Explaining the ‘syntax-before-discourse’ phenomenon:

Pronominal subject distribution in L1 Greek – L2 Spanish

“Hispanic Linguistics Symposium” London-Ontario, Oct 2006

Cristóbal Lozano [ clozan2@yahoo.com ]Universidad de Granada

http://www.uam.es/cristobal.lozano

1. The phenomenon Observation: Syntax before Discourse.

Syntax: native-like, early acquisition Discourse: deficits, residual deficits (optionailty)

Context: 2 properties of pro-drop parameter:

Pronominals: L1 Eng – L2 Spa: Al-Kasey & Perez-

Leroux 1998, Liceras 1989, Liceras & Diaz 1999, Lozano 2002 2003, Montrul & Rodriguez-Louro 2006, Perez-Leroux & al 1999, Perez-Leorux & Glass 1997 1999, Phinney 1987.

L1 Spa – L2 Greek: Lozano 2003 L1 Eng – L2 Ital: Sorace & Filiaci 2006 L1 Croat – L2 Ital: Kras 2006 L1 Ital – L2 Spa: Bini 1993 L1 Jap – L2 Eng: Polio 1995

SV inversion: L1 Spa – L2 English: Lozano 2006a,

Hertel 2003 L1 Spa – L2 Greek: Lozano 2006b L1 several – L2 Italian: Belletti &

Leonini 2004 L1 Quechua – L2 Spa: Camacho 1999

Pronominals: L1 Eng / Ital: Serratrice 2004, Serratrice

& al 2004, Tsimpli et al 2004 L1 Ital / Dutch: Pinto 2006 L1 Ital / Ger: Müller & al 2002 L1 Spa / Eng: Paradis & Navarro 2003

Pronominals: L2 Eng – L1 Spa: Montrul 2004,

Satterfield 2003 L2 Eng – L1 Greek/Ital: Tsimpli et al

2004 SV inversion:

L2 Eng – L1 Catalan: Helland 2004

Pronominals: L1 Spa: Grinstead 2004 L1 Eng: Chien & Wexler 1990,

Grodzinsky & Reinhart 1993

[Sorace 2004 for overview]

Null pronominal subjects

SV inversion

L2 a

cquis

itio

n

L1 b

iling

L1 a

ttri

tion

L1

2. Explaining the causes

Representational deficits: Sorace (2004), Sorace & Filiaci (2006):

Underspecification of [+interpretable] features at syntax-discourse. Lozano (2006a, 2006b):

Underspecification of [-interpretable] features at syntax.

Processing deficits: Sorace & Filiaci (2006), Sorace (2005, 2006), in line with Clahsen

& Felser (2006). Language processor: deficits when processing syntax-discourse

properties.

3. Anaphora resolution Italian: Carminati 2002, 2005 Spanish: Alonso-Ovalle et al 2002 Also operational in other pro-drop langs: Croatian (Kras 2006),

Romanian (Geber 2006).

Position of Antecedent Stragegy (PAS) NULL: strong bias towards antecedent in SpecIP (subject

position, topic). OVERT biases towards antecedent in lower position (object

position).

PAS structural configuration guides language processor in choosing relevant antecedent.

4. Forward anaphora: PAS Overt ↔ antecedent lower position. Null ↔ antecedent in Spec,IP

El porteroi saluda al carteroj mientras

j# / i

j / i#

pro

él abre la puerta

The porter greets the postman while he/pro opens the door

5. Position of Antecedent Strategy (PAS) and

Avoid Miscommunication Principle (AMP)

Topic:

Observance of PAS: null selects subject in Spec,IP. [Structurally based]

Aunque Antonioi gana mucho dinero, los vecinos creen que

i

i

pro

él# es pobre.

Although Antonio earns a lot of money, the neighbours believe that he/pro is poor.

Contrastive Focus:

Apparent violation of PAS: overt has selected subject in Spec,IP Observance of AMP: overt is required to avoid ambiguity. [Discursively based]

Aunque Antonioi y Maríaj ganan mucho dinero, los vecinos creen que

j / i

ji

pro#

ella / él es pobre

Although Antonio and Maria earn a lot of money, the neighbours believe that he/she/pro is poor.

6. PAS at syntax-discourse interface

PAS is at syntax-discourse interface (Sorace & Filiaci 2006) since violations of PAS and AMP lead to pragmatic anomaly BUT not ungrammaticality.

Topic condition

Contrastive focus condition

•Ambiguous.

•Observance of AMP.

Processor can match correct antecedent:•Observance of AMP•Relaxation of PAS

Processor cannot match antecedent due to ambiguity.•Observance of PAS•Violation of AMP

•Unambiguous.

•Observance of PAS.

Processor could also match correct antecedent but:•Violation of PAS

Processor can match antecedent.•Observance of PAS (very robust)

7. INTERMEDIATE SUMMARY

8. Spanish and Greek Topic condition:

Focus condition:Aunque el profesor Antonioi y la profesora Maríaj parecen pobres,

…los estudiantes dicen que

j / i

ji

pro#

ella / él tiene mucho dinero.

…oi foitites lene oti

j / i

ji

pro#

afti / aftos ehi pola xrimata.

Although profesor Antonio and profesor María appear to be poor, …the students say that he/she/pro has a lot of money.

Aunque el profesor Antonioi parece pobre,

…los estudiantes dicen que

i

i

pro

él# tiene mucho dinero.

…oi foitites lene oti

i

i

pro

aftos# ehi pola xrimata.

Although profesor Antonio appears to be poor, …the students say that he/pro has a lot of money.

•Spanish: Luján 1999, Rigau 1986, Picallo 1994, Alonso-Ovalle & D´Introno 2000, Fernández-Soriano 1989, 1993, 1999, Montalbetti 1984, etc.

•Greek: Grimshaw et al 1998, Dimitriadis 1996,, Alexiadou & Anagnostopoulou 1998, Montalbetti 1984, Miltsakaki 2001, etc.

9.Previous studies: L2 Italian

Sorace & Filiaci (2006): L1 Eng – L2 Ital (near-natives). Kras (2006): L1 Croat – L2 Ital (near-natives). Null subjects:

Near-natives = natives Null refers to matrix subject in Spec,IP null encodes topic

Overt subjects: Near-natives ≠ natives

Overt refers to matrix object … BUT… Overt may refer to matrix subject (prag anomalous) violation of PAS

overt incorrectly encodes topic

Unidirectionality of results (deficits with OVERT but not with NULL).

10.Previous studies: L2 Spanish

L1 Eng L2 Spa: Formal licensing properties in place from earlier stages. Discursive properties are late-acquired or deficit.

Al-Kasey & Perez-Leroux 1998, Liceras 1989, Liceras & Diaz 1999, Lozano 2002, 2003, Montrul & Rodriguez-Louro 2006, Perez-Leroux & al 1999, Perez-Leorux & Glass 1997 1999, Phinney 1987.

Unidirectionality is the norm (overuse of overt), but bidirectionality also attested (overuse of overt AND overuse of null): Montrul & Rodriguez-Louro 2006, Perez-Leorux & Glass 1997

Attrition: L2 Eng L2 Spa Satterfield (2003): overuse of overt, correct use of null

“Cuando ellos vienen aquí, ellos lo pierden” [i.e., el español, su lengua]

11. This study: novelty

Previous studies: L1 Eng ≠ L2 SpaL1 Eng ≠ L2 Ital

This study: L1 Greek = L2 Spa

Previous L2 studies: near-natives only This study: developmental

Forward anaphora only To discard effects of antecedent position (forward vs. backward)

Antecedent: subject in [Spec,IP] To discard effects of antecedent position (subject vs object position).

Intersentential anaphora (works identically to intrasentential anaphora, Alonso-Ovalle et al 2002).

12. Hypotheses

If representational account is correct, then learners (all levels) = natives since L1 Greek = L2 Spa.

If processing account is correct, then learners ≠ natives Residual deficits expected even at very

advanced levels

13. Subjects

Spa natives, n=12 Learners: L1 Greek - L2 Spa

University of Wisconsin Placement Test

N Proficiency range Proficiency mean

Interm 22 60-85% 77%

Low adv 32 96-91% 89%

Upper adv 31 93-100% 95%

14. Stimuli

Similar to previous examples (contrastive focus, topic).

Paired acceptability judgement, e.g.: Mi compañera María siempre saca buenas notas en los exámenes, por lo que…

(a) los profesores dicen que estudia mucho. -2 -1 0 +1 +2 (b) los profesores dicen que ella estudia mucho. -2 -1 0 +1 +2

Design: 6 topic, 6 focus, 12 distracters Two versions of test, randomised. Overt pronoun in sentence (a) 50% of the time (the same for null). Vocabulary: taken from beginners’ textbook.

15. Result 1: Contrastive Focus condition

0,50

0,951,15

1,32

-0,57-0,85

-1,20-1,50

-2,0

-1,5

-1,0

-0,5

0,0

0,5

1,0

1,5

2,0

Gk interm Gk low -adv Gk upp-adv Spa

Group

Mea

n a

ccep

tab

ility

rat

e

OVERT

#NULL

•WITHIN-GROUP ANALYSIS:

•ALL learners discriminate as natives do, preferring acceptable OVERT to unacceptable NULL.

•Discrimination intensity increases with proficiency towards the native norm.

•BETWEEN GROUP ANALYSIS:

•OVERT: interm≠natives NULL: upp-advanced=natives

low-advanced=natives low-advanced=natives

upper-advanced=natives interm≠natives

CONCLUSION:•All learners obey PAS (overt>#null)

•Between group differences (lower levels) stregth of PAS develops with proficiency

•Upp-adv group show native-like behaviour…but is this so? (see next slide).

SUMMARY:•Overt (contr focus)=native-like (upper-advanced).

16. Result 2: Topic condition

1,120,83

0,70

-0,32

1,351,64 1,64 1,76

-2,0

-1,5

-1,0

-0,5

0,0

0,5

1,0

1,5

2,0

Gk interm Gk low -adv Gk upp-adv Spa

Group

Mea

n a

ccep

tab

ility

rat

e

#OVERT

NULL

CONCLUSION:•Learners: relaxation of PAS: #overt may select subject in Spec,IP violation of PAS and AMP.

•Natives: slightly mild relaxation of PAS (very weak negative ratings…they should be stronger). See Alonso-Ovalle et al 2002.

SUMMARY:•Null pronouns (topic): native-like.

•Overt pronouns: RESIDUAL deficits, they don´t consider it as redundant (advanced groups).

•WITHIN-GROUP ANALYSIS:

•Except intermediates, all groups prefer nul to overt, similarly to natives. BUT…

•BETWEEN GROUP ANALYSIS:

•OVERT: upp-advanced≠natives NULL: upp-advanced=natives

low-advanced≠natives low-advanced=natives

interm≠natives interm≠natives

17. Conclusion 1 Representational deficits:

In upper-advanced learners, overt pronoun is overspecified:

BUT: unexpected, since L1 Greek = L2 Spa: pronominal inventory in terms of discursive features

[Contrastive Focus] / [Topic] encoded in overt / null

Kras (2006) results in the same line: L1 Croat = L2 Ital Alternative explanation? Processing deficit

OVERT (él / ella) NULL (pro)

Spa natives [+Contrastive Focus] [+Topic]

Upper-adv learners [+Contrastive Focus] ([+Topic])

[+Topic]

18. Conclusion 2 Processing deficit

Sorace (2005, 2006), Sorace & Filiaci (2006), based on “Shallow Structure Hypothesis” (Clahsen & Felser 2006).

Upper-adv learners: Deficits, relaxed PAS for overt (if redundant)

Overt may select antecedent in Spec,IP when no ambiguity overt residually encodes topic

Native-like behaviour, strict PAS for null and overt (if ambiguous): Null selects antecedent in Spec,IP null encodes [topic] Overt selects antecedent in Spec,IP if ambiguity overt encodes

[contrastive focus]

Deficits are just RESIDUAL, as expected, otherwise native-like behaviour at very adv levels.

Results seem to initially support Sorace and associates’ proposal: deficits with overt. --- tentative (but provisional) explanation.

19. Conclusion 3

“Syntax-before-Discourse” phenomenon: Deficits at the syntax-discourse interface (vulnerability) Representational deficits (likely) Processing deficits (more likely)

Further questions: Why overextension of null as well? (bidirectionality has been also

attested in L2 Spa) Why deficits affect processor rather than representations? Perhaps

both, i.e., representations are faulty hence processor cannot perform effectively?

Preliminary evidence that discursive properties (like Focus) coulb be in place before their syntactic properties (WOSLAC research group at Univ Autónoma Madrid).

Just the tip of the iceberg… More research needed!!!

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