Expedition /:EZE?§:;

AMERICANINDIAN

GAMING ARROW!AND

STICK-DICE

By FRANCES EYMAN

Games and gambling seem to be world-widein their appeal. Only the most archaic of huntingcultures, those of the'Australian, the Pygmy, andthe Bushman, seem to lack a tradition of gam-bling. Yet for them life itself is a daily gamble,and they do recognize methods for casting lots.When we watch the play at an American pokertable or crap game, we observe behavior and con-ventions that are old, that are difficult to inter-pret in the contexts of modern life. We watch aritual substitution for the gamble that is life itself,a substitution that the Australian dare not make.What is the history of gambling as a ritual sub-stitute for the hazard of real life?

For an answer we must go to history, ethnol-ogy, and archaeology‘ through their data we cansee that contemporary gambling is a culturalresidue, the survival of extinct ceremonial be-havior. The roots of modern gaming lie in earlierreligious formalities. Thus the study of games isa special field in anthropology, throwing light onboth modern behavior and past culture history

Modern games of chance have a long history,reaching back into the distant human past. Gam-bling is an ancient vice, rooted in the ceremoniesof our distant pagan ancestors. Cards and diceare secularized rituals of divination. A confirmedgambler displays faith in the hands of the godswho move the dice or stack the cards. Such be-lief was once formally defined, a standard ortho-doxy Games, like lots, were rituals of communi-cation with deities. Gambling is the superstitioussurvival of antique religious belief.

Students of the American Indian have longnoted that gambling played dual roles in nativelife. Each native game was part of a ritual, andwas filled with nature symbolism. At the same

SUMMER, J 965

time, real property was at hazard on each throwof the dice. Compulsive gambling and consequenteconomic ruin were known to many AmericanIndian tribes.

Frank Hamilton Cushing, a pioneer Americanarchaeologist and ethnologist, is the father of thestudy of American Indian games. As an employeeof the Bureau of American Ethnology, he hadlived in the Indian community of Zuni, NewMexico, during the 1880s. He had become atribal member and had been electedto the postof “Lesser Bow Priest,” a war leader. As oneduty of his office, he blocked a major land theftthat railroad officials had contrived against thepeople of Zuni. The thwarted land thieves wentback to Washington and forced Cushing’s dis-charge. After 1889 he worked on contract andfor short intervals for a number of other institu-tions, including the University Museum.

Cushing learned the elaborate stick-dice andboard game of the Pueblo peoples during his so-journ at Zuni. Starting from insights offered byZuni gamblers, he studied other American andAsiatic games, and thus began to reconstruct theearly history of playing cards.

Meantime, Stewart Culin, an orientalist, hadbegun the comparative study of Old Worldgames. Culin set up an exhibit of Asiatic andEuropean games for the l892 Columbian Expo-sition. In the fall of 1891, while working inChicago, he met Cushing who was preparing aSouthwestern archaeological exhibit for the sameexposition. They found a common interest in thecomparative study, history, and psychology ofgambling. Cushing pointed out the close rela-tionships between oriental games and those ofthe American Indian. They planned to collabo-rate on a comprehensive study of the games ofthe world.

Cushing and Culin were struck by the subtle,complex, expert mathematics displayed in games.This is now a separate field in mathematics, in-volving the laws of probability and the theory ofgames. Cushing was probably the first student torecognize gaming as a field of expert calculationand as a source of new tools for modern mathe-matics.

In 1892, Culin became the Director of theAmerican Section and the Section of Ethnog-raphy of the University Museum. Cushing,in 1895, came to Philadelphia to catalogueand set up exhibits of Southwestern archaeo-logical material which Mrs. Phoebe Hearst hadbought for the museum from C. D. Hazzard ofthe H. Jay Smith Exploring Company, who hadexhibited it at the Columbian Exposition.Cushing and Culin continued to work together

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Plains Indian gambling arrows with three-sided heads. The upper one (catalogue number45-I5-I278) is 29 inches long; its tip, 6% inches long. The diamonds in the face shownat th.e top are painted red (Vermilion), the others blue (indigo). The interior of the nockis painted red, the sinew bindings on the fletching blue. The blue spiral has a red ring atea-ch end, and the rest of the cresting is in blue. The second specimen (catalogue number38058) is 28 inches long. incised designs on the tip are red and blue (Vermilion and in-digo). The sinew binding near the nock is a faded green, extending to the blue band atthe center of the fletching. A second green zone extends to the other sinew binding,which is part of a broad blue band. The green dye has not been identified, but the blueand red were commercial pigments. This arrow has three grooves, “lightning marks,”two of which are straight and the third sinuous.In each illustration, only one of the three feathers is drawn in outline.Painted designs on the shaftments of arrows are generally interpreted as owner’s marks.Cushing and Culin believed that the markings on stick-dice were originally arrow crests.

EXPEDITION

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Plains Indian gambling arrows with two-sided heads. The specimen at the top (cataloguenumber 38058, old nmnber /18) is 26%? inches long, its head 45/8 inches long. The carveddesigns are colored with vertnilion and indigo. The spiral crest is of commercial redsealing-wax. There are three straight grooves or “lightning marks” on the shaft, paintedblue. The other two specimens are a pair, from a set of four arrows (the other two are lost).They are 27 7/2 inches long.‘ their catalogue number 38058. old numbers 117 and 32. Thehead is painted with red, dark green, light green. and yellow There are four brown ringson the shaft near the head. and the binding at the front of the fletchirzg is brown. Thecrest is two dark green rings on each side of a red zone.

SUMMER, 1965 41

Four sets of Zuni stick-dice, each two dice made from a joint of reed or cane split inhalf The two sets to the left were collected from shrines of the Twin War Gods, wherethey had been left as ofierings. Within each set, the four patterns, from left to right,are symbols for North, West, South, and East. They were made from arrow reed(Phragmites Vulgaris). The third and fourth sets, which are copies, are of cane (Amn-dinaria). The last set shows scorched patterns on the reverse or concave side, which havealmost no variation between sets. Catalogue numbers 2258], 16543, 22471, and 22473.The first set are 61/16 inches long.

at the games, but Cushing was marked for earlydeath. Broken in health by years of living underprimitive conditions, and laden with parasitespicked up in primitive communities, he died inWashington in 1900 at the age of forty-three. Inhis short life he had made many brilliant contri-butions to American anthropology

Culin continued to assemble one of the world’sgreat collections of gaming equipment at theUniversity Museum, and published several funda-mental studies. Culin’s thesis, that the arrow wasthe ancestor of the playing card, still stands with-out contradiction. However, there were seriousgaps in the data available to him, representingareas that had then been little studied. Perhaps themost serious flaw was Culin’s inability to docu-ment any game played with arrows which couldstand as a prototype to stick-dice. We can nowrectify this fault with recent field data and newly-recognized gaming pieces. The ultimate ancestorof the poker deck is now known, and can begiven an approximate date in the evolution ofculture.

Culin quoted several notices of arrow games,but they gave no details, suggesting that the ar-rows were cast like darts. Arrow games wereapparently thought of as casual pastimes, andearlier students made little inquiry about them.

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A formal arrow game has recently been discov-ered among the Cherokee of western North Caro-lina. Older allusions to arrow games amongother tribes suggest that similar games were wide-spread.

The Cherokee arrow game, called adhasadiis-tih, “put one hard thing on another,” or ditlsud-hiski, “things hit across one another,” was playedin the afternoon before a ritual beginning at dusk.It was played in the square where the marblegame was played and where the men met in con-ferences. A heap of small brush about three feetin diameter and about three feet high was placedin the middle of the square. A line was drawnabout twenty feet from the edge of the brushheap. The first player stepped up to the line. Heheld his left hand in front of him, fist clenchedwith the forefinger upward and the large knuckleof the thumb nearest his body. He balanced anarrow upon his left hand, with the point directedtoward his body and the feathered end pointingat the brush heap. He placed the forefinger ofhis right hand under the tip of the arrow, andflipped the point of the arrow upward, so that itwould rise in the air, turn over with the tip point-ing to the brush while in flight, and come to restwithin the brush. If he missed the brush pile, heretrieved his arrow and lost his next turn.

EXPEDITION

The second player then cast his arrow into thebrush in the same manner, and each other playerfollowed. When an arrow cast by a player cameto rest with its shaft in contact with another ar-row, the player retrieved both arrows. When hisarrow came to rest with its feathers in contactwith the feathers of another arrow, he took allof the arrows that were in the brush heap. Theremight be side bets, but the only stakes actuallyplaced on the game were the arrows of theplayers. Thus behave men who have little re-sources, yet gamble with the tools and weaponsof their simple economic life.

Allusions to arrow-casting games indicate thata game of this sort was formerly known to mostof the peoples of the Eastern Woodlands and thePlains. Quivers of mixed arrows in old museumcollections, containing arrows obviously made byseveral different people and with different crest-ings, suggest the arrow-casting game. Groups offlint arrowheads found in graves with points ofvarious materials and workmanship likewise sug-gest that the game was known in prehistorictimes.

The names and shapes of pieces in Indianstick-dice games, and the context of archaeologi-cal specimens, indicate that dice games are olderthan the bow, and that the games originated whenthe spearthrower and javelin were the most ad-vanced hunting tools. Early dice were portionsof a dart or light spear; the original arrow-castinggame was played with such darts and the spear-thrower. Thus, games derived from darts prob-ably originated many thousands of year ago.

SUMMER, 1965

Among the central tribes, including the Da-kota, Cheyenne, Kiowa, and Navajo, special ar-rows were made for use in the arrow-flippinggame. These Plains peoples included the mostreckless gamblers in native North America, ad-dicted to stick-dice and eager to borrow thewhite man’s games, including the Spanish versionof poker and the 18th century British version ofmarbles. Doubtless their arrow games wereplayed for wagers rather than arrows. Their gam-ing arrows were carved from one piece of woodwith large heavy points; the symoblism of theengraved designs on their tips is unknown.

Games descended from the gambling of ar-rows are almost infinite in their variety In mostof the Americas, stick-dice or basket-dice gamesof some sort were important. Only among thenortheastern peoples (Naskapi and Cree) andthe folk of Tierra del Fuego and the ChileanPeninsula were dice games lacking. These peo-ples were marginal, and represent a culture stageolder than the evolution of stick-dice. In morecentral parts of the Americas, dice games becameinvolved in complex elaborations.

We find the most curious concept among theCrow of the northwestern Plains. They believedthat each man’s fate was determined by the luckand the magical power of his dream guardian,the animal spirit with whom he had entered intomystical alliance during his puberty vision quest.Everything that happened to him depended uponthe fortune of his guardian spirit in a stick-dicegame. In the Other World a game was beingplayed. On the one side were the guardian spirits.On the other were anthropomorphic gods. As thedice went, so went a man’s career. When one ofthe spirit guardians lost the game, his man died.The fatalism that was rationalized about thesupernatural stick-dice game went deep intoCrow life and behavior; their recklessness in warand the enormous losses in population whichthey sustained during the 19th century were be-lieved due to the shifting play of the celestial dicegame.

However, two specialized games should bementioned. The related stick-dice and boardgames of Mexico and our Southwest are amongthe great games of calculation, with some of theintellectual appeal of chess. The simple stick-dice game of the Dakota Indians (discussed later)has little except guess and chance as challenge.These represent two extremes among the de-scendants of arrow flipping.

The arrow game, as known from the Cherokeeand inferred for other tribes, is one of the sim-plest games in an American Indian ritual se-quence. Every Cherokee game preceded a ritual

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Arrow-shaped dice of cottonwood, from the Piegan band of Blackfoot, Montana. This set was found byCharles Stephens at the 1891 Sun Dance Lodge on the north side of Badger Creek, a mile from the BlackfootAgency It is believed that these fourteen pieces were used in connection with a hunt after the manner de-scribed for the Dakota, or that they were elaborate counters for a stick-dice game played with four bonedice. Catalogue number 45-15-I277 Length about 1] inches. These dice are also shown on the front andback covers.

or was part of a rite. There were other AmericanIndian games which were so elaborate that mendevoted a lifetime to their challenge. A stick-dice game, patolli, which has been compared withthe Hindu game of pachesi, was played amongMexican peoples. Similar games are known asfar north as the Kiowa, with a continuous distri-bution in north central Mexico and among thePueblo peoples, and the Pima, Papago, and othertribes of our Southwest. There are many variants,and different forms of the game are sometimesplayed within the same community

These games, sometimes all called patolli fromthe Aztec name for their dice, were complexstick-dice and board games, semi—re1igious andinvolved in divination. The detailed rules for theMexican game are poorly recorded, so muchabout patolli is obscure. Modern survivals havebeen little studied, and early accounts are scarce.

The Zuni game is the most important since wehave the benefit of detailed first-hand observa-tions and of native interpretations rather thanhistorical reconstruction and conjecture. Thegame is called sholiwi, “parts of arrows.” Fourstick-dice are split lengths of arrow reed, the con-vex surface of each one engraved with a differentdesign. Each die represents one of the four cardi-nal directions. Cushing noted that some particu-larly sacred sets of dice were actually made fromthe crested ends of arrows which had been taken

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from enemies in ancient times. The game wasplayed by members of the “Bow Priest Society,”the war leaders of the Zuni. It was played fordivination, to foretell the future.

According to the fall of the dice, markers weremoved along a circular board painted upon abison hide. The circular track consisted of 160squares, broken into four arcs of 40 spaces each.There were four players, representing four clans,and the first player to make a circuit of the boardwon. Cushing, who became the “Lesser BowPriest” of the Zuni, learned some expert skills atthe odds and the general tactics of the game. Atthis stage, having been initiated to the level ofcompetent performance, Cushing began to seethe subtleties.

He learned first that there were instantaneousways of calculating odds that he could not under-stand, since they were partly in an exotic mathe-matics, partly subconscious. Secondly, he learnedthat his gaming friends were slaves to the diceand the board, and that all of their time, atten-tion, and financial resources were devoted to theplay He decided that he was by nature an out-sider to such dedication, which was compoundedof priesthood and self-destructive impulses. Thegambler was a ritual officer of Zuni society; thegame which he played was a sacred thing, both aprayer to the gods and a technique for learningfrom the gods what fortune the people might ex-

EXPEDITION

pect. At the same time, the gambler lived at theedge of survival, striving for the masochisticthrills of near ruin and magical salvation. Threethings were apparent: the religious nature of thegambler’s struggle; the great and subtle mathe-matical calculations which ruled his life; his con-stant thrill at skirting the precipice of total ruinthrough addiction to the game. Cushing notedthe resemblances to the experience of the pokeraddict of his time, and decided he could neverbe more than an amateur at the. game.

Thus Cushing was shocked to discover thatone calling of the Zuni priesthood demanded thata man stake his property, his clothes, his food,perhaps even his life on the throw of the dice.Members of a primitive society were not expectedto develop such civilized vices! Especially up-setting was the knowledge that religion demandedthis, that men in each generation must devotetheir lives to the game. Human lives and theirsubsistence meant less than divination. Knowingthis of Zuni, on the margins of Mexico, one won-ders what stakes were at hazard in Yucatan,Honduras, and the Valley of Mexico. Certainlylarge wagers were placed on another Meso-american game—a sacred game played in specialcourts with rubber balls. Early historical ac-counts say even the lives of the players were atstake.

The Zuni and other Southwestern games areplayed on boards with four-direction symbolism.Some of the boards are four sided, others arecrosses with a track of spaces that follows aroundthe edge of the cross. The Hopi have stick-dicegames of several kinds, some using a squaretrack, others a cross-shaped diagram. NorthernMexican tribes using the board game include theTarahumara, Opata, Tepehuan, and Zaque. Noneof these games has been adequately studied, noris so fully known as the Zuni games. All appar-ently involve. direction and color symbolism, afour-sided board and four dice symbolizing thefour directions, two-sided dice split from arrowreed or cane (or a modern substitute split fromwooden sticks), and strong ritual associations.

Alfonso Caso has surveyed data on patolli inMexico. He believes that the game was originallyplayed with beans as dice because certain largevarieties of beans are called paroles in Tlaxcallaand J alisco. Two early sources refer to beans asdice, three refer to canes. Caso discovered thata form of patolli was still played in the mountainsof northern Puebla, northeast of Mexico City, inthe vicinity of the towns of Zapotitlan and Huitzi—lan, an area of Totonac speech.

The game is called petal in Mexican Spanish.a term also used for any other gambling game.

SUMMER, 1965

It is called lizla in Totonac, which is the namefor the dice of split arrow reed used in the game.Four stick-dice are bounced upon the board, anda marker moved along a track on a swastika-likediagram according to the combinations of theeight faces of the dice. The players start fromopposite ends of the track, so that their markerspass one another midway in the game. If amarker lands upon a space occupied by an op-ponent’s piece, the opponent must start that pieceat the beginning again. There are three playerson each side; otherwise one or two persons oneach side plays with two or three counters. Thereare elaborate rules for entering markers into thecircuit, for the throws necessary to get over thelast few places of the circuit, and for the valuesof different dice combinations. The first side tocarry all markers through the circuit wins.

Some years before Caso’s study of patolli,Cushing had described the Zuni equivalent toCulin. As Culin continued to collect fragmentsfrom the literature about the distribution ofpatolli and other games, he began to wonder,among other things, about the content of certainMesoamerican hieroglyphic codices. The manu-scripts record a ritual cycle of 260 units whichwas an integral part of the calendars. Three ofthe codices include diagrams of a hollow crosswith lobes between the arms of the cross. formedby a track of 260 units.

Culin suggested that these diagrams were pic-tures of game boards used in elaborate ritualversions of patolli for purposes of divination.Later students have explored the symbolism ofsuch codices, and have not taken note of Culin’ssuggestion. No one doubts the calendric signifi-cance of the codices. Yet many scholars havetried to discover the derivation of the 260-daycycle, which corresponds to no natural period.It does represent the combinations of 20 nameddays and I3 numbered days. These two figuresare ritual numbers.

If Culin were right in deriving the 260-daycycle from a form of patolli, and in interpretingthe crosses in the codices Fejervary-Mayer(Liverpool), Borgia, and Tro-Cortesianus asgame boards, the codices known as tonalamatlmight be related to divination by gaming as wellas to calendrical divination. However, this ideais not supported by modern study of the calen-drics.

Culin may have been misled by his detailedknowledge of a major stick-dice divinitory gameof China and Korea generally called rzyout. Thisgame is actually more like patolli than is theIndie game of pachesi. Nyom involves two-sidedstick-dice, a circuit upon a board with direction

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First page of the Codex Fejervary-Mayer, apre-Columbian manuscript on parchment whichprobably came from the region of Tehuacan,Mexico. Culin interpreted the track whichforms the cross as a gaming board. Later stu-dents have studied its calendric associations.According to Seler and Thompson, the FireGod, holding a spearthrower an.d three darts,stands at the center of the cross. East is to thetop, with pictures of the Young Sun God andthe Knife God; North at the left, with picturesof the Rain God and the Mountain God; Westat the bottom, with pictures of the Water God-dess and the Earth Goddess; South at the right,with pictures of the Maize God and the DeathGod. Other magical and religious symbols canbe seen throughout the drawing.This 260-day calendric table is arranged in theform of a Greek cross with lobes between thethree-sided arms of the cross. The track isformed by twenty lines of dots which areassembled into a circuit. Each angle is markedby a day-sign instead of a dot, with twelve dotsbetween each pair of day-signs. If we followthe track around from right to left (counter-clockwise) each space represents a day. eachday-sign beginning one of the 13-day “weeks"which perhaps took their names from their

-day-signs. The continuous circuit may be re-peated indefinitely as one counts off the daysand weeks of the recurrent tonalpohualli cycle.

symbolism, and ancient manuscript manuals forinterpreting the game. These manuscripts aregenerally titled The Book of Divination and con-sist of diagrams with accompanying text. Culinfelt that some of the codices were comparable toThe Book of Divination, and might includeguides, glossaries, and tables made for multipleuse in divination.

The magic books of Mexico are full of fore-bodings of loss. As we look at these books withtheir gruesome, colorful, barbaric splendor, weare reminded of the tarot deck of the clairvoyantEuropean fortuneteller, who lays out the deck

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that “begins with a fool and ends with a knave.”As the tarot cards are laid out in a Great Game,the colorful grotesque pictures of the cards enterinto the trance-state of a clairvoyant. Their pat-terns bring fantastic responses from the uncon-scious mind. The emblems of the codices arereplete with pictures of suicide, human sacrifice,and ruin of many kinds.

While men in the great city states of Mexicoand the crowded pueblos of our Southwest playedelaborate games with stick-dice, they had fellowsin less populous areas. Gambling for real wealthis a widespread compulsion. Rev Stephen R.Riggs, missionary to the Dakota from 1837 to1883, recorded much information on the PlainsIndian buffalo hunt. Unlike most accounts, hisnotes are detailed and down to earth, many ofthem recorded in the Dakota language.

When scouts learn of a herd, officers for thehunt are elected. Four men have absolute author-ity A woman lends them her tipi to use duringthe hunt and moves in with a friend. Her husbandremains as one of the officials, and is in chargeof the lodge. Two men called “touchers” arealso elected; they must care for and do all thechores necessary for the lodge, relieving the offl-cials for their duties. A “crier” is appointed asspokesman for the four leaders, and two scoutsare named to bring back reports about the move-ments of the bison herd. These ten ofiicials ap-parently do not take part in the hunt, but are itsoverseers.

A number of short rod-like sticks are prepared,one for each participant in the hunt. Some arepainted black to represent grown men; othersred, to represent youths. Each is also markedwith an individual symbol (like an arrow crest-ing) to represent a person. They are issued tothe men of the camp. Each is a ticket to thehunt; without it, a man is boycotted, and has noaccess to game. When the scouts go out and the“Crier” notifies the men, each comes to the“soldiers’ tipi” with his pass. Sticks are collectedand bundled in the lodge.

As the hunters wait, the scouts come back toreport about the herd. They may not speak toanyone until they have entered the lodge of theofficials of the hunt. However, a pile of buffalochips has been heaped in the center of the camp.If the scouts walk slowly, they express failure.If they have found game, they run toward thechip-pile. They leap over the pile to indicate agreat herd, and skirt it if they have found fewanimals. Thus they give the hunters forewarning.

When successful scouts return to the camp,the “Crier” comes out and says, “Bind on sad-dles! For half a day I will kill precious children”

EXPEDITION

(i.e., the buffalo), calling them to a successfulhunt. The men set out under the direction of theofficials. In surrounding the herd each man musttake his place quietly If he should startle orkill an animal before the signal is given by theofficers, his tipi and property will be destroyed,his horses might be killed, and he could even beleft with broken arms and legs upon the prairie.Coordination is this important in the bison hunt.

When each man has silently taken his placeand the herd is surrounded, a signal is given tobegin the killing. The game belonging to eachman is identified by the owner’s marks in thecresting of his arrows. Women and children fol-low to butcher the animals, carry home the meatwith their pack horses, and prepare the hides.When the hunt is done, the men return to the“soldiers” tipi” and sit down to smoke and toregain their painted sticks, their original badgesof admission to the hunt.

The sticks of admission are collected andplaced in a loose pile on the floor. They are usedin a stick-dice game of very simple form, quitedistinct from the game played with four cast dice.One of the ofiicials, eyes closed, divides the sticksinto two piles. As he does so, a hunter makes awager; one pile has an odd number of sticks, theother pile an even number. The stakes are piecesof meat. Since the officials of the hunt have killedno game, but have been occupied in the organi-zation of the hunt, they have no meat. Theygain meat for their families by a stick-dice game,and each hunter must hazard some of his family’sprovisions on the game. No member of a pros-perous cosmopolitan community could throwdown his stake with better reason, nor run agreater risk.

After the hunt, boys also play at the arrow-flipping game in a quiet corner of the camp. Themost ancient of games, it is a test of simple skilland dexterity, with little of luck or odds. Itsstakes are slight—arrows or small wagers. Mean-time, men gamble for meat in the soldiers’ lodge.The odds are like those of flipping a coin, almostpure chance. Their game was descended fromarrow-flipping, but the relationship had long beenforgotten.

In other parts of the world, even more ardu-ous games had evolved from the contest of ar-rows. Men played at whist in London clubs,gambling away fortunes and titles. Chinese cardplayers gambled wealth and station on their nar-row stick-like cards. In the Southwest andMexico, men staked everything on the cast ofthe stick-dice. All shared a common compulsion,but no one knew of their brotherhood. The rootsof the impulse were too deeply buried in time.

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SUMMER, 1965

Stick-dice of the Uinta Ute, White Rocks,Utah. Four willow sticks, one side of eachflat and painted blue, the opposite sidesslightly curved and marked alike with burntdesigns. Collected by Culin in 1900. Cata-logue number 37110. Length 9% inches.

SUGGESTED READINGC. A. BURLAND, The Four Directions of Time. An

Account of Page One of Codex Fejervary-Mayer Santa Fe, New Mexico, 1950.

ALFONSO CASO, “Un Antiguo Juego Mexicano: elPatolli.” El Mexico Antiguo, Vol. 2, pp.203-233. Mexico City, 1925.

STEWART CULIN, Korean Games. Philadelphia,1895.“Chess and Playing Cards.” Annual Re-port, Smithsonian Institution for 1896, pp.665-942. Washington, 1898.“Games of the North American Indians.”Annual Report, Bureau of American Eth-nology, Vol. 24. Washington, 1903.

FRANK H. CUSHING, My Adventures in Zuni. (Re-printed from Century Magazine, 1882-83.)Santa Fe, New Mexico, 1941.Zuni Folk Tales. New York, 1901.

EDUARD SELER, Codex Fejervary-Mayer, An OldMexican Picture Manuscript in the Liver-pool Free Public Museums. Berlin andLondon, 1901-1902.

KURT SELIGMANN, The History of Magic. NewYork, 1948.

J. K. VAN RENSSELAER, The Devil's Picture Books.New York, 1890.

J. ERIC S. THOMPSON, “Sky-Bearers, Colors andDirections in Maya and Mexican Religion.”Carnegie Institution Publications 436, pp.209-242. Washington, 1934.

FRANCES EYMAN ob-tained her B.A. in An-thropology at the Uni-versity of Pennsylvaniaand has done graduatework at Columbia Uni-versity and the Universi-ty of New Mexico whereshe did ethnological fieldwork with the Navajo.She has been instructorin the Educational De-partments of the Ameri-

can Museum of Natural History in New Yorkand of this Museum and is presently keeperof collections in the American Section. Whileher work is with all of these collections, herparticular interest is in documented piecesand how they help fill in gaps in the ethnologi-cal history of the North American Indian.

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