evidence for buglioni's authorship of the glazed terra-cotta tympanum at the chiostro dello...
TRANSCRIPT
EVIDENCE FOR BUGLIONI'S AUTHORSHIP OF THE GLAZED TERRA-COTTA TYMPANUM ATTHE CHIOSTRO DELLO SCALZO, FLORENCEAuthor(s): Douglas N. DowSource: Source: Notes in the History of Art, Vol. 29, No. 2 (Winter 2010), pp. 15-20Published by: Ars Brevis Foundation, Inc.Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/23208611 .
Accessed: 28/06/2014 08:36
Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at .http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp
.JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range ofcontent in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new formsof scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].
.
Ars Brevis Foundation, Inc. is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Source:Notes in the History of Art.
http://www.jstor.org
This content downloaded from 193.105.245.71 on Sat, 28 Jun 2014 08:36:49 AMAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
EVIDENCE FOR BUGLIONI'S AUTHORSHIP OF THE GLAZED TERRA-COTTA
TYMPANUM AT THE CHIOSTRO DELLO SCALZO, FLORENCE
North of the Piazza San Marco in Florence, above the entrance to the Chiostro dello Scalzo on Via Cavour, is a glazed terra-cotta lunette (Fig. 1). Commissioned to mark the
entry to the oratory of the Florentine confra
ternity of San Giovanni Battista dello Scalzo, the tympanum shows a half-length figure of the Baptist flanked on either side by a kneel
ing confratello (Fig. 2). The flails, made of knotted cords that dangle from the clasped hands of the brothers, reveal that these men are members of a flagellant company. Fur
thermore, the lay brothers direct their atten tion to their patron saint, John the Baptist, and wear the black robes of the Scalzo. For his part, the Baptist remains unaware of the adoration of the confratelli: his head is tilted down toward passers-by, but his distant gaze
suggests that he is lost in his own thoughts. In a monograph from 1921 on Benedetto
Buglioni and his adopted ward and pupil, Santi, Allan Marquand attributed, on stylistic grounds, this lunette to Benedetto.1 This at
tribution, although not rejected outright, has been questioned several times in the litera ture. In their 1953 treatment of the oratory of San Giovanni Battista, Walter and Elisabeth Paatz gave Giovanni della Robbia credit for the tympanum, although this seems to have
been done in error and not as a challenge to
Marquand's assessment.2 In 1985, Giancarlo Gentilini acknowledged Marquand's attribu tion but tentatively suggested that the relief could have been produced by the workshop of Giovanni della Robbia.3 Gentilini's sug
Douglas N. Dow
gestion was reiterated with more certainty in a small guide to the Chiostro dello Scalzo by Rosanna Caterina Proto Pisani published in 2004.4
Unfortunately, the archival records of the
confraternity are no longer extant for the
probable period of the lunette's manufacture,
making it virtually impossible to establish de
finitively the identity of the relief's author. The earliest voting records and minutes of the
company's meetings date from 1527; and al
though opinions as to the identity of the
sculptor of the tympanum vary, no scholar has suggested that the lunette was sculpted later than 1510.5 The confraternity's earliest financial records date from 1514 and contain no references to the tympanum.6 There are, however, a few entries to be found in the
records of the Scalzo that reveal Benedetto
Buglioni's status as a member of the confra
ternity, as well as a payment that he received from the company. For example, in a list of
confratelli that witnessed the testament of Ja
copo Saltini in 1511, there appears one "Benedicto Joannis scultore."7 That this man is Benedetto Buglioni seems likely when one considers that he was sometimes referred to in documents as Benedetto di Giovanni scul tore ,8 On February 2, 1514/15, Buglioni makes a more definitive appearance in the
confraternity's financial records, where 53 lire is credited to "Benedetto d[i] Giovanni
Buglioni."9 Although they are few, these references to
Benedetto Buglioni provide enough evidence
This content downloaded from 193.105.245.71 on Sat, 28 Jun 2014 08:36:49 AMAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
16
Fig. 1 Entrance to the Chiostro dello Scalzo. Via Cavour, Florence. (Photo:
author)
This content downloaded from 193.105.245.71 on Sat, 28 Jun 2014 08:36:49 AMAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
17
Fig. 2 Benedetto Buglioni, Saint John the Baptist with Two Flagellants. 1490s. Glazed terra-cotta,
65 x 115 cm. Via Cavour, Florence. (Photo: author)
of his involvement with the confraternity and of the Scalzo's willingness to commission work from him to cast doubt on the possibil ity that Giovanni della Robbia sculpted the
company's tympanum. It has been noted in the literature that membership in a confra
ternity often provided access to commissions for artists, and it would have been unusual for the Scalzo to have ordered a relief from Giovanni della Robbia when Buglioni was
present in the organization's membership.10 If Buglioni received the commission for the lunette at the Scalzo in the 1490s, it would
have come at a time when he was just estab
lishing his workshop in Florence and would have presented a tremendous opportunity for him to showcase his skill as a sculptor.11 At
any rate, it seems likely that Buglioni would have used his presence in the confraternity to secure the commission for the tympanum and that the company would have steered the
job to one of its members.12 Indeed, com
missioning works of art from members was one way to forge strong ties between the con
fratelli and the organization, and member
ship in a company presented the benefit for
This content downloaded from 193.105.245.71 on Sat, 28 Jun 2014 08:36:49 AMAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
18
In addition to promoting these types of economic ties, confraternities also facilitated the importation of external networks into the
corporate structure of the organization. The
lay companies, for example, encouraged the
participation of individuals from the same
family by offering reduced entrance and
membership fees to those who already had relatives on the company's rosters.13 Because the bylaws of the companies offered finan cial incentives to family members to join, it is not unusual to find fathers, sons, and brothers all inscribed in the same confrater
nity. As it happens, Benedetto Buglioni's adopted ward and pupil. Santi di Michele
Buglioni, was closely involved with the Scalzo throughout his life.14 In 1534, on one of the earliest surviving rosters of the con
fraternity's officers, Santi di Michele, scul
tore, was listed as one of the Scalzo's
almoners (limosinieri). Over the course of the next thirty-six years, Santi was elected to office on twenty-nine additional occasions,
including the eight terms that he served as the brotherhood's governor (governatore) between 1543 and 1568.15 Santi, of course, also carried on as the head of Benedetto's
workshop, and in 1568 Vasari remarked that he was the last person in Florence who knew the secret to glazing terra-cotta in the Rob bian manner.16 If, as the evidence presented here suggests, Benedetto was the sculptor of the tympanum above the entrance to the or
atory of the Scalzo, it is not surprising that Santi took such an active role in the confra
ternity. Santi must have felt especially close
individual artists of new possibilities for commissions. Thus, when the confraternity acted as patron to an artist inscribed in its
ranks, it not only performed a service for that
member, but also reaped the benefit of a closer bond to that particular brother.
to the brotherhood that not only counted his mentor and adoptive parent as a member, but
very likely provided Benedetto with one of his earlier and more visible public com missions in Florence. In addition to the
iconographic significance it held for the indi vidual members of the Scalzo as a represen tation of their patron saint and their principal form of devotion, the tympanum would have
acquired a much more personal meaning for Santi. As he passed under it to attend the
company's meetings—or, at times, even to lead them in his role as governatore—Santi would have been confronted with physical evidence of the confraternity's role as patron to his mentor's workshop and of Benedetto's dedication to the organization. In this way, the lunette reminded Santi of his own place within a familial and professional tradition of service to the brotherhood and of the ben efits afforded through membership. These are precisely the kinds of bonds that bene fited the lay companies, since a strong sense of connection between the individual and the
corporate body would encourage a con
fratello to maintain an active presence in the
organization, in much the same way that Santi Buglioni took on a significant role in the administration of San Giovanni Battista dello Scalzo.
Although the documents do not provide conclusive evidence of Buglioni's author
ship of the tympanum at the Chiostro dello
Scalzo, the circumstantial evidence pre sented here—Benedetto's membership in the confraternity and his employment by the
company, as well as the extensive involve ment of his adopted ward, Santi Buglioni— makes the attribution of the lunette to Giovanni della Robbia less tenable and
strengthens Marquand's assertion that Bene detto Buglioni sculpted the relief.
This content downloaded from 193.105.245.71 on Sat, 28 Jun 2014 08:36:49 AMAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
19
APPENDIX
Document 1: Credit of 53 lire to the account of Benedetto Buglioni by the company of San Giovanni
Battista dello Scalzo, February 2, 1514/15 (ASF, Com
pagnie Religiose Soppresse 1198.28, 26 dexter):
Benedetto d[i] Giovanni Buglioni de avere addi ij di
feb[r]aio 1514 l[ire] cinquantatre p[iccio]l[i] sono
p[er] tanti disse avere spese [illegible] bolla vechio da
roma di quali gli far fatto stantjam[en]to a lib[r]o di
partiti sotto di 11 di marzo E p[er] fave nere e
bian[ch]e a [carta] 39
Document 2: Debit of 53 lire against the account of Benedetto Buglioni with the company of San Giovanni
Battista dello Scalzo, April 15, 1515 (ASF, Compagnie
Religiose Soppresse 1198.28, 26 sinister):
Benedetto di Giovanni buglioni de dare addi 2 di
febraio 1514 1 [ire] anzi addi 15 daprile 1515 1 [ire]
cinquantatre p[iccio]l[i] porto c[ontan]ti aluscita a
[carta] 139 e i[n] q[uest]o [libro] appresa a [carta] 25
Document 3: Cash withdrawal of 53 lire from the ac
count of Benedetto Buglioni with the company of San
Giovanni Battista dello Scalzo, April 15, 1515 (ASF,
Compagnie Religiose Soppresse 1198.28, 25 dexter):
E adi detto l[ire] cinquantatre p[iccio]l[i] paghati a
betto buglioni p[er] tanti disse avere spessi [proposed
reading: spese] nella bolla o amedre iconfesionale
a[v]uto [illegible] e no[n] icome p[er] partito a libro
[blank] a aspese 139
NOTES
This article grew out of my dissertation on the art pa
tronage of the company of San Giovanni Battista dello
Scalzo. I would like to thank the Samuel H. Kress
Foundation, the Renaissance Society of America, and
the Pennsylvania State University for providing fund
ing for my research in Florence.
1. Allan Marquand, Benedetto and Santi Buglioni (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1921), p. 18.
2. Walter Paatz and Elisabeth Paatz, Die Kirchen
von Florenz: Ein kunstgeschichtliches Handbuch, 6
vols. (Frankfurt am Main: Klostermann, 1940-1955),
V, pp. 78, 84. In their note, Paatz and Paatz cited Mar
quand's monograph on Giovanni della Robbia as the
source of this information, but they explained that they had not consulted the text itself: "(? Zur Zeit nicht
zuganglich)." 3. "Sul portale della Confraternita di S. Giovanni
Battista o 'dello Scalzo' (Via Cavour) lunetta con S.
Giovanni Bat. fra due confratelli, attribuita a
Ben[edetto] Buglioni, ma forse della Bottega di Gio
vanni djella] R[obbia] (1510c.)." Giancarlo Gentilini, Le Robbiane: Itinerari 3.1, Associazione intercomu
nale n. 10, Area fiorentina (Florence: 1985), n.p. 4. "L' opera, tradizionalmente ritenuta di Benedetto
Buglioni, e stata assegnata piu recente (Gentilini,
1985) a Giovanni della Robbia, che l'avrebbe eseguita nel 1510 circa." Rosanna Caterina Proto Pisani, II
Chiostro dello Scalzo a Firenze: Studio e scuola di pit ture (Florence: Sillabe, 2004), p. 21.
5. Marquand placed the lunette within a group of
works he thought were executed between 1480 and
1490. Gentilini suggested a date around 1510. These
estimates are within the boundaries provided by the
date of the contract that records the purchase of the
land upon which the entrance was built (1487) and the date of earliest extant account book (1514). For a his
tory of the oratory's construction, see Douglas N.
Dow, "Confraternal Piety and Corporate Patronage: A
Reconstruction of the Art and Oratory of the Com
pagnia di San Giovanni Battista dello Scalzo, Flo
rence" (Ph.D. diss., Pennsylvania State University, 2006), 102-114.
6. The records of San Giovanni Battista dello
Scalzo are conserved in the collections of the Capitoli delle Compagnie Religiose Soppresse da Pietro
Leopoldo (hereafter CapCRS) and the Compagnie Re
ligiose Soppresse da Pietro Leopoldo (hereafter CRS) at the Archivio di Stato, Firenze (hereafter ASF). The
capitoli, or statutes, are of no help in determining the
identity of the lunette's author. For the company's ear
liest financial records, see ASF, CRS 1198.28 Libro
Maestro (B), 1514-1536. For the earliest minutes and
voting records, see ASF, CRS 1197.21 Libro di Partiti
e Ricordi, 1527-1558.
1. ASF, CRS 1190.7.A, Testamenti e Contratti e
This content downloaded from 193.105.245.71 on Sat, 28 Jun 2014 08:36:49 AMAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
20
Serine, 1400-1783.
8. In the record of his imprisonment for debt in Pe
rugia in 1488, Buglioni was called "magister bene
dictus Iohannis lapicida florentinus"; and in 1489, when he married Lisabetta Mori, his name was ren
dered as "Benedetto di Giovan[n]j schultore." Mar
quand, p. xxvi.
9. There are three entries related to this payment in
ASF, CRS 1198.28, c. 25-26. In two of these entries, the payment is described as remuneration for a
"bolla." One of the entries cross-references the vote to
approve the allotment of these funds ("di quali gli far
fatto stantjam[en]to a lib[r]o di partiti sotto di 11 di
marzo"), but the book of voting records to which it
refers is no longer extant. It is possible that the "bolla"
referred to is the indulgence granted to the members of
the company by the Florentine archbishop Bartolomeo
Uliari in 1386, and that the confraternity had com
missioned a glazed terra-cotta plaque of this conces
sion for display in the oratory. A transcription appears in Giuseppe Richa, Notizie istoriche delle chiese
fiorentine, 10 vols. (1754-1762; repr., Rome: 1989),
VII, pp. 197-198, where Richa refers to the document
as a "bolla." The document is also called a "bolla" in
two eighteenth-century transcriptions found in the
confraternity's records: ASF, CRS 1189.1, C2; ASF,
CapCRS 80, 20. For more on the indulgence, see
Alana O'Brien, "Andrea del Sarto and the Compagnia dello Scalzo," Mitteilungen des kunsthistorischen In
stitutes in Florenz 48, nos. 1/2 (2004):258. On Uliari,
see La Chiesa Fiorentina (Florence: Curia Ar
civescovile, 1970), pp. 22-23. In 1510, the confrater
nity received another important proclamation (referred
to in the documents as a "breve") from Pope Julius II, who appointed Lodovico Adimari and Leonardo Dati
to settle a dispute between the Scalzo and the neigh
boring Celestine monastery of San Piero del Murrone.
For summaries of this brief, see ASF, CRS 1189.1, C2,
G3; ASF, Patrimonio Ecclesiastico 537.
10. Nicholas A. Eckstein, The District of the Green
Dragon: Neighbourhood Life and Social Change in
Renaissance Florence (Florence: Olschki, 1995), pp. 50-51.
11. With the exception of a lost Christ in Limbo
sculpted for Santissima Annunziata, most of
Buglioni's early works are found outside of Florence.
Marquand, pp. 3-18; Giancarlo Gentilini, IDellaRob
bia: La scultura invetriata nel Rinascimento, 2 vols.
(Florence: Cantini, 1992), II, pp. 391-394; Fiamma
Domestici, "Benedetto Buglioni (Firenze, 1459/60
1521)," in I Delia Robbia e I'arte nuova della scul
tura invetriata, ed. Giancarlo Gentilini (Florence:
Giunti, 1998), pp. 332-333.
12. One scholar has called for a more consistent ex
amination of "how patronage networks emerged from
confraternal membership," arguing "that practically
every artist and artisan was a member of at least one
confraternity, as was true of adult males across Eu
rope." Barbara Wisch, "Incorporating Images: Some
Themes and Tasks for Confraternity Studies and Early Modern Visual Culture," in Early Modern Confrater nities in Europe and the Americas: International and
Interdisciplinary Perspectives, ed. Christopher Black
and Pamela Gravestock (Aldershot, Eng.: Ashgate,
2006), p. 245. 13. In the statutes drawn up by the Scalzo in 1579,
reduced fees are offered to anyone who has a father,
grandfather, great-grandfather, or brother in the con
fraternity. Instead of paying 7 lire piccioli, a member
who received this benefit paid an entrance fee of 1 lira
18 soldi. ASF, CapCRS 86, 8r. Bartolomeo Masi, who
kept track of his confraternal memberships in his ri
cordanze, noted that he received a discount of 10 soldi
when he joined the company of San Zanobi in 1512 on
account of "el benifizio di Bernardo mio padre." Bar
tolomeo Masi, Ricordanze di Bartolomeo Masi
calderaio fiorentino dal 1478 al 1526, ed. Giuseppe Odoardo Corazzini (Florence: Sansoni, 1906), p. 114.
14. For Benedetto Buglioni's adoption of Sand, see
Marquand, pp. xxxii-xxxiii; Gentilini, I Delia Rob
bia, II, p. 436.
15. Santi Buglioni almost always appears in the
records as "Santi di Michele, scultore" with the ex
ception of one entry on 7 Ian. 1542/43, where he is
listed as "Santi di Michele Buglioni" (ASF, CRS
1195.13, 52r), and another, where he is called "Santi
di Michele Viviani" (ASF, CRS 1195.14, 37v). Santi's
earliest term as limosiniere is recorded in ASF, CRS
1195.13, 24v. For his terms as governatore, see ASF, CRS 1195.13, 52r, 70r, 83v, 104v, 135v; ASF, CRS
1195.14, 16r, 27r, 44r.
16. "Dopo Benedetto, rimase il segreto a Santi
Buglioni, che solo sa oggi lavorare di questa sorte
sculture." Giorgio Vasari, Le opere di Giorgio Vasari, ed. Gaetano Milanesi, 9 vols. (1906; repr., Florence:
Sansoni, 1973), III, p. 376.
This content downloaded from 193.105.245.71 on Sat, 28 Jun 2014 08:36:49 AMAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions