essay on football hooliganism in croatia
DESCRIPTION
Investigation into the causes and solutions of football hooliganism, specifically in Croatia.TRANSCRIPT
Football Hooliganism in Croatia To What Extent Are the Underlying Causes of Football Hooliganism in Croatia Solvable?
Chris Tait IB Candidate Number: 000768-‐033
May 2011 Peace and Conflict
Flaim Word Count: 3987
Abstract
The problem of football hooliganism in Croatia is the perfect case study to apply aggression and frustration theories. Football hooliganism in the context of this essay is considered to be any disruptive behaviour before, during, and after football games, in and around the stadium. In Peace and Conflict Studies, David Barash and Charles Weber cite a number of social scientists such as Konrad Lorenz, Sigmund Freud, and John Dollard, who provide many theories on individual and group frustration and aggression that provide some insight as to why hooligans do what they do. The conflict between Croatia and Serbia is also looked at as a possible cause. At the present day, Croatia is not making direct steps to solve the problem with violence continuing and efforts to stop it seemingly minimal. This paper inquires to what extent the underlying causes of football hooliganism in Croatia are solvable.
The scope of this investigation will include case studies from Croatia, as well as provide a historical background to the problem of football hooliganism in Croatia. The case studies are from within the last ten years, and the historical background is drawn from the early 1990s. The layers of governance of football in Croatia are examined, from individual clubs to the Union of European Football Associations to the Croatian Government.
The essay identifies many possible underlying causes based on the historical context and various theories dealing with aggression, frustration, and group behaviour. While Croatia’s attachment to the past and historical conflicts will likely only be alleviated with time, the essay does suggest that the problem will diminish in the coming years as the Croatian justice system is getting modified with a large grant and EU admission is slowly becoming a reality, making cooperation of hooliganism prevention with other countries easier and more effective. Wd Ct: 299
Table of Contents
Introduction 1 Present Case Studies 3 Croatia Learning From England 4 Background on Croatian Hooliganism 5 Peace and Conflict Theories 6 Conclusion 10 Works Cited 12 Works Consulted 15
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Introduction
With the rise of football clubs in the past century, the world has also seen the rise
of hooliganistic football firms. It became a large problem in England in the late
nineteenth century and spread to other areas such as South America and the rest of
Europe (Foer). More recently, in the past decade, hooliganism has diminished in
England. In many places, however, hooliganism is still a major problem. Croatia is one
such country, with each year bringing new incidences. In the past five years more than
6429 Croatian hooligans have been arrested (“Brits Teach Croatian”). Attempts to stop
such incidences occur regularly but usually only during the actual incident. There has
not been a successful solution to preventing hooliganism, or eradicating the underlying
causes. This report examines the historical background of conflict, especially in relation
to the Yugoslav Wars. Possible causes of hooliganism are examined in relation to the
micro and macro theories. The process used to subdue hooliganism in other countries is
examined as a basis for possible solutions to the problem in Croatia.
By growing up in England I became immersed in the football culture at a young
age. I developed a love for playing and an interest in watching. The few games that I
attended for the most part were orderly but there was still much verbal abuse taking
place, originating from the stands and directed at officials, players, or rival supporters.
This seemed quite normal to me until I learned a bit more about England’s dangerous
past in the stands, notably the Heysel Stadium disaster in 1985 in Brussels, which was
in part due to Liverpool supporters; and the Hillsborough disaster in 1989 in Sheffield
(“How the Hillsborough”). I was taken aback at such a past, but was glad there had been
improvements. It seems that terrible events in English football history were a leading
factor in the improvement of safety and fan control during matches. Also, these events
were made much worse by the fact that the stadiums involved were in terrible, decrepit
condition. In Croatia, however, the fans take pride in the violence and do not view
clashes in the stands as disasters. Facilities are modern and violence continues. Recently
my awareness of hooliganism has been broadened after hearing an account from a
friend who went to a Croatia and watched a football match (see figure 1). He said the
atmosphere was hectic in and around the stadium, with verbal and physical abuse. My
curiosity and fascination was reignited and I did a simple search of Croatian football
hooliganism and was astonished at the number of articles that appeared: many violent,
many present, and many calling for solutions to the problem.
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Fig. 1. Croatian Football Hooliganism; Photo by Närhi, Harri; June 2008; JPEG file.
As hooliganism was dying down in England it was escalating in Croatia.
Government leaders claimed zero tolerance but violence continued. In a recent press
release, Prime Minister Jadranka Kosor expressed an end to the tolerance of
hooliganism and warned that if present the game could be stopped. Kosor said, "It
seems to me that, until games are stopped, hooligans will not understand what we are
telling them" (“Kosor Wants to Crack”). It's doubtful whether cancelling games is a good
option as it seems unfair to the opposition as well as the teams’ players, coaches, and
staff. The next incident of noteworthy hooliganism that occurred was not met by match
cancellation from Kosor but an intervention from the Union of European Football
Associations (UEFA), which prevented the teams’ fans from entering the stadium. This
shows that the Croatian government is not prepared to bring down an iron fist and
hooligans will thus view their actions without immediate consequence. The UEFA ban
lasted two games, and would only be reinstated if violence occurred against teams from
other countries. Croatia versus Croatia games are likely considered fair game for
hooligans, as they are the responsibility of the Croatian government or the Croatian
Football Federation to monitor. Hooligans will assume no harsh consequences and act
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accordingly. Another example of the UEFA taking action where Kosor did not was when
the association fined Hajduk Split 40,000 Euros because of violence and pyrotechnics at
a match between the Croatians and Slovak Nilina in August 2009 (“UEFA Fines
Hajduk”). In Croatia attempts have been made to eliminate this problem, but they aren’t
really getting anywhere. It’s at this point that this inquiry asks the following: To what
extent are the underlying causes of football hooliganism in Croatia solvable?
Present Case Studies
There are many recent cases of Croatian football hooliganism that have been met
with consequences. At the end of October 2009 UEFA met and agreed that three points
would be deducted from Dinamo Zagreb's Europea League total score because of fan
hooliganism. Because of this they had to play the next two games without any support in
the stands. The UEFA had been warning Dinamo Zagreb about its fans' misconduct for a
while and the final straw appeared to be an incident in Timisoara at the beginning of
October when over 140 Dinamo fans were arrested by Romanian authorities over the
course of the match day. Dinamo players are upset because it is a big disadvantage to
play without support, and they feel as though they are taking the fall for their fans'
behaviour (“UEFA Punishes Dinamo”). In the first leg when Dinamo played FC Timisoara
they beat them three to zero, but when they played them again two months later they
lost two to one, possibly as a result of non-‐existent support (“Dinamo Says Goodbye”).
The same thing occurred when Dinamo Zagreb lost two to zero against Ajax while
playing without any fans in the stadium (“Ajax Defeats Dinamo”). This would frustrate
the players greatly, as well as the fans watching helplessly from televisions outside the
stadiums. Whether the banning would subdue hooliganism or whether it would make
hooligans return all the more aggressive is uncertain. In a more recent game on May 1st,
2010, violence occurred in the match that pitted Dinamo Zagreb against Hajduk Split. A
policeman was left without an eye when a Dinamo hooligan threw a firecracker under
his visor. Once again, it is not clear whether immediate action will take place, as Prime
Minister Jadranka Kosor simply “announced today [May 3rd] that she wanted harsher
punishments for people who engaged in disturbances at sporting events” (“Prime
Minister Wants Harsher Punishments”).
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Croatia Learning From England
To formulate solutions to the underlying causes of football hooliganism in Croatia,
it may be useful to examine methods in other countries, namely England. An example of
what England is doing to prevent hooliganism is their banning of 3,200 known British
hooligans from travelling to the 2010 World Cup in South Africa. It is mandatory for
those recognized to turn in their passports to local authorities before the world cup
starts (Wilson).
One of the primary methods that English policing forces use is the use of plain-‐
clothes officers to gain access inside hooligan gang offices and inner circles. There is
also the spotter system, where there is an officer associated with each club. The officers
communicate and notify each other when hooligans are travelling to away games. Since
the 1980s CCTV has become widely used, with larger stadiums even sporting control
rooms where hooligan activity is carefully monitored, both inside and outside the
stadium. If a situation is detected, then the cameras can record the activity to use for
prosecution. There is also a “hoolivan” that acts as a mobile control room of sorts with a
range of cameras and communication equipment that seamlessly interacts with other
systems (Rolands). The rise of technology of law enforcement seems to match the rise of
technology that hooligans use. Hooligans consistently use the internet and mobile
phones to communicate with each other, which may lead to very organized crime.
In October of 2008 Deputy Prime Minister of Croatia Djurdja Adlesic went to
London and met with British Home Office and UK football police unit officials to discuss
how to deal with hooligans after a recent conflict between Dinamo Zagreb and Sparta
Prague, which resulted in 300 Croatians being arrested (“Brits Teach Croatian”). A step
such as this is a positive one. It’s not only important to learn from countries where
hooliganism is being kept under control, but it’s also important to develop good
collaboration with other countries. This is because football is an international game
with teams travelling to play games. Wherever the teams go, fans, and ultimately
hooligans, will follow. If the hosting city or country is made aware by the travelling
country or city of potential hooligans then problematic incidences can be avoided. Also,
if travelling police forces are following the same guidelines as the police forces in the
host country then hooliganism containment would be more efficient. In a brief look at
some other countries’ methods, Germany, Netherlands, and Belgium are more proactive
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in solving football hooliganism. They utilize what are called “fan coaching” schemes,
which involve social workers being deployed with groups of fans (Fox).
It’s clear that Croatia has a wealth of experience from other countries to draw
upon. There are many different possible programs to implement in order to reduce
hooliganism. Nationwide CCTV is costly and is not specifically tailored to hooliganism,
but if camera systems were installed in and around stadiums situations could be
recorded for evidence purposes, and known hooligans could be recognised and stopped
from entering the grounds. Fan coaching schemes would likely have a positive effect too,
as changing a fan’s attitude towards hooliganism, i.e. whether it’s good or bad, would be
an important first step in preventing it.
Hooliganism on the front lines between Croatia and Serbia
One of the underlying causes of football hooliganism in Croatia is its continual
conflict with its neighbour, Serbia. The two countries were once part of Yugoslavia, but
in the early 1990s they fought a civil war and the two nations, along with others,
became recognised as independent nations (Sowards). While real violence started in
1991, tensions were very high in 1990. On May 13, 1990, when Former Yugoslavia was
on the brink of civil war, a football match between Dinamo Zagreb, with their Bad Blue
Boys; and Red Star Belgrade, with their Delijes; was held in Zagreb.
About 3000 Red Star Belgrade supporters made their way to Zagreb. They were
led by Željko Ražnatović, also known as Arkan. Arkan is the same man who was wanted
by the International War Crimes Tribunal in The Hague for atrocities allegedly
committed during the war in Bosnia-‐Herzegovnia, until he was gunned down in the
lobby of a Belgrade hotel in 2000. After this match, he would later recruit many
hooligans into the Serbian Volunteer Guard – the Tigers – to fight in the Yugoslav War
(Dyer).
Jonathan Wilson, an eastern European football expert, put the game in political
terms: the Serbian nationalists, Red Star Belgrade, versus the hardcore of the Croatian
Nationalists, Dinamo Zagreb (Dyer). Red Star fans went in the stadium with acid to burn
down security fences. Both sides stockpiled rocks before the match. Everyone knew
violence would erupt, and fighting started instantly. According to Toma Mihajlovic, a
football photographer, "The atmosphere was like we know that something is not good,
but nobody was surprised because we were expecting something to blow up" (Dyer).
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It’s complete neglect by the footballing associations and the Croatian government not to
act before this event, especially since everyone knew about it. During the game Red Star
fans began to tear up the seats. “Bad Blue Boys” tried to tear down the fences to get to
Red Star supporters. Police, mostly Serbs, came to beat the “Bad Blue Boys”. When
police beat down a Dinamo fan, the captain Zvonimir Boban did a kung fu kick to attack
the police officer. "Boban's kick was a symbolic moment. It was the beginning of the end
for Yugoslavia" (Dyer).
Around a year later the hooligans left the stadium and went to war with guns and
grenades. The war went for more than four years, and more than 15,000 people were
killed. At the end, Croatia and Serbia emerged as two different countries. There are in
fact memorials in Zagreb and Belgrade’s football stadiums dedicated to the fans who
went to fight in the war and who died (Dyer). This shows just how the Croatia-‐Serbia
conflict played an integral part in the problem of football hooliganism in the two
countries. Because of hooliganism’s connection to the Yugoslav war, in the years
following the war there was and still is much hatred still evident between Croats and
Serbs in the stadiums. While normal soldiers returned to their homes after the war,
hooligans returned to a different kind of fight in the stands. This evidence clearly shows
that one of the underlying causes of football hooliganism in Croatia is the different
cultural identities between the clubs and countries and their attachment to the past.
Theories behind the aggression and violence of Croatian Hooliganism:
There are many theories behind aggression that apply to the football
hooliganism in Croatia. They can be looked at on the individual level or the group level,
although some of the theories bridge the gap between the two.
The Croatian football fan lifestyle can be connected to the socialisation to
aggressiveness theory. In Croatia most of the football fans are younger than twenty-‐five
(Bjelajak), so it is correct to say that most of them are at an age where they can be
readily influenced by their surroundings. The socialisation to aggressiveness theory
states that people fight and hate others because they are taught to by their society
(Barash 109). In Croatia, or in any footballing country, when fans join a club they learn
of rivalries and learn to oppose the other clubs, even if the rivalry preceded their own
existence. In Croatia, however, the extent to which that hatred exists is much more, as it
also crosses into the political spectrum.
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Croatian fans are also subject to what is called “imitative learning” which asserts
that people fall prone to doing something when they see others doing it (Barash 109). A
prime example of this is in "The Balkans" episode of the documentary programme The
Real Football Factories International, where an outbreak of violence occurred during a
match. It started with shouting and then a few fans were seen tearing up seats and
launching them like frisbees or using them as melee weapons. When people saw this
happening, more and more immediately did the same (Dyer). Another theory that
applies to this scenario and to Croatian football hooliganism in general is “militant
enthusiasm,” which is talked about by ethologist Konrad Lorenz in his book On
Aggression. Lorenz affirms that there is a “tendency of people to lose their normal
inhibitions against violence when united with others similarly motivated” (Barash 99).
This theory demonstrates that the best way to stop hooliganism is to prevent it from
starting. It’s easy for violence to escalate out of control, so great effort must be made to
eliminate hooliganism before it enters the stadium.
A defining characteristic of hooliganism in Croatia is that it’s organised, with a
defined group structure. Once individuals have become associated and attached to a
group, they see any attack or front on the larger group as an attack on themselves.
Sigmund Freud called this “narcissistic injury” (Barash 103) and believed attacks on a
larger scale would result in violence on a smaller scale. This is very applicable to
hooliganism because if another football team firm were to make another “look bad,” by
beating them in a game or by having the upper hand in a clash in the stadium, then the
fans of the losing team would likely perceive that an attack has been brought down on
not only the team or the firm, but on all of them individually. This leads to frustration,
which builds up until the next clash at a match, where it may be released in highly
aggressive actions.
Frustration is also contagious, and in football frustration easily travels from the
pitch into the stands. Psychiatrist John Dollard proposed a frustration-‐aggression
hypothesis that believes when individuals have sight of a goal but cannot achieve it, they
become frustrated and thus become aggressive. In football, players quite literally see
the goal but are often not able to reach it and score. Fans watching may become
frustrated by a lack of goals and are likely to become aggressive. Another goal for fans is
mocking and maybe even hurting the opposition’s fans. Since fans are seated on
different sides of the stadium, they will see their goal but will not be able to reach it,
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except for when stadium fencing or walls are torn down. With even just these two
sources of frustration hooligans become very prone to outbursts of seemingly
uncontrollable violence (Barash 107).
Such violence may lead to “social learning.” Psychologist John Paul Scott said
"individuals are particularly likely to fight if they have fought successfully in the past
and that aggression often results from a breakdown in social structures" (Barash 108).
This “social learning” evidently exists in the Croatian hooliganism scene. In The Real
Football Factories International the host Danny Dyer interviews several members of
different hooligan firms. Many of them boast about successful fights and
demonstrations of strength, and also show him pictures, or rather framed displays, of
the might of the firms. Because these hooligans focus on their victories so much, they
are surely likely to fight again in the future in hopes of achieving similar results to add
to the firms’ reputations (Dyer). Such firms view violence as a demonstration of
superiority, instead of as something that would rather be avoided. In order for
hooliganism to be reduced, it needs to be redefined in Croatia as very disrupting for
society and completely unlawful.
As previously stated the football firms are very organised, with a defined
structure and hierarchy. It is worth noting that the most aggressive societies, such as
Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy were also highly structured. Another factor leading to
aggression is the “conditioning theory,” which states that parties are likely to continue
aggressive behaviour if such behaviour does not have negative effects. These two points
show that because of the firms’ organisation and lack of consequences, their members
are predisposed to aggressive behaviour. To hooligans, getting in trouble with the law is
venial if it is a result of a successful demonstration. This is especially true if the
consequences the law imposes upon them are not very severe. Such lack of
consequences has already been illustrated by the relative inaction of the Croatian
government. The conditioning theory remains true for the inverse, which means that if
aggressive behaviour has negative effects then hooligans will be less likely to continue it
(Barash 108). This produces a strong argument to impose harsher consequences on
hooliganism so hooligans will be less inclined to be aggressive and cause problems.
Another solution is suggested by Lorenz, who says that by channelling the
“negative energy” into other activities, like athletics, research, and other socially useful
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things, aggressive behaviour can be reduced. He is pessimistic about this thought,
however:
"An unprejudiced observer from another planet, looking down on man as
he is today, in his hand the atom bomb, the product of his intelligence, in
his heart the aggressive drive inherited from his anthropoid ancestors,
which this same intelligence cannot control, would not prophesy long life
for the species” (Barash 100).
Lorenz would probably be even more pessimistic about the solution’s application
to football hooliganism, because these hooligans are some of the primary supporters for
football, the world’s most popular sport. Without them teams would not get nearly as
much support, especially in Croatia, and this “socially useful activity” would not be able
to continue on the same level as it does today. If hooligans were banned from the
stadium they would probably use their energy for violence in other public places, which
would have disastrous results.
Underlying causes of football hooliganism can be attributed to the theories of
conflict, so it would make sense to have the underlying solutions to peace to be based on
the theories of peace. Many peace theories deal with border control, military
organisation, and international agreement. The unique nature of football hooliganism
from the peace and conflict perspective is that it is a problem on the local level, the
national level, and the international level. As a result there are not one or even a few
solutions that would cover everything. There are many separate bodies that work to
eliminate hooliganism, such as the UEFA, Fédération Internationale de Football
Association (FIFA), The Croatian Football Federation (which is a member of both FIFA
and UEFA), the Croatian government, the European Union, and other European
countries’ governments. The European Union may be involved for two reasons: either
because Croatian teams travel to Eurozone countries and cause trouble, or because
Croatia may become part of the European Union as early as 2012 (“Croatia Prepares for
EU”). It is likely that Croatia’s admittance into the European Union would have very
positive effects for the problem of football hooliganism in Croatia. The EU is taking an
active role in combating the problem. The Council of Europe drafted the ‘European
Convention on Spectator Violence and Misbehaviour at Sports Events and in Particular
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Football Matches’ which is intended to ensure safety at sporting events by promoting
the cooperation between football organisations and authorities (“Preventing Football
Hooliganism”). Such cooperation between different bodies is exactly what Croatia
needs, as techniques from other countries can then be readily adopted. The EU also has
many legislations, main proposals, and Community acts, as well as some programmes
financed by the European Commission (“EU Promoting Violence Prevention”). There
would also be a free flow of information and prevention methods between European
countries, and before away games countries would get adequate notice of possible
conflict and hooligans. A possible shortcoming is that hooligans currently banned from
entering a neighbouring EU country will find it easier to cross borders once Croatia
becomes a member state. Recently, to aid in its EU ascension, Croatia’s justice system
received a twenty-‐six million Euro boost from the World Bank (Souza). Because of this
boost and because Croatia’s government and justice system is relatively new and still
very much in a stage of development, it is difficult to assess how exactly football
hooliganism prevention fits into the government. It is unclear which section of the
Croatian legal system, if there is one at all, is responsible for tackling the problem of
Croatian football hooliganism (Kuecking). As of now it seems that the government only
pays hooliganism serious attention if there are attempted murders or excessive
violence, in which case they are not tried for hooliganism but for a higher crime. The
simple continual rioting and aggressive behaviour has not appeared to have been
considerably tackled yet. It is only tackled if the situation becomes another country’s
problem, as with away games. If there are two Croatian teams playing each other, it
seems the rules are all but thrown out the window. Prime Minister Jadranka Kosor
telling her country that they need to impose harsher punishments for misconduct is
unlikely to have a substantial effect.
Conclusion
It is likely that, by itself, Croatia does not have a chance to solve the problem of
football hooliganism. The government does not seem to be taking the threat that
hooliganism poses to society seriously. Perhaps because causes such as Croatia’s
attachment to the past and the hooligans’ participation in the Yugoslav Wars are so
fresh and embedded in society as a whole, they believe these problems are best solved
with time. Croatia can easily turn to other countries for help – it need not try and craft
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solutions and experiment with them. Other countries could even help directly, for
example, by sending “fan coaches” to Croatia to coach them away from hooliganism.
Security cameras could be installed in stadiums to identify hooligans and record
violence for use as evidence. I also think it’s crucial that Croatia and their football
federation begin working more closely with the EU and UEFA and FIFA to start
improving the hooliganism problem. If Croatia adopts prevention policies and imposes
guidelines similar to those of other countries soon, when Croatia is admitted into the EU
it can hit the ground running.
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