everyday creativity, eminent creativity, and psychopathology

Everyday Creativity, Eminent Creativity, and PsychopathologyAuthor(s): Ruth RichardsSource: Psychological Inquiry, Vol. 4, No. 3 (1993), pp. 212-217Published by: Taylor & Francis, Ltd.Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1448969 .Accessed: 14/06/2014 12:14

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COMMENTAREES

Everyday Creativity, Eminent Creativity, and Psychopathology

Ruth Richards McLean Hospital and

Harvard Medical School

One cannot comment on all aspects of Eysenck's thought-provoking article; this commentary therefore focuses on three questions, seen from the somewhat different vantage point of creativity and individual/familial vulnerability to bipolar mood disorders, which we (e.g., Richards, 1981,1990,1993, in press; Richards & Kinney, 1990; Richards, Kinney, Benet, & Merzel, 1988; Richards, Kinney, Lunde, Benet, & Merzel, 1988) and others (e.g., H. S. Akiskal & K. Akiskal, 1988; Andreasen, 1987; Andreasen & Canter, 1974; Jamison, 1989; Jamison, Gerner, Hammen, & Padesky, 1980; Schuldberg, 1990) have studied-namely: (a) for whom is creativity associated with aspects of psychopathology; (b) what pathology-related features potentially favorable to creativity may distinguish such people; and (c) where is the rest of society left vis-a-vis creative potential.

The points of agreement are fundamental. We concur that intermediate levels of some feature(s) associated with psychopathology-likely genetically influenced-might, under certain favorable personal and environmental circumstances, enhance creativity. Fur- thermore, an overinclusive conceptual style might indeed be one central facet of this phenomenon (e.g., Andreasen, 1987; Andreasen & Powers, 1975; Rich- ards, 1981, in press; Richards, Kinney, Lunde et al., 1988). This important position offers new perspectives on both "normal" and "abnormal" personality development and the creative process in general. Other conclu- sions, however, depart from Eysenck's. Resolution may yield even further advances in the modeling and measurement of creativity.

When Is Creativity Associated With Elements of Psychopathology?

It Depends on the Type of Psychopathology

Eysenck presents psychoticism as a dispositional dimension of personality ranging from the relatively functional (including the creatively facilitative) to the overtly disturbed and psychotic. It purportedly encom- passes conventional categories of psychopathology such as schizophrenia and manic-depressive illness, at least in their psychotic manifestations, with additional dimensions of neuroticism or extraversion providing

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further differentiation. (One may bear in mind that Eysenck relates a hypomanic manifestation of bipolar disorder to the extraversion dimension; notably, he ties the introverted pole more closely to creativity.)

Categories of psychiatric disorder. In fact, evidence is strong for distinct families or spectra of psychiatric disorders. Twin-concordance, adoptee, and family-risk studies all support a distinct separation between, for instance, bipolar mood disorders and clas- sical schizophrenia (e.g., Goodwin & Jamison, 1990; Wender et al., 1986). There is also an unusually strong genetic basis for the spectrum of bipolar mood disorders and, in addition, a prevalence so far above the adjusted mutation equilibrium rate, that some positive compensatory advantage, within individuals or families, seems likely (Goodwin & Jamison, 1990; Wender et al., 1986; Wilson, in press). Examples of possible phenotypic manifestations of a underlying bipolar liability include the extreme mood elevations and depressions of manic-depressive illness, the milder mood swings of cyclothymic personality, and even certain pictures of "pure" depression, which might incorporate some subclinical states of mood elevation (Richards, Kinney, Daniels, & Linkins, 1992).

In this regard, one should also note an earlier ten- dency, in this country in particular, to overdiagnose schizophrenia and underdiagnose manic-depressive illness (Pope & Lipinski, 1978)-a distortion affecting the interpretation of many earlier studies on creativity (see Richards, 1981).

Bipolar disorders and creativity. Now, modem evidence is converging to support an individual or familial association between bipolar disorders and creativity both at the level of eminent accomplishment (e.g., Andreasen, 1987; Jamison, 1989, in press; see also Richards, 1981, for a review of older studies) and at the everyday level (H. S. Akiskal & K Akiskal, 1988; Andreasen, 1987; Eckblad & Chapman, 1986; Jamison et al., 1980; Richards & Kinney, 1990; Richards, Kinney, Benet, & Merzel, 1988; Schuldberg, 1990; see Richards, 1990, for a review)-and, in addition to this, a positive association with socioeconomic status, general achievement, and leadership (Coryell et al., 1989; Goodwin & Jamison, 1990). However, the precise rel- evance of pathological features also may depend on certain aspects of the creative outcome.


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COMMENTAREES

The Relationship Depends on the Type of Creativity

Eysenck differentiates two forms of creativity: trait ability at the everyday level (originality), proposed to be normally distributed, from more rarified creative achievement, at the level of eminent recognition. We can alternatively differentiate at least four logical categories and question whether they are truly discrete (while keeping in mind that eminent creative work is not identically equal to work of exceptional quality). These four categories involve the ability and achievement dimensions at both the everyday and the eminent levels of accomplishment.

Regarding eminent level versus exceptional creative ability, there is increasing recognition (see Gardner, 1988; Perkins, 1981; Richards & Kinney, 1990) of the many similarities in mental strategies that occur, even when thinking occurs at vastly different levels of cognitive and creative complexity. An underlying bipolar liability might yet introduce some new and qualita- tively distinct elements, as discussed later, but these might pertain to both everyday and eminent levels of accomplishment.

Everyday versus eminent creative achievement. There appears, however, to be increased overt and major mood psychopathology (as a trait variable) at the eminent level as compared to the everyday level-at least in the creative arts. At the same time, a much smaller proportion of individuals with those particular pathological manifestations will be productively creative at the eminent level than at the everyday level.

From an evolutionary point of view, one might here posit that the adaptive functions of more than one possible phenotype are being utilized. Eysenck's position is more general, suggesting that intermediate (and nonpathological) levels of psychoticism will connect most strongly with creativity.

1. Eminent creativity. Consider, though, Andreasen's (1987) finding that a full 80% of her eminent creative writers had a major mood disorder (vs. 30% of controls)-the majority showing a bipolar disorder. Jamison's (1989) work with distinguished Brit- ish artists and writers is also supportive.

Clearly, this does not mean that all persons with major mood disorders will become eminently creative-or will become artists or writers, for that matter (see Richards, 1981, 1990). Indeed, certain of these directional and necessary but not sufficient effects are discussed by Eysenck, and these are also implicit in his five suggested ways of testing his "P-creativity model"-for instance, in Approach 4 versus Approach 1, in which the directionality of the hypothesized cre-

ativity-psychopathology associations are reversed from each other.

2. Everyday creativity. Tuming to everyday creativity, we (e.g., Richards & Kinney, 1990; Richards, Kinney, Benet, & Merzel, 1988; Richards, Kinney, Lunde et al., 1988) looked broadly at real-life creative accomplishment at work and at leisure, a previously underdeveloped area; this required developing and val- idating our Lifetime Creativity Scales (Richards, Kinney, Benet, & Merzel, 1988). The fundamental criteria involved originality and meaningfulness to others (after Barron, 1969). Our subjects were se- lected on clinical criteria and not for recognized creativity, allowing results to generalize to a much broader population.

More consistent, in this case, with Eysenck's position, we found that everyday creativity did not peak with the greatest psychic disturbance but followed a more curvilinear pattern (Richards, Kinney, Lunde et al., 1988), showing particular elevation in the cyclothymes and even in the normal relatives of bipolar individuals-an advantage not shown by normal control subjects lacking a bipolar family history. (The effect on normals was evident despite a priori orthogo- nal contrasts not focused on this possibility.) Other work, our own and that of other investigators (e.g., H. S. Akiskal & K Akiskal, 1988; Coryell et al., 1989; Jamison, 1989; Jamison et al., 1980; Richards & Kinney, 1990; Richards et al., 1992; Schuldberg, 1990) has modified and expanded this picture, supporting a link between creative or general accomplishment and manifestations of bipolar vulnerability characterized by milder degrees of mood elevation or even normalcy (although depressions may still be severe).

We (e.g., Richards, 1990, in press; Richards & Kinney, 1989, 1990) have proposed, as one explana- tion, a motivational (rather than ability) effect. Ex- tracreativity factors, related to manifest bipolar disorders themselves-including a driven, "ob- sessoid," work-orientation ability to think in broad if not grandiose terms; a sense of "standing apart" from the mainstream; and a need for more publicly recognized achievement to validate a fluctuating sense of self-might raise the odds for eminent level creativity when creative talent is already present. This bipolar drive phenomenon is perhaps consistent with Eysenck's assertion that traits such as aggression, self- confidence, and dominance are required for eminent creative accomplishment in a world that resists innova- tion-and might in fact help provide one mechanism.

Everyday creativity as an evolutionary advantage. Where in all this does one find the actual adaptive (reproductive) advantage that would maintain a genetic bipolar liability in the population down through the generations? Eysenck is not specific on this point.

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COMMENTARIES

Yet, logically, it would occur at the level of the "everyday" individual. A reproductive advantage is a grass- roots matter, not to be conferred by a handful of eminent people. Enhanced reproductive fitness could involve many mechanisms (and this badly needs study), including the appeal of creative or leadership qualities or accomplishments, increased socioeconomic status, and/or perhaps some degree of the hypersexuality that can be found with bipolar disorder itself. In whichever case, everyday creative accomplishment is an area of emphasis that should not be overlooked.

What Psychopathology-Related Features Might Enhance Creativity?

A creativity-psychopathology connection involving bipolar risk (a) does indeed support an overinclusive cognitive style as a mechanism for enhanced creative thought (e.g., Richards, 1981, in press) and (b) suggests ways to further break down and study this phenomenon while (c) indicating some interacting phenomena that might be integral parts of a "creative advantage."

Richards (1981, 1990) developed a formal typology of direct and indirect effects potentially connecting psychopathology and creativity. With bipolar disorders specifically, indications exist for a range of potential cognitive, affective, and behavioral effects potentially influencing both creative ability and motivation (Jami- son, 1989; Jamison et al., 1980; Richards, 1981; Rich- ards & Kinney, 1990). Some might be state effects and some trait effects of these fluctuant mood disorders (e.g., Jamison et al., 1980; Richards, in press).

Effects on Creative Capability

Mild mood elevation and creative cognition. Studies of both eminent and everyday creators suggest that-whatever extreme mood swings a person may experience-it is still a state of mild mood elevation that may particularly facilitate creative thinking (e.g., Eckblad & Chapman, 1986; Jamison, 1989; Jamison et al., 1980; Richards & Kinney, 1990; Schuldberg, 1990). Indeed, in nonpsychiatric populations as well, mild mood elevation increases original thought, including unusualness of word associations and overinclusion (Isen & Daubman, 1984; Isen, Johnson, Mertz, & Rob- inson, 1985) and creative problem-solving (Greene & Noice, 1988; Isen, Daubman, & Nowicki, 1987). Jami- son (1989), for instance, found "intense creative states" with many features of hypomania present in almost 90% of her eminent artists and writers. In a preliminary study of bipolar patients (Richards & Kinney, 1990), mild mood elevation emerged the preferred creative state for bipolar versus "pure" unipolar patients (who 214

also lacked a bipolar family history). In addition, bipolar patients identified which of 23 features of creative states studied by Jamison (1989) in eminent creators most facilitated their own creativity. Certain of these (e.g., confidence, general well-being, enthusiasm) were not linked specifically with mood state, whereas others were reported to increase during mood elevation specifically (e.g., expansiveness, euphoria, thought speed, facility with novelty, and flow or welling forth of ideas).

Manic and schizophrenic thought disorder, and reflections in normal relatives. Deviant thought can vary characteristically between psychodiagnostic categories; this discriminating detail is missed by Eysenck's more general model. For instance, Holzman, Shenton, and Solovay (1986) and Holzman, Solovay, and Shenton (1985), in post hoc factor analysis of 22 subscales of the Thought Disorder Index (Johnston & Holzman, 1979), found manics distinguished from schizophrenics by factors named Combinatory Think- ing and Irrelevant Intrusions. Holzman et al. (1986) noted:

Manic thought disorder manifests itself as loosely tied together ideas that are excessively and immoderately combined and elaborated. Often there is a playful, mirthfuL andbreezy quality. ... Schizophrenic thought disorder shows very little, if any, of the exuberant, jocular, frivolous elaborations. (p. 369)

Hoffman, Stopek, and Andreasen (1986), studying manic versus schizophrenic speech disorganization, found that manics tended to jump broadly from one coherent discourse structure to another, whereas, with schizophrenics, the very presence of structure was de- ficient; two imaginative neural-net models (Hoffman, 1987) reproduce such effects, with the "manic" model reflecting a bit more built-in "randomness" of neural activity. This is consistent, indeed, with a more overinclusive conceptual style. Similarly, Andreasen and Powers (1974, 1975)-actually studying overinclusion in schizophrenics, manics, and creative writers-found the greatest similarities between the last two groups. Writers, however, also manifest additional strengths to channel this thought toward productive, creative ends.

This "thought disorder" situation becomes even more interesting when one notes that, for manics as well as for schizoaffectives and schizophrenics, milder yet still characteristic forms of thought disorder may be found in patients' first-degree relatives, including individuals who themselves are not clinically ill (Shenton, Solovay, Holzman, Coleman, & Gale, 1989). As Eysenck also suggests, such muted forms of conceptual deviancy may be relatively more conducive to creativity.



COMMENTARIES

Effects on Motivation for Creativity

Mood effects and creative motivation. Perhaps paradoxically, a mild elevation of mood will not nec- essarily make one want to take creative risks (see Richards, in press). In addition to forces favoring mood-congruent thinking, we have tendencies toward positive-mood maintainence and also toward negative- mood repair or, as it were, "to chase the blues away" (Isen, 1984, 1985). Potential consequence include a low- ering of the willingness to take risks when things are going well, as Isen, Nygren, and Ashby (1988) in fact showed in a laboratory situation. Recalling that original thought is increased by mood elevation, we thus seem to have a negative-feedback loop designed to contain the practice of creativity (Richards, in press)!

Bipolar disorders and creative motivation. Yet, in bipolar mood disorders (or in milder cases of bipolar vulnerability), the repeated uncontrolled juxta- position of positive and negative moods may lead to mood-associated schemas in memory storage that would otherwise be less likely, resulting in a more complex mental organization with a richer integration of feelings (Richards, in press; see also Jamison, in press; Schuldberg, in press). Of particular interest is the characterization of mania as a mixed affective state (Goodwin & Jamison, 1990), classically described as a flight from depression (Eaton & Peterson, 1969). It has been proposed that bipolar experience may circumvent, to some extent, the usual principles of mood maintainence and mood repair. This may not only enhance creative ability, but also creative motivation-for the bipolar knows more than most people that moods will change and thus may not only approach adversity rather than avoid it but may also choose to cope through incessant and sometimes even frantic activity (Rich- ards, 1992, in press).

Mood, motivation, and social responsibility. If bipolar vulnerability can enhance socially significant creativity, then one could only applaud evolution for also building in forces to direct this energy toward socially useful ends. However, creativity has also been used throughout history for brutality and destruction. Other interacting factors are also clearly required for proactive consequences (see Richards, 1993).

Eysenck curiously suggests that altruism falls at one extreme of a behavioral continuum linked with low psychoticism-and, by implication, low creativity- and that overt psychotic disorder falls at the opposite end. Meanwhile, based on the same continuum, Eysenck associates psychoticism and ultimately creativity with psychopathic and fraudulent behavior.

We would suggest, as another possibility, that pro- social and altruistic urges may become linked with Eysenck's behavioral continuum, and with creativity, through the very presence of a bipolar vulnerability- and even a full-blown bipolar disorder. Reports of patients in the manic state who unrealistically decide to solve the world's problems are well known (Goodwin & Jamison, 1990). Mood elevation and overinclusive thought might indeed help facilitate such universal and ambitious motives; when stepped down to a less pathological and more functional level (along with affective integration and creative courage), they might facilitate the sweeping conceptualizations needed to address society's ills, along with the willingness to take the risks involved (Richards, 1993, in press).

What About the Rest of Society?

A Large Affected Segment

There is doubtless more than one route to creativity (Richards, 1981, 1990). Nonetheless, these findings involving creativity and risk for bipolar mood disorders could apply to as much as 10% of the population. Four percent to 5% of the population are apt to develop some form of bipolar "spectrum" disorder (H. S. Akiskal & Mallya, 1987), and there may be at least as many unaffected relatives. An effect this widespread is not particularly surprising for such a widely adaptive evolutionary strategy as everyday creativity. One would expect a great many people, and very diverse social groups, to be affected.

Indeed, additional support for the association of bipolar risk with creativity comes from the very gender issues raised by Eysenck. Bipolar risk occurs much more equally in women and men (e.g., Goodwin & Jamison, 1990) than does psychoticism. Females and males also tend to score comparably on creative-thinking tests (e.g., Torrance, 1972, 1990), which, among measures related to creativity, are perhaps least apt to be influenced by a societal overlay.

Sex-related constraints on conventional vocational creativity are well illustrated by Terman's gifted women, who performed at least as well as the men when followed through school but who diverged sharply when they entered the external world of work (Eccles, 1985). Specific hurdles in intellectual and artistic fields, among others, have been well documented (e.g., Bowers & Tick, 1986, Spender, 1982). Gender differences, not surprisingly, diminish for everyday creativity, compared to eminent creativity, and in some cases vanish (as in our most modern validation sample for the Lifetime Creativity Scales) when the criterion involves avocational, rather than vocational, creative accomplishment (Richards, Kinney, Benet, & Merzel, 1988).

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COMMENTARIES

New Insights Into Creativity in General

Mood fluctuations, furthermore, occur in all persons. Indeed, mood swings in the population may fall along a continuum, as suggested by one study (Eastwood, Whitton, Kramer, & Peter, 1985), in which 60% of one mood-disordered group but also 41% of controls showed cyclical mood swings that, despite different magnitudes, had similar periodicity. Also relevant are Kaspar, Wehr, Bartko, Gasit, and Rosenthal's (1989) findings on the widespread prevalence of seasonal mood changes. The demonstrated effect of mood on original thought and creative problem-solving in general populations was noted earlier. Further, in the context of resilient styles of coping, additional means have been suggested by which individuals might acquire the rich and affectively integrated mental connections that have been discussed in connection with bipolar vulnerability (see Richards, 1992, 1993, in press; Schuldberg, in press).

In conclusion, this commentary supports Eysenck's "triple proportionality" between creativity, features of psychopathology, and deviant conceptual style-but only in the abstract and with many additional qualili- cations. The context is shifted from psychoticism to a distinctly delineated and genetically influenced vulnerability to bipolar mood disorders, manifesting in a spectrum of possible phenotypes. The details of the association also vary, depending on the directionality of the effect, state as well as trait phenomena of psychopathology, and whether the focus is on eminent or everyday creativity accomplishment or on creative ability or motivation. Last, deviant conceptual style does indeed appear as important-both to creative ability and motivation-but most particularly as part of an interacting set of cognitive, affective, and behavioral reflections of an underlying liability to bipolar disorders.

Note

Ruth Richards, Mailman Research Center, McLean Hospital, 115 Mill Street, Belmont, MA 02178-9106.

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Creativity: Complex and Healthy

Albert Rothenberg Department of Psychiatry

Harvard Medical School and Austen Riggs Center

Eysenck cites several studies that seem indirectly to support his thesis that creativity is related to psychoticism, but he relies heavily on one alleged finding that he believes supports this theory directly: "The choice of unique responses on the word association test is a good measure of psychosis, of psychoticism, and of creativity." Although unique and unusual are not synony- mous, Eysenck's attempt to document the point immediately shifts to a focus on unusual word-associ-

ation responses exclusively. More important, in relying on this unvalidated finding, he totally ignores the counterevidence derived from my own controlled word-association experiment (Rothenberg, 1983b). He neither cites nor discusses this or any related counterevidence at all.

In the experiment I performed, timed word-association tests were administered to creative subjects and controls. Creative subjects consisted of 12 scientists

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Article Contentsp. 212p. 213p. 214p. 215p. 216p. 217

Issue Table of ContentsPsychological Inquiry, Vol. 4, No. 3 (1993), pp. 147-246Front MatterTarget ArticleCreativity and Personality: Suggestions for a Theory [pp. 147-178]

CommentariesWhat Does a Theory of Creativity Require? [pp. 179-181]Controllable Oddness as a Resource in Creativity [pp. 182-184]When Is Psychoticism Psychoticism? And How Does It Really Relate to Creativity? [pp. 184-188]Does Overinclusiveness Equal Creativity? [pp. 188-189]Creativity and Psychoticism: An Overinclusive Model [pp. 190-192]Creativity, Constitution, and Childhood [pp. 193-196]The Assessment Piece of the Creativity Pie [pp. 196-200]Whither Goes DNA: An Intelligent Creative Process? Or, Creativity Emanating from Psychotic Traits? [pp. 200-204]The Problematic Elevation of Concepts to Positions of Preeminence [pp. 205-209]Psychoticism, Degeneration, and Creativity [pp. 209-211]Everyday Creativity, Eminent Creativity, and Psychopathology [pp. 212-217]Creativity: Complex and Healthy [pp. 217-221]Creativity, Causality, and the Separation of Personality and Cognition [pp. 221-225]Blind Variations, Chance Configurations, and Creative Genius [pp. 225-228]Investing in Creativity [pp. 229-232]Understanding Creativity: Where to Start? [pp. 232-234]Creativity, Heritability, Familiality: Which Word Does Not Belong? [pp. 235-237]

Author's ResponseCreativity and Personality: An Attempt to Bridge Divergent Traditions [pp. 238-246]

Back Matter

everyday creativity, eminent creativity, and psychopathology

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