery store shelf space allocated for alcoholic beverages) mayprovide useful supplemental information to survey data (Cheadle, Wagner, Koepsell,Kristal, & Patrick,1992).
Finally, a comprehensive analysis of the depictions of alcohol consumption across allmedia, alongside an evaluation of overall media consumption, would contribute vitallyto understanding the scope of images available for modeling. The potential influence ofthese messages limits the breadth of the current study. Accordingly, future research shouldbe certain to account for the contributions from multiple media. Moreover, these studiesshould attempt to determine the varying impact of the depicted cues, rewards, models,and themes as well as the conditions under which they are most powerful.
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Mexican Americans and Billboards 149
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App
endi
xA
:C
orre
lati
onM
atri
xbe
twee
nth
eIn
depe
nden
t,C
ontr
ol,
and
Dep
ende
ntM
easu
res.
Atte
ntio
nEx
posu
refr
eq.
Rec
all
Bra
ndex
pose
Bill
boar
def
fect
Pro-
drin
kPa
rent
alap
prov
Acc
ult-
urat
ion
Mar
ried
Ed.
Dri
nkin
tent
Und
erag
edr
ink
Soc
perc
p
Attn
.1.
0Ex
pose
freq
..3
51.
0R
ecal
l.1
9.1
81.
0B
rand
expo
se.3
9.3
4.1
81.
0B
.B.
effe
ct.0
3.1
0–
.04
.15
1.0
Pro- dr
inki
ng.1
7–
.03
.13
–.0
9.0
11.
0
Pare
ntal
appr
oval
.16
.01
.24
.05
.08
.51
1.0
Acc
ultu
ratio
n.0
3.0
8–
.13
–.0
5.3
0–
.08
.00
1.0
Mar
ried
–.1
1.0
7.0
2.0
3.0
8–
.01
–.0
5.1
41.
0Ed
..0
5–
.20
.17
–.0
7–
.12
.33
.20
–.0
2–
.01
1.0
Dri
nkin
gin
tent
.21
.06
.03
.11
.14
.56
.54
.14
.06
.15
1.0
Und
erag
edr
ink
.02
.09
–.0
3.0
8.0
5.4
8.4
8–
.07
.18
.13
.63
1.0
Soci
alpe
rcep
..0
6–
.02
.01
.11
.11
.05
.03
–.0
3.1
9–
.2.2
2.1
21.
0
150
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Appendix B
Brand Slogan Type Frequency
Buchanan’s Elegancia. Prestigio. Madurez.Simplemente el Mejor
Billboard 2
Bud Light Sign 1Budweiser King of Beers Sign 7Busch Smooth, refreshing beer Sign 1Courvoisier (A) Anything is possible in the state
of CourvoisierBillboard 3
Courvoisier (B) Te lleva a un lugar especial Billboard 4Courvoisier (C) Te lleva a un lugar especial Billboard 3Crown Royal Smooth operator Billboard 1Heileman’s Old
StyleSign 21
Heineken No Cabe Duda Billboard 4Michelob Sign 1Miller Lite El gran sabor de una
verdadera cerveza pilsnerBillboard 1
Sauza 100% pure agave tequila Billboard 1Special export You can travel the world over
and never find a better beerSign 8
Tecate (A) Cerveza es mejor que beer Billboard 1Tecate (B) El orgullo de este lado Billboard 1Tecate (C) Retoma lo tuya Billboard 6
Mexican Americans and Billboards 151
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