environmentally just urbanisation through urban agriculture. accra-ghana 2012
DESCRIPTION
These reports have been produced as part of the MSc Environment and Sustainable Development programme at the Development Planning Unit (DPU), University College London(UCL) in response to terms of reference for the ‘Environment and Sustainable Development in Practice’ module, 2011-12. The five student groups worked in distinct areas within the city of Accra and its broader metropolitan area to understand the contribution of Urban Agriculture towards environmentally justice urbanisation in the city. The study areas represent a series of different realities facing urban farmers and urban dwellers alike.Water Management Institute (IWMI), People’sDialogue on Human Settlements (PD) and theGhana Federation of the Urban Poor.TRANSCRIPT
ACCRA, GHANA REPORTS 2012
Development Planning Unit University College London
ENVIRONMENTALLY JUST URBANISATION
THROUGH URBAN AGRICULTURE
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ENVIRONMENTALLY JUST URBANISATION THROUGH URBAN AGRICULTURE
This research was co-ordinated by the staff of the MSc Environment and Sustainable Development at the Development Planning Unit, University College London; Adriana Allen, Alexandre Frediani, Pascale Hofmann, Rita Lambert, Etienne von Bertrab and Matthew Wood-Hill. This has been organised in association with People’s Dialogue for Human Settlements based in Accra and with inputs from the International Water Management Institute.
Many people have contributed to research findings and strategy development: local facilitators and translators, academics, researchers, public officials, colleagues and friends in Accra and in London, and above all, women and men farmers who warmly opened up to us and patiently shared their knowledge and experience.
Finally, the students of the MSc Environment and Sustainable Development 2011-2012 enthusias-tically engaged with this action-research project to generate valuable and detailed primary information, produced a range of outputs, and put forward interesting insights which further the understanding of the actual and potential role of urban agriculture in contribution to the environmentally just urbani-sation of cities in the Global South, and specifically Accra, Ghana. This compilation of reports is the final product of their work. To all, many thanks.
Environmentally Just Urbanisation through Urban Agriculture(Accra-Ghana, Reports 2012)
Alejandro Ordóñez GonzálezEditorial Coordinator
Matthew Wood-HillGeneral Coordinator
Alejandro Ordóñez GonzálezCover and Editorial Design
Liza Griffin and Matthew Wood-HillRevision and Style
First Edition, London 2013
Development Planning UnitUniversity College London-UCL Bartlett Faculty of the Built Environment34 Tavistock SquareLondonWC1H 9EZT+44 (20) 7679 1111 - Fax: +44 (0)20 679 1112
The DPU’s mission is to build the capacity of professionals and institutions to design and implement inno-vative, sustainable and inclusive strategies at the local, national and global levels, that enable those people who are generally excluded from decision-making by poverty or their social and cultural identity, to play a full and rewarding role in their own development.
www.bartlett.ucl.ac.uk/dpu
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Preface 5
Chapter 1: Coastal 7
Chapter 2: Old Fadama 51
Chapter 3: Nima 95
Chatper 4: Legon 163
Chapter 5: La 225
Table of contents
ACCRA, GHANA REPORTS 2012
ACCRA, GHANA
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These reports have been produced as part of the MSc Environment and Sustainable
Development programme at the Development Planning Unit (DPU), University College London (UCL) in response to terms of reference for the ‘Environment and Sustainable Development in Practice’ module, 2011-12. The five student groups worked in distinct areas within the city of Accra and its broader metropolitan area to understand the contribution of Urban Agriculture towards environ-mentally justice urbanisation in the city. The study areas represent a series of different realities facing urban farmers and urban dwellers alike.
The research has included a four month desk-study followed by two weeks of in-country fieldwork and meetings with key stakeholders and community, local, municipal and national levels. It has been conducted in collaboration with the International Water Management Institute (IWMI), People’s Dialogue on Human Settlements (PD) and the Ghana Federation of the Urban Poor.
The research produced in this document builds on and further contributes to work that has been undertaken by DPU staff and students alongside IWMI in Accra since 2009. For more information, and to read reports from previous year, please visit: www.bartlett.ucl.ac.uk/dpu.
Preface
ACCRA, GHANA REPORTS 2012
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FANNY FRICKNAYANI NASACHIKA OHASHISANTA PEDONEMANDIRA THAKURISAAC YIELEH CHIREH
FISHERMEN LOOKING FOR FISHPHOTOGRAPH BY SANTA PEDONE
Chapter 1 FISHING FOR RESILIENCE: Restoring coastal systems
LANDING BEACH IN JAMESTOWNPHOTOGRAPH BY MANDIRA THAKUR
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Table of Contents
1 Acknowledgements2 Abbreviations3 Executive Summary4 Introduction
4.1 Background4.2 Objectives
5 Analytical framework5.1 Conceptual Framework
5.2 Hypothesis and Research questions 6 Methodology and Limitations 7 Findings
7.1 Contributions to Resilience7.2 Hindrances to Resilience7.3 Coping and Adaptation Strategies7.4 Interim conclusion
8 Strategies8.1 Introduction8.2 Improvement of Livelihoods8.3 Waste Management8.4 Natural Resource Management
9 ConclusionBibliographyAppendices
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ENVIRONMENTALLY JUST URBANISATION THROUGH URBAN AGRICULTURE
1 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
We would like to thank the following people for their valuable contributions:
Facilitators: Paul Nii Ankamah Adjn-Tettey (Fisheries Commission) Charles Blay (MoFA) Naa Arday-Acquah (GHAFUP) Mensah Owusu (PD) Étienne von Bertrab (DPU) Rita Lambert (DPU) Adriana Allen (DPU) Alexandre Apsan Frediani (DPU) Matthew Wood-Hill (DPU) Asare (Revenue accountant, Ashiedu Keteke Sub-Metropolitan District Council)Ayikwa (Canoe owner in Jamestown)Bismarck Nettey (Ex-President GNAFF; Canoe Owner in Chorkor)Divine Odotoy (Coordinating director, Ashiedu Keteke Sub-Metropolitan District Council)Daniel Adjin-Tettey (Chorkor resident / ex-fisherman)Daniel Ocansey (Supervisor, Zoil Services Limited)Environmental Protection Agency (EPA)Emanuel-Mark McHansen (Zoil Services Limited; fisherman in Jamestown)Nana Tambia IV (Queen of Nleshie Amanflo; Organiser of the GAMA market women association)Fatawu Giwah (Coordinator, Zoil Services Limited) Ivy (Fisheries Commission)W. Odame Larbi (Executive secretary, Lands Commission) Patricia Makrey (Fisheries Commission)Prof. Irene K Odotei (University of Ghana) Scott Apawudza (Greater Accra regional director, MoFA)Samuel Quarshie (Waste Management Department, Ashiedu Keteke Sub-Metropolitan District Council)Samuel (Ghana National Canoe Fisherman Council)Nii Teiko Tagoe (Project Director, GAMADA)
We would like to thank the fishing commu-nities in Jamestown and Chorkor for their warm welcome and invaluable support for our fieldwork.
FOCUS GROUP IN JAMESTOWN LANDING BEACHPHOTOGRAPH BY N.N.
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2 ABBREVIATIONS
AMA Accra Metropolitan AssemblyCBMC Community Based Management CommitteesCOU Canoe Owners UnionEIA Environmental Impact AssessmentEPA Environmental Protection AgencyFAO Food and Agriculture Organisation of the United NationsGAMA Greater Accra Metropolitan AuthorityGAMADA Ga Mashie Development AgencyGCLME Guinea Current Large Marine EcosystemGHAFUP Ghana Federation of the Urban PoorGNAFF Ghana National Association of Farmers and FishermenGIS Geographic Information SystemGNCFC Ghana National Canoe Fishermen Council ICM Integrated Coastal Management ICRM Integrated Coastal Resource Management ICZM Integrated Coastal Zone Management LME Large Marine EcosystemMCI Millennium City InitiativeNAFAG National Fisheries Association of GhanaNGO Non-Governmental OrganisationPD People’s Dialogue on Human SettlementsPPPs Policies/Plans/ProgrammesUA Urban AgricultureWACAF West and Central African Regional Seas ProgrammeWMD Waste Management DepartmentWRC Water Resource Commission
ZGL Zoomlion Ghana Limited
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ENVIRONMENTALLY JUST URBANISATION THROUGH URBAN AGRICULTURE
3 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
This research tries to build on the past 3 years of work carried out by the University College
London (UCL) students from the Development Planning Unit (DPU), which focused on exploring the potentials and constraints of Urban Agriculture (UA) as a planning tool for an environmentally just urbanisation in Accra. This year, the research area, on which our team has focused, is the coastal strip of Accra, which stretches from Jamestown to Chorkor. Within this area, we identified a long established tradi-tional food production system dating back to the XIX century: the artisanal fisheries sector.
From our secondary research, the manifes-tation of resilience amongst the artisanal fishing communities within Accra’s ever growing urban boundaries was striking. This is especially true when looking at the industrialisation of the fisheries sector, an increasing depletion of fish
stocks and the privatisation of the coastal strip of Accra. What Harvey (2006: 98) calls “uneven geographical development” arising from capitalistic agglomeration economies is well evident in this neglected Old Accra.
This ‘striking’ resilience inspired the aim of this research work: finding the structural reasons for such resilience, identifying its vulnerabilities and developing a coherent strategy to counter-balance the impacts of these vulnerabilities on the fishing communities and the city of Accra as a whole. Within this uneven and therefore unjust urbanisation process, the artisanal fisheries sector stands out as a main contributor towards the food security of the city and this importance needs to be acknowledged by all stakeholders in order to trigger an environmentally just urbanisation process.
JAMESTOWN LANDING BEACHPHOTOGRAPH BY MANDIRA THAKUR
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WOMEN ON THEIR WAY TO BUY FISH IN JAMESTOWNPHOTOGRAPH BY MANDIRA THAKUR
It was found that the traditional structure of the artisanal fishery provides social and economic resilience through hierarchical organisation and division of labour in which women play an important role in securing income and food for the fishing communities and beyond. Ecological resilience is built through traditional rules and practices. However, as environmental degra-dation and industrialised fishery is continuously depleting fish stock, artisanal fishing commu-nities have recently been forced to adopt less sustainable practices in order to cope with these impacts. Such practices of ‘mal-adaptation’ are
reproduced as long as plans and programs ignore urban and marine social-ecological systems, and are therefore blind to the underlying causes of the degradation of livleihoods in these communities.
To restore resilience in artisanal fishing commu-nities in Accra, it is recommended that a more integrated approach in coastal urban management is implemented, for which the Guinea Current Large Marine Ecosystem Project (GCLME) provides a suitable framework. Exemplary strat-egies for implementation of an integrated coastal urban management are outlined.
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ENVIRONMENTALLY JUST URBANISATION THROUGH URBAN AGRICULTURE
BUILT-UP AREA IN 1903
BUILT-UP AREA IN 1929
BUILT-UP AREA IN 1943
BUILT-UP AREA IN 1966
BUILT-UP AREA IN 1990
BUILT-UP AREA IN 2000
MAPS 1.1-1.6_URBAN EXPANSION IN ACCRA
BASED ON:ANGEL, S. ET AL. 2010.ATLAS OF URBAN EXPANSION, CAMBRIDGE, MA:LINCOLN INSTITUTE OF LAND POLICY
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4 INTRODUCTION
4.1 Background
The environmentally unjust urbanisation in Accra is rooted in the colonial times when a
clear divide was made between economic activities in the area inhabited by indigenous Ga commu-nities around the harbour (Old Accra) and resi-dential areas for the European settlers.
After independence in 1957, Accra’s port was relocated to Tema in order to reduce the migration pressures in the city. The former colonial administrative and residential areas around the European town and Central Business District
were reorganized and opened for commercial and residential uses. Consequently, Jamestown was no longer attractive for commercial activities and therefore no longer functioned as a development node. The densely populated borough was facing increasing levels of poverty, exacerbated by the economic recession in the 1980s. The margin-alisation of Old Accra continued as the liberali-sation policies since the 1980s have encouraged economic investment in suburban areas (Grant & Yankson, 2002).
4.2 Objectives
Today, fishing is the only significant economic sector remaining in Jamestown (Yeboah,
2008). The artisanal fishing communities have persisted in Accra since pre-colonial times coping with socio-economic, political and environmental pressures. The aim of this report, therefore, is to identify factors that contribute to and hinder resilience in the coastal communities in Accra in order to develop strategies towards adaptive governance of urban systems in coastal Accra.
The report begins by introducing the conceptual framework created and the main hypothesis developed; followed by a summary of the methodology used. An analysis of the key findings is presented in the succeeding chapter, which is followed by a set of strategies.
MAP 2_STUDY AREA
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ENVIRONMENTALLY JUST URBANISATION THROUGH URBAN AGRICULTURE
5 ANALYTICAL FRAMEWORK
5.1 Conceptual Framework
Urbanisation may be understood as a process of creating spaces that provide urban services
such as housing, jobs and infrastructure (Ernstson et al., 2010). This process is highly dynamic because it is shaped by perpetual changes in socio-cultural, economic, political, physical and environmental systems not only within the city, but also at the regional, national and global scale (Ernstson et al., 2010; Swyngedouw & Heynen, 2003). Systems are linked through material and informational fluxes (Swyngedouw & Heynen, 2003), hence changes in one system trigger changes in another. Ideally, fluxes between urban systems would create equi-librium such that changes in one system are compensated by another. In this ideal state, the urban social-ecological system would provide conditions for equal access to liveli-hoods and recognition of rights among all citizens (Figure 1).
In reality, however, the web of socio-ecological relations is highly dynamic and unequal urban geographies are constantly reshaped, reflecting cross-scale power relations amongst different urban actors (Cumming, Cumming & Redman 2006; Swyngedouw & Heynen, 2003). As a conse-quence of these complex and obscure rela-tions, the creation of benefits for some tends to result in vulnerabilities for others as the systems react.
For instance, the creation of economic oppor-tunities in Osu and suburban areas through structural adjustment programs (change in economic and political systems) has triggered
urbanisation and investment in infrastructure in these areas (changes in physical system), while no improvement was made in Old Accra/Ga Mashie area and Chorkor. Moreover, along with the commoditisation of ecosystems for urban purposes in the suburbs came the degradation of ecosystem services, such as natural storm-water drainage (changes in ecosystem). As a conse-quence, communities in the coastal area of Accra
have been facing a double risk of exposure to natural hazards of flooding and pollution, and loss in income opportunities (Bremer, 2002; Yeboah, 2000). These impacts have contributed to today’s
Economicsystem
Politicalsystem
Physicalsystem
Social-culturalsystem
Ecosystem
Recognitionof Rights
Livelihoods
Urban Social-ecological System
Environmental Justice
FIGURE 1_ANALYTICAL FRAMEWORK
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conditions of overcrowding and unemployment (change in socio-cultural system)(Yeboah, 2008).
Finally, the conditions of non-equilibrium and unpredictability of urban systems are exacerbated by uncertainties arising from migration, climate change and changes in the capacity of ecosystems to sustain services (Ernstson et al., 2010). In the coastal communities of Accra, this is felt most strongly in the decline of fish stocks in recent years, an outcome of industrialisation of the fishery sector, climate change and marine pollution.
Therefore, urban systems need to be concur-rently resilient to shocks and amenable to trans-formation, given the constantly changing envi-ronment (Ernstson et al., 2010; Walker et al., 2006). Only then can the negative impacts from (both planned and unplanned) changes in one or several systems on the marginalised commu-nities be prevented, thereby strengthening envi-ronmentally just forms of urbanisation. Planning for environmental justice in urban areas therefore requires an adaptive approach in governance rather than static solutions (Evans, 2011).
5.2 Hypothesis and Research Questions
The hypothesis developed in this report is: This hypothesis is analysed through the following research questions:
• How does the organisational structure of fishing communities contribute towards building resilience?
• How are the artisanal fisheries included in the city, and how do they contribute to food security and creation of livelihoods?
• What are the challenges in the fisheries contribution towards ecological resilience?
• What are the impacts of current urban planning initiatives on the coastal area?
• What is the vision among key stakeholders toward the future of the artisanal fisheries?
“Potentially, the artisanal fisheries in Jamestown and Chorkor can contribute to resil-ience at three levels: household, community and city level, through enhancement in livelihood strategies, organisational structures, food security and ecological resilience.”
These questions were particularly focused on the convergence and divergence of perceptions among the public authorities and decision-makers on one hand, and amongst the community members and other non-governmental actors on the other hand.
POLI AND TOGA CANOESPHOTOGRAPH BY CHIKA OHASHI
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ENVIRONMENTALLY JUST URBANISATION THROUGH URBAN AGRICULTURE
MAPPING EXERCISE IN JAMESTOWNPHOTOGRAPH BY MANDIRA THAKUR
In order to analyse the above stated ques-tions the group used different techniques. A
summary of the methodology used is provided in the table below:
However, the fieldwork was marked by certain limitations. Firstly, the research took place over a period of two weeks limiting the depth and scope of the research. Therefore, the study does not claim to have examined the said community in all its complexities. Secondly, gender, nation-ality and ethnicity may also have influenced the
direction and interpretation of the findings. The researchers hailing from different backgrounds had their own perceptions and consequent biases. Though the facilitators were of immense help, it was a challenge to interpret the problems. This is because some of them were policy implementers who have their own biases. Lastly, the presence of canoe owners (as they represent a higher level in the hierarchy) made it extremely difficult to reach the lower levels of the hierarchy to get their inputs during the focus group discussions.
STAGE I: SECONDARY STAGE I: SECONDARY STAGE I: SECONDARY STAGE I: SECONDARY RESEARCHRESEARCHRESEARCHRESEARCH
January – 26th April 2012
• Extensive secondary research together with lectures throughout
the term from the tutors helped to provide valuable insight
• This was used to define the research task and develop
hypothesis to be tested in the field work
STAGE II: FIELD WORKSTAGE II: FIELD WORKSTAGE II: FIELD WORKSTAGE II: FIELD WORK
27TH April- 10th May 2012
• Transect walks
• Focus group discussion with: - 2 Chief Fishermen
- Crew members in 2 groups of 6-7 fishermen
- Fishmongers 4-5 groups of 5-6 women
- Queen mother with secretary, vice-president of the
Tuesday Market Association
- Canoe Owners 1 group of 4
• One to one interviews and seminars with: - Environment Protection Agency (EPA)
- Fisheries Commission
- Asheidu-Keteke Sub-Metro
- Prof. Irene K Odotei
- Ga Mashie Development Agency (GAMADA)
- International Water Management Institute (IWMI)
- Institute of Local Government Studies
- People’s Dialogue
- Ghana’s Federation for the Urban Poor
- Town and Country Planning
• Participatory mapping exercises with groups of fishermen and
fishmongers
STAGE IIISTAGE IIISTAGE IIISTAGE III
14th May to 31st May 2012
• Data processing and analysis
• Output:
- Final Presentation
- Video
- Final Report
TABLE 1_METHODOLOGY
6 METHODOLOGY AND LIMITATIONS
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FISHERMEN IN CHORKORPHOTOGRAPH BY MANDIRA THAKUR
MAPPING EXERCISE IN JAMESTOWNPHOTOGRAPH BY MANDIRA THAKUR
FOCUS GROUP WITH MARKET WOMEN AND QUEEN MOTHERS IN CHORKORPHOTOGRAPH BY PAUL NII ANKAMAH ADJIN-TETTEY
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7 FINDINGS
7.1 Contributions to Resilience
Accra’s artisanal fishing communities do not merely provide employment opportu-
nities, but represent a traditionally and culturally embedded way of life, which is visible throughout the factors identified as building resilience, as explained below.
SOCIAL STRUCTURE
The fishing communities in Jamestown and Chorkor follow a typical structure (Figure 2)headed by a chief fisherman who is responsible for (1) representing the community at all levels (2) resolving disputes at community level (3) enforcing the traditional Tuesday ban on fishing. This ban is enforced all over the country and is linked to the very old tradition of considering Tuesday as a sacred day for the sea god.
The chief fisherman is followed by the canoe owner who selects the first Bosun (first captain)
and the second Bosun (second captain) among the crew. The crew members can number up to 20 in the case of poli canoes, which are the biggest in size. In relation to the resilience building capacities of the canoe owner, it was found that
Men sell the fish to the women
Women sell in the market
Women’s share(Profit margin)
Men’s share(Without profit)
Canoe owner
Crew members
Maintenance
50% to canoe owner’s wife/wives
50% to crew members’ wives
Processing
Savings groups
FIGURE 3_DYNAMICS IN SHARE OF THE CATCH
FIGURE 2_CUSTOMARY ORGANISATION
he is not only the owner and manager of the canoe but he has a social obli-gation to help crew members in times of crisis. Moreover, as it was highlighted by different inter-viewees, when a crew member gets married, the canoe owner sometimes provides accomodation for the newlyweds.
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DIVISION OF THE CATCH
According to the traditional practices, fishermen’s female relatives get the right of first refusal over the catch.
The division (Figure 3) reflects the social hier-archy: 50% of the catch goes to the canoe owner’s wife and the other 50% goes to the crewmembers’ wives. Women buy from men at a fixed rate set according to the supply and demand, depending on a bounteous or meagre season. They often buy on credit from the men and then sell the produce in the markets. The revenue without profit margin is subsequently divided into three equal parts: one third to the canoe owner, one third is shared between the crewmembers and the remaining is kept for maintenance of the canoe and the gears. The profit margin is retained by the women, who usually form savings groups in Chorkor.
WOMEN’S ROLE
As fish traders, women are very important because they are the ones who determine the price paid for the catch. They work to achieve the best final price for the product and hence translate fish into money.
As fish processors, their activity is embedded in the food culture of the population, which demands the fish to appear in a certain marketable form: smoked fish that can last 7-8 months; salted or fried fish (less common) that can last up to 1-2 months.
STRUCTURES OF RESILIENCE
FISHMONGERS SCALING FRESH FISH IN JAMESTOWNPHOTOGRAPH BY MANDIRA THAKUR
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This becomes more important considering that these communities do not have cooling facil-ities and in case of bumper harvest, the fish need to be processed quickly to avoid deterioration. In this regard, women can be considered one of the main actors providing food security not only to their communities but to the city as a whole.
As bankers, women provide the money needed to purchase and upgrade inputs. This is crucial in such an informal sector, where fish-ermen have many constraints on borrowing money from professional lenders since they don’t have a regular income due to wide seasonal fluctu-ations. In general, fishing communities have low
incomes, about two thirds of national per capita income (Bortei-Doku, 2000). In order to carry out the role of informal lenders, women usually form savings groups which are the major source of interest-free loans for the fishermen. In Chorkor, women are organised in 4-5 groups of 100 each, subdivided into groups of 30, headed by a queen mother.
In summary, the fishing community is built along very strong ties. The husbands serve as an important source of credit for their wives when the fish is sold to the women. The women, on the other hand, serve as a major source of interest-free loans for the fishermen. Furthermore, the women
integrate the fish into the city.
POLITICAL CAPITAL
The artisanal fisheries sector is represented at national level by the Ghana National Canoe Fishermen Council (GNCFC), which is part of the National Fisheries Association of Ghana (NAFAG), within which the industrial and semi-industrial fisheries sectors are also represented.
Each fishing community is represented by its traditional Chief Fisherman appointed to sit in a regional artisanal fishermen committee. These committees are united in the Union, which repre-sents the artisanal fishermen in the Ministry of Fisheries and other organisations. The Council distributes the fishing subsidies to the fishermen and imposes a small levy on those inputs. In this way, the Council has some resources to work with (FAO, 2007). Furthermore, there are also Community Based Management Committees (CBMCs) formed by representatives from Government, Chief Fishermen and community members. The main idea is to enable a flow of information by allowing the members to voice their concerns.
FISHMONGER SHOWING CHORKOR SMOKING OVENPHOTOGRAPH BY MANDIRA THAKUR
NATIONWIDE LANDINGS OF CATCH BY SECTOR IN GHANAIAN WATERSSOURCE: ATTA-MILLS 2004
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7.2 Hindrances to Resilience
Although the factors elaborated above make the fishing communities of Jamestown and
Chorkor resilient, they still face certain threats.
WEAKNESSES OF POLITICAL CAPITAL
Given the advantages of the political capital, the fieldwork however also revealed many impedi-ments created by the same. Many of the canoe owners interviewed were dissatisfied with the Chief being the only one able to legally represent them at national level. This is because of the hereditary nature of the chieftaincy ensuring the restriction of political capital to certain families.
This can some-times lead to the appointment of a Chief who was not traditionally a fish-erman, creating disputes as it is felt that the lack of experience in fishing will lead to a lack of understanding of the fishermen’s problems and therefore to a scant representation of the community’s real needs.
IMPACTS HINDERING RESILIENCE
SEWER OUTFALL INTO KORLE LAGOON (OLD FADAMA)PHOTOGRAPH BY MANDIRA THAKUR
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In response to this issue, the canoe owners formed the Canoe Owners Union (COU). This however, is still not represented at the National level (cf. Figure 4). Furthermore, even the CBMCs have been discarded over the years. Therefore, there seems to be growing dissent amongst the community members with respect to their representation.
GAPS IN THE MANAGEMENT OF THE
ECOSYSTEM AND PHYSICAL SYSTEM
Environmental degradation has severe impli-cations for the coastal areas which are particu-larly vulnerable. Coastal vulnerability is further exacerbated by climate change. The increasing sealing and compressing of soils in upstream areas enhances surface water runoff, increasing flood risk particularly in river mouths. As a result of inadequate drains, dumping of refuse into drains and development on vulnerable areas, seasonal flooding is nowadays occurring almost annually in Accra and is particularly strong in the coastal area (cf. Appendix 1.1) (Twumasi & Asomani-Boateng, 2002).
As a result, the majority of the untreated indus-trial and household waste water is discharged, converting water streams into open sewers (cf.
Appendix 1.2). Again, Jamestown and Chorkor are the final points of discharge of this contami-nated water. Solid waste dumping in open drains also increases the risks of flooding (Baabereyir,, 2009). This is heightened by wide-spread lack of awareness on waste management at household and community level. In particular, the informal dumping of non-degradable plastic bags (e.g. water sachets) creates a problem of blockage and pollution. The outfalls of sewers and open dumping sites in the study area are shown in Appendix 1.3.
Moreover, the shoreline in these areas has been constantly eroding at a rate of 1.7 metres per year over the past decades (Addo, 2009), which is likely to increase further. Climate change has also created changes in up-welling patterns leading to further depletion of the fish stock.
INCREASING COMPETITION WITH SEMI-INDUSTRIAL TRAWLERS
The tragedy of commons further hinders the resilience of the community. Semi-industrial trawlers tend to ignore the demar-cation of the sea waters and intrude into the 30 metre depth zone while using illegal fishing methods such as light fishing, and in the process destroying the nets of the artisanal fishermen.
This has created many conflicts between the semi-industrial trawlers and artisanal canoes. As pointed out during an interview with the Greater Accra regional director, Scott Apawudza, the Government has tried to offer ‘out of court’ settlements by creating arbitration committees. However, due to the recognition given to the trawlers (as they help in generating foreign exchange through their exports), these committees are often accused of favouring the industrial sector.
OPEN SEWER IN CHORKOR, FILLED WITH RUBBISHPHOTOGRAPH BY SANTA PEDONE
THE PROBLEM OF LIGHTFISHING, DESCRIBED BY PAUL NII ANKAMAH ADJIN-TETTEY PHOTOGRAPH BY SANTA PEDONE
GRAPH 1_LOSS IN CATCH OF HERRING BETWEEN 2000 AND 2009SOURCE: FAO 2009
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CURRENT POLICIES AND INSTITUTIONAL GAPS
The implementation of infrastructure and services for urban environmental management is mainly the responsibility of the AMA/GAMA, and is regulated through the EPA (Environmental Protection Agency Act 1994; Environmental Assessment Regulations 1999) and the Water Resource Commission (WRC) (Water Resource Commission Act 1996). Additional services are provided by private companies such as Zoomlion Ghana Limited (ZGL), a national company for solid waste management. Projects in infrastructure have further been initiated and implemented by international aid agencies and companies. However, today such projects have not been sustained due to a lack of commitment and coordination among different institutions involved. As a consequence, the infrastructure
needed for adequate service provision in water and waste management is lacking. A disastrous example of this omnipresent failure in environ-mental management in Accra is the disfunc-tional high-tech waste water treatment plant and Marine Disposal Site “Lavender Hill” at the Korle Lagoon (cf. Appendix 2.1). Internationally designed initiatives such as the Millennium City Initiative (MCI) are shaping current visions of urban development in Accra. The latter has a particular impact on coastal communities as one of its core projects is the regeneration of the harbour in Jamestown.
The analysis of discourse in the MCI and among interview partners from AMA and private waste management companies reveals that current actions and visions for urban development conceive the city’s coastal area as an aesthetic asset and are focused on creating visible changes,
COPING STRATEGIES
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ENVIRONMENTALLY JUST URBANISATION THROUGH URBAN AGRICULTURE
whereas the underlying vulnerabilities are by and large ignored. For instance the cleaning up activ-ities of beaches by Zoil (a subsidiary of Zoomlion) is limited to solid waste collection on beaches, but no action is taken to reduce the pollution from liquid waste. Likewise, the proposal of the MCI is to protect artisanal fishing communities for their value as cultural heritage but without acknowl-edging the likely socio-cultural implications of such development initiatives.
The government has also laid down some laws with respect to fishing specified under the Fisheries Act 2002 and the Fisheries Regulations 2010 (L.I. 1986). Besides the statutory laws the fishing community is also self-governed by ‘customary laws’ (cf. Appendix 2.2).
The statutory fisheries policies appear to be limited to the management of fish stocks, and once again, like the urban policies, ignore the socio-economic importance together with the gender-based division of labour in these commu-nities. This is exemplified by the failed attempt to introduce a wholesale market in the community (Bortei-Doku, 1993) which would bypassing the crucial role of women.
Despite the existence of policies, different stakeholders (Figure 4.) and statutory and customary laws there is still a crucial missing link. Current policies are poorly implemented in the local context of Accra, let alone in the
coastal communities of Jamestown and Chorkor, assemblies and sub-metro offices. Policies/plans/programmes (PPPs) (cf. Appendix 2) are designed sector-wise at regional, national and international level, whereas their implementation is transferred to district and local assemblies who lack capacity in skills, resources and time.
The complexities of PPPs are particularly strong in the context of the communities analysed, where urban and marine policies accumulate. The lack of coordination amongst different govern-mental bodies creates overlapping of authorities leading to shirking of responsibilities.
7.3 Coping and Adaptation Strategies
In order to face the challenges presented in the previous section, the fishing communities have
developed some coping strategies, which can be summarized as follows:
• The decreasing fish stocks and the subse-quent loss in income have pushed the fishermen to migrate seasonally in search of greater catch. Besides increasing income, this strategy allows them to save money by avoiding some of the social and economic obligations (cf. Obeng, 2010).
• Another way of bypassing the social structure, which in the lean season represents an obstacle for many fishermen, is the practice of landing on other landing beaches, where they can sell the catch to the highest bidder. This helps them to avoid sharing the catch with the canoe owner.
• Reduced catches and competition with indus-trial and semi-industrial trawlers dictate the necessity to use illegal fishing techniques such as light fishing in order to attract more fish as
MOFAFisheries
Comission
Fisheries Act, 2002
Fisheries Regulations, 2010
EPA
ACCRA METROPOLITAN
ASSEMBLY
WASTE
MAN
AGEM
ENT
NAFAGNational Inland
Canoe Fishermen Council
Co-operative Fisheries
Association
Ghana National Canoe Fishermen
Council
Ghana National Canoe Owners’
Union ACADEMIARESEARCHERSIWMISWITCH National Federation of the
Urban Poor
MILLENNIUM CITY INITIATIVE
Trawlers Association
People’s Dialogue
FIGURE 4_STAKEHOLDER MAP
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COASTAL ACCRA
a desperate measure. This has also encouraged the use of nets with illegal mesh sizes (allowing fishermen to exploit juvenile fish) together with disregard of the traditional fishing ban on Tuesdays.
• Formation of women’s saving groups as explained earlier.
• Creation of COU in order to compensate for the lack of representativeness of the Canoes’ Fishermen Council to which only Chiefs have access.
• Fishmongers use coconut shells in order to replace the costly firewood for the Chorkor ovens.
• Women buy and process imported frozen fish, in Tema especially during the lean season.
• The necessity to fish in deeper waters and the need to adapt to new technologies have encouraged the useage of outboard motors (introduced in 1956).
WOMEN BUYING FROZEN FISH FROM TEMA FOR PROCESSINGPHOTOGRAPH BY SANTA PEDONE
REUSE OF PLASTIC BAGS AS SHELTER FROM SUNPHOTOGRAPH BY CHIKA OHASHI
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ENVIRONMENTALLY JUST URBANISATION THROUGH URBAN AGRICULTURE
JAMESTOWNPHOTOGRAPH BY MANDIRA THAKUR
7.4 Interim Conclusion
In summary, the lack of participation by the traditional fishing community, poor represen-
tation within this community, lack of recognition of their traditional structures and their importance for the city implies ‘no protection’ of the interests of coastal communities. The question raised is:
‘Who protects the coastal ecosystem which is a source of livelihood for the communities residing there? Who provides food security and are a key contributor to the resilience of the city?’
Two main conclusions can be drawn from the analysis of the findings. Firstly, processes at the scale of the city, at National and at global level seem to be the root cause of vulnerabilities created in coastal communities. However, as traditional structures become weakened, dynamics within the community are likewise contributing to a loss in
resilient structures. Secondly, processes of urbani-sation have had negative impacts particularly on the ecological and the socio-cultural systems.
There is thus a need for a paradigm shift in planning of coastal social-ecological systems in Accra towards “human-in-the-environment perspectives” (Folke, 2006: 263) which would integrate not only urban but also marine policy making. In the present context of fragmented planning and overlapping responsibilities, this seems to be a major obstacle in Accra.
Nevertheless, the analysis of current proposals, initiatives and informal actctivities allows us to identify room for manoeuvre (cf. Appendix 3). In particular the Guinnea Current Large Marine Ecosystem Project (GCLME) provides a useful framework for improved integration of urban coastal management issues. Strategies for imple-mentation of this project in the specific context of Accra’s artisanal fishing communities are proposed in the following section.
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COASTAL ACCRA
8 STRATEGIES
8.1 Introduction
The fieldwork findings showed that gaps in coordination across institutions and lack
of public participation are currently hindering Accra’s coastal communities from adapting to the changes.
In order to overcome these hindrances, planning for Accra’s coastal communities needs to shift to a more cross-sectoral approach, inte-grating regional and local PPPs (cf. Appendix 2) ranging from waste management, environ-mental planning, freshwater management, marine resource management to urban development. The involvement of multiple stakeholders, including the communities themselves as well as other formal and informal institutions, throughout the process of design and implementation of plans would be the key to success for an integrated approach that enables adaptive governance.
INTEGRATED COASTAL MANAGEMENT
Two examples of such approaches are the Integrated Coastal Zone Management (ICZM) and the Integrated Coastal Resource Management (ICRM), which have emerged as successful strategies to reduce the multidimensional pres-sures currently degrading the coastal ecosystems in Accra (Kay & Alder, 2005). The approach is to coordinate competing uses in coastal areas through spatial zoning and participative stake-holder planning and implementation.
In Ghana, the framework of ICZM has been introduced at national level through the Guinea Current Large Marine Ecosystem (GCLME), (cf.
Appendix 3.1). However, similar to most ICZM projects worldwide, this is currently focused on rural areas, and therefore fails to fully address the double burden of urban and marine pressures that communities in Jamestown and Chorkor are facing.
NEXT STEPS
The lessons learnt in the pilot implementaion of ICM in urban areas in the Philippines have highlighted the importance of a multi-stake-holder taskforce drawing members from public and private organisations and the community. (PEMSEA, 2006). Therefore, the current proposal to create a similar body in the form of a ‘District FIshery Assembly’ must be ratified.
GCLME recommended that strategic action be taken in several areas. Among them, four can be identified as crucial to achieve the objec-tives of ICM in the context of Accra. These are improvement of livelihoods, waste management, resource management and the creation of employment opportunities. Activities for imple-mentation of strategic action in these areas are suggested to link existing PPPs and activities at regional, urban and community level with GCLME projects, as outlined in the following chapter. For the strategies proposed, and for waste management in particular, the currently imple-mented GCLME pilot project on Waste Stock Management in Ghana (cf. Annex 3) provides a supportive context.
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ENVIRONMENTALLY JUST URBANISATION THROUGH URBAN AGRICULTURE
8.2 Improvement of Livelihoods
Though the plan for regeneration of the harbour (MCI, cf. Appendix 2.1.1) is still ‘a
work in progress’, it has presently created a lot of dissatisfaction amongst the Ga community. In this regard a first step has been taken by the NGO Ga Mashie Development Agency (GAMADA) by establishing a conflict management plan aiming at providing solutions to any dissent created.
This plan requires the involvement of a larger spectrum of stakeholders than it currently includes such as the Fisheries Commission and COU and, most importantly, the community members.
The focus group discussions should be inter-active so as to allow cross flow of information. Selection of day and timing must be such so as to
ensure maximum participation by all. To fulfil this objective, the NGO People’s Dialogue on Human Settlements (PD) and the CBMCs can provide the much needed impetus. The group’s fieldwork revealed that Saturday was the most suitable day as this is the least productive day for both men and women.
ROLE OF FISHMONGERS
Fishmongers have a considerable potential to develop entrepreneurial skills. It is suggested that any future attempt to enhance the artisanal fishery value chain should first assess its impacts on the organisational structure, which is crucial for the survival of the sector itself. So far, no such
STRATEGY FOR LIVELIHOODS ACTIONS INDICATORS ACTORS TIME-SCALE • Participation of fishermen
and fishmongers in the planning and the implementation of regeneration of the harbour
• To ensure creation of jobs in uploading and regeneration doesn’t hinder their work
• Invitation disseminated through radio; suggested time of meetings Saturday
• Number of meetings at all stages
• Participation methods documented
• Number of participants from different groups
• Fisheries Commission • Earth Institute/Developers • District Fisheries Assembly • Queen mother and
fishmongers • Canoe Owners Council • Chief-fishermen and
fishermen • People’s Dialogue • Community based
management committees
Long Term
• Creation of Saving Groups in Jamestown
• Number of savings group formed
• Ghana Federation of the Urban poor
Long Term
Community
• Making charcoal from coconut shells collected as waste to be used as a substitute for firewood bought from inland by the fishmongers
• Number of coconut shell charcoal production sites
• The amount of charcoal produced
• The reduction in the purchase of fuel-wood
• Community members • Federation of the Urban
Poor • NGOs • Universities
MediumTerm
TABLE 2_STRATEGY FOR LIVELIHOOD
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COASTAL ACCRA
assessment has been carried out by the authorities. Also the Ghana Federation of the Urban Poor (GHAFUP) could help in the enhancement of savings groups, which at the moment are not widespread (Mrs. Arday-Acquah, the groups facilitator and representative of GHAFUP, expressed an interest in engaging in this area).
ALTERNATIVE LIVELIHOOD STRATEGY: USE OF COCONUT SHELLS TO MAKE CHARCOAL
Besides the creation of cold storage facilities (as suggested by MCI), a community level adaptation can be achieved in short to medium term. One of the possible strategies could be the use of charcoal made from coconut shells. This can possibly serve as a more sustainable measure of livelihoods and resource management in fish processing of Chorkor and Jamestown.
The commercial practice of carbonising coconut shells to charcoal exists in Ghana (Hall, 2012). However, this is not widely acknowledged in the communities.
In Nigeria, there have been attempts to replace raw fuel wood with sawdust (Akande et al., 2005) in order stop the destruction of mangroves.
The production of coconut shell charcoal is considered more sustainable than buying fuel wood because: it protects the forest, it reduces transport costs, provides livelihood opportunities (coconuts can be bought from local coconut collectors and processed into charcoal at the smoking location). Thus, there can be a reliable supply because of the close proximity to the smoking site. Furthermore, coconut shell charcoals provide better product quality with better texture and sweet smell to the smoked fish.
8.3 Waste Management
DESIGNING THE STRATEGY
Based on the key stakeholders identified in the pilot project of the GCLME (cf. Annex 3), a committee for the design of actions and their implementation should include stake-holders from the public sector (AMA, sub-metro officers, EPA), the private sector like Gbi Hanjer Ghana Limited.(cf. Appendix 3), NGOs and the community, represented through the COU and women’s savings groups. This committee should be linked to the national GCLME Project on “Combating Living Resources Depletion and
FUEL-WOODS FOR FISH SMOKING IN CHORKORPHOTOGRAPH BY CHIKA OHASHI
SOLID WASTE IN KORLE LAGOONPHOTOGRAPH BY EMMANUAL-MARK MC HANSEN
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ENVIRONMENTALLY JUST URBANISATION THROUGH URBAN AGRICULTURE
WASTE MANAGEMENT1 ACTIONS INDICATORS ACTORS2 TIME-SCALE
RECYCLING AND EMPLOYMENT DIVERSIFICATION OPPORTUNITIES NATIONAL
• Encourage industry to use recyclable plastics, making mandatory the existing proposal of adding biodegradable additives
• Number of companies using recyclable plastics
• Number of compounds participating
• Number of facilities created
• EPA (for monitoring and record keeping)
• National Association of the Sachet Water Producers
• Ghana Plastic Management Association
•
Long Term
• Training of teachers to educate primary school children about the environment, and environmental management at household level
• Number of teachers trained
• AMA • Community
Medium Term
CITY • Creating facilities and
markets for re-use and recycling
• Number of recycling facilities in use
• Gbi Hanjer Ghana Limited and other private waste management companies
• Producers of plastic products
• Organisations such as Global Mamas
Long Term
COMMUNITY • Sea clean-up days on
which Fishermen take plastic waste to the beach instead of throwing it back into the sea
• Canoe owners council publish who participated and create a competition
• Amount of recyclable bags collected
• Canoe owner’s council • ZOIL
Short Term
• Creation of collection facilities at the compound level
• Number of collection facilities created in compounds
• AMA submetro offices Ashiedu Keteke and Ablekuma South
• Community members, particularly women
Medium Term
1 Refer to Appendix 2.1.3 2 Additional actors and responsibilities are recommended to be specified by the executive committee on waste management
TABLE 2_STRATEGY FOR WASTE MANAGEMENT
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COASTAL ACCRA
Coastal Area Degradation” within which a network has been set up to develop strategies on waste collection, disposal and recycling by the private sector in Ghana.
By bringing together these various stakeholders, existing proposals (e.g. SWITCH project (Adank, Darteh et al., 2011), the GCLME project), initia-tives (e.g. Accra Sewerage Improvement Project (OCIN, 2005) and informal actions (e.g. coconut shells for reuse in smoking Chorkor ovens) can be merged into one coherent strategy.
Activities should be prioritised and include the replacement of current non-degradable water sachets with biodegradable plastics through formal regulation, as well as the creation of recy-cling markets to encourage formal and informal engagement in recycling activities. The latter strategy combines the creation of employment opportunities and economic benefits created at city and national level for small and medium scale enterprises.
Additional activities should focus on awareness raising through education of school children (to trigger a long term change) and through immediate actions such as “sea clean up days”, in reference to Zoil’s clean-up of beaches . On such days, fishermen could be encouraged to collect plastic caught with the fish and bring it to the shore instead of throwing it back into the sea which is currently a common practice. Incentives could be the nomination of the most environmentally friendly fisherman through the publications and awards by the COU.
LIQUID WASTE MANAGEMENT
Although the direct impact of contaminated waters on decline in marine fish stocks was neglected by most interviewees, including repre-sentatives of the EPA and MoFA, a strategy for management of liquid waste is likewise important in order to maintain and improve livelihoods in coastal communities, and to prevent any
impact on fish stock from liquid waste that has not been documented to date. In this context it is to be recommended that the Riparian Buffer Zone Policy is implemented in the entire Densu River water basin not only through integration of riparian land use criteria in land use planning and environmental assessments of future projects, but also through revision of existing permits for water extraction and use based on these criteria. More comprehensive monitoring of water pollution is moreover considered crucial for effective liquid waste management, engaging stakeholders in both freshwater and marine water management (i.e. WRC, EPA, MoFA, Fisheries Comission, farmers and fishermen). A starting point for a more comprehensive monitoring would be a register of waters returned to water streams, based on the data gathered by the WRC when granting permits. This could be complemented by meas-urement of water qualities, in order to establish separate thresholds for return of contaminated waters for each water stream discharged in Accra. A strong colaboration between research institutes and governmental institutions is recommended for the latter.
SIDE STRATEGY: USING ORGANIC WASTE FROM FISH PROCESSING AS COMPOST
As a side strategy, good management of organic waste can help in reducing financial and stake-holder pressures on coastal communities. Much of the waste generated during fish processing (fish intestines) is commonly discarded, generating negative impacts such as unhygienic conditions in the landing beaches and markets. Composting of the discarded waste products is a useful way of reclaiming nutrients from organic refuse. It saves valuable landfill space and possible contamination of land and water due to leaching. It improves soil conditions and can be used as a fertilizer in UA and coastal regeneration (Chirapaisarnkul, 2011).
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ENVIRONMENTALLY JUST URBANISATION THROUGH URBAN AGRICULTURE
8.4 RESOURCE MANAGEMENT
REGENERATION OF NURSERY FOR JUVENILE FISH FOR THE FUTURE SUSTAINABLE FISH STOCK
In order to ensure the future sustainability of fish stocks harvested by the traditional fishing communities in Accra, there is a need to create a city linkage connecting Accra with fishing communities in Jamestown and Chorkor.
Despite the ecological benefits of preserving their resources, including mangroves that serve as sites of nursery for marine juvenile fish, wetlands have been widely used as waste lands or considered as areas served for mosquitoes breeding (Ministry of Lands and Forestry, 2001). There has been indiscriminate exploitation of wetlands due to lack of regulation. The recog-nition of the importance of wetlands with Ramsar Convention (1971) gradually came into force, and
RESOURCE MANAGEMENT ACTIONS
INDICATORS ACTORS TIME-SCALE
Enforcement of Customary Law and Fisheries Law • Better coordination
in monitoring and enforcement of laws though District Fishery Assemblies
• Fish stock: Introducing fishing log system of catch at two layers by fishermen and authorities
• Monitoring: Continuous implementation of monitoring on discharge and sea water quality
• EPA • MOFA • NAFAG • Fisheries Commission • Community-Based
Fisheries Management Committees
• Canoe Owners Council • WRC • AMA • Universities
Mid-Long term
Creation of nursery for juvenile fish for the future sustainable fishstock • Mangrove
Restoration • Creation of management
plan (Plan for nursery site/community-based management)
• Develop a mechanism that moderates the participatory process that involves wide stakeholders and local communities
• Provide a strategic plan of action ensuring the establishment of user rights and self monitoring processes by local communities
• Implementation of mangrove restoration
• Capacity development among engaged stakeholders
• The amount of fish stock regenerated
• Wildlife Department • Ministry of Environment • Science and Technology • EPA • District and Metropolitan
Assemblies • Ministry of Food and
Agriculture • Survey and Meteorological
Services Department • Ministry of Lands and
Forestry • Forestry Department • Council for Scientific and
Industrial Research (CSIR) • Centre for African
Wetlands Management (to coordinate wetlands research for the West African sub-region)
• Water Resources Commission
• Densu Basin Board • Ghana Education Service • Universities • NGOs (e.g. Ghana Wildlife
Division)
Mid-Long term
TABLE 2_STRATEGY FOR RESOURCE MANAGEMENT
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COASTAL ACCRA
MAP 3_PROPOSAL FOR MANGROVE RESTORATION
therefore the Ministry of Lands and Forestry has established the national wetlands conservation strategy, managing Ghana’s wetlands: a National Wetlands Conservation Strategy (1999).
Therefore, effective mangrove restoration programmes will be a key to regenerate fish stock by restoring more breeding and feeding sites of the juvenile marine fish species which eventually
add to the sustainability of fish stock of the Greater Accra Region. To achieve this, initia-tives related to sustainable management of coastal resources need to be coordinated at city, regional and national levels as well as at sub-regional level, such as GCLME and the West and Central African Regional Seas Programme (WACAF) by UNEP.
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ENVIRONMENTALLY JUST URBANISATION THROUGH URBAN AGRICULTURE
9 Conclusion
In the past, traditional fishing communities of Jamestown and Chorkor have been resilient to
political, economic and environmental changes due to their strong socio-cultural structures and adaptive capacity. Today, however, gaps in policy implementation and the neo-liberal forms of urban development undermine the resilience of these communities. In order to gain an understanding of their contribution to the resilience of Accra, the study developed a conceptual framework which was used to analyse the findings. It was found that they are forced to adopt short-term coping strat-egies which are often not sustainable. Therefore, in order to maintain their resilience in the future, these communities need to be protected. In order to achieve this objective, the strategy suggested in the study, is an integrated management of urban and marine systems.
However, given the limitations of the study and the importance of this community together with the unique urban setting of Accra, further research must be conducted in the future. This must be with respect to:
• Assessing the impacts of constantly changing environmental interactions related to changes in up-welling, destruction of wetland areas, coastal erosion and flooding on the livelihoods of the communities.
• Monitoring the changing dynamics of stake-holder interactions over time.
• Close monitoring of the water quality both in the sea and freshwater by measuring Chemical Oxygen Demand (COD), Biological Oxygen Demand (BOD) and others.
• At regional level the saturation of the artisanal fishery sector, the ensuing unemployment among the fishermen combined with high migration rate to GAMA have been verified (Atta Mills, op. cit; Obeng, 2012). Therefore, future research should investigate fishermen unemployment rate in Ga Mashie and assess migration trends in order to establish if a coherent strategy for employment diversification is needed.
CHILDREN PLAYING ON A CANOEPHOTOGRAPH BY CHIKA OHASHI
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COASTAL ACCRA
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APPENDICES
1. Maps1.1. Flood risk1.2. Pollution1.3. Land use in fishing communities
2. Plans, Programs, Policies 2.1. Urban environmental management2.1.1. Millennium City Initiative and Harbour Regeneration2.1.2. Solid Waste Management2.1.3. Waste Water Management2.1.4. Environmental Monitoring2.2. Regulatory Framework for the Fishing Industry
3. Room for manoeuvre to bridge gaps3.1 Summary of GCLME
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43
COASTAL ACCRA
1. Maps
1.1 Flood Risk
1.2 Pollution
1.3 Land Use in Fishing Communities in Jamestown and Chorkor
44
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45
COASTAL ACCRA
2. Plans, Programs, Policies (PPPs)
2.1. URBAN PLANNING AND ENVIRONMENTAL MANAGEMENT
2.1.1. ENVIRONMENTAL MANAGEMENT AND MONITORING
Environmental Assessment Regulations 1999
Through extending environmental permits based on an environmental impact assessment(EIA), the EPA regulates the introduction of waste waters into the environment (Environmental Assessment Regulations 1999, Part I, 1-2).
Water Resource Commission Act 1996
Upstream water pollution is moreover regulated by the water resource commission responsible for regulation and management of water utili-zation, e.g. through the issue of permits for water utilization and through enforcement of riparian buffer zones.
Permits for water extraction are currently granted by the WRC, based on assessment of sustainability of extraction in terms of quantity of water extracted and state of the water returned to public streams. While this procedure helps to prevent heavily polluted waters to be returned into streams, it does not take into account the accumulation of pollution from multiple points of discharge of medium polluted waters. Moreover, extraction for subsistance agriculture is exempted from the requirement of a permit, hence there is hardly any control over pollution from agricul-tural waste. A severe problem in managing liquid waste is poor monitoring of water quality: While permits of extraction are overlooked in a register, no such register exists for the quantity and quality of waters returned (WRC representative, personal communication 2012). The quality of freshwater bodies is monitored only where water is extracted for potable use. That way it is currently difficult to identify the most problematic sources of contami-nation affecting water streams in Accra.
Riparian Buffer Zone Policy For Managing Freshwater Bodies in Ghana
The Riparian Buffer Zone Policy For Managing Freshwater Bodies in Ghana (2011) imple-mented by the WRC under the Ministry of Water Resources, Works and Housing, provides a framework for managing cumulative water pollution through the restriction of contami-nating uses around water bodies. The policy does however not specify strategies for implementation in areas that are already in problematic use (cf. MWRWH 2011).
2.1.2. WASTE WATER MANAGEMENT
Implementation of waste water related regula-tions is the responsibility of the AMA, with additional services provided by private companies and through self-supply. The current sewerage system is limited to central areas of the city, mainly around Makola market and the ministries. The system is connected to a UASB (Up-flow Anaerobic Sludge Blanket) waste water treatment plant in Jamestown/Korle Lagoon, designed and constructed by international companies from the Netherlands and the UK. However, the plant broke down in 2004, one year after its operation was handed over to the AMA (Adank, 2011). Since then, black waters are discharged without treatment into Korle Lagoon, and from there into the ocean. In addition to waters from sewers, septic tanks are emptied into the outfall of Korle Lagoon at the Marine Disposal Site (“Lavender Hill”). The high concentrations of organic and chemical pollutants have converted Korle Lagoon into a dead water body, and have led to depletion of fish stock around the outfall of the Lagoon. The site is planned to be closed in June 2012, and will be converted into a compostation plant.
Along the coastline, outfalls of open sewers discharge grey waters into the sea.
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2.1.3. SOLID WASTE MANAGEMENT
Solid waste management is in the responsibility of the AMA, within the Waste Management Department (WMD). The authority contracts private companies such as Zoomlion Ghana Ltd for picking up waste in the city. Within Zoomlion, Zoil specialises on the cleaning up of beaches. In Jamestown, Zoil is contracted by the AMA submetro division of Ashiedo Keteke to pick up waste on a daily basis and manage a waste container. Zoil further facilitates occasional clean-up days by providing gears. According to the company, waste collected is brought to dumping sites; however, burning on site seems to be common practice in Jamestown.
In addition to clean-ups, the company is engaged in managing problems of open defe-cation through provision of sanitation facilities and coastal guards to enforce the prohibition of open defecation in Jamestown beach.
The vision of Zoil is to “restore clean beaches to become a Millennium City” (Fataw Giwah, Regional coordinator of Zoil).
Informally collected waste from natural products (sugarcane, maize, coconuts) is used to sell to fishmongers as substitutes for firewood in Chorkor.
“In low income fishing communities, solid wastes including sugar cane leftovers, dry corncobs, and coconut shells are used to smoke fish in open ovens. The collection of these wastes provides employment for people who collect them for sale to fish smokers.“ (Owusu et al., 2003)
2.1.2. THE MILLENNIUM CITY INITIATIVE
The Millennium Cities Initiative (MCI) of the Earth Institute (2011), Columbia University was founded by the world-renowned Development Economist, Jeffrey D. Sachs as the Urban Counterpart of the Millennium Villages Project and an outgrowth of the national level work carried out by the United Nations Millennium City Project. MCI’s core mission is to help under-served cities across sub-Saharan Africa to complete Urban Transformations which are essential to
attaining the MDGs including the fundamental goal of halving extreme poverty by 2015.
The MCI’s top priorities are to attract domestic and FDIs that can create jobs, stimulate domestic enterprise and increase prosperity through more efficient agricultural production and agro-processing, improved manufacturing and a wider array of export markets (Obeng, 2012). The other key area of focus is on bettering the lives of citizens by helping to improve the delivery of such essential public services as water and sani-tation, good safe schools and properly equipped health facilities.
Within the MCI, two successive urban planning, policy and design workshops have been undertaken to date addressing Accra’s public health system and studies on waste-to-energy and bus rapid transit options, solid waste composting, the region-wide e-waste industry now headquar-tered in Accra, and the history of land use policy for the city. Design proposals for improvement of residential and commercial sites in Ga Mashie envisage improvement of water provision services through water towers, market-oriented devel-opment of commercial areas and development of the waterfront for touristic use.
The current designs include fishing and related activities as important livelihood strategies, but do not provide visions for protection of the arti-sanal fishery.
2.2 REGULATORY FRAMEWORK FOR THE FISHING INDUSTRY
Fisheries Act, 2002 Act 625
Provides the fisheries regulation and management and the development of the fishing industry though sustainable use of fishery resources
“FISHING ZONES, GEAR, METHODS AND MANNING OF MOTOR FINING VESSELS
Section 82. Destruction of fishing gear of artisanal fishermen in inshore exclusive zone (1) A person
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aboard a motor fishing vessel shall not destroy or damage an appropriately marked fishing gear of an artisanal fisherman inside the zone. (3) full compensation for the destroyed gear either in kind or in cash, and adequate compensation for lost fishing time.
Section 81. Establishment of zones and prohi-bition of fishing inside zones (2) The zone shall be used exclusively by small semi-industrial vessels, canoes and recreational fishing vessels. (3) A person shall not use a large semi-industrial vessel or industrial fishing vessel for fishing inside the zone. (5) A towing gear shall not be used in a thirty-metre zone or the depth prescribed by the Regulations.
FISHING ACTIVITIES
Section 84. Closed seasons (1) The Commission may by notice in the Gazette declare closed seasons, including their duration, for fishing in specified areas of the coastal waters or the reverie system. (2) A declaration made under subsection (1) shall be given reasonable publicity and, where possible, shall be given in advance of the closed season.
CONSERVATION MEASURES
Section 89. Protection of gravid and juvenile lobsters, other crustacean and other juvenile fish (1) A person shall not during fishing know-ingly take any: (c) juvenile fish. (2) Where a fish mentioned in subsection (1) is caught accidentally or as a by-catch it shall immediately be returned to the sea, river or lake. (3) A person who contra-venes this section commits an offence and is liable on summary conviction to a fine and in addition, the catch, fishing gear or any other apparatus or any combination of them used in the commission of the offence may be forfeited to the Republic.
Section 92. Pollution of fishery waters A person who directly or indirectly introduces a deleterious substance into the fishery waters which adversely affects the habitat or health of the fish or any other living aquatic resource commits an offence and is liable on summary conviction to a fine.”
The Act failed to raise issues such as harmful fishing practices such as light fishing and pair
trawling on artisanal and semi-industrial industry, quality control of fish products and rights to access fishing logistics.
Fisheries Regulations, 2010 (L.I. 1968)
in tune with modern measures covers all fisheries sectors, including artisanal fisheries, in regards to fishing license, registration of fishing vessels, fishing nets, fishing devices and methods, fishing equipment, compliance measures and monitoring mechanisms.
“Section 8.(1) A person shall not use (a) a multifil-ament set-net the mesh size of which is less than fifty millimeters in stretched diagonal length in the marine water or riverine system; (c) a mono-filament set-net in the marine waters.
Section 10. (1) A person shall not manufacture, import, or sell or use a fishing net or gear, the mesh size of which is less than twenty-five millimeters in stretched diagonal length.
Section 11. (1) A person shall not within the fishery waters of this country (a) use any fishing method that aggregates fish by light attraction including use of portable generator, switchboard, bulbs beyond 500 watts or bulbs whose cumulative light intensity attracts fish and long cable to facilitate light production or any other contrivance for the purpose of aggregating fish by light. (d) operate pair-trawling.”
Customary Law (Under Article 11 of the Constitution) are on the basis of religious beliefs and superstitions in association with fetishes which are enforced by taboos; Tuesday is regarded as the sacred day of the sea god and a long resting period which coincides with the fish sprawling periods.
Nevertheless, the conservation of marine resources managed though taboos is sometimes disregarded by some fishermen due to small catches caused by the depletion of fish stock.
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3. Room for manoeuvre to bridge gaps
Gaps in policy-making/implementation Room for manoeuvre in the current policies Improper waste management :
- lack of basic infrastructure, - lack of commitment from AMA - overlapping responsibilities of AMA/sub-
metro offices - lack of awareness (informal dumping of
non-degradable waste, fishermen throw plastic back into the sea)
- Plans for recycling facilities by Gbi Hanjer Ghana Limited (private waste management company)
- ‘Accra Sewerage Improvement Project’ (ASIP), funded by African Development Fund, implemented by AMA (to be completed by May 2012)
o 5 treatment plants to be fully working and connected by 2030
- Strategic directions to enhance sewerage treatment capacity identified by Accra Learning Alliance (SWITCH project) as component of integrated urban water management system
o Using capacity of natural filtration in ecosystems
o Securing/acquiring new sludge treatment sites: protection of mangroves around Korle Lagoon and Kpeshie Lagoon
o Capacity building - Informal waste picking activities which can be
integrated in formal SWM Monitoring of Pollution and Environmental management not working because:
- overlapping responsibilities (WRC, EPA - absence of monitoring of cumulative
pollution (documented only for registered emitters individually, no documentation of informal discharge)
- Riparian Buffer Zone Policy (implementation by Water Resource Commission, WRC)
- Strategic Environmental Assessment (manual prepared by EPA; to be implemented by GAMA/AMA and private developers)
- Current project of EPA to build comprehensive aerospace cum GIS database for resources appraisal and state of environment reporting in coastal areas (Ghana Navy, EPA, Ghana Statistical Services)
- Ghana’s Action Plan on Disaster Risk Reduction and Climate Change Adaptation (2011-2015), designed by National Disaster Management Organisation and EPA with support from UNEP; to be implemented by district assemblies (AMA)
Representation/Participation of artisanal fishermen
- only chiefs consulted by Fishery Commission (through National Canoe Fishermen Council)
- no consultation of fishermen in MCI initiative for harbour regeneration
- uncertainty in the level of representation of long-term migrants
- Canoe Owners’ Council: representation of canoe owners’ interests
- Savings groups, market women, queen mothers: representation of fishmongers’ interests
- People’s Dialogue and Slum Dwellers International (SDI): facilitators for representation of interests by urban poor communities
Marine Resource Management - market-led management aimed at
restoring/enhancing total catch, little
- GCLME: regional framework for integrated management
- District Fishery Assemblies
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3.1 GUINEA CURRENT LARGE MARINE ECOSYSTEM PROJECT (GCLME)
This project aims at bringing sustainable devel-opment of the environment and resources of the county along the Guinea coast. It started out on the initiative of 6 countries namely Benin, Cameroon, Cote d’Ivoire, Ghana, Nigeria and Togo in 1995 under the name of “Water Pollution Control and Biodiversity Conservation in the Gulf of Guinea Large Marine Ecosystem” with aegis of Global Environment Facility together with technical assistance of international organisations such as UNIDO, UNDP, UNEP and others.
The project ended in 1999 and now has been extended and renamed as the GCLME with 16 participating countries. This is amongst the first time that the concept of ‘Large Marine Ecosystems’ (LME) has been used to achieve the UNCED goals. LME are large areas that are distinguished by their hydrography, bathymetry amongst others. In order to assess the current state, five operational modules are used that help in creating a bridge between science and socio-economic gains for the region. There are (1) ecosystem productivity (2) ecosystem fish and fisheries (3) ecosystem socio-economic condi-tions (4) ecosystem governance protocols.
This cross- regional effort hopes to restore, protect and augment the current ecosystem both in terms of its capacity and output in the region. To meet this end the project has established labs across the belt helping in data collection, using WHO Rapid Assessment for pollution, GIS system for data generation, promoting community and non-governmental organisation participation, conducting training workshops in all the associated countries amongst others.
Furthermore, in its strategic action plan it has reiterated the importance of cooperation and integration amongst the different regions in order to sustain this complex ecosystem. In order to replete the fish stocks, improve water quality, restore the environment, the main strategies that are to be implemented are (1) integrated coastal area and river basin management (2) strategic environmental assessment (3) creation of marine protected areas (4) cross boundary assessments of the efficiency of government policies, programmes
and initiatives amongst others. This is imple-mented through the creation of country specific plans and Interim Guinea Current Commission, which is later to become a more permanent body.
For implementation of the GCLME, the GCLME Strategic Action Program (SAP) has been developed by the steering Committee of the Interim Guinea Current Large Marine Ecosystems (GCLME) in annual meetings between 2005 and 2011. The SAPs are currently translated into National Action Programs (NAPs) in each of the 16 member countries. In Ghana, this process is coordinated by the Ministry of Environment, Science and Technology and supported by consultancy reports and monitoring activities from Ghana Water Research Institute (WRI) and the Council for Scientific and Industrial Research (CSIR). As a pilot project, a Waste Stock Exchange Management System is being designed, exploring the options for solid waste recycling and promoting public-private partnerships, scientific research and awareness-raising campaigns (IGCC/UNIDO 2010).
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Chapter 2 CHALLENGING PERCEPTIONS: Increasing the potential for environmentally just urbanisation in Old Fadama through urban agriculture and community led waste management
KATE BARRYMARTIN CALISTONAUSICA CASTANASZACHARY COLEVILIANO FASSINIMEIJE GERNEZCLAIRE TUNNACLIFFE
Development Planning Unit, University College London
34, Tavistock Square, London WC1H 9EZ, United KingdomTel: +44 (20) 7679 1111Fax: +44 (20) 7679 1112E-mail: [email protected]
Web: www.bartlett.ucl.ac.uk/dpu
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Table of contents
2.1 Acknowledgments2.2 Abbreviations2.3 List of Figures and Tables2.3 Executive Summary2.4 Background2.5 Methodology
Limitations2.6 Conceptual Framework Hypothesis2.7 Key Findings: Case Studies2.8 Scenarios Spatial Stagnation Spatial Negotiation Spatial Transformation Strategies2.9 Conclusion Future Research2.10 Epilogue2.11 Works Cited2.12 Appendices
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
First and foremost, we would like to thank our two local facilitators, Albassan Baba Fuseini
of GHAFUP and Lawrence Dickson-Cobblah of MoFA. We are extremely grateful for their time, translation, support and excellent facilitation of our research in Ghana.
We would also like to extend our gratitude to our UCL facilitators, Adriana Allen and Matthew Wood-Hill, as well as the rest of the DPU team that travelled to Ghana with us, Rita Lambert, Alexandre Apsan Frediani and Etienne Von Bertrab, for their valuable insight and feedback.
We greatly appreciated all lectures and seminars both in London and in Accra as they were extremely enriching for our project and our understanding of UA and land issues in our area.
Last but not least, we thank everyone who agreed to talk to us on the field with a special mention to the members of OFADA, as our research would not have been possible without them.
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ABBREVIATIONS
AMA Accra Metropolitan Assembly
AWGUPA Accra Working Group on Urban and Peri-urban Agriculture
CICOL Civil Society Coalition on Land
COHRE Centre on Housing Rights and Evictions
DPU Development Planning Unit
EJ Environmental Justice
EJU Environmentally Just Urbanisation
EUU Environmentally Unjust Urbanisation
GAMA Greater Accra Metropolitan Area
GHAFUP Ghana Federation of the Urban Poor
GHC Ghana Cedi
GWCL Ghana Water Company Ltd.
ILGS Institute of Local Government Studies
ISSER Institute of Statistical, Social, and Economic Research
IWMI International Water Management Institute
KLERP Korle Lagoon Ecological Restoration Project
LAP Land Administration Project
LC Lands Commission
LfL Land for Life
MCI Millennium City Initiative
MDGs Millennium Development Goals
MLG Ministry of Local Government
MoFA Ministry of Food & Agriculture
OFADA Old Fadama Development Association
PDG People’s Dialogue on Human Settlements Ghana
RtC Right to the City
SDI Shack/Slum Dwellers International
TCP Town and Country Planning
UA Urban Agriculture
UCL University College London
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LIST OF FIGURES AND TABLES
ONE Situating West Accra 12-13
TWO Methodology Table 14
THREE Environmentally Just Urbanisation 15
FOUR Hypothesis 16
FIVE Mapping the Flows: Livestock Farmers 18
SIX Mapping the Flows: Slaughter Slab 19
SEVEN Mapping the Flows: Chop Bar 20
EIGHT Mapping the Flows: Abossey Okai 20
NINE Mapping the Flows: Kaya Yei 21
TEN Mapping the Flows: Kaya Bola 22
ELEVEN The Power of Associations 23
TWELVE Spatial Stagnation Scenario Map: Business As Usual 23
THIRTEEN Spatial Negotiation Scenario Map: Relocation 24
FOURTEEN Why are OFADA and PDG Negotiating Relocation? 24
FIFTEEN Spatial Negotiation Scenario Map: OFADA Waste Management 25
SIXTEEN Why are OFADA and PDG Negotiating the OFADA Waste Management Scenario? 26
SEVENTEEN Spatial Transformation Scenario Map: Synergy Without Walls 27
EIGHTEEN Synergy Without Walls Timeline 28
NINETEEN Synergy Without Walls: Linking Actors to Actions 30
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EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
This report is the product of a four month long study of Old Fadama, the largest informal
settlement in Accra, Ghana. This community of over 80,000 people situated on the shores of the Korle Lagoon is the centre of a heated political debate. While the local government seeks to evict the settlement in order to carry out a restoration project on the Korle Lagoon, residents are fighting for their right to remain in a place that they have called home for over two decades. Moreover, Old Fadama is situated in a flood prone zone which is commonly used as an informal deposit for solid waste that the government has refused to provide with any basic service such as waste collection, sanitation and education. In this difficult political situation and these precarious living conditions, our study seeks to examine what role UA could contribute towards achieving a greater level of EJU.
We have centred our research around Old Fadama’s ties to the surrounding area by exam-ining three categories of “flows” in and out of the community: food, waste, and livelihoods. We argue that the flows identified display the settle-ment’s importance within Accra and challenge its perception as an isolated pocket of poverty that hinders the development of the city. Rather, the data collected reveals the extent to which Old Fadama is an integral part of the city and a crucial element in the metabolism of West Accra.
This conclusion will be demonstrated through detailed descriptions of the role of key actors, institutions, and places in West Accra, including kaya yeis (head porters), kaya bolas (waste collectors), and livestock farmers, chop bars (local canteens), a slaughter slab (informal abattoir), and the Abossey Okai farm. Additionally, four different possible scenarios for Old Fadama will be analysed with the aim of exploring the current situation and possible opportunities for EJU in Old Fadama with the use of UA and community-led
waste management as tools. While the three first scenarios demonstrate less than optimum situ-ations, our fourth scenario contains our main recommendations and strategies that would bring about a greater level of EJU in West Accra.
In short, we recommend a spatial transfor-mation approach combining a community-led waste management system and UA coupled with an awareness campaign to challenge the negative perception of the settlement. Through this strategy we hope that citizens of Old Fadama will be able to reclaim their right to the city and generate a greater level of environmental justice.
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BACKGROUND
Throughout the developing world, cities are being transformed by the dual processes of
rapid and unplanned urbanisation, and internal migration, as economic pressures push people from rural areas to seek opportunity in the city. The emergence of Old Fadama is a consequence of these changes: with an influx of citizens from Northern Ghana, increasing competition for land and rising land prices, Accra cannot accommodate all newcomers. Informal settlements thus serve as an affordable solution to housing and provision of livelihoods in the informal sector.
Old Fadama exists in a permanent state of transiency, with infrastructure1 and housing being organised, built and maintained by the community at their own cost. The issue of the settlement’s location has continuously been contentious. Popularly referred to as ‘Sodom and Gomorrah’2 the settlement has always been perceived by authorities as a temporary arrangement. Claimed to be dangerous and the residents “violent people, armed robbers, crooks, prostitutes and the unem-ployed” (Galeta, 2011), Old Fadama is viewed as a virtual pocket of bads, a ‘cancer’ that needs to be removed for Accra to develop. Additionally, the community borders the Korle Lagoon, currently used as an illegal landfill for both local waste and international e-waste.
The declaration of Accra as a Millennium City by the Millennium City Initiative (MCI) in 2001
1 The community has no formal sanitation, waste collection or basic infrastructure amenities, due to its infor-mality.
2 A biblical reference to two cities that were so ridden with sin that God destroyed them without offering a chance to repent.
has promoted the city as a model for sustainable development for West Africa. However, the drive to achieve the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) has translated into a number of regen-eration projects being fast-tracked throughout the city, generally overlooking notions of sustain-ability and environmental justice (EJ) in favour of economic growth and touristic appeal. In West Accra, the Accra Metropolitan Assembly (AMA) has been promoting the Korle Lagoon Ecological Restoration Project (KLERP), which would require the community’s relocation.
Through our research we attempt to under-stand the potential for urban agriculture (UA) – a commonplace practice in open spaces all over Accra – in Old Fadama and how it could contribute towards a more environmentally just process of urbanisation. One of the peculiarities of our area is its sheer concentration of people. Because of the density and growing population, competition for land is at its highest, leaving little room for open spaces. As a consequence, we have assumed a broad definition of UA, extending
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beyond vegetable farming to include livestock rearing, and the flow of raw and processed foods in and out of the settlement. Generally, UA has been under-studied in these areas, providing little to build our research around.
Since waste management is an evident issue for the community, we decided early on to analyse its relation with UA with a particular focus on the synergies that could exist between UA and a community-led waste management system.
We therefore developed several important questions exploring the role of UA in Old Fadama:
• What are the existing UA practices in Old Fadama?
• What is the potential for expanding these?
• In what ways could UA contribute to a more environmentally just pattern of urbanisation for Old Fadama?
• Can the settlement be considered in isolation from the rest of the city, and the Agbogbloshie market?
• Can UA contribute to improve the relations between Old Fadama and AMA?
• How can waste management promote UA practices and thus contribute to environmentally just urbanisation (EJU)?
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Korle Bu1:• 11 hectares of private land, owned by Korle Bu
Teaching Hospital• MoFA best farm award in 2011• Association and savings group since 2010• 120 permanent farmers (1 woman), 50 day
workers• 120 beds per farmer• Water sources for irrigation: drain, tab and
dugout• Market women from Agbogbloshie, Kasoa and
central region buy directly on site
1 See Appendix 1 for Korle Bu case study.
Abossey Okai:• Active UA plot since the 1940s• Institutional land, owned by AMA• UA site reduced due to plans to build parking
lot by International Central Gospel Church• 10 farmers, all men• Currently 10 beds per farmer• Water source for irrigation: drain water• Market women from Agbogbloshie and Makola
buy vegetables directly on site• In the process of relocating
Old Fadama:• Largest informal settlement in Accra• Estimated to have approximately 80,000 dwellers1
• Covers 31 hectares of institutional land, owned by AMA• Emerged in 1981• Mostly populated by citizens from Northern Ghana• Commonly referred to as Sodom and Gomorrah• ‘Fadama’ in the Hausa dialect means ‘irrigable land’ ie.
land that is prone to flooding, wetlands – Old Fadama experiences frequent flooding
• Livelihoods dependent on Agbogbloshie market
1 The population estimates vary between 40,000 and 80,000. This is due both to the difference between day and night populations, frequently missed in official data, and to the strategic interests of the government in refuting the size of the settlement.
ONE Situating West Accra1
1 Data from: Grant, 2009
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Agbogbloshie Market:• Previously a destination for
people from rural areas to sell their produce, became a market in the 1980s when AMA built permanent structures
• Largest wholesale market in Accra, attracting customers from all over the city
• Products competitively priced
Korle Lagoon:• Previous place of worship of Ga
tribe, now used as dumpsite• At the centre of the KLERP• KLERP: 90 million dollar
project, backed by international investors
• KLERP aim: preserve the lagoon and its surroundings as an ecological park for recrea-tional activities – a tourist attraction
• KLERP: requires the relocation of Old Fadama
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THREE Environmentally Just Urbanisation
METHODOLOGY
Our research methods differed with respect to each stage of the project. Starting with
a comprehensive background study on both the area and current UA practices in Accra, we went on to develop our hypotheses and research ques-tions, which guided our fieldwork. We then spent two weeks in the field using a variety of partici-patory research tools1. At the end of our stay,
1 For a detailed daily plan of our fieldwork, refer to appendix 2.
we processed our data and presented it orally, opening a dialogue between different stakeholders and giving us the opportunity to hand over the results of our mapping exercise as a tool for local organisations. The final stage of this project was to compile this document as a catalyst for further discussions around UA and EJU in Accra.
LIMITATIONS
• Lack of prior research on urban agriculture in Old Fadama – limited the precision of our initial fieldwork plan
• Conflicting views – the topic of Old Fadama is controversial, and our sources had varying agendas and differing biases
• Conflicting data – interviewees sometimes had different information on the same issues. The time constraint of our fieldwork did not allow us to examine these inconsist-encies in more depth
• Time frame –three weeks of fieldwork does inhibit certain levels of data collection i.e. seasonality and consistency
TWO Methodology Table
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CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK
To conduct our research, a working definition of EJU was developed through the merging
of debates on what EJ and the right to the city (RtC) entail. This was applied to the examination of the current and potential practice of UA in Old Fadama. EJ, at its core, is recognised as the just distribution of environmental goods and bads, as well as the equal participation and recognition of the populations most affected by environmental degradation (Agyeman, 2005). The concept of RtC
identifies the collective rights of citizens to shape the environment they live in as a basic human right. It transcends notions of resource allocation to give the urban poor, tradi-tionally excluded from this RtC (MacPherson and Ziervogel), an active role in urban planning (Harvey, 2008).EJU is hence the meeting point of EJ and RtC.
The current pattern of urbanisation in Accra has systematically excluded the urban poor – in particular the residents of Old Fadama – from the planning process, leaving them voiceless and turning their living environment into a landfill. This propagates a model of environmentally unjust urbanisation (EUU) both for Old Fadama and the Korle Lagoon.
We therefore had a twofold mission during our fieldwork:
• To investigate existing practices and rela-tionships of UA within current environ-mentally unjust patterns of urbanisation – with a focus on waste management
• To assert the importance of Old Fadama within Accra, and challenge its perception as an isolated pocket of poverty rather than an integral part of the city through the analysis of “flows” in and out of the settlement
HYPOTHESIS
Our mission was informed by our hypotheses. In particular, based on our desk research, we deduced that UA has the potential to bring about EJU in the Korle Lagoon area and strengthen the links that already exist between Accra and Old Fadama. Specifically, linking UA with a community based waste management would encourage environ-mental stewardship, ultimately promoting EJ in and around Old Fadama and the Korle Lagoon.
Linking UA and community based waste management systems would allow for:
• Shorter food chains and improved food security
• Promote social organisation and greater participation in Accra’s food system for the residents of Old Fadama
• Reduce environmental degradation
Environmentally Just Urbanisation
• Just distribution of environ-mental goods and bads
• Equal participation and recog-nition of urban poor
• Horizontal platform of communication enabling voice for most affected
• Ensured inclusive, active role in planning of the city
• Combines rights-based approach with justice-based approach to development
THREE Environmentally Just Urbanisation
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FOUR Hypothesis
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KEY FINDINGS: CASE STUDIES
FIVE Mapping the Flows: Livestock Farmers
Through our fieldwork, we developed several profiles. This list is not exhaustive, and
presents only some of the key actors, activities and flows taking place within our area of research. These include livestock farmers, an informal abattoir, local canteens, a farm to the West of Old Fadama and the Agbogbloshie market, kaya yeis (head porters), and kaya bolas (waste collectors). We identified these six case studies as they represent different, but integral, roles in the production, processing, consumption, sale,
transport, and disposal practices of the area. The first four could be described as physical trans-action points in our flows within the city - they are key places for production, processing, and sale. The last two could be considered vehicles, trans-porting the produce - live, cut, cooked, waste - to another destination. To ignore these different profiles, and their role, is to ignore their right to the city by ignoring their contribution to its workings, thus perpetuating environmental injus-tices inflicted upon them.
LIVESTOCK FARMERS1
Animal Rearers
• Male• Approximately 200 farmers• No Association
Livestock was identified as the main form of UA production in Old Fadama. Young livestock is brought into the community from outside and raised for sale. They are typically repro-duced, but new livestock is bought to maintain a specific male-to-female ratio and breed. None of the livestock is consumed within the livestock
1 See Appendix 3 for additional background information..
farmer’s family. Production is small, due to the difficulty of building capital and the density of living spaces, in comparison with farmers outside of the community. Therefore, farming is not the only source of household income. Livestock feeds on organic waste from the Agbogbloshie market (watermelon peels, plantain, cassava, etc.) provided free of charge, sometimes supplemented by hay bought outside of Old Fadama. As the livestock is reared freely, they also feed on organic and inorganic matter found in the community. Customers come to Old Fadama to purchase the livestock live. The livestock is either immediately taken outside of the community to be processed elsewhere, or processed at a slaughter slab within the community. Waste produced by the livestock is thrown in the back of the community, on the shores of the Korle Lagoon.
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S
SIX Mapping the Flows: Slaughter Slab
SLAUGHTER SLAB1
An informal abattoir where livestock is killed for consumption
• Men own and operate• 100% of livestock from Old Fadama is
slaughtered here• Over 50% of livestock slaughtered brought
from outside of Old Fadama
1 See Appendix 4 for additional background information.
There is one slaughter slab in Old Fadama. Since livestock production is not large enough to satisfy demand, livestock is bought from outside Old Fadama once every week or two, by the slab owners. Most of the meat is then taken outside of the community to be further processed through flows such as butchers, chop bars and restaurants. Meat is then predominantly brought back into the community through chop bars that purchase at Agbogbloshie market. The wastewater used to clean the slab and unwanted organs are dumped on the shores of the Korle Lagoon by slaughterers.
CHOP BAR1
A Local Canteen
1 See Appendix 5 for additional background information.
• Women run and own chop bars• Main source of household income Old Fadama
• 1200 chop bars in Old Fadama, 530 work during the day, the rest work at night
• 100% of food used is from Agbogbloshie market
• 95% of food is consumed in Old Fadama, while 5% is sold outside of community
Agbogbloshie
• Association• 100 chop bars
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SEVEN Mapping the Flows: Chop Bar
EIGHT Mapping the Flows: Abossey Okai
Old Fadama
Chop bars get all their produce from the Agbogbloshie market. Old Fadama is a community of traders and labourers, with two or more jobs. The entire household works, which means that
there is not enough time to cook on weekdays. As a result, most people eat in chop bars five times a week. Livestock is produced in Old Fadama, processed in the community’s slaughter slab, sold in Agbogbloshie Market and bought by the Old Fadama chop bars to then be cooked and sold in the community. The chop bars use the kaya bolas to remove their waste, which is dumped on the Korle Lagoon.
Agbogbloshie
Agbogbloshie has a Chop Bar Association. All the produce processed and consumed by the chop bars in Agbogbloshie is bought from the market.
Waste is collected by the market kaya bolas for a fee and taken to the containers around the market. There is no formal sorting or recycling system set in place for the waste.
ABOSSEY OKAI1
An area of land being farmed west of Old Fadama and Agbogbloshie market.
• Men
• 90% of crop sold to market women
• 10% for household consumption
• No association but recognised due to long-standing presence
Abossey Okai has existed since the 1940s. The land is partially owned by a resident church, and
1 See Appendix 6 for more information
partially owned by AMA. Because the church is now developing a portion of the land, the farmers are being relocated. This case study is considered within our profiling because while it is close to Old Fadama, there is no contact with the community. The majority of the crop is sold to market women from Makola and Agbogbloshie, who come directly to the farm. The farmers buy all the inputs for the farm (seeds, fertilizers, and pesticides) instead of cycling in available inputs from surrounding areas (i.e. manure from live-stock in Old Fadama). Over the years, Abossey Okai has become known as a networking point between the farmers and market women.
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NINE Mapping the Flows: Kaya Yei
KAYA YEI1
Head Porters
· Girls, between the ages of 6 - 18
· Average daily income: 5 - 8 GHC/day
· Accommodation: 2 GHC/week
· Food: 2-3 GHC/day
1 See Appendix 7 for more information
Kaya yeis act as a vehicle to transport goods. They depend on the market, just as the market depends on them. They play a vital role within the flows of the city, linking Old Fadama and the Agbogbloshie market. Originally from the North, they are sent by their families to earn extra household income. They come to Accra during the periods of low harvest season and return when they are needed on their families’ farms. In addition, the kaya yeis pay a daily tax to AMA’s inspectors. While they work in the market, they sleep in Old Fadama. In Agbogbloshie, the Kaya Yei Youth Association counts more than 488 members. These girls are being given skills training by the Association
in anticipation of the market’s relocation, which would force them to go back North, or seek other, often unstable, means of income.
See Appendix 9 for additional infor-mation on gender roles and saving groups in Old Fadama.
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KAYA BOLA1
A rubbish collector
• Men
Old Fadama
• 150 kaya bolas• No association• 30 - 40 clients• 10 - 15 bags collected/day
Agbogbloshie
• Operating around 6 waste containers• The kaya bolas manning the container
charge 30 pesewas - 1 GHC• The kaya bolas collecting directly from the
vendors charge between 50 pesewas - 1 GHC, then pay a smaller fee to the kaya bolas in charge of containers
As Old Fadama has no formal waste management system, kaya bolas have emerged in response to waste issues. While their roles are informal, they play an important part in the waste management system of the area, collecting waste from one place and dumping it on predetermined sites, both legal and illegal. Kaya bolas work across Old Fadama and Agbogbloshie market, though their roles may differ.
Old Fadama
Not all kaya bolas operating in the community live there. Kaya bolas have a regular customer base. There are no containers in Old Fadama.
1 See appendix 8 for more information
Instead, dumping occurs on the shores of the lagoon. Some waste separation takes place, as the kaya bola remove bits of copper, aluminium and plastic at collection for resale. This separation process constitutes a significant component of their livelihood.
Agbogbloshie
Some kaya bolas are in charge of manning the containers owned by Maxwell, managed by Zoomlion, while others collect the waste from vendors in the market. The latter are critical to the vendors’ livelihood, ensuring that the stalls remain in compliance with the ‘health certif-icate’ authorised under AMA’s Environmental Health and Sanitation Office. This certificate grants a permit to sell, provided that their stalls uphold a certain level of hygiene. In contrast to Old Fadama, their role is a recognised part of the flows in the area. The kaya bolas manning the containers collect a dumping fee from other kaya bolas who bring the waste from the market. Once the container is full, it is collected and taken to a landfill outside of Accra. Collection may take a week or more, so the kaya bolas have to stop dumping on the containers. As a result, waste is dumped directly into the roads and drains, as well as on the lagoon.
TEN Mapping the Flows: Kaya Bola
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SCENARIOS
By navigating through different scenarios, we explored the current situation in Old Fadama
as well as the potential for the future development of UA and the benefits that would entail.
SPATIAL STAGNATION:
BUSINESS AS USUAL
The first scenario examined is one of spatial stag-nation, where the settlement stays as it is. The condition of informality lingers, while the threat of eviction impedes significant improvements – both in terms of infrastructure and livelihoods – as residents and outside organisations remain hesitant about investing.
It is safe to assume that this scenario entails a deterioration of existing conditions since few upgrading projects are undertaken. Under this scenario, EJU cannot be achieved.
Logistics:
• Waste management remains informal and disconnected from the rest of Accra – dependent on the kaya bolas working individually
• Solid waste – form the settlement, the markets and parts of the city – and liquid waste from Old Fadama reach the Korle Lagoon
• No space for expanding UA practices
• Persistence of tense relations between OFADA and AMA
The Power of Associations
Because of its informal status, Old Fadama does not rely on AMA for socioeconomic safeguards, infrastructure provision, and so on. Instead, the community operates around a close-knit network of associations. Ranging from neighbourhood savings groups to grassroots organisations with international ties like OFADA and PDG, Old Fadama’s resilience stems from its social fabric. In particular, OFADA, in partnership with PDG, has been responsible for all major improvement projects in the settlement, from setting drain pipes to orchestrating major reconstruction initiatives after disasters. Currently, OFADA has been devising a master plan to deal with the issue of waste.
ELEVEN The Power of Associations
TWELVE Spatial Stagnation Scenario Map: Business As Usual
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• Identified flows continue to be unac-knowledged by AMA and invisible to much of the city
SPATIAL NEGOTIATION:
Our fieldwork revealed that there are negotiations underway between AMA and PDG. These follow two very different tangents:
• The relocation of Old Fadama to make way for the KLERP
• The possibility of rehabilitation in situ with an improved solid waste management system organised by OFADA
RELOCATION SCENARIO
As previously mentioned, AMA has vested interests in Old Fadama’s relocation: going forward with the KLERP has the potential to yield significant profit for the local government. A relocation site has already been identified outside the city, yet OFADA has found it to be unsuitable due to its location and size. Most importantly, it would break all ties with the markets and destroy the livelihoods of Old Fadama’s residents, while negatively impacting the area’s economy . Relocation would move away from EJU and RtC, and arguably even reverse all positive developments.
Logistics:
• 20,000 residents would be compensated
• Relocation would open way to KLERP
• Waste management for the Korle Lagoon would be under the stewardship of AMA
• No space for UA in the area
• Flows of livelihoods and food would be permanently severed and the Agbogbloshie market would suffer (affecting the community and the Agbogbloshie market)
• Open channel for negotiation between AMA and PDG
Why are OFADA and PDG negoti-ating for this scenario with AMA?
By agreeing to the relocation, OFADA and PDG are allowing for some room for manoeuvre. Instead of opposing the prospect of relocation, thus guaran-teeing their exclusion from the table of negotiations, they are complying with the political pressures of AMA in an attempt to acquire an active role in this decision-making, and place-making, process.
THIRTEEN Spatial Negotiation Scenario Map: Relocation FOURTEEN Why are OFADA and PDG Negotiating Relocation?
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OFADA WASTE MANAGEMENT SCENARIO
To deal with waste accumulation on the shores of the Korle Lagoon, OFADA has been designing a waste management system for Old Fadama. While planned at the community level, this system will still be dependent on external private companies like Zoomlion to function properly.
OFADA’s scenario is build around the clearing of 50 meters of land around the shore of the Korle Lagoon, after negotiations with AMA. It also partly complies with AMA’s vision of a waste free lagoon. However, a surprising finding has been the plan to erect a wall between the community and the lagoon as an integral part of this waste strategy.
Logistics:
• Encompasses the mediation of the community’s boundaries and the use of the shores of the Korle Lagoon; in compliance with AMA’s agenda
• Erection of wall along the lagoon’s shores to prevent illegal dumping
Inside the wall
• Containers for the community to place their waste
• Waste sorting areas for kaya bola
Outside the wall
• Access routes – access road for rubbish trucks and footpath for community
• Community recreational space – i.e. football fields, social areas all maintained by Old Fadama
• Beautification of the shores with trees and flowers
• Solid waste management organised by OFADA:
1. Kaya bola collect waste from households then sort waste into specialised containers – different container for different waste (plastics, glass, organic, etc.)
2. Waste collected from containers by private waste collection companies i.e. Zoomlion
3. Partially funded by SDI1
1 Grant pending.
FIFTEEN Spatial Negotiation Scenario Map: OFADA Waste Management
See Appendix 10 for roles and responsibil-ities for the transformation of the shores of the Korle Lagoon.
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In both of the aforementioned scenarios, the potential for transformative change is minimal. The issues are not reframed: the perception of Old Fadama remains that of a problem that needs to either be removed or contained and isolated. While OFADA’s waste management scenario opens new channels of negotiations with AMA, the ensuing transformation would only perpetuate existing patterns of EUU. While it could be argued that there would be more
EJ since the distribution of environmental bads to this community would be reduced, AMA still dictates the acceptable outcomes and the community is forced into unde-sirable compromises regarding their use of space.
Critiques:
There are inherent weaknesses in this scenario. Solid waste management would still depend on companies like Zoomlion, which are ineffective in other areas – such as the Agbogbloshie market – while liquid waste, arguably the biggest issues in Accra, would continue to pollute. Since there
is a citywide problem of waste management, the shores of the lagoon might still get polluted with waste from other parts of Accra. Moreover, the wall would cause the already overcrowded Old Fadama to surrender additional space. Most importantly, the perception of the community will not change, but will rather be enforced through the creation of a physical barrier sepa-
rating it from the rest of Accra – this promotes the idea of Old Fadama as a ‘pocket’ of ‘bads’ and further isolates the community
Why are OFADA and PDG negotiating for this scenario with AMA?
• Wall
- Prevention of future dumping on the shores
- ‘Protection’ of the community from tourist industry
- Security posts
• Improve relationship between Old Fadama and AMA through physical manifestation of spatial compromise
• Demonstrate community’s capacity through maintenance of aforementioned infrastructure (wall, access roads, containers, etc.)
• By agreeing to the wall, OFADA is allowing for some room for manoeuvre. By actively negotiating and compromising the use of space on the shores of the Korle Lagoon, OFADA ensures its participation in the planning of the space Old Fadama currently occupies, opening a dialogue between themselves and the government. OFADA is activating its potential to have a voice in the development of the Korle Lagoon area.
SIXTEEN Why are OFADA and PDG Negotiating the OFADA Waste Management Scenario?
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SPATIAL TRANSFORMATION:
SYNERGY WITHOUT WALLS
Using the data from our research, we have devised a scenario aiming to achieve transformative change and EJU. In particular, we have identified certain contentious issues preventing EJ and RtC for Old Fadama and sought to remediate them.
Our strategy is built around the idea that Old Fadama should not be constrained to build a wall; instead, the flood buffer zone can be productively utilised through UA. Furthermore, the waste
management system proposed by OFADA can be enhanced to be truly community-led, thus moving towards EJU.
The settlement’s perception has also been iden-tified as an obstacle to rehabilitation efforts and should therefore be actively combated through the recognition of the flows in and out of the settlement and its subsequent role within the city.
See Appendix 11 for the internal and external effects of EJ on the Old Fadama community.
SEVENTEEN Spatial Transformation Scenario Map: Synergy Without Walls
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Strategy 1: Community-Led Waste Management
• Rid the shores of the Korle Lagoon of waste by sorting and recycling, and prof-iting where possible from existing rubbish
• Temporary security posts on the shores of the Korle Lagoon to limit further illegal dumping
• Provision of infrastructure for system – containers, access roads, sorting areas, kaya bola maintenance areas and cooperation with outside waste collected for minimal nonreusable/recyclable material
• Instill a waste sorting process which enables efficient reusing and recycling - from scrap metals to organic waste – within the community to create and preserve livelihoods. Sorting starts at the household
• Unite the kaya bola under one association to provide them with safer working condi-tions, ease the sorting process, and better service for the community
• Identify, establish, and reinforce links with surrounding areas through organic waste reuse or recycling. Two-way process where manure from livestock producers serves in farms like Abossey Okai or Korle Bu,
EIGHTEEN Synergy Without Walls Timeline See appendix 12 for in depth information about these phases
Logistics:
• Recognition and facilitation of ties between Old Fadama and surrounding areas – with an emphasis on markets –through the flows of food related livelihoods
• Clean and healthy environment supported by a (sustainable) community-led waste management system
• Productive use of the flood buffer zones on the shores of the Korle Lagoon through
UA
• Recognition and facilitation of Old Fadama as a productive part of Accra, leading to a change in discourse and greater EJU – a change in Accra’s planning discourse is achieved, AMA incorporates the community in the development of the city
This scenario can be achieved through 4 different strategies.
STRATEGIES: ACHIEVING TRANSFORMATIVE CHANGE
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and organic waste from farms and markets serve as feed for animals and composting materials
• Adopt a truly community run system by enabling all voices to be heard in the planning, ultimately further mobilising the community and displaying the settle-ment’s capacities to AMA
Strategy 2: Implementing and promoting UA in Old Fadama
• Identify existing flood buffer zone on shores of Korle Lagoon as UA production area – both farming and livestock rearing
• Utilise the community’s wealthy knowledge of agriculture and their enthu-siasm to develop UA in Old Fadama
• Adopt a multi-stakeholder approach to managing the newly available land enabling an equal say, benefit from new livelihood, and additional mobilisation
• Initiate support from MoFA for training for UA producers (hygiene, veterinary support)
• Develop UA production on shores of Korle Lagoon as replacement to previ-ously needed security posts to prevent illegal dumping on site
• Create links with organic waste from community-led waste management
• Create links with existing UA processing systems – chop bars, slaughter slab
• Use newly created links to strengthen the community ties within Old Fadama and amongst its surroundings to increase the community’s resilience by shortening the food chains, encouraging better preser-vation of the lagoon, generating alter-native employment, and improving liveli-hoods and living conditions
Strategy 3: Raising awareness of Old Fadama’s ties to Accra
• Create a community managed city-wide awareness campaign, through differing platforms of media – from posters to YouTube – to counteract negative press
• Use connections with outside organisa-tions (i.e. SDI) to disseminate information at a global level
• While the actors involved in the flows are inevitably linked through livelihoods and UA processes, there is little or no commu-nication about these ties between them. Uniting them and their associations in order to open communication is the first step in raising awareness of Old Fadama’s strong ties to the surrounding areas. These actors are highly dependent on one another, but these connections are not elaborated or utilised. The dissemination campaign should begin by creating links between organisations spanning across the settlement-market divide
Strategy 4: Improve Old Fadama-AMA relations through OFADA and PDG
• Achieve better communication and cooperation
• Display community initiatives in provision of infrastructure - sanitation, waste management, UA - to alter AMA’s perception of Old Fadama
• Open dialogues on the impacts of and alternatives to present planning discourses in the area; instead of being excluded, the voice of OFADA and the residents of Old Fadama holds credibility and value
See appendix 12 for in depth information about these phases
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NINETEEN Synergy Without Walls: Linking Actors to Actions
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CONCLUSION
Old Fadama can serve as either an example or a cautionary tale. The settlement’s formation
is representative of the process of rapid and unplanned urbanisation in a framework of intense land competition. It is also a testimony to urban planning in much of the global South, where the urban poor are invisible in national and city statistics, and thus excluded from development programmes. At the same time, these margin-alised populations are blamed for environmental degradation and constrained to live in less than desirable conditions. In this sense, Old Fadama can be seen as a cautionary tale for the perils of unplanned urbanisation.
On the other hand, however, the community of Old Fadama has proven to be resilient in the face of minimal state intervention and insuffi-cient resources. As examined in this report, the settlement’s ties to Accra through flows of food, livelihood, and waste are strong and critical . The community’s relocation would thus have consid-erable repercussions to the economic life of West Accra.
Throughout our research, the community has time and again voiced their interest in both UA and having a role in waste management. By building on its internal organisation and demonstrating its willingness to improve its environment, Old Fadama can implement a truly community-led waste management system to then facilitate the promotion of UA within and throughout West Accra. There is therefore great potential, which can – and needs to – to be utilised in Old Fadama. The settlement can serve as an example of how to achieve EJU through community organisation and UA.
FUTURE RESEARCH
Future research that would inform our scenario includes the collection and analysis of quanti-tative data. Specifically, what the real contribution of UA could be for the residents of Old Fadama based on the available space and the actual quantity of waste produced by Old Fadama in comparison with that of Accra. The composition of Old Fadama’s waste would also be needed to examine the proportion of organic waste.
Moreover, consultation would be needed on time frames to achieve the goals that would permit UA. These are: soil rehabilitation and clearing of waste from the lagoon.
One final strand would be to explore the potential for Old Fadama’s residents to secure land tenure.
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EPILOGUE
Upon our return to London, we received distressing news from our local contacts in
Accra. On Monday 21 May 2012, a fire ravaged Old Fadama. The Ghana National Fire Service responded swiftly - yet the fire spread across the wooden structures, consuming more than 1,000 dwellings. With no alternative housing options, the 3,500 people rendered homeless were left without shelter at the beginning of the four-month long rainy season.
The local authorities did little to assist with destruction mitigation, while the amount of aid the community was eligible to receive was uncertain and unreliable. The Ghanaian media severely downplayed the dimensions of the fire and blamed the dwellers for causing the tragedy instead of promoting a campaign to help them cope.
With little external help, rebuilding efforts
started merely days after the fire, under the stew-ardship of OFADA and using funding from saving groups. Moreover, the new structures were made of concrete, proving once again the commu-nity’s resilience.
Fires are a too-often neglected peril for informal settlements, threatening hundreds of people around the world; in fact, another fire broke out in Old Fadama on the 29 May 2012. Despite the commonality of these events, there has been little research on fires at a global level. Yet urban dwellers continue to loose their homes and livelihoods. While community organisations can play a key role in dealing with, and preventing, fire outbreaks, research and further involvement of governments could be crucial for achieving environmental justice in informal settlements, including Old Fadama.
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WORKS CITED
Geleta, A. (2011) ‘From ‘Sodom’ to Old Fadama’, Journalists for Human Rights [online] http://www.jhr.ca/blog/2011/03/from-sodom-to-old-fadama/ (accessed 22 May 2012)
MCI. (n/a) Millennium Cities Initiative [online]. Available from: http://mci.ei.columbia.edu/ (accessed 22 May 2012)
Agyeman, J. (2005) Sustainable Communities and the Challenge of Environmental Justice. New York and London: New York University Press
Harvey, D. (2008) ‘The Right to the City’, The New Left Review (53) [online] http://newleftreview.org/II/53/david-harvey-the-right-to-the-city (accessed 5 March 2012)
MacPherson, A. K. and C. Ziervogel (n/a) ‘Settlements Under Siege: Securing Rights to the City’ SDI - The Global Network of the Urban Poor [online] http://www.sdinet.org/blog/2011/09/2/settlements-under-siege-securing-right-city/ (accessed 5 March 2012)
Grant, R. (2009) ‘Globalizing from below’ in Grant, R. (eds.) Globalizing city : the urban and economic transformation of Accra, Ghana, pp.111-135. New York: Syracuse University Press
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APPENDICES
APPENDIX 1: KORLE BU
Korle Bu: A Success Story in the City
The Korle Bu farm is spread across 11 hectares of land, owned by the Korle Bu Teaching
Hospital in Accra. MoFA awarded it the Best Farm award in 2011. This award recognises the essential role farmers play in the socioeconomic development of Ghana. While the farms have been long-standing at the hospital, they have insecure land tenure. As the hospital expands, the farmers have to adapt, “the hospital pushes us, so we push the bush” (farmer). Currently, there are 120 farmers, one of which is a woman. The average farmer has 120 soil beds; this is more than the minimum 70 beds needed to make a living. Farmers stay as long as possible (30 or more years), and live in the Korle Bu area. As of 2010, there is a strong Farmers Association and savings group, with 70 of the 120 farmers being active members.
The Korle Bu farm supplies the Koala Supermarket, market women coming from Agbogbloshie, Makola, Kasoa and central region buying directly on site, and other farmers who run out of produce but want to retain their customer base. More than 70% of Korle Bu’s customers buy to resell.
There are differences between Old Fadama and Korle Bu; land tenure, recognition & Associations, etc. However, this case study demonstrates the extent and reach of flows in the city. As a result from these flows, production, processing, sale, etc. is never an isolated part of the food chain. In this example, Korle Bu is not isolated from Agbogbloshie market and the market from the farmers; women buy produce from the farmers, to resell in the market.
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APPENDIX 2: FIELDWORK PLAN
When? What? Who? Why?29th May 2012
Transect walk and GPS mapping in Old Fadama and the Agbogbloshie market
Guided by residents First impressions of the areaUnderstand structure of community Identify major concerns: waste management and sanitation, lack of infrastructureUnpack relations with AMA
1st May 2012
Transect walk and GPS mapping in Old Fadama and the Agbogbloshie market
Guided by facilitators Understand relations between the Agbogbloshie market and Old FadamaExamine current waste management system both in market and settlement
1st May 2012
Semi-structured interview with Exotic Vegetable Market Association
1 woman [chairman] and 5 men [secretary, organiser, treasurer, members]
Explore the flows of food and waste in and out of the Agbogbloshie marketInvestigate the relation between the market and Old FadamaAnalyse the perception of UA grown vegetables
1st May 2012
Semi-structured interview with OFADA
3 men [secretary, organiser committee task force]
Understand key problems in Old Fadama Discuss what OFADA is doing to remediate theseInvestigate the current plans for waste managementUnpack relations with AMA
1st May 2012
Participatory mapping with OFADA
4 men [secretary, organiser committee task force, member]
Uncover current sanitation facilities: toilet blocks, drain pipes, etc. Pinpoint open spaces in Old FadamaDelve into future plans for community-led waste management system
1st May 2012
Semi-structured interview with goat and sheep farmers
4 men Explore the flows of food and waste in and out of Old FadamaInvestigate the current practices of UA in Old Fadama
1st May 2012
Semi-structured interview with cattle farmers
2 men Explore the flows of food and waste in and out of Old FadamaInvestigate the current practices of UA in Old Fadama
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2nd May 2012
Semi-structured interview with Ngannuni Savings Group
12 women [treasurer, members] and 3 men [chairman, vice-chairman, secretary]
Identify organisational power of communityExamine motivation for savingsAnalyse potential for UA in Old FadamaExplore the flows of food and waste in and out of Old Fadama
3rd May 2012 Transect walk and GPS mapping in Abossey Okai
Guided by farmers Examine existing UA practices and how they have been changing
3rd May 2012 Semi-structured interview with Abossey Okai farmers
7 men Understand the potential for UA at the shores of the Korle LagoonExplore the flows of food in Accra
3rd May 2012 Transect walk and GPS mapping in Korle Bu
Guided by MoFA extension officer and farmers
Examine existing UA practices and how they have been changing
3rd May 2012 Semi-structured interview with Korle Bu Farmers Association
15 men [chairman, organiser, members]
Explore the flows of food in AccraAnalyse role of UA in Accra Understand the potential for UA in Accra and how it can be applied to Old Fadama
3rd May 2012 Semi-structured interview with Ablekuma South Sub-Metro Director
1 man Unpack the relation of Old Fadama with AMAExplore the implications of the KLERPInvestigate the current plans for waste management and sanitation in AccraAnalyse the perception of UA in Accra
3rd May 2012 Transect walk and GPS mapping around the shores of the Korle Lagoon
Guided by facilitators Understand the KLERP and explore its implications Investigate failure to implement KLERP so farDelve into existing UA practices: pig farm, livestock distribution point
5th May 2012 Semi-structured interview with the Kaya Yei Youth Association
52 women [kaya yeis], 1 man [head of association]
Explore the flows of food in and out of Old Fadama and the Agbogbloshie marketExplore the flows of livelihoodsIdentify linkages between Old Fadama and the Agbogbloshie market
5th May 2012 Participatory mapping with Kaya Yei
5 women Map flows of food and livelihoodsIdentify living spaces and areas of work
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5th May 2012 Semi-structured interview with Kaya Bola from the Agbogbloshie market
3 men Explore the flows of waste in and out of the Agbogbloshie market and the Korle LagoonUnderstand the current waste management system of AccraUncover illegal dumping practicesAnalyse the reliability of private waste companies like Zoomlion Delve into the potential of improvement of waste management practices Investigate the role UA could play in waste management
5th May 2012 Participatory mapping with AMA Environmental Health and Sanitation Director
1 man Explore actual waste management system around Agbogbloshie marketInvestigate illegal dumping practices Analyse potential of UA in Old Fadama with respect to health regulations
5th May 2012 Transect walk and GPS mapping in Old Fadama and the Agbogbloshie market
Guided by facilitators and kaya bola
Examine physical flows of food, waste and livelihoods linking Old Fadama to the Agbogbloshie marketAnalyse current waste management system of Old Fadama and dumping practices around the Korle Lagoon
5th May 2012 Semi-structured interview with a Kaya Bola from Old Fadama
1 man Explore the flows of waste in and out of Old Fadama and the Korle LagoonUnderstand the current waste management system of Old FadamaDelve into the potential of a community-led waste management system
5th May 2012 Participatory mapping with a Kaya Bola from Old Fadama
1 man Explore current waste management system of Old FadamaDelve into the potential of a community-led waste management system
5th May 2012 Structured interview with OFADA
3 men [chairman, secretary, organiser]
Investigate the current plans for waste managementUnpack relations with AMADeepen understanding or current waste management system and relations with AMADelve into the role of kaya yei and kaya bola for Old Fadama
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5th May 2012 Participatory mapping with OFADA
4 men Current open spaces in Old FadamaPlans for future open spacesCleared buffer zone around Old Fadama
5th May 2012 Structured interview with goat and sheep farmers
2 men Explore the flows of livelihoods, food and waste in and out of Old Fadama and the Agbogbloshie marketAnalyse relation between Old Fadama and the Agbogbloshie market with respect to livestockAnalyse potential consequences of relocationDelve into the role of kaya yei and kaya bola for Old FadamaProfiling of customers (both from within and outside Old FadamaProfiling of farmers
5th May 2012 Structured interview with cattle farmers
2 men Explore the flows of livelihoods, food and waste in and out of Old Fadama and the Agbogbloshie marketAnalyse relation between Old Fadama and the Agbogbloshie market with respect to livestockAnalyse potential consequences of relocation Delve into the role of kaya yei and kaya bolaProfiling of customers (both from within and outside Old FadamaProfiling of farmers
5th May 2012 Structured interview with chop bar in Old Fadama
5 women Explore the flows of livelihoods, food and waste in and out of Old Fadama and the Agbogbloshie marketAnalyse relation between Old Fadama and the Agbogbloshie market with respect to livestockAnalyse potential consequences of relocationDelve into the role of kaya yei and kaya bola for Old FadamaProfiling of customers (both from within and outside Old FadamaProfiling of chop bars
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7th May 2012 Structured interview with slaughter slab
3 men Explore the flows of livelihoods, food and waste in and out of Old Fadama and the Agbogbloshie marketAnalyse relation between Old Fadama and the Agbogbloshie market with respect to meatAnalyse potential consequences of relocationDelve into the role of kaya yei and kaya bola for Old FadamaProfiling of customers (both from within and outside Old Fadama)
7th May 2012 Semi-structured interview with bathhouses and toilets
2 x 1 man1 woman
Hone understanding of sanitation in Old FadamaAnalyse flows of water: where it comes from, where it goes, etc.
8th May 2012 Focus group with OFADA
3 men [chairman, secretary, organiser]
Visioning exercise to test:• The details of a community-led
waste management system• The potential of UA in Old
Fadama• The potential of UA as part
of a community-led waste management system
• The future of relations with AMA
8th May 2012 Structured interview with the Agbogbloshie Market Chop Bars Association
4 women [market queens] Explore the flows of food in and out of Old Fadama and the Agbogbloshie marketUnderstand the relation between the market and Old FadamaAnalyse potential of strengthening ties with Old Fadama
9th May 2012 Focus group with Tungteeye Savings Group
3 women [treasurer, members] and 1 man [chairman]
Visioning exercise to test:• The potential of UA in Old
Fadama• The potential of UA as part
of a community-led waste management system
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APPENDIX 3: LIVESTOCK FARMERS
The animals are predominantly sheep and goats, followed by cattle. The average herd is 35 animals per farmer. There is a desire to form an association. In order to get help from MoFA, you need to be recognised as one. This is not assisted by the continued political recognition of community. In addition, major problems of theft within the community, taking place at night, have to be resolved between individual farmers, creating conflict between them. An association would be helpful in settling rivalries. Come evening, the livestock sleep in stables. Due to the ingestion of inorganic matter, farmers need to treat their animals, adding another cost affecting their livelihood and household income. The treatment of the livestock for disease is all done locally. During the period of Ramadan, the farmers have an increase in business. The manure is not sold as compost to other farmers as a possible business. Only live animals are sold; no secondary products (i.e. milk).
RESEARCH GAP:
• Where does young livestock come from: The market? Accra? Beyond?
• Who are the primary customers who buy the live livestock?
• Is there a middle-man between the farmer and the slaughter slab?
• How many customers come to the farmer directly?
• Could there be a market for selling animal manure for compost to other farmers?
APPENDIX 4: SLAUGHTER SLAB
Slaughtering costs between 3 to 5 GHC, depending on animal. An average of 25 livestock are slaughtered per day.
During Ramadan, 30 to 50 sheep and/or goats are slaughtered per day. Slaughtering animals at the slaughter slab is cheaper than more formal abattoirs. The animals are brought from the road to the slaughter slab by carts, the customer pays for the slaughtering and kaya yeis to transport the meat out of the community. This is the main source of household income for the slaughter slab owners.
RESEARCH GAP:
• Where is the livestock coming from outside Old Fadama? Accra? The North?
• Who brings the livestock to the slaughter slab from outside of Old Fadama? Farmers? A middle man?
APPENDIX 5: CHOP BAR
The Agbogbloshie Market Chop Bar Association covers the market, but does not extend geographically to Old Fadama. However, the community is welcome to join this association as it is meant to be open to all. In general, the market is fairly expensive in comparison with prices outside of Accra, so some women try to save money by buying rotten produce or meat from informal slaughter slabs. The association is against this, as they pride themselves on their high standard of hygiene recognised by MoFA. In the Old Fadama chop bars, produce is bought on average once a week and either through the kaya yeis or by directly going to the market themselves. Agbogbloshie market is identified as their market. A lack of formal, household kitchens, means that most people cook in an exterior cooking area, which is difficult.
RESEARCH GAP:
Old Fadama
• How much of the food being used is brought by kaya yei?
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Agbogbloshie market
• Who are their customers?
• Do kaya bolas take waste from chop bars to the containers?
APPENDIX 6: ABOSSEY OKAI
Many of the farmers are related. There are currently 10 farmers, 4 of which have already relocated. Each has 10 beds, which is not sufficient. A farmer needs between 30 to 40 beds to have a proper business. The site chosen for relocation means going from 5-6 acres to an area of 20 acres; coupled with improved infrastructure, land and connections, the relocation is seen as favourable. The farmers believe in their strong links with market women: if they relocate, their customers will remain loyal.
RESEARCH GAP:
• Do farmers have other sources of income?
• With – or without - the relocation in mind, would the use of manure from live-stock in Old Fadama be possible?
• What is the percentage of input – their actual contribution - into the area’s economy?
• Need to further quantify food flows from Abossey Okai.
• Where are the market women coming from?
• Where are their inputs (seeds, fertilizers, and pesticides) coming from?
• Where does the waste go?
APPENDIX 7: KAYA YEI
Yei stands for women in the Ga language. The figures for the age range of the girls can conflict. On a good day, average income can be around 10-15 GHC. The kaya yei will make savings by investing in a susu - a traditional savings group. In addition, a portion of this money will be put forward towards a ‘hope chest’ in order to prepare for an arranged marriage in the North. There are several Kaya Yei Youth Associations in Ghana, compromising of 8, 500 members nationwide. The majority of the girls live in communal dormitories in Old Fadama, while a smaller percentage live with family or family-friends. Though they work 12 hour days, they are not always able to find work. To cope, some of the girls resort to prostitution in order to make ends meet, support themselves and save for their future. These girls are extremely vulnerable to abuse, systematically inflicted due to a lack of security - sleeping place, food, money.
RESEARCH GAP:
• What is the total number of kaya yeis across Old Fadama and the Agbogbloshie area?
• How will they be impacted by the relo-cation of either the market or the community?
APPENDIX 8: KAYA BOLA
Kaya bolas working in Old Fadama do not necessarily reside in the community; in this scenario, their families do not know what they do because of the stigma around it. However, the appeal of the job is the regularity of pay – there is always work. There are new customers everyday due to the competition between kaya bolas - i.e. while customers are loyal, they can be persuaded to offer business to a different kaya bola if the price is much lower. They work a twelve-hour day. Prices charged by the kaya bolas depend on the distance travelled to the dumpsite and the weight of the load. A bag can take up to 60 kilos of waste.
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During the dry season, a kaya bola will carry the waste on his head, but during the rainy season dumping becomes dangerous because of rising flood levels, and a cart is used to move across the community. More recently, certain people in the community have started charging the kaya bolas for dumping on the lagoon. These were identified as ‘area champions’. Dumping charges range between 20 to 50 pesewas. These additional charges are bad for the kaya bolas’ business as they have to bargain for higher prices to rid the customers of waste. Most of the waste is organic, and it was identified that separation at the household level was a possibility with some basic infrastrucure. Kaya bolas already receive additional income from some minimal waste sorting then sold to scraps: copper (1 lbs= 3.150 GHC), plastic (1kg= 50p), and aluminium (1lbs= 1GHC). There is a wish to create an association, but they are constrained by time and a lack of organisation.
In Agbogbloshie, with regard to the relocation of the market, the kaya bolas have little information or voice. From their understanding only the scarp, yam, tomato and onion markets are relocating. The relocation of the market should have no direct effect on the kaya bolas of Old Fadama.
RESEARCH GAPS:
• Is it possible to form a kaya bola associ-ation in Old Fadama?
• Will they be affected by the relocation of the market?
• What are the initiatives undertaken by AMA for sorting the waste from the market?
• How many kaya bolas are there in the Agbogbloshie market?
APPENDIX 9: GENDER DIVISION & SAVINGS GROUPS
Men:
• Livestock farmers
• Owners and operators of slaughter slabs
• Waste collectors (kaya bola)
• Urban agriculturalists
Women
• Vehicles for produce (kaya yei)
• Processing and selling of food (chop bars)
• Harvesting season farmers in Northern Ghana (members of savings groups)
• Owners and operators of shops (i.e. clothing,local medicine)
UA could span the existing gender divide. While men are the traditional urban agricul-turalists in Accra, during our meetings and focus groups with savings groups, women voiced a clear interest in undertaking UA on the shores of the Korle Lagoon.
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APPENDIX 10: OFADA WASTE
MANAGEMENT SCENARIO
APPENDIX 11: SYNERGY WITHOUT WALLS
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APPENDIX 12: SYNERGY WITHOUT WALLS EXTENDED TIMELINE
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Chapter 3 RETHINKING SPACE THROUGH THE LENS OF SOCIAL RELATIONS: New dimensions of urban agriculture
ALLA BERBERYANGAGANDEEP BAINSFRANCESCA CALISESIJOYCE WONGJULIA OEVERAASKYELA GADIMARIANGELA VERONESI
“NIMA MARKET”PHOTO BY: J. OEVERAAS PREVIOUS PAGE: “PLANT POOL FARMER” PHOTO BY: J. OEVERAAS
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Table of contents
3.1 Acknowledgements
3.2 Abbreviations
3.3 Executive Summary
3.4 Background
3.4.1 Assignment
3.4.2 Research objectives
3.4.3 Introduction to our area
3.4.4 Nima and Maamobi
3.5 Conceptual framework and hypothesis
3.5.1 Our mission
3.5.2 Definition
3.5.3 Conceptual framework and social relations
3.5.4 What are social relations?
3.5.5 Hypothesis
3.6 Methodology and limitations
3.6.1 Methodology
3.6.2 Limitations
3.7 Key findings
3.7.1 Area 1: Nima and Maamobi 3.7.1.1 Social relations and access to assets
3.7.1.2 Urban agriculture and gender relations
3.7.1.3 Relations with authorities
3.7.1.4 Conclusion Area 1
3.7.2 Area 2: Grazing land
3.7.2.1 Social relations and access to assets
3.7.2.2 Relations with authorities
3.7.2.3 Conclusion Area 2
3.7.3 Area 3: Plant Pool
3.7.3.1 Social relations and access to assets
3.7.3.2 Relations with authorities
3.7.3.3 Conclusion Area 3
3.8 Scenarios and recommendations
3.9 Conclusion
4.0 References 5.0 Appendix
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“GROUP PICTURE”PHOTO BY: J. OEVERAAS
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3.1 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
We would like to express our deepest gratitude to our facilitators Baba Musa
Pachaka - Ghana Federation of the Urban Poor, and Sowah Ababio - Ministry of Food and Agriculture and our guide Charles Sablah, CEO of Ghana Nima Tours for their invaluable support and advice throughout our work.
We are very grateful to all the farmers, live-stock keepers and market traders in Alajo, Nima, Maamobi, Kotobabi and Accra New Town who kindly shared details of their occupation and personal lives with us, in particular: Sadat, Tahiru, Rabiu, Ibrahim Davis, Victoria, Abdulahi Musa, Ibrahim Bisa, Said Abubakar and Sule. We would like to thank Plant Pool Farmers’ Association in particular: Chairman Malamawudu, Yazid Muktair, David, Idirizu, and Kujo and all those who showed us around and kindly granted us their time. We would also like to extend our gratitude to CityVeg - Dzorwulu, Plant Pool and Roman Ridge Farmers Cooperatives, Berenice - Chairwoman of Novotel Market Association in Odowna, Evelyn Dadzie - Novotel Market Association in Odowna and all other asso-ciation members, Charlotte Matti - Nima Market Queen, Chairman of the Butcher Youth Association in Nima Market, Bilkisu - Vegetable Trader at Mallam Atta Market, Helen - owner of the Kotobabi pig processing plant.
Our special thanks to all the local author-ities, particularly Mallam Baba Isa - Chief of Wangara, Hon. Hafiz Abubakar - Maamobi East Assemblyman, Hon. Umar Sanda Mohammed - Nima West Assemblyman, Abdul Aziz Sununu - Alajo Assemblyman, Haji Ibrahim Abulai Baro - Chief of the Kardor Tribe. Our thanks also to Imam Shuaibu Ali - Head of a Nima Mosque and Yusuf Abdel Rahman Ali - Imam of Nima Mosque.
We would also like to thank representatives
of LC, TCPD, GWRC, MLGRD, MCI, Nima and Maamobi Associations and Representatives of Social Groups.
Our special gratitude to representatives from People’s Dialogue, IWMI, ILGS, Land for Life, and AWGUPA.
Thank you to Amadu Ibrahim Jebkle - Chairman of Nima Fun Club, Miriam Saif - President of the Mother’s Club Nima/Maamobi, and all other club members, Friend’s Rest Society, Nsuwa Women’s Group.
Our warmest gratitude to all DPU staff: Adriana Allen, Alex Apsan Frediani, Rita Lambert, Etienne von Bertrab, Vanesa Castan-Broto, Caren Levy and Matthew A. Wood-Hill.
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3.2 ABBREVIATIONSAMA Accra Metropolitan Assembly
AWGUPA Accra Working Group on Urban and Peri-urban Agriculture
DPU Development Planning Unit
FSTT From Seed to Table
GAMA Greater Accra Metropolitan Area
GIS Geographic Information Systems
GRIDCo The Ghana Grid Company Limited
GWRC Ghana Water Resource Commission
ILGS Institute for Local Government Studies
IWMI International Water Management Institute
LAP Land Administration Project
LC Lands Commission
LfL Land for life
MCI Millennium City Initiative
MLGRD Ministry of Local Government and Rural Development
MOFA Ministry of Food and Agriculture
PD People’s Dialogue
PP Plant Pool
RUAF Resource Centre on Urban Agriculture and Food Security
TCPD Town and Country Planning Department
UMG Urban Market Gardens
VRA Volta River Authority
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3.3 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
In the past decades, the development of Accra has been driven by high rates of urbanization,
which has put pressure on land availability and created increasing strain on the practice of urban agriculture throughout the city. Nonetheless, many residents continue practicing urban agri-culture as a source of livelihoods and income, particularly among the urban poor. By looking at environmentally just urbanization through the lens of urban agriculture, our research aimed to explore the different relationships between urban agriculture and other dimensions of urban life in Nima and its surroundings. Our research found that agricultural activities in this urban context are made possible by a number of important precon-ditions, including access to land, access to water, access to markets and economic viability. However, these are largely challenged by economic depri-vation, population density and land insecurity, and therefore their provision is supplemented by a network of social relations. We analyzed three different areas of social dynamics, including the relationship with authorities, using an analytical framework to further understand how social rela-tions support different functions (anchorage, rela-tional strain or support) and interact with spatial characteristics to determine how urban agriculture takes place. This analysis is embedded within the framework of environmentally just urbanization by highlighting how governance impacts on flows of urban life. Who is currently shaping the city and in what way?
In our first area, Nima-Maamobi, we found that livestock rearers rely on arrangements such as selling to neighbours at preferential prices to secure their business, entering agreements with landlords to keep animals on their land, sharing information with other animal keepers and obtaining food scraps from market traders. However, tensions can arise when these practices are disapproved by neighbours and authorities because of the nuisance to the public. Nevertheless, livestock keeping is strongly ingrained in the area’s traditions and customs and is recognized as an important source of income and gratification. In contrast, our second area has necessary environ-mental conditions in place and is characterized by cattle-grazing along drains, but the conflicting interests of herders, farmers and city authorities
create a situation of strain. Finally, our analysis of Plant Pool demonstrates how the strong collabo-ration among farmers, and the establishment of an association, has significantly improved the access to loans, seeds, and training; thus strengthening urban agriculture through social support based on reciprocity, sharing and cooperation despite a situation of insecure land tenure and conflict with authorities. Furthermore, we discovered that the gender-based hierarchies in landownership and urban agriculture can be altered through social arrangements and in turn allow more women to participate in these activites.
Based on these findings, we have elaborated a list of scenarios and recommendations, briefly summarized as following:
Ensuring community participation to create environmentally just processes in future redevel-opment of Nima
Propose reconstruction of drains in order to enable practices of urban agriculture
Improving land security to ensure a productive use of space through appropriate negotiations and agreements between relevant stakeholders
Our findings present a nuanced picture of the multiple social relations that shape urban commu-nities; enabling and strenghtening the livelihood opportunities for the urban poor. Understanding and incorporating social relations in development planning can ensure an environmentally just urbanization that is based on real community needs and participation.
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3.0 BACKGROUND
3.1 ASSIGNMENT
The objective of this assignment is to uncover the potentials of environmentally just urban-
ization through the lens of urban and peri-urban agriculture in the Greater Accra Metropolitan Area (GAMA). Our aim was to expand on the research carried out by DPU students from 2008 to 2011; moving away from a site-specific analysis of urban and peri-urban agriculture to encompass wider study areas. This has allowed us to uncover the dynamics of urban agriculture in a more integrated manner, assess the current and future contribution of urban agriculture to the functioning of the city and to provide recommendations accordingly.
3.2 RESEARCH OBJECTIVES
• To understand how urban agricultural practices take place in specific locations;
• To uncover the conditions that have allowed urban agriculture to exist in different urban landscapes;
• To explore how practices of urban agri-culture in one area are influenced and linked to other agricultural practices in the city;
• To analyze how urban agriculture is conditioned by changing trends of urbanization and how strategies can be elaborated for different scenarios
3.3 INTRODUCTION TO OUR AREA
Our study area consisted of several neighbour-hoods within GAMA; Nima, Maamobi,
Kotobabi, Abelemkpe, Alajo, Accra New Town, and Kokomlemle, which span across the following Sub-Metro districts: Ayawaso East, Ayawaso Central, Ayawaso West (c.f. Map 1).
Map 1: Location of our area
Nima was our main area of focus because of its particular characteristics as a densely
populated low-income area with a widespread presence of urban agriculture in the form of livestock-keeping. Additionally we traveled to areas beyond the designated boundaries to explore the agricultural linkages between Nima and other important sites of urban agriculture related to our research goals. These will be presented in detail later in our report.
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3.4 NIMA
Located just outside Accra city center, Nima is a dense, vibrant and ethnically diverse area popu-lated predominantly by Muslim migrants from northern Ghana and neighbouring countries.
It is often referred to as place of despair because of overcrowding, poor environmental conditions, land scarcity and reputedly a crime-ridden area. These issues have led to a stigmatization of Nima and its residents. External perceptions have also created prejudice and cultural barriers. Nima has therefore evolved into a city within a city – largely possessing its own rules, authorities and policing,
and has undergone its own development, driven and enforced by its inhabitants.
It serves as home to multiple generations of earlier settlers and newcomers, and is a place of opportunity and acceptance. Nima boasts strong networks of support, drawing many new resi-dents into the area. The affordability and formal/informal economic opportunities make Nima an attractive area composed of small businesses, street vendors, markets and financial services.
Nima’s historical progression underwent several distinct phases with different implications for urban planning:
GRAPH 1: HISTORICAL PROGRESSION 1910-2000
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3.5 Conceptual Framework and Hypothesis
3.5.1 OUR MISSION
To explore the relationship between urban agriculture and other dimensions of urban life in Nima and surroundings. This will allow us to identify entry points for strategic policy decisions for the community, local government and city institutions to improve livelihoods in Nima in the short and long term. This process should ensure environmentally just urbanisation.
3.5.2 DEFINITIONS
Urban agriculture is the production of food in the city through livestock rearing, cultivation, and the linking of producers and consumers through the market.
Environmentally just urbanisation is the process through which people have the opportunity to influence and take part in fair decision-making that impacts their lives. It is the right to income and livelihood opportunities that meet basic needs, and the right to a fair distribution of environmental goods and services.
3.5.3 ANALYTICAL FRAMEWORK:
SOCIAL RELATIONS AND ENVIRONMENTALLY JUST URBANIZATION
From our study we have identified that physical and financial assets are important preconditions for the realization of urban agriculture. However, in an area like Nima where these assets are restricted or over-exploited, where high density means limited space for expansion of urban agriculture, there is a large reliance on social relations that allow urban agriculture to exist in complex ways in the city.
3.5.4 WHAT ARE SOCIAL RELATIONS?
Social relations can be defined as the ‘linkages between individuals or groups of individuals’ (O’Reilly 1988 in Due et al. 1999). A web of social relations amounts to a social network (O’Reilly 1988 in Due et al. 1999). They act as a means to govern the activities that take place at the local level, while being influenced by other governance structures dictated by the regulations, permissions, and omissions of official authorities.
Social relations, as referred to in this study, are broken down according to their function (c.f Graph 2). The function of social relations can be defined as what is “provided through the behaviours or actions of members of a network”(O’Reilly 1988 in Due et al. 1999). Functions include social support, rela-tional strain and social anchorage (c.f Graph 4).
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GRAPH 2: SOCIAL RELATIONS FRAMEWORK. SOURCE: ADAPTED FROM PERNILLE DUE, BJORN HOLSTEIN, RIKKE LUND, JENS MODVIG, KIRSTEN AVLUN, 1999
These functions serve as our analytical framework. In our areas of study we will:
a Describe the area and its spatial characteristics
b. Describe social relations and access to assets; detail the dynamics between actors when it comes to access to assets needed to pursue agricultural activities (land, water, skills, markets, start-up capital, economic viability) and describe the nature of these realtions (cooperation, conflict, reciprocity, solidarity)
c. Detail relationships with local and city level authorities
d. Relate social relations to spatial issues through defining the role of social rela-tions in urban agriculture in specific geographical areas with distinct characteristics Furthermore, we examine gender relations because to only observe those already engaged in urban agriculture (primarily men) will not give a complete picture of the situation. We also need to look at whether women do not engage in urban agriculture because of gender related issues.
Social relations - network, support and relational strain”
The variety of social relations is shaped by long-standing customs and traditions dictating the norms and practices in the area, influencing and re-interpreting the established rules and policies. Social rela-tions also enable or prevent access to certain assets, primarily the access to land, markets, water, skills, start-up capital and economic viability, which we have identified as essential for urban agriculture.
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This analysis inserts itself within the framework of environmentally just urbanization because it emphasizes the issue of production of space. It highlights how governance impacts on flows of urban life and raises the question of who are the drivers behind the production and reshaping of urban space. The analysis of flows of social relations reveals power structures on multiple levels and tells us more about how these structures shape the distribution of environmental goods and services. This deconstruction of social relations allows us to identify entry points for action where networks that could challenge the current power structure exist, but have not yet been developed to their full potential.
GRAPH 4: FUNCTIONS OF SOCIAL RELATIONS
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3.5.5 HYPOTHESIS
Social relations shape the dynamics of urban agriculture practices of livestock-rearing in Nima. They also dictate how interactions occur in relation to other practices of urban agriculture, such as cultivation and food trade through the city.
Our study reveals how social relations have shaped the development of urban agriculture within three different spaces: livestock rearing in Nima, cattle-grazing along drains, and cultivation in Plant Pool.
3.6 Methodology and Limitations3.6.1 METHODOLOGY
Research was undertaken in three stages between January and June, 2012.
STAGE 1 AND 2: Preliminary diagnosis and fieldwork
1. Desk-based research was conducted in London to identify the drivers and patterns of change shaping urban agricultural practices in Accra
2. Research was carried out in the field upon arrival in Accra
STAGE 3: POST-FIELDWORK
The data gathered was analysed and strategic recommendations were prepared. A video was produced to communicate findings to all research stakeholders.
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3.6.2 LIMITATIONS
Time constraints limited the number of interviews conducted with farmers, livestock owners, community leaders and community groups, hindering the process of unpacking of social arrangements within the community.
Our research was focused on specific geographical areas, hence we were unable to comprehensively explore the linkages with other urban agricultural practices in the city.
Language barriers made communication difficult and some relevant elements could have been lost in translation. Issues with language also limited full participation during focus groups.
Our initial research focus was slightly modified during the fieldwork, resulting in last minute altera-tions of plans and change of methodology for data collection.
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3.7 KEY FINDINGS
3.7.1 AREA 1: NIMA AND MAAMOBI
MAP 2: IDENTIFIED LIVESTOCK KEEPERS DURING TRANSECTS
Livestock-rearing is a distinguishing characteristic of Nima. Dating back to the area’s origins, urban agriculture has been shaped by social relations developed through common iden-tities and solidarity. When the Fulani bought the land from the Ga tribe in the early 1900s, they brought with them their tradi-tions of livestock-rearing, which still exist today. The main types of livestock are poultry, goats, sheep and occasionally cattle. In some instances, livestock rearing takes place within domestic spaces such as courtyards and housing compounds, where food is brought directly to the animals. In other cases, livestock roam in open spaces such as streets, roads, waste-dumping sites and drains (c.f. Maps 2, 3, 4).
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MAP 3: EXAMPLES OF COMPOUND STRUCTURES WITH INTERNAL COURTYARDS
MAP 4: EXAMPLES OF STRUCTURE OF PRIMARY, SECONDARY AND TERTIARY ROADS
MAP 5: GUTTER CROSSING NIMA AND MAAMOBI
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3.7.2 SOCIAL RELATIONS AND ACCESS TO ASSETS
Access to Land: Land ownership in Nima is complex because multiple types of ownership co-exist, primarily in the form of customary, private and institutional land. However, family ties and inher-itance represent the main way to obtain access to land. Those who who rent a house or land need an agreement with their landlord in order to keep animals. For example, a tenant can give his landlord a few animals in exchange for the permission to keep them on his property; creating a bond of reci-procity. Furthermore, relations can be problematic if animals cause nuisance to the community in terms of noise, damage and waste. In the absence of by-law enforcements or formal regulation of livestock-keeping in the area, people are left to rely on social arrangements for the continued practice of this activity. These arrangements can take different forms; livestock is tolerated in solidarity with the rearers because it is recognised as a vital activity for the local community. The reciprocal benefits to other community members comes from livestock being a source of food, especially during festivities. Nevertheless, situations of occasionally unresolved conflict might arise. Consequently, the access to land and livelihood activities in Nima are regulated through mutual agreements. The absence of gover-nament regulations combined with limited available space leaves the community to self-governance. In a way, this can be seen as the collective power of citizens to shape their city, which in this case has arisen out of necessity rather than a deliberate urban planning policy.
Access to Water: Water is often accessed through communal water points that are shared between several households. This arrangement requires an agreement between neighbours regarding the use, and payment, of water. In other cases, water is bought from a water point for a fixed price per bucket., or less frequently, water is obtained from drains.
Access to Market: Those who keep livestock sell their animals directly to consumers resident in the community rather than, to merchants in the markets. There is an increased demand during festivities such as naming day, weddings and other religious ceremonies. During these occasions, social relations based on friendship and solidarity can result in lower prices paid for animals. Furthermore, animals are not just kept for profit; they are also kept for personal consumption, or as offerings of support to community members. See the case of poultry farmer Ibrahim Davis (c.f. Appendix 6.8), who keeps chickens in order to help widows or families in need within his community (i.e. solidarity).
Hence mutual benefits from livestock-keeping are still recognized despite the inconvenience arising from keeping animals in densely populated areas.
Rearing Skills and Start-up Capital: Even though there are exceptions, such as Ibrahim Davis who started his chicken-rearing activity independently (c.f. Appendix 6.8), livestock-rearing skills and animals needed to start a business are usually acquired and passed down within families.
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Economic Viability: Although some livestock keepers are happy to pass their trade on to their children or to friends, many are concerned with its future economic viability due to high investment costs and uncertain revenues. Still, livestock-rearing can be a profitable activity, as in the example of Sadat, (c.f. Appendix 6.5), who inherited both the trade and the land from his father. Since it was already an established family business, it was easier for Sadat to gain access to markets, customers, food for his animals and to maintain community support.
The economic viability of livestock-keeping depends on good relations with its main market: the community. This can be further secured through strengthening mutually beneficial relations; for instance giving favorable prices as a token of support during hardships. If a seller donates animals to community members in difficult times, he is more likely to have the favour returned in future purchases. Social relations can also improve economic viability through reciprocal arrangements; livestock keepers can obtain cheap food for their animals by collecting organic waste from restaurants and markets, thus improving the environmental and hygeinic situation by disposing food waste.
3.7.3 URBAN AGRICULTURE AND GENDER RELATIONS
Traditionally, land and livestock are kept, and passed on, by men. Because the livestock trade is male dominated, solidarity among men is high and has led to the exclusion of many women. Women can, and do, have a role in livestock rearing, but tend to be constrained to taking care of domestic issues because of traditions and norms. Women are further disadvantaged in accessing livelihoods because of less education, weaker property rights and less access to land and start-up capital than men.
Access to assets: When talking to the Women’s Group in Nima, some of the expressed constraints against engaging in urban agriculture were the roles of social organization and gender relations. City households often show a broader diversification of income, and gender roles are less traditional in urban environments than in the countryside. Many members in the Women’s Group said that their husbands would in fact welcome a second income generated by their wives. Nevertheless, it is often taken for granted that women will stay at home to take care of children and household chores, which prevents them from engaging in commercial agriculture. When asked about livestock keeping, the women replied it was their sons who kept animals due to the arduous nature of the task, further under-pinning the male dominance in urban agriculture in Nima. In the cases where women have been able to access this male-dominated practice, it has contributed to improving women’s social situation in the community and within the household, as well as functioning as a safety-net in times of economic hardship.
Insecurity around land tenure and ownership in customary patriarchal traditions, as in Nima, is another constraint faced by women. When only men inherit land, women are left landless and dependent on their husbands for land access and housing. Furthermore, there are issues regarding access to initial funding and start-up capital. Without owning any financial assets it is difficult to obtain a loan, but in some cases this can be addressed by collective action and relationships of solidarity. For instance, the Women’s Group has a savings group that assists women with start-up loans for small scale businesses. Women are thus often excluded from engaging in urban agriculture because they have less access to land and financial resources than men, but they can improve their situ-ation through social networking and collective savings groups.
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3.7.4 RELATIONS WITH AUTHORITIES
Local: The Chief of Nima and Mamobi views livestock-rearing favourably and has solidarity with the livestock keepers while simultaneously recognizing the existing challenges such as the lack of space, grazing land and water. The lack of funds and government support is yet another problem. The Chief sees livestock rearing as a good employment opportunity, especially for youth, as long as the activity has positive branding, and adequate training is provided. (For relationship with the assemblyman c.f. 3.7.2.2).
City level: AMA dictates the by-laws on livestock-keeping which regulate hygiene conditions, number of animals and the presence and transit in public spaces. However, many by-laws are not respected, leaving livestock keepers in a potentially conflictual position with AMA, even though there is no strict enforcement. MOFA extension officers often visit the animal keepers and provide advice on how to meet AMA requirements. Still, if these requirements are not met there are no official sanctions, meaning that MOFA is engaging in a supportive and solidarity role. MOFA also issues licenses for those who fulfill the necessary criteria, and provides subsidised local veterinary support.
3.7.4.1 CONCLUSION AREA 1: SPACE AND SOCIAL RELATIONS
Despite the complexities in the area, social relations are the reason why urban agriculture has survived as a widespread livelihood activity despite urbanization trends. Social relations have allowed for urban agriculture practices to remain engrained in the social, economic and cultural tissue of the area, and conflict has not been significant enough to overthrow this longstanding tradition.
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3.7.4 AREA 2: GRAZING LAND
3.7.4.1 SOCIAL RELATIONS AND ACCESS TO ASSETS
Access to Land: Cattle owners in Nima have limited grazing space for their animals, so cattle is brought to graze along wide waterways. Some follow the gutter out of Nima towards the East, while other livestock keepers bring their cattle north to Alajo, where it grazes towards Plant Pool or in other cultivated areas (c.f. Maps 6 and 7).
Access to water: grazing along drains is convenient because water is easily available
Economic viability: There is no financial cost associated with animals grazing along waterways - as long as the laws that prohibit such practice are not enforced by MetroWorks.
When accessing the above-mentioned assets, livestock keepers encounter difficulties when they arrive at Plant Pool, where the situation is more problematic.
David is a Plant Pool farmer that has been cultivating for 16 years and is part of the Plant Pool Farmers Association. He described the relationship between the cattle owners and farmers as one of coexistence and conflict. The cattle tend to ruin the crops, causing loss to farmers. No compen-sation is given, and David claims that cattle owners do not care about causing damage. The cattle owners come from outside the Pool area (most of them live in Alajo or the Ebony neighbourhood in Kotobabi), and according to David, this creates a condition of distrust where agreements cannot
be reached. For this reason, the lack of social relations is spatially embedded and is a significant factor behind the absence of mutually beneficial agreements.
MAP 7: CATTLE GRAZING ROUTE TOWARDS PLANT POOL
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3.7.4.2 RELATIONS WITH AUTHORITIES
Local: Cattle are the animals least tolerated by local authorities in Nima and Maamobi mainly because of their size, their disruption to traffic, the waste generated andthe implications for public health. Thus relationships between the community and the local authorities are contentious.
The Assemblyman of Maamobi East does not support livestock keeping in the city: in particular the movement of the cattle toward grazing fields. However, he does recognize that it is a live-lihood strategy and that he would upset many people if he enforced the by-laws prohibiting cattle keeping. He believes the implementation of by-laws is the responsibility of AMA. Still, since the Assemblyman disproves of the practice, herders have to move their cattle either early or late in the day to avoid any confrontations. On the other hand, the Head Chief supports urban agriculture, demonstrating solidarity towards cattle owners, and has not expressed hostility towards cattle crossing the city and grazing
City Level: The government has authority over cattle-grazing activities because they take place on institutional land. Town and Country Planning Department (TCPD) authorities are unhappy with cattle grazing because this area has been designated for drainage. Ghana Water Resource Commission (GWRC) is responsible for licensing water extraction and waste-water discharge and claim that the presence of grazing and cultivation along the drains interferes with its original functions. MetroWorks is responsible for the enforcement of zoning policies, but without the capacity to enforce these policies in all areas of the city, this issue remains unresolved.
3.7.4.3 CONCLUSION AREA 2: SPACE AND SOCIAL RELATIONS
Cattle-grazing takes place in a context of hostility and conflict, creating a situation of emotional and functional strain because the herders face the disapproval of farmers and authorities despite being in an area that otherwise has the ideal availability of assets for urban agriculture. Therefore, this example demonstrates that although physical and financial assets play an important role in making cattle grazing possible, these can be easily challenged if a web of positive and supportive social relations is absent.
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MAP 8: LOCATION OF PLANT POOL
3.7.7 AREA 3: PLANT POOL
Our analysis will concentrate on Plant Pool as the prime site for cultivation in the area
MAP 9: PLANT POOL AND TYPES OF INSTITUTIONAL LAND
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3.7.5.1 SOCIAL RELATIONS AND ACCESS TO ASSETS
Access to land: Plant Pool is situated under high tension lines on land owned by The Volta River Authority (VRA). VRA has made an informal agreement with Plant Pool farmers which allows them to use the land for agriculture purposes. Social relations such as family ties, having friends at Plant Pool or being an apprentice to one of the farmers, have enabled many farmers to gain access to agricultural land in Plant Pool. However, accessing land through mutual social arrangements might limit the opportunities for farmers who do not have any existing contacts.
Nevertheless, even those with guaranteed access to land encounter problems when their farming is under threat of encroachment by kiosks owners. The local assembly man explained to us that the encroachment is done with the help of traditional stool members from whom the Plant Pool land was originally acquired. They allow certain members of their community to move onto the land, and hire “macho men” to protect the kiosks. This has led to the displacement of some farmers and created conflicts with the traditional authorities, the “macho men” and the newcomers.
Access to water: Through collaboration and social organization, farmers can manage their water resources efficiently: when the water is available each farmer uses his own water pipe. They each pay a monthly flat rate of approximately 300 GHC. In case of limited water supply, farmers collaborate to store water in a central reservoir.
Farming/ rearing skills and start-up capital: Interviews revealed three main ways through which farmers gain their farming skills and knowledge
(a) Farming skills are passed down through generations within families
(b) Knowledge and skills are transferred from farmers working on other urban agriculture sites: Idirizu started as a bicycle repairman, but decided to pursue cultivation as an additional activity in order to support his family. Idrizu gained access to land and farming skills through a friend who was farming in Plant Pool
(c) Collaboration with external agencies such as MOFA, IWMI and other NGOs, that conduct training in farming skills.
Farming skills and knowledge are an important precondition for entering urban agriculture. Furthermore, family ties, friendship and networks can support existing- and new farmers in several ways: i.e. through financial support, access to customers and markets. Thus, social relations based on reciprocity and solidarity go beyond mere family ties and still enable the transfer of knowledge, skills and support through various social networks.
Physical access to the market: Products from Plant Pool are mainly sold to individuals, restau-rants, hotels and market traders in Nima, Madina, Mallam Atta, Mamobi and Alajo. Still, Plant Pool farmers identified access to the market, and low prices as their main challenge because their products have to compete with those supplied from nearby farming areas.
There have been efforts to improve access to markets through internal collaborative and mutually beneficial arrangements among farmers, like growing different crops to reduce compe-tition and ensure equal access to the market for everyone. Furthermore, RUAF’s “From Seed to Table” program facilitated Plant Pool Farmers’ Association to partner with a selling point at Legon.
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However, because only one association member decides which farmer the Legon middleman should buy vegetables from -as the middleman then purchases vegetables from Plant Pool twice a week at a favorable price - this kind of partnership does not bring equal benefits to all farmers.
Economic Viability: Continuous cultivation requires adequate access to inputs such as seeds and fertilizers. Through a collaborative agreement with MOFA, farmers receive subsidized seeds and fertilizers for three months every year. In addition, farmers engage in specific social arrange-ments based on trust and reciprocity by exchanging seedlings and sometimes they rotate crops in order to enrich the soil.
Access to funds through the Association’s savings group is another key to economic viability, making it easier for farmers to obtain a loan from the bank for the purchase of farming inputs. However, to qualify for a loan also needs some level of collaboration as members have to demon-strate a certain level of commitment to the association and follow its requirements.
Favorable environmental conditions: There are favorable environmental conditions for farming in Plant Pool because of sufficient amounts of rainfall. However, annual floods usually spoil the crops. Plant Pool farmers manage the waste produced at the farming site collectively by designating a spot where waste is piled up and burnt. Additionally, waste is reused as manure to improve soil fertility.
3.7.5.2 RELATIONS WITH AUTORITIES
Local Authorities: Social relations with authorities support farmers by providing management and coping skills for their agricultural activities. In many neighbourhoods, local Chiefs support the farmers. In one instance, several members of the farmers association withdrew from the association for unknown reasons, and the remaining farmers turned to the Chief for advice. The Chief recommended sharing goods such as fertilizers without expecting anything in return. This principle of solidarity helped bring back the members who withdrew and even encouraged new members to join.
City Authorities: Relations are conflictual with TCP because the land has been zoned for government use, and agreements over land use are difficult to reach because of health risks involved in using land below high tension lines. Nonetheless, Plant Pool Farmers still receive training and support from MOFA. MOFA encouraged the creation of the Association and provided training in various fields. For example, Plant Pool farmers were taught to manage the waste produced at the farming site collectively by designating an area for waste to be disposed of and burnt.
3.7.5.3 CONCLUSION AREA 3: SPACE AND SOCIAL RELATIONS
Collaborative relations based on reciprocity, solidarity, and sharing are vital for Plant Pool farmers, and consequently, can determine land use. Although conflicts might still arise among farmers (for instance when certain farmers refuse to join the association and a situation of distrust and separation is created in thecultivation area), members recognize that coming together enables more than just the use of space for cultivation. In fact, it serves the function of providing support in obtaining resources to further their development. It also translates into a form of anchorage as they develop a sense of belonging and rootedness through the association.
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3.8 SCENARIOS AND RECOMMENDATIONS
For each key finding we identified two type of scenarios: remaining at status quo or facing significant redevelopment in the area. Due to the limited scope of the report, we only included the scenario which is more likely to occur. For other scenarios, please see Appendix 6.2.
3.8.1 AREA 1: NIMA AND MAAMOBI
SCENARIO 1: REDEVELOPMENT
Key issue: Strengthen public community participation for sustainable development. Development plans for Nima are forthcoming. Based on the information available, the plans involve restructuring the area into high-rise buildings, expanding road infrastructure and restruc-turing drains. This would change spatial arrangements, which could strongly affect the feasibility of urban agriculture. Many livestock rearers, in particular cattle owners, would have to find an alternative solution, relocate or even abandon their activity. Objective: Ensure that redevelopment occurs through an environmentally just process. RECOMMENDATIONS:
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3.8.2 AREA 2: GRAZING LAND
SCENARIO 1: REDEVELOPMENT: RECONSTRUCTION OF DRAINS THROUGH
ACCRA RAILWAY AND DRAINGS PROJECTS AND MILLENIUM CITY INITIATIVE
Key issue: Restructuring of drains could disrupt animal grazing.
Plans to restructure the drains in Accra have been approved. If drains are cemented, cattle-grazing practices would be disrupted. In addition, the GWRC is currently drafting a document to secure buffer zones along the drains to avoid soil erosion and flooding. One of the strategies proposed by GWRC is to plant mango trees so that roots can ensure soil retention. This would enable one form of urban agriculture, but wipe out another. We propose another alternative.
Objective: Restructuring drains while enabling practices of urban agriculture
RECOMMENDATIONS:
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3.8.3 AREA 3: PLANT POOL
SCENARIO 1: STATUS QUO REMAINS
Key issue: Insecure land tenure
Although Plant Pool farmers have used this land for many years and their prospects of an immediate eviction are unlikely, their position is in a perpetual state of insecurity with the lack of protection necessary to work under the high tension wires and the authority needed to ward off encroachers. Land Administration Project (LAP) should recognise, scale-up and address the existing forms of informal agreements in order to solve the issue of land insecurity and threats to the agricultural activity.
Objective: Improve land security to ensure productive use of cultivation fields
RECOMMENDATIONS:
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3.8.4 CITYWIDE: CLOSING THE ECOLOGICAL LOOP
Key Issue: Unexploited potential collaborations at neighbourhood and city-wide scale
A network of exchanges between farmers, market traders and livestock rearers currently exists on a small scale, as we have found during our research. Vegetable farmers sold food to market traders and the excess was given to animal rearers. The latter sold or gave the manure to farmers and obtained food scraps from markets, who in turn benefited from having their organic waste collected so as to avoid disposing of it themselves. However, these collaborations happen between individuals and could be further enabled and enhanced through stronger networks and organisation among associations to optimize and encourage these exchanges on a larger scale.
Objective: Reinforce existing networks to increase inputs available to practitioners of urban agri-culture while decreasing costs, and to gradually expand to a greater scale.
RECOMMENDATIONS:
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If followed, these recommendations for action could close an ecological loop, where waste outputs are transformed into inputs; providing important environmental services and improving urban sustainability through the flows and exchange of food, foodscraps, animal waste and ferti-liser within the system through mutually beneficient arrangements. This is important in areas with poor infrastructure, and echoes the idea of urban metabolism where urban dynamics are opti-mized by mimicking natural systems where energy flows are constantly transformed, so that waste is recycled into new inputs (Girardet, 2008). Furthermore, this would promote environmentally just urbanisation where people themselves could have the power to shape and improve their local environment based on their traditions, social ties and lifestyles.
MAP 9: ECOLOGICAL LOOP
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3.9 Monitoring and evaluation
3.9.1 AREA 1: NIMA AND MAAMOBI
SCENARIO 2: REDEVELOPMENT
Key issue: Strengthen public community participation for sustainable development.
Objective: Ensure that redevelopment occurs through an environmentally just process.
RECOMMENDATIONS:
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3.9.2 AREA 2: GRAZING LAND
SCENARIO 2: REDEVELOPMENT: RECONSTRUCTION OF DRAINS THROUGH ACCRA
RAILWAYS AND DRAINS PROJECT AND MILLENIUM CITY INITIATIVE
Key issue: Restructuring of drains could disrupt grazing.
Objective: Restructuring drains while enabling practices of urban agriculture
RECOMMENDATIONS:
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3.9.3 AREA 3: PLANT POOL
SCENARIO 1: STATUS QUO REMAINS
Key issue: Insecure land tenure
Objective: Improve land tenure security to ensure productive use of land
RECOMMENDATIONS:
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3.10 CONCLUSION
The aim of our project was to investigate the practice of urban agriculture in Nima and its
surroundings in order to identify entry points for strategic action that can improve the livelihoods of the urban poor.
Through our analysis of the conditions that enable urban agriculture, we conclude that social capital is effectively an integral part of urban agriculture and a precondition for its well-functioning. Social capital provides anchorage in areas where the cultural identity centers to a high degree around urban agriculture. It is exactly the social arrange-ments that allow farming and rearing to exist in areas that do not necessarily have the physical preconditions in place for the development of such activities. Although it may at times lead to conflict, social capital can also allow for the resolution of such tensions and several studies have highlighted that urban agriculture is itself a vehicle for social cohesion (Mougeot, 2005). If favorable condi-tions are in place, social relations and urban agri-culture could reinforce each other and further the potential for mobilisation around common social and environmental issues. This scenario is not necessarily location specific and can have value outside of our own research areas. The creation of networks can improve farmer’s opportunities to engage with stakeholders that influence the future of their livelihoods. In addition, social organi-zation can lay a foundation for the provision of ecological services, as explained in the ecological loop.
Through evaluating current and future scenarios, we deepened our understanding of how urban agriculture is subject to urbanisation trends, and how these interact with long-standing tradi-tions and social networks. Even though our case
studies are area-specific, the nature of our analysis should serve to inform the conception of space for urban development beyond the boundaries of our area. Furthermore, it is important for planning to acknowledge social structures; although different places might share similar geographical or infra-structural characteristics, the social compo-sition and relations with authorities might differ, resulting in different results.
Understanding the complex and multi-faceted dimensions of social relations, norms and tradi-tions can help development planners and city authorities to elaborate strategies based on people’s real needs. When working for transform-ative change, one needs to understand both internal and external drivers and pressures shaping urban agriculture. Urban planners can devise policies that promote environmentally just urban-isation, not just in Nima, but in the city as a whole. In Nima, the various functions of social realtions have been an important part of creating identity and possibilities for people to engage in urban agriculture. Over the years, the social dynamics have created functioning communities, through cooperative, conflicting and reciprocal relations. These internal factors are important in supporting and activating livelihood opportunities for the urban poor of Accra.
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REFERENCES
Annorbah-Sarpei A.J., (1998), Urban market gardens Accra, Ghana [WWW] Mega Cities Projects, Available from http://www.megacitiesproject.org/pdf/publications_pdf_mcp018c.pdf [Accessed 22/5/12]
Due P, Holstein B, Lund R, Modvig J, Avlund K.1999, Social relations: network, support and rela-tional strain, Social Science & Medicine, Vol 48, Issue 5, March 1999, pp. 661–673,, URL: http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0277953698003815
Field Trip 2011 to Accra: Plant Pool Group, 2011, A Case Study for Analyzing Well-being through Sustainable Urban Agriculture, University College London, Development Planning Unit, London.
Girardet, H., 2008. Cities, People, Planet: Urban Development and Climate Change 2nd ed., Chichester: John Wiley.
International Water Management Institute (IWMI), 2010, Promoting Sustainable Urban Agriculture in Accra, Ghana, Case Study: Plant Pool and Roman Ridge, Development Planning Unit, Accra, Ghana.
Mougeot, L, 2005, Agropolis: The Social, Political and Environmental Dimensions of Urban Agriculture. Canada: International Development Research Centre (IDRC)
Owusu G., Agyei-Mensah S. and Lund R., (2008), Slums of hope and slums of despair: Mobility and livelihoods in Nima, Accra, Norwegian Journal of Geography, (September), pp. 180-190, URL: http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/00291950802335798
Verlet, M., 2005, Grandir à Nima (Ghana): les figures du travail dans un faubourg populaire d’Accra, Paris: Karthala: IRD
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APPENDIX
1. Abbreviations
2. Field trip schedule
3. Stakeholder information
4. Stakeholder analysis for livestock keeping
5. Information to underpin findings
5.1 Detailed Nima historical evolution
5.2 Scenarios
5.2.1 Nima-Maamobi
5.2.2 Grazing land
5.2.3 Plant pool
6. Selected interview results
6.1 The story about Nima Market: Interview with Charlotte Matti, the Market Queen
6.2 Interview with “Friends Rest Society” Youth Association
6.3 Interview with Bilkisu, a female trader in Mallam Atta Market
6.4 Interview with Evelyn Dadzie, a member of the Novotel Market Association/Odowna Market
6.5 Interview with Sadat, young livestock rearer
6.6 Interview with Helen, pig farm owner
6.7 Interview with Ann, female livestock rearer
6.8 Interview with Ibrahim Davis, poultry keeper
7. Interview outline
7.1 Semi-structured interview
7.1.1 Interviewees: Livestock keeper
7.1.2 Interviewees: Traders (market traders, street vendors)
7.1.3 Interviewees: Plant Pool farmers
7.1.4 Interviewees: Nima/Maamobi Mother’s Club
7.1.5 Interviewee: Assemblymen (Nima West/Maamobi East/Alajo)
7.1.6 Interviewee: Head Chief
7.2 Focus Groups
7.2.1 Focus group: Nima/Maamobi Mother’s Club
7.2.2 Focus group: Friends Rest Society Acknowledgements
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CICOL Civil Society Coalition on Land
CFF City Farming for the Future
CS Civil Society
CSIR Council for Scientific and Industrial Research
GHAFUP Ghana Federation of the Urban Poor
GWCL Ghana Water Company Limited
ISSER Institute of Statistical, Social, and Economic Research
MLG Ministry for Local Government
NGO Non-Governmental Organisation
3.2 ABBREVIATIONS
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2. FIELD TRIP SCHEDULE
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FIELD TRIP SCHEDULE
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FIELD TRIP SCHEDULE
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PHOTOS: URBAN AGRICULTURAL ACTIVITIES JULIA OVERAS
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3. Stakeholder Information
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4. Stakeholders analysis for livestock rearing
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5. Information to underpin findings
5.1 DETAILED HISTORY OF NIMA (source: Grandir a Nima)
THE CAMPMENT: 1910-1939: THE RURAL VILLAGE:
Since the early settlement, the area been char-acterised by agricultural activities. When cattle
was banned from the city in 1908, after the bovine plague, the cattle-owning Fulani had to find new lands outside central Accra. After obtaining the consent of the Osu Ga to occupy vacant lands, they moved from Hausa Zongo, Zongo Lane and Cow Lane to a settlement called Ruga. The new Fulani settlement was formally established in 1931 when the area was bought by Alhadji Futa, a respected Fulani from Mali. The community grew as more newcomers from the North settled, creating a village on the outskirts of the city. The settlers used the area as pasture in addition to cultivating maize and cassava. The majority of the migrants were men from rural areas who settled temporarily in order to gain additional income during the low agricultural season, and would return to their village in times of abundance.
As time passed, people were settling down more permanently, marriages were arranged with women from the North, and the area gradually became a community with families.
THE “BLESSED LAND''
The name Nima means “the blessed land” for the Muslim communities of Fulani, Dogon, Zabarima, Hausa, Wangara. The community is predominantely Muslim, while the rest of Accra has a Christian majority. In Nima, the Muslims
could feel protected from the vigilance of author-ities and missionary groups. Nima became a safe haven in a city where Muslims felt alienated, and separated them from the ‘temptations’ of the city. Nima has been termed the ‘Anti-City’, the ‘Strangers City’, the ‘Urban Village’; a place in opposition to Accra’s main Ga identity with its own norms and rules.
THE SLUM 1940-1981
Urbanization: With the outbreak of war, the area underwent important transformations. Agricultural activities were outnumbered by unskilled and semi-skilled labour that served the new emerging economy of the nearby military camp. The area offered numerous job oppor-tunities in building, construction, domestic work, security guards and even prostitution. The following densification of the area combined with no planning or infrastructure turned Nima into a slum.
The densification and rising population continued in the post-war period when soliders settled down to become semi-skilled workers. They took up professions as drivers, mechanics, topographers or started their own business; contributing to the growth of the informal economy. Some attempted to build more sturdy houses, but most remained in poor shacks. In 1951, Nima was included in the city boundaries.
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ETHNIC DIVERSIFICATION
Eventually, the area became more ethnically diverse; with populations originating from Builsa, Kasena, Grunsi, Konkomba and Frafra. Others arrived from the East and from the Volta region. This diversification resulted in a fragmentation of job occupation along ethnic lines.
REDEVELOPMENT
After independence in 1964, Nima was radi-cally reshaped by government planning and policies. Ruga was destroyed, despite the strong Fulani and Hausa opposition. In 1968, a plan was drafted to restructure and integrate Nima into the city center. This was done by prolonging commercial routes and building residential areas for wealthier citizens, thus expelling 60 % of the original population. Furthermore, the 1969 Alien Compliance Act lead to decimation of the area and many foreigners were forced out of the country, in particular the Zabarima (Niger), Gao (Mali) and Yoruba (Nigeria), although many returned in the following years. However, the Hausa were not expelled because of their religious status, and Dogons and Mossi were too important for the local economy in terms of labour supply. Nevertheless, the area was bulldozed in 1977 by the Accra Slum Clearance Committee. The popu-lation was partially resettled in Madina, but the arrangement proved to be inadequate and many moved back. Many cattle-owners found their way to Ashaiman slum, which became the main market for cattle. The restructuring of Nima was a step towards imposing the imprint of the modern, metropolitan city onto an underdeveloped and traditional area; symbolized by the construction of Nima Highway which runs right through Nima and connects the area to the rest of Accra.
Operation “Help Nima” was founded in the sixties by middle class students to fight against displacement of Nima’s inhabitants, and to create
local development and collective infrastructure. Although achievements were limited, this initi-ative did ignite social and political mobilization; like the creation of the Committee for the Development and Welfare of Nima-Mamoobi and Nima-Mamoobi Housing Corporation.
LOW INCOME AREA: 1982 TO PRESENT RECESSION
Nima was affected by the recession that hit Ghana in the early 1980s. Average income dropped by 30%, infrastructure was not main-tained and transport routes were disrupted. Eventually, the IMF stepped in, and Structural Adjustment Programs regulated the Ghanaian economy from 1984 to 1990. In the 1990s the social costs of structural adjustments hit Nima; employment, health and social provision declined and community networks were weakened.
REDENSIFICATION
The government was less occupied with urban planning after the financial crisis, and left parts of the city, including Nima, to its own development.
ECONOMIC IMPROVEMENT
The economy improved from year 2000, but Nima remains scarred by the hits to the economic and social structure of the area.
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5.2.1 NIMA-MAAMOBI: SCENARIO 2: STATUS QUO REMAINS
Key Issue: Waste management and sanitation. Strengthening community-based initiatives.
Since the 1980s, government plans for Nima have been limited, leaving the area to its own devel-opment. This has lead to the creation of different community initiatives such as the community-based waste management.
Livestock rearing remains a livelihood strategy for some residents in Nima, but disorder, disease and waste from animals has lead to a negative perception of urban agriculture among neighbours as well as authorities. Research shows that reinforcing laws on hygiene and sanitation is not an easy or straight-forward process because of different interests and complex social relations. Therefore, community-based waste management should be recognized as an alternative solution to official waste collection. This could better the sanitary and hygienic conditions in the community, improve the image of livestock keeping and inspire collective action and cooperation.
Strategy: Local authorities can organise awareness campaigns and train local residents in hygiene and sanitation. Furthermore, waste collection points for organic waste should be designated in prox-imity to markets, which are natural gathering spaces, so that food waste can be used as animal feed, and the manure can be composted and reused as fertilizer for crop cultivation.
Objective: Closing the loop and scaling-up waste management in Nima, and in the city as a whole.
RECOMMENDATIONS
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5.2.2 GRAZING LAND
Key issue: Lack of communication between herders and farmers
Strategy: Establish a common point of contact between the parties
Our social relation analysis highlighted that the main cause behind poor communication is linked to the absence of a common identity. This is determined by the geographic separation of their area of residence. It is therefore important to establish a point of contact that could breach the gap between these two groups in order to identify solutions.
Objective: Create opportunity for negotiation
RECOMMENDATIONS
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5.2.3 PLANT POOL: SCENARIO 2: REDEVELOPMENT AND DISPLACEMENT OF FARMERS
Key Issue: Loss of cultivation land
In the future, there might be a reason for the VRA to effectively reclaim the lands, for example if cables are moved underground. In addition, according to the Accra Railway and Drain Project, the railway is to be re-activated, which could mean the displacement of farmers along the train tracks.
If reactivated, high tension wires become underground cables, or AMA simply decides to enforce eviction
Strategy: Negotiate terms of relocation through UMG initiative
Objective: Resume cultivation on currently unproductive lands
RECOMMENDATIONS
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6. SELECTED INTERVIEW RESULTS
The following selected stories are important to understand details of the practices and dynamics around urban agriculture in the area, and how it is experienced by those who engage in these activities on a daily basis.
6.1 THE NIMA MARKET: INTERVIEW WITH CHARLOTTE MATTI, THE MARKET QUEEN
Location: Nima market
The market of Nima was established by the mother of Charlotte Matti (from Ga), the Market Queen of Nima. She has been a queen for 4 years. There are currently about 1000 people selling in the market. According to Charlotte, the whole land of Nima and the Nima market belongs to the Ni Odukwa family. Ni Odukwa family gave the market land to the mother of the market queen, Kamansa who lives in Nima. The latter established the Nima market. According to Charlotte, the family of Odukwa lives in Osu and has close relations with the family of the market queen and the latter meets the family every day. The Odukwa wants to give the land to the government to rebuild the market. Then the government will give money and other benefits to the market queen and the Odukwa family.
Kamansa is old now and she has transferred her work to her daughter. The market queen does not trade herself but her children do. If someone wants to sell in the market they have to rent a place there. She is there just to resolve any issues arising in the market. Most of the people in Nima market are from Nima but also from other places. There is no source of water in Nima and the sellers bring water from the nearby houses.
Nima market has a market association but it does not do much. The waste-pickers come individually and collect the waste from the market. Representatives from AMA as well as the mayor have given many promises to rebuild the market, build a toilet, etc. but they have not done anything.
Because there is lack of space inside the market people appropriate other spaces around it to sell their products. Often they sell on the floor and the quality of products is not good on the roadside. Customers prefer to buy from the roadside.
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6.2 INTERVIEW CONDUCTED WITH “FRIENDS REST SOCIETY” YOUTH ASSOCIATION
Location: Nima, office of “Friends Rest Society”
The youth association called “Friends Rest Society” is in the process of re-registering and re-naming itself into “Friends Welfare Society”. The society has overall 25 members with 7 members overseas. The largest number of members that the group has ever had is 32. Fund-raising is always an issue and that is the reason why the Society keeps the number of members to 25. The society has 42 ideal places in Nima where they meet for their activities as well as for advocating governmental plans. The youth group has a welfare fund which all members should join and each gives 10 GHC a month. Every month the youth group spends 30 GHC for a certain purpose.
The meetings of the group are based on the group’s constitution. The executive committee meets, makes decisions, and the secretary informs the members about it. Several members of the group now live far from Nima but before they used to live here. Those who want to become part of the society must first submit an application in a written form, pay 24 GHC for processing the forms, the cards and the pictures. After that they are given a 6 months of probation. Thereafter, they qualify for any benefit given to other members. Elections take place every 3 years. Normally issues discussed concern the youth of the community.
Previously they had women members but the latter would impede the work of the group. For instance, during the meeting a woman’s family member would call and ask for something. Thus, the women members quitted and currently the group is dominated merely by men.
The Relation of “Friends Rest Society” towards UA:
At the end of the Islamic calendar, the Society slaughters cows and gives meat to the recognized underprivileged members. Mostly the cows are bought from outside of the community. There are cases when community members seek assistance from the group regarding livestock issues, but this is usually beyond the financial reach of the group. They have only assisted two members of their own group in getting livestock but not anyone outside the community. The members of the “Friends Rest Society” had a negative opinion about livestock rearing and urban agriculture in general. However, they prefer livestock rearing to cultivation. The constraints they mentioned were the following:
1. Livestock defecation is always an issue. Neither the tenant nor the landlord are willing to do the cleaning as the former is paying rent and the latter might live somewhere else and might not undertake anything.
2. There is no land available in Accra for UA and the community does not have extra space for it either. They would like to have land for UA outside the city.
3. Cultivation is a tedious work and the young people are more attracted to livestock keeping as it can provide quick income. They can just sell the livestock and get the money. Whereas in terms of cultivation, growing vegetables requires hard labor and is not profitable. Even if they had enough space in Nima they would rather use it for livestock rearing than cultivation.
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6.3 INTERVIEW CONDUCTED WITH BILKISU, A FEMALE TRADER IN MALLAM ATTA MARKET
Location: Mallam Atta Market
Bilkisu sells vegetables at the market. But as an additional activity she is also engaged in selling jewelry. She mentioned that if she got another business, e.g. selling in a grocery shop, she would leave the market trade. The land is given for trade by AMA, but she has to pay 20 pesos for it each day. Once the trader does not come to sell in the market she does not have to pay for the specific day.
She sells carrots, potatoes, onion, green pepper, cucumber, green beans, cauliflower, green leaves, green beans, amarantos, cabbage, lettuce at the market. Among these vegetables, green pepper, lettuce, spring onion, cucumber, green leaves, cauliflower come from Plant Pool. The other crops come from Kumasi, Togo, Agbogbloshie markets. She usually sells on Monday and Thursday. She brings the crops from the farm to the market, sells some of them to other female traders and the rest sells herself. She cuts the vegetables into pieces as it increases the value and sale. There is no one checking the quality of the vegetables.
To ensure security of the place, the traders used to pay 50 pesos to someone to guard it but then they stopped as theft still went on. However, she mentioned that the main factors impeding the trade can be the rain and flood. The mud does not let the customers come inside the market. Thus, many customers park near the roadside and buy goods from there, and therefore the sellers near the roadside make more profit. She mentioned that a better parking space for the customers, market restoration and a market association defending their interests would largely improve the market trade.
To the question of what they do with the compost, Bilkisu responded that the compost is given to the people for free for the livestock such as sheep, goat and cattle. As far as the water is concerned, the sellers use piped water in the market having several pipe points.
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6.4 INTERVIEW WITH EVELYN DADZIE, MEMBER OF THE NOVOTEL MARKET ASSOCIATION
Location: Odowna Market
Evelyn is a member of the Novotel Market Association/Odowna Market and is the Onion Leader for the market. She primarily sells onions and tilapia, and has been a market seller for over 15 years. She joined the association six years ago through a friend – before Odawna Market, Evelyn was selling at Tana station until she was kicked out. Her friend invited her to sell at the market and join the asso-ciation – she has been at Odowna since.
There are 10 leaders in the association in charge of various produce. As Onion Leader, Evelyn works with the Onion Leaders at other markets and organizes all the traders selling onions in the market; they bring their problems to her and those problems are then brought to the association. There are more than 1000 members in the association. The association provides support, but not monetary support. The association received a 7-day training workshop in the past on how to trade, invest and sell to customers (conducted by Busa organization). Evelyn said they would like more training on business issues and how to meet customers.
AMA owns the land, and Evelyn paid 50 GHC to the association for the space, which AMA gave her. But the association has problems with AMA. They refuse to pay the tax to AMA (a tax that Evelyn says continuously changes) until they address the issue of the roadside sellers who compete with the sellers inside the market. Because of the strength of the association, AMA has been unable to do anything.
The Odowna market is a central market where other community markets come to buy and sell. There are no male sellers, and men act as just monitors.
If Evelyn had more money she would expand her business and sell other types of produce or open her own shop to sell non-produce items. She is educated but wants to sell at the market because it is a profitable business. She has relationships with customers from Agbogbloshie market who give her a good price and also give her credit, which helps her financially, since she mentioned that obtaining loans are difficult.
She has three children – one girl and two boys. Her daughter is the eldest and goes to school in Italy. Her boys, both teenagers, are in school. She pays their tuition out of her own pocket.
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6.5 INTERVIEW WITH SADAT, A YOUNG LIVESTOCK REARER
Location: Maamobi, residential area
Sadat is a 23 year old livestock keeper in Maamobi. He started his business 5 years ago thanks to his family -- he acquired the land and rearing skills from his father. He believes he is the only young livestock farmer of the area.
This activity is quite profitable for him since he created a good network: he sells animals to the community members and some markets, though he keeps some for personal consumption. He buys food mainly from Plant Pool and Agbogbloshie Market, and farmers from Plant Pool, Roman Ridge and Dzorwulu come to collect animal manure to use as fertiliser. However, profit is not the only reason why he practices livestock-rearing, it is also because he loves animals and sees this activity as a blessing.
Because of increasing livestock numbers he might need to relocate the activity and move outside the city, but he would prefer not to because he can obtain different kind of food for his animals here. Additionally, he also has access to veterinary services such as vaccinations in the city, which are some-times free.
6.6 INTERVIEW WITH HELEN, PIG FARM OWNER
Location: Kotobabi
Helen is the owner of the pig farm and has had the business for over 40 years. It was a family business that was passed down to her from her grandmother. She runs the pig farm on her own and doesn’t belong to any association. They also have their own pig-rearing farms – they used to have one on the property but it had to be relocated because of development – part of it has now been moved to Ashaiman, the other part to Bukwasi. It has been more than 20 years since the farm had to be relo-cated, and no compensation was received for the forced relocation.
In addition to their own pig farms, the slaughterhouse gets their animals from various places. And though men are the ones who buy the animals, women are the ones who do all the slaughtering and cooking at the farm.
The farm mostly sells and slaughters about 4 or 5 of their own pigs a day. Before slaughter, an AMA health officer comes and inspects the animals on the premises, and permits are required to accompany the animals stating where they have been bought to certify them for slaughtering.
Customers come from within and outside the community, from Osu and Tema markets, and also from food joints. The farm sells cooked food on site, and Helen’s daughters also sell cooked meat at the road junction. The pig farm has relationships with many of these customers, and as the only slaughter-house in the area, people come with their own pigs for the farm to slaughter, especially during special occasions. There was another slaughterhouse in the area but it closed 5 years ago and the only other one that exists is far away in Ashaiman.
Linkages: The farm buys animal feed from Tema, and workers in both pig farms have used the manure from the farm for cultivation purposes. The farm gets their seasoning and cooking ingredients from Nima market.
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6.7 INTERVIEW WITH ANN, FEMALE LIVESTOCK REARER
Location: Alajo
Ann is a female livestock rearer. She keeps the animals in a shelter which is located on institutional land, under the electrical cables next to some urban agriculture plots. Her house, which she owns, is just next to it.
She started the rearing activity 12 years ago thanks to financial support of her husband who got for her the land and provided the money to buy the first animals. He helps Ann also now buying the food for the animals, mainly from Alajo Market, and transporting it to the shelter.
She does not have any problems in running her activity. In fact she usually sells the animals during special occasions to the neighbourhood and community and she disposes the animals’ manure burning it or giving it to the neighbour farmers with whom she has now a good relationship. In the past she had some complaints from the farmers because her animals used to eat their crops, but she solved the problem hiring a boy who watches the animals when they graze. This usually happens during the late afternoon because AMA advised to not let animals roam during the day.
6.8 INTERVIEW WITH IBRAHIM DAVIS, POULTRY KEEPER
Location: Maamobi
Ibrahim has been a poultry keeper for the last four years. He has about 70 chickens. He raises them for meat and not to lay eggs. He does not own the land which he is on, but has an agreement with the landlord whereby he receives some hens in exchange for the permission to keep the animals on his property. Instead of rearing animals for sale or solely for self-consumption, his main objective is to have something valuable to give to the community because of his religious beliefs. In fact, this is a way for him to make a good deed and offer charity to the less fortunate, which is part of the principles of the Muslim faith. For example, he donated a chicken to a woman that had recently become a widow. When she told him the chicken had been stolen, he gave her two more. Ibrahim is illiterate, but he says God has given him another gift: that of being able to ‘do things’: to repair, to build, to transport just about anything. For example, he built the henhouse with a friend. Through these activities, Ibrahim is able to finance his poultry keeping activities. He spends a lot of money in taken care of the hens, and doesn’t get revenue in return. For example, he is very concern about not disturbing the neighbours. He therefore preferred purchasing the exotic chicken which are more expensive to purchase and to maintain as they need special food, but generate less noise and can be kept in the their henhouse. The exotic types are generally more profitable as they are larger, but Ibrahim does not reap these benefits as they are not sold. He generally gets the food from Nima or Mallam Atta market (maize, fried fish, grinded millet), and occasionally buys prepared food from Labadi when he has sufficient income. Ibrahim strongly encourages other people to take up this activity, as he thinks it is gratifying and useful. In fact, he offers help and training to others who want to start up their own hen houses. Nonetheless, he believes there is little future for livestock keeping in Nima because of space scarcity. He claimed that if he had the opportunity, he would happily relocate to a more spacious area beyond the boundaries of Nima. There he would have the opportunity to have many more chicken, and as he said, ‘to help many more people’.
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7. Interview outline
7.1 Semi-Structured Interview:
7.1.1 Interviewees: Livestock Keeper
1. How long have you been in the livestock-rearing business?
2. How did you get into the business?
3. Is it a family business?
4. Do you own the land?
5. Do you raise animals for personal consumption or to sell?
6. Is livestock-rearing your main source of income?
7. Who are your main customers and where do they come from?
8. Are they regular customers?
9. Where do you source water?
10. Where do you get your animal feed?
11. What do you do with the animal manure?
12. Do you face any problems with livestock-rearing as a business?
13. Do you have any support from the government?
14. What do you think of urban agriculture in general?
15. Do you think urban agriculture has a future?
16. Would you pass this business down to your kids?
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7.1.2 INTERVIEWEES: TRADERS (MARKET TRADERS, STREET VENDORS)
1. Personal Details:
a. Gender
b. Age
c. Ethnicity
d. Religion*
e. Household size
2. What do you do as your main activity?
3. Do you have alternative source of income? If yes, what is it?
4. How many members of your household earn an income?
5. Where do you buy the food items you sell?
6. How far do you travel to get the food items?
7. What information do you have about the food production site?
8. Do you directly receive the goods or is there an intermediary?
9. How is the price established?
10. How does the price change based on seasonality?
11. Do you wash the food items before selling them? If yes, what is the source of water used?
12. Who are your main customers and where do they come from?
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7.1.3 INTERVIEWEES: PLANT POOL FARMERS
1. Where do you live?
2. How long have you been engaged in farming in Plant Pool?
3. Is cultivation your main activity for income?
4. How did you gain your farming skills?
5. Are there any ways that help you to improve your skills?
6. What do you usually grow based on seasonal variations?
7. Where do you receive your seeds from?
8. What kind of water do you use for farming?
9. Have you experienced any water-related health issues throughout your experience in urban agriculture?
10. Do you use any fertilizers? If yes, how do you obtain them?
11. What problems do you face related to land?
12. Do you face any competition in terms of selling crops?
13. How do you dispose of your waste?
14. Where do you sell the crops?
15. Who are your customers?
16. Is there a middleman supporting your farming activities? If yes, please explain how.
17. Are you a member of the farmers association of Plant Pool?
18. How often do you attend the meetings?
19. Do you interact with other farmers associations? If yes, are they supporting your farming activities? Please, explain how.
20. Are there any ways that could improve your farming activity?
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7.1.4 NIMA/MAAMOBI MOTHER’S CLUB
Can you tell me about how the Mother’s Club started and what it does?
Do you have savings groups? Why? How does it influence your group?
Where are the members from? Do you cooperate with other associations?
What are the main issues that concern your members?
How much power do you have to influence decision making in the area?
How is your relation with the local Assemblymen?
Do any of your members have livestock or cultivation as their source of income?
What kind of agricultural activities? And where?
Do any of your members work at the markets?
Where do most of the traders of the Nima market come from?
How do you get access and space to trade the goods in the market?
Are there any groups that dominate the production/trade?
How is the labour division between men and women?
What kind of food you buy most? Where do you buy your food? How do you prepare it?
Do you know where it comes from?
What is your view on food produced locally in Nima/Maamobi?
How do you choose where to buy your food?
Do you trust the hygienic conditions of vegetables and meat products sold in local market? Why?
Do you know of any measures to ensure at least a minimum quality of the food items sold in the market? - If yes, what kind of measures?
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7.1.5 ASSEMBLYMEN (NIMA WEST/MAAMOBI EAST/ALAJO)
1. Which communities are under your jurisdiction?
2. How many assembly men are there in Central Accra?
3. What do you think of urban agriculture in the city? How does it impact the livelihoods of the people?
4. What are the agricultural activities in and around Nima/Maamobi/Alajo?
5. Do residents of Nima engage in urban agriculture in and outside Nima?
6. What are the policy opportunities and constraints/barriers for urban agriculture in and around Nima? This include cultivation and livestock rearing
7. What kind of problems do people in your community bring up to you?
8. What kind of policy mechanisms do you use to address these issues?
9. Do you have any strategy or development plan to improve the livelihoods of the people of (Nima/Maamobi/Alajo)?
10. Do you build partnerships with any groups or associations for your strategies for community (Nima/Maamobi/Alajo)?
11. Is there any association concerned with food production in Nima?
12. What could you do to improve urban agriculture so that it could improve livelihood of people?
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7.1.6 INTERVIEWEE: HEAD CHIEF
Could you describe us your role in the community?
What is the type of interaction/relationship with people?
What are the types of complaints that people usually bring?
Do they voice their concerns individually or through a group or a representative?
What is your relationship with city authorities?
What is your relationship with local authorities such as the Assembly men?
What do you think about being engaged in livestock rearing?
Why do you think people engage in this activity? How do you think it contributed to people's livelihood?
Do you think it is a good way to make a living? Why?
How do people perceive livestock rearing?
How do you think it impacts the area?
Do the neighbours complain about the presence of animals?
Are you personally concerned with the environmental and health consequences of this activity?
Are animals subject to health checks? If no, do you think it is a problem?
How do people have the economic capacity to purchase and maintain livestock? How do they raise funds?
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7.2 FOCUS GROUPS
7.2.1 NIMA/MAAMOBI MOTHER’S CLUB
What are your aspirations for Nima/Maamobi?
How could livelihood opportunities for the residents of Nima and Maamobi be improved?
What do you think of urban agriculture in terms of providing livelihoods to the residents of Nima?
Could it be a future for your children?- Why?
Optional: Is there any experience in Nima of creating compost through organic waste and animal waste to provide livelihood to the residents of Nima?
7.2.2 FRIENDS REST SOCIETY
Which are the positive and negative aspects of urban agriculture?
Why should and should not practice urban agriculture?
Why would you engage as main activity and as a side activity?
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Chapter 4 SECURING LIVELIHOODS AND GREEN OPEN SPACES: The potential of urban agriculture towards an environmentally just urbanisation
SILVIYA BANCHEVA FERNANDA BRANDTCHRIS CRAWSHAY JONESNICOLA DORIA PAMELA FERROALEJANDRO ORDÓÑEZCLARISA SEGURA
DZORWULU
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Table of contents
4.1 Aknowledgements4.2 Abbreviations4.3 Executive Summary4.4 Background4.5 Methodology4.6 Hypotheses and Analytical Framework
Research Questions4.7 Key Findings4.8 Strategies4.9 Conclusions4.10 References4.11 Appendices
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Appendix
Appendix 1. Strategy 1. Enhancing collective practicesAppendix 1.1 Formal organisation and community-led mapping and enumerationAppendix 1.2 Initiate farmers’ savings groups at CSIR and GAEC locations and strengthen existing savings groups across all sitesAppendix 1.3 Promote knowledge exchanges
Appendix 2. Strategy 2, Actions and Impact Asessment and Monitoring Appendix 2.1 Strategy 2: Recognising Land Use for Farming Practices Appendix 2.2 Strategic ActionsAppendix 2.3 Impact Assessment and Monitoring
Appendix 3. Web of Institutionalization
Appendix 4. Research Sites Profile
Appendix 5. Research methods used in each site
Appendix 6. Final Time Table
Appendix 7. Interviews
Appendix 8. Maps Appendix 8.1 Preliminary map after participatory mapping in CSIR Appendix 8.2 GIS layers of preliminary map of plots in CSIRAppendix 8.3 GIS preliminary map of plots in CSIRAppendix 8.4 GIS final map of farmers’ plots in CSIR
Appendix 3. Cultivating Change, Accra, Ghana-Legon Area (Infography)
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4.1 Acknowledgements
Our team would like to pay special thanks to Charles and Charity, whose encouragement, experience and support in the field enabled us to carry out the research presented in this report.
We would also like to express our gratitude to all those that participated in our research study, especially the farmers of Legon who were a pleasure to work with and enormously generous in donating so much of their time.Lastly to our teaching staff at the DPU. We are most grateful for the continued support that you provided throughout the months leading up to our study, during our time in Ghana and on returning to the UK.
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4.2 List of Abbreviations
AMA Accra Metropolitan AssemblyApp. Appendix
CSIR Council for Scientific and Industrial ResearchDPU Development Planning Unit
DZ Dzorwulu Farming SiteESD MSc Environment and Sustainable Development
FA Farmer’s AssociationFStT From Seed to Table programme
GAEC Ghana Atomic Energy CommissionGAFA Ghana Atomic Energy Farmers’Assosiation
GAMA Greater Accra Metropolitan AreaGHAFUP Ghana Federation of the Urban Poor
GHS Ghana CediGRIDCO Ghana Grid Company Limited
IWMI International Water Management InstituteLAP Ghana Land Administration Project
MoFA Ministry of Food and AgricultureMoLF Ministry of Land and Forestry
MoLGRD Ministry of Local Government and Rural DevelopmentNBI National Bureau of Investigation
NGO Non-governmental OrganisationPD People’s DialoguePP Plant Pool Farming Site
RTTC Right to the CityRUAF Resource Centres on Urban Agriculture and Food Security
SDI Slum Dwellers InternationalTCP Town and Country Planning
UA Urban Agriculture
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4.3 Executive Summary:
Accra is a fast-growing city that is currently facing an unplanned and uncontrolled
urbanisation process. As a result, urban agriculture (UA) is being pushed outside the boundaries of the city towards the peri-urban. Current urbani-sation trends show that this situation is likely to continue, therefore threatening its sustainability in the future. However, many farmers still practice UA within the city, showing a high level of resil-ience to such changes.
The aim of this research is to explore the actual and potential contribution of UA towards an environmentally just urbanisation process in Accra, as well as to assess the benefits that could be triggered by UA both in terms of providing secure livelihoods to people and preserving green areas within the city. The report focuses on the Legon area, situated in the Northern part of Accra Metropolitan Area (AMA), and its surroundings. Five sites where UA is taking place have been selected and they provide an opportunity to understand how agricultural practices operate under different situations in the urban realm.
The research focuses on one area of Accra. However strategies have been identified that are relevant for and have the potential to benefit the
whole city. Above all they aim to strengthen the voice of farmers whilst at the same time advo-cating for the recognition of farmers and the formalisation of their practices in the city. The strategies presented go beyond the scope of solely UA. By linking the successes and struggles of urban farmers to the way the city is conceived, perceived and lived, this report questions the present and future urbanisation process in Accra from an environmental justice perspective.
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4.4 Background
Ghana is currently undergoing rapid urbani-sation. More than half of the Ghanaian
population resides in urban areas and the capital, Accra, is one of the fastest growing cities in the whole West African region with a population expected to double by 2017. Projections show that the urbanisation process in Accra is unlikely to slow down until after 2030, when approximately two thirds of the Ghanaian population will live in urban centres (ESD, 2012). The recent discovery of offshore oil in Ghana will also open up many economic opportunities in the city, thus further increasing the rate of rural to urban migration, especially in the two largest cities, Accra and Kumasi.
Government institutions are currently facing enormous difficulties in coping with these rapid changes. It is widely recognised that the urbani-sation process in Accra is taking place in an unplanned and uncontrolled fashion. Although the Land Use Planning Bill is in the process of being ratified by Parliament1, Ghana lacks a compre-hensive urban policy which guides the growth and development of its urban centres. Moreover, city planning authorities are over-stretched financially and lack the resources, personnel and capacity to enforce legislative procedures. Such agencies also lack institutional coordination and harmo-nisation of development initiatives, thus further compounding the unplanned and uncontrolled nature of urbanisation in Accra (MoLGRD, 2010).
Accra is considered the centre of economic growth in Ghana. Urban development and land use have been influenced by neo-liberal trends that promote economic activities within the city and encourage foreign investment, the benefits of which reach only a minority of the urban popu-lation. Furthermore, these trends have consid-erably increased the already high competition for land in Accra. Market forces determine the use of
1 On May 22, a land use planning bill has been presented to Parliament by the Ministry of Environment and Science and Technology. It seeks to harmonise all laws and Acts that had been in existence in Ghana to ensure effective planning and construction of towns and cities.
available space and real estate development seems to be by far the most profitable land use activity.
These changes were particularly evident in the research area for this study, namely Legon and its surroundings, which is located in the Northern part of AMA. The region consists of large areas of institutional land, high-value real estate as well as dense low-income settlements, protected sites such as the Achimota Forest and many loca-tions where open areas have been developed and built upon in recent years. Amongst this struggle for competing land use, numerous sites of UA continue to operate in Legon. They have been subjected to the changing nature of urbanisation in Accra and have had to develop ways of coping with these pressures in order for UA to remain in the city. This relationship forms the basis of our research, which aims to explore the actual and potential role of UA in contributing towards an environmentally just urbanisation process in Accra.
It is evident that the city is changing rapidly. Such change is caused by various factors, including urbanisation, globalisation and the notion that cities need to focus exclusively on economic growth. In this context, UA is viewed both by policy makers and planners as a practice that does not belong to the urban sphere but rather to the peri-urban and rural areas. It is considered as an obstacle to economic growth as it occupies large areas of land that could be used to generate larger profits from other activities. The value that UA holds for a city that is rapidly growing without considering the mal-effects of excess development and impending threats of climate change is under-appreciated. Nevertheless, UA has been practiced for many decades and continues to exist, supporting the livelihoods of around 1,000 farmers, granting them a reliable source of income, enabling them to provide education for their children, health care for their families and a higher standard of living than that of the urban poor (Cofie et al., 2005).
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RESEARCH OBJECTIVES:
This report builds upon research produced by ESD students in the previous three years and fits into an ongoing city-wide initiative supported by Cities Alliance and led by Slum Dwellers International (SDI) and People’s Dialogue. The aim of the research is to explore the actual/potential role of UA for environmentally just urbanisation in Accra. The goal is not only to produce a comprehensive analysis of the current urbanisation process in Accra, but also to provide strategic recommendations on how to strengthen the voice of the urban poor in negotiating for environmental justice and over their role in the future development of the city.
To address this task, the research focused on one area of the city – Legon and the surroundings. Within this area, five case studies have been chosen to draw lessons and contribute to a better understanding of how to promote transformative change for the Accra Metropolictan Area (AMA).
1. Dzorwulu and Roman Ridge
2. Centre for Scientific and Industrial Research (CSIR) agricultural site
3. Ghana Atomic Energy Commission (GAEC) agricultural site
4. The University of Ghana
5. Christian Village and the surroundings
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LEGON ACCRA
4.5 Methodology and Limitations
METHODOLOGY
The analysis and data collection process was conducted in three stages:
1. Pre Field Trip: 4 months of desk-research of secondary data
2. Field Trip: 2 weeks spent collecting and inter-preting data in Accra.
3. Post Field Trip: 2 weeks data analysis after returning to the UK
PRE FIELD TRIP: LONDON
A detailed analysis of secondary data drew upon previous DPU reports and a literature review of UA in Accra. A list of all identifiable stakeholders engaged in UA was compiled and drawn up into a Web of Institutionalization that can be found in the Appendix 3 at the end of the report.
FIELD TRIP: ACCRA
Research during the Field Trip Stage focussed on five main UA sites that were identified in Legon. Please refer to Appendix 4 for a profile and site description of each of these locations. Research methods included structured and semi-structured interviews, transect walks, participatory mapping and focus groups (see appendix 5 for details on methods used at each site). The Time Table in Appendix 6 displays the dates for when each technique was applied. A summary of the outputs from the interviews and participatory mapping can also be found in Appendix 7.
Map 1 provides a spatial representation of the combination of techniques used at each site. Transect walks and semi structured inter-views were carried out at each location. The most successful combination of techniques was the use of participatory mapping, semi-struc-tured interviews and transect walks at CSIR, as the farmers responded particularly well to our research methods and became actively engaged in producing valuable data. It should be noted
MAP 1. SOURCE: “ACCRA, GHANA”. 5°37’49.05” N AND 0°12’14.49” W. GOOGLE EARTH. DECEMBER 1ST, 2010. MAY 17, 2012.
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ENVIRONMENTALLY JUST URBANISATION THROUGH URBAN AGRICULTURE
that the use of semi-structured interviews was particularly successful across all five sites as farmers were happy to engage with us under such informal conditions. Unfortunately, due to the size of GAEC and the University loca-tions, participatory mapping proved difficult and transect walks provided only limited benefits.
LIMITATIONS
The Field Trip stage was limited to a period of two weeks. This restricted the amount of
time that we had to prepare a fieldwork plan and collect data across all five sites. We had to make trade-offs between what was desirable and what was feasible given not only the time we had but also the size of our research area. Legon is signif-icantly large and this occasionally presented us with logistical complications.
In the original Time Table, the plan was to map the boundaries to the University of Ghana and GAEC. However, due to the time constraints mentioned, the size of these plots and the resources at our disposal, it was decided that this was unrealistic and our plan was adjusted.
Furthermore, technology constraints presented certain limitations. During the partic-ipatory mapping, a GPS camera was used to collect plot coordinates. Due to poor signal in the area, the GPS device proved to be unre-liable. A GPS smartphone application was used instead, however the new technology functioned at a considerably slower rate thus reducing the amount of time that could be spent collecting other data in the field.
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LEGON ACCRA
4.6 Hypothesis and Analytical Framework
UA systems in Legon area have evolved and adapted over time along with their knowledge systems, organizational capacity and land use in a way that makes them resilient to the rapid and unplanned process of urbanisation.
DEFINITION: A THEORETICAL PERSPECTIVE
The hypothesis is set around the notion that UA is a practice deeply embedded in the
history of the city. Therefore, there should be a recognition of the identity and culture of the farmers and the historical rights of their prac-tices. This relates to recognising their ‘rights to the city’ (RTTC). As argued by Lefebvre and Harvey (UNESCO, 2011), the right to the city
is a critique of the capitalist model of accumu-lation, which transforms the relationship between the state, the private sector and civil society, and prioritizes profit-driven initiatives rather than a collective usufruct of space and just distribution of environmental goods. Scholars agree that the notion of RTTC is crucial to achieve social and environmental justice in a context of urbanisation in the Global South and thus it is essential to be considered in the future development of Accra.
DIAGRAM: ANALYTICAL FRAMEWORK
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ENVIRONMENTALLY JUST URBANISATION THROUGH URBAN AGRICULTURE
UA SYSTEMS HAVE “EVOLVED AND ADAPTED” OVER TIME
“Evolved and adapted” relates to the way in which UA systems and the farmers themselves have resisted pressures derived from changes at the city scale by developing different types of coping strat-egies related to their knowledge systems, organi-sational capacity and land use. This has enabled them to withstand a number of threats created by the rapid and unplanned process of urbanisation.
“RESILIENT” TO THE RAPID AND UNPLANNED PROCESS OF URBANISATION
Resilience in this context is understood as “resisting or changing in order to reach and maintain an acceptable level of functioning and structure” (UNISDR, 2009).
ANALYTICAL FRAMEWORK
In order to test the hypothesis, the field research focuses on five case studies in the Legon area
(see appendix 4 for description of each case study) so as to draw out certain themes and provide a better understanding of how UA can contribute to environmentally just urbanisation in Accra. The research aims to analyse and compare the different coping strategies of UA practices related to their knowledge systems, organizational capacity and land use, in order to identify which elements contribute to the resilience of urban farmers to the negative processes of urbanisation, modernisation and globalisation (as explained in the Background section).
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4.7 Key Findings
Through an exploration of the three variables at each site, our research demonstrated that
UA takes place in very different ways; each one dependent on the history and current context of each site. Through defining these stories of UA practices, we have identified which elements have and continue to contribute to the resilience of the urban farmer (see table 1).
The following diagrams illustrate the level of resilience of each site according to the three variables - organisational capacity, knowledge systems and land use. Dzorwulu and Roman Ridge were found to have the highest resilience in relation to organisational capacity and knowledge systems, while GAEC has been most successful in increasing the resilience of farmers through higher security of land use. Christian Village has scored lowest in all aspects which proves that farmers are less resilient when they lack organi-sational capacity, knowledge production and exchange and security of land tenure.
Several important conclusions can be drawn from these findings. First of all, organisational
capacity is a key determinant in increasing farmers’ resilience to the environmentally unjust process of urbanisation in Accra. Strong farmer associations enhance the recognition of farmers, strengthen their collective voice to engage with other groups and institutions, acquire land, receive training, access loans and improve and scale up their farming practices. The field research has demonstrated that resilience increases alongside the organisational capacity of farmers. This is reflected by an increase in the their capacity to demand their rights to the city and the preser-vation of their livelihoods and cultural identity. Thus, it is not only about resisting the negative forces of urbanisation but also being empowered within a group and as an individual.
Furthermore, knowledge systems of UA in the Legon area and Accra as a whole hold great potential for improving the sustainability of the practice. Inherited knowledge and innovation of farming practices, despite limited external training and support, has helped farmers to adapt to the decreasing availability of land and water for farming practices and enabled them still to
DIAGRAM: RESILIENCE OF UA SYSTEMS
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ENVIRONMENTALLY JUST URBANISATION THROUGH URBAN AGRICULTURE
contribute to the provision of fresh vegetables in the city. However, the research has identified a gap between research/science institutions and UA farmers with regards to knowledge sharing and access to training. Knowledge is often produced in a top-down fashion and is transferred in a one-way flow from the institution to the farmer. There is also a lack of communication and coordi-nation between institutions. Therefore, enhancing linkages and reframing existing knowledge exchange channels is necessary to achieve a more robust and resilient UA in Accra.
Lastly, a key finding of our research showed that resilience of farmers is greater when there is a higher security of land tenure. What is particu-larly important is that UA systems have evolved and adapted over time to a very uncontrolled and competitive land use system. Moreover, farmers have managed to find a gap in this system and adopt a new role as “guardians” of the land where they protect the land from encroachment in return for being able to use it for farming. However, such arrangements with institutions or private owners have been rather informal, therefore putting the farmers in an insecure and vulnerable position as they may be evicted at any time without receiving notice or compensation. The GAEC case study demonstrates an unprecedented case where these issues have been addressed through a registration of land use and farming practices. This can be considered as a first step towards a formal and legal arrangement between institutions and farmers that will lead not only to registering their land use, but also to recongising their practice
and resolving one of the greater challenges for farmers in Accra - security of land tenure.
An illustrative description of these findings can be found in the infography in appendix 9.
DIAGRAM: LAND USE
DIAGRAM: KNOWLEDGE SYSTEMS
DIAGRAM: ORGANISATIONAL CAPACITY
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LEGON ACCRA
TABL
E 1.
KEY
FIN
DING
S IN
THE
FIV
E CA
SE S
TUDI
ESK
EY
: FA
: FAR
MER
ASS
OCIA
TION
SC
ORIN
G SY
STEM
: 1 (L
OWES
T) T
O 5
(HIG
HEST
); AN
ALYS
IS B
ASED
ON
INTE
RVIE
WS
(SEE
APP
.) VA
LUES
WER
E AS
SIGN
ED B
ASED
ON
A SU
BJEC
TIVE
EVA
LUAT
ION
OF T
HE P
OSIT
IVE
VS N
EGAT
IVE
ATTR
IBUT
ES D
ISCO
VERE
D AT
EAC
H SI
TE.
Dz
orw
ulu/
Ro
man
Rid
ge
CSIR
Uni
vers
ity o
f Gha
naGA
ECCh
ristia
n Vi
llage
Org
anis
atio
nal
Capa
city
5
Dzow
rulu
:
Stro
ng o
rgan
isatio
nal c
apac
ity
Ab
ility
to n
egot
iate
with
var
ious
inst
itutio
ns
W
ell-e
stab
lishe
d st
ruct
ure
of th
e gr
oup
Sa
ving
s gro
up
Ac
cess
to sm
all l
oans
Ro
man
Rid
ge:
St
rong
org
anisa
tiona
l cap
acity
Abili
ty to
con
test
and
not
to p
artic
ipat
e in
in
terv
entio
ns
W
ell-e
stab
lishe
d st
ruct
ure
of th
e gr
oup
Sa
ving
s gro
up
4
In th
e pr
oces
s of e
stab
lishi
ng a
form
al F
A
Wel
l-est
ablis
hed
stru
ctur
e of
the
grou
p
2
Farm
ers a
re e
mpl
oyed
wor
kers
X
Lack
of F
A
2
FA p
rese
nt: G
hana
Ato
mic
Ene
rgy
Farm
ers
Asso
ciat
ion(
GAFA
) X
GAFA
foun
ded
and
cont
rolle
d by
GAE
C X
Exc
lude
s far
mer
s at t
he si
te
1 X
Lack
of F
A X
Disp
erse
d, sm
all-
scal
e an
d tr
ansie
nt p
ract
ices
Know
ledg
e Sy
stem
s 5
With
in th
e gr
oup:
Inhe
rited
kno
wle
dge
De
taile
d sp
atia
l col
lect
ive
know
ledg
e
Inno
vatio
n of
farm
ing
prac
tices
(e.g
. on
site
wat
er p
urifi
catio
n sy
stem
s)
Be
twee
n gr
oups
:
Know
ledg
e sh
arin
g be
twee
n Ro
man
RId
ge,
Dzor
wul
u an
d CS
IR
X
Kno
wle
dge
shar
ing
is ad
hoc
and
irre
gula
r Be
twee
n fa
rmer
s and
inst
itutio
ns:
Tr
aini
ng a
nd te
chno
logy
tran
sfer
(prim
arily
at
Dzor
wul
u)
X
Lac
k of
aw
aren
ess b
y fa
rmer
s of n
ew
tech
nolo
gies
X
Lim
ited
acce
ss to
trai
ning
for s
mal
l far
mer
s du
e to
hig
h co
sts
3
Inhe
rited
kno
wle
dge
De
taile
d sp
atia
l col
lect
ive
know
ledg
e X
Know
ledg
e sh
arin
g w
ith o
ther
gro
ups i
s ad
hoc
and
irreg
ular
X
Lack
of t
rain
ing
and
tech
nolo
gy tr
ansf
er b
y in
stitu
tions
3
Prov
ides
Tra
inin
g
Gene
rate
s kno
wle
dge
and
new
tech
nolo
gies
X La
cks d
issem
inat
ion
to sm
all f
arm
ers d
ue to
la
ck o
f fin
ance
s
3
Prov
ides
Tra
inin
g
Gene
rate
s kno
wle
dge
and
new
tech
nolo
gies
Two-
way
kno
wle
dge
tran
sfer
: GAE
C us
es
farm
ers t
o te
st n
ew te
chno
logi
es; F
arm
ers
rece
ive
trai
ning
and
are
firs
t to
bene
fit fr
om
inno
vatio
ns
X La
ck o
f gov
. fun
ds le
ads t
o a
busin
ess-
orie
nted
ap
proa
ch
X Re
sear
ch m
ay b
ecom
e m
ainl
y ex
port
-orie
nted
X
Farm
ing
prac
tices
may
bec
ome
heav
ily
cont
rolle
d by
GAE
C
1 X
UA
is fo
r ow
n co
nsum
ptio
n an
d th
eref
ore
prac
ticed
in
divi
dual
ly
(lim
ited
know
ledg
e tr
ansf
er)
X La
ck
of
data
of
pr
oduc
tion
and
spat
ial
dist
ribut
ion
Land
use
2
Dzor
wul
u:
Fa
rmin
g ne
ar h
igh
tens
ion
elec
tric
ity p
oles
ha
s giv
en re
lativ
e se
curit
y to
farm
ers
Fa
rmer
s as
“gu
ardi
ans”
of i
nstit
utio
nal l
and
Cl
ear o
wne
rshi
p of
the
land
(GRI
DCO
el
ectr
icity
com
pany
) X
Haza
rds d
ue to
the
prox
imity
to e
lect
ricity
po
les
X In
form
al la
nd u
se a
rran
gem
ents
: far
mer
s are
in
an
inse
cure
and
vul
nera
ble
posit
ion
X Ex
perie
ncin
g en
croa
chm
ent
X La
ck o
f for
mal
reco
gniti
on o
f the
ir la
nd u
se
X La
ck o
f Ins
titut
iona
l sup
port
Ro
man
Rid
ge:
Fa
rmer
s as
“gu
ardi
ans”
of i
nstit
utio
nal l
and
X La
nd o
wne
rshi
p is
not c
lear
for f
arm
ers
(ow
ned
by L
ands
Com
miss
ion
and
Ghan
a Ra
ilway
Com
pany
) X
Info
rmal
land
use
arr
ange
men
ts: f
arm
ers a
re
in a
n in
secu
re a
nd v
ulne
rabl
e po
sitio
n X
Expe
rienc
ing
encr
oach
men
t X
Lack
of f
orm
al re
cogn
ition
of t
heir
land
use
X
Lack
of I
nstit
utio
nal s
uppo
rt
2
Farm
ers
as “
guar
dian
s” o
f ins
titut
iona
l lan
d
Clea
r ow
ners
hip
of th
e la
nd (C
SIR)
X
Info
rmal
land
use
arr
ange
men
ts: f
arm
ers a
re
in a
n in
secu
re a
nd v
ulne
rabl
e po
sitio
n X
Lack
of f
orm
al re
cogn
ition
of t
heir
land
use
X
Lack
of I
nstit
utio
nal s
uppo
rt
2
Seas
onal
farm
ing
is to
lera
ted
to p
rote
ct th
e
land
from
enc
roac
hmen
t
Larg
e op
en sp
aces
and
cle
ar o
wne
rshi
p of
the
land
(Uni
vers
ity o
f Gha
na)
X
Info
rmal
land
use
arr
ange
men
ts: f
arm
ers a
re
in a
n in
secu
re a
nd v
ulne
rabl
e po
sitio
n X
Lack
of f
orm
al re
cogn
ition
of t
heir
land
use
X
Lack
of I
nstit
utio
nal s
uppo
rt
X U
nive
rsity
is n
ot w
illin
g to
des
igna
te v
acan
t op
en sp
ace
for f
arm
ing
purp
oses
4
Larg
e op
en sp
aces
and
cle
ar o
wne
rshi
p of
the
land
(GAE
C)
Fa
rmer
s as
“gu
ardi
ans”
of i
nstit
utio
nal l
and
Re
gist
ratio
n of
land
use
for f
amer
s inc
ludi
ng
one-
year
rolli
ng m
embe
rshi
p an
d th
ree
mot
hs e
vict
ion
notic
e
Farm
ers f
eel m
ore
secu
re a
nd a
re a
ble
to
inve
st in
bet
ter p
ract
ices
X
Ther
e ar
e no
cle
ar te
rms a
nd c
ondi
tions
X
No
com
pens
atio
n of
fere
d in
cas
e of
te
rmin
atin
g th
e co
ntra
ct
2
Farm
ers
as “
guar
dian
s” o
f priv
ate
land
X In
form
al la
nd u
se a
rran
gem
ents
: far
mer
s are
in
an
inse
cure
and
vul
nera
ble
posit
ion
X Ve
ry tr
ansie
nt a
nd sh
ort-
term
arr
ange
men
ts
X Ve
ry ra
pid
and
unco
ntro
lled
resid
entia
l de
velo
pmen
t le
ads t
o de
crea
se in
gre
en sp
aces
and
land
for
farm
ing
180
ENVIRONMENTALLY JUST URBANISATION THROUGH URBAN AGRICULTURE
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LEGON ACCRA
4.8 Strategies and Action Plan
The following chapter will present the strat-egies based on our findings. These strategies
aim to go beyond the resilience of farmers and
bring actual transformative change for the farmers and the city of Accra (see diagram 5)
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ENVIRONMENTALLY JUST URBANISATION THROUGH URBAN AGRICULTURE
Strategy 1: Enhancing collective practices
STRATEGY 1.1: FORMAL ORGANISATION AND COMMUNITY-LED MAPPING AND ENUMERATION
The Strategy unfolds two components derived from the farmers pre-existing rituals of
organisation, shared knowledge, perception of space and enumeration: formalising the group of farmers through an association (or enhancing its collective voice when an association already exists), and documenting their own information through the processes of community-led mapping and enumeration. These will reinforce their collective practices as they are brought together to determine their collective needs and to make decisions on issues such as eviction, climate change hazards and misrecognition.
Previous DPU reports show that farmers from Roman Ridge, Dzorwulu and CSIR are spatially aware of: the land they use, its land-scape and its physical and agreed boundaries; who is farming each plot; the number of beds they have on their sites; and which products they are growing. However, the representation of this spatial knowledge and its tabulated information differ in each site depending on their organisa-tional capacity, and is not evenly shared among the members of the association or group.
Evidence indicates that the Roman Ridge and Dzorwulu associations have a higher level of shared knowledge than farmers at GAEC and CSIR. Nevertheless, despite the fact that the former sites have been mapped with GIS tech-niques by RUAF and the Switch Programme, the members of the associations do not own the infor-mation equally. With the current will to mobilise themselves, GAEC and CSIR could start docu-menting and collecting their own information and get more formally organised.
ADOPTING THE STRATEGY:
Through the exercise conducted at CSIR it can be shown how spatial awareness can be represented with the simplest tracing techniques and basic organisation. Once the farmers are organised, the groups can collect their own information through a minimum level of training and guidance that can assure that the process of enumeration and mapping can be led by the farmers.
Appendix 1.1 contains the detailed plan that this strategy could follow to achieve the necessary mapping and enumeration. It is through the exchange of knowledge and experiences from members of other associations—both local and international—that farmers in the Legon and surrounding area could learn the benefits derived from this collective practice.
Having as a common goal the appropriation of their information, the group strengthens its collective bonds, assumes responsibilities and identifies the specific actions they need undertake in order to better their conditions and livelihoods. Moreover, the farmers can assume ownership of the information when the process of mapping involves manual techniques that they can modify and update themselves. This notion of ownership needs to be addressed throughout the process so as to prevent misuse or co-option of information. It also ensures that the group can effectively use their shared information as leverage when nego-tiating with city authorities and policy makers by presenting the information they have gathered (Livengood and Kunte, 2012).
CASE STUDY
A participatory mapping exercise was carried out with the farmers at CSIR. This proved to be a particularly powerful activity that generated a
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LEGON ACCRA
lot of engagement and enthusiasm among the farmers.
It demonstrated the potential that mapping possesses as a tool to trigger collective action and it supported the claim that farmers are spatially aware of their surroundings.
GPS coordinates were taken to mark out indi-vidual plot boundaries and the output map was presented to the farmers with the aim of it being their information – to be used as a tool to engage more formally with the CSIR institute and ulti-mately assist them in their mission to form an association. The outputs of this exercise are displayed in Figures 8, 9 and also in appendix 8.
FIGURE 8. PARTICIPATORY MAPPING WITH FARMERS OF CSIR.
184
ENVIRONMENTALLY JUST URBANISATION THROUGH URBAN AGRICULTURE
Ope
n sp
aces
Uni
vers
ity L
and
Encr
oach
men
t
Irrig
ated
land
Prot
ecte
d ar
ea
Gol
f Clu
b
Real
est
ate,
priv
ate
land
and
emba
ssie
s
Redu
ctio
n of
ope
n sp
aces
ACHI
MOT
A FO
REST
RESE
RVE
CSIR
FARM
ERS
GROU
P
DZOR
WUL
UAN
D RO
MAN
RIDG
E FA
RMER
S
CHRI
STIA
NVI
LLAG
E
UNIV
ERSI
TY O
F GH
ANA
ACH
IMO
TA R
D
Ghan
a At
omic
Ene
rgy
Com
mis
sion
SIT
E (G
AEC)
AC
CR
A T
EM
A-M
OTO
RW
AY
LIBERATION RD
Ope
n sp
aces
Uni
vers
ity L
and
Encr
oach
men
t
Irrig
ated
land
Prot
ecte
d ar
ea
Gol
f Clu
b
Real
est
ate,
priv
ate
land
and
emba
ssie
s
Redu
ctio
n of
ope
n sp
aces
ACHI
MOT
A FO
REST
RESE
RVE
DZOR
WULUL
UDZ AN
DRO
MOMAN
AND
RRI
DGE
FARM
RSRM
ERS
ARM
E
CHHRI
STIA
NS
GEVI
LLAG
EVVI
AGE
UNIV
ERSI
TY O
F
ACH
IMO
TA R
D
ACH
IMO
TA R
D
Ghan
a At
omic
Ene
rgy
Com
mis
sion
SIT
E (G
AEC)
AC
CR
A T
EM
A-M
OTO
RW
AY
AC
CR
A T
EM
A-M
OTO
RW
AY
AC
CR
A T
RA
TW
AW
A
PERI
URBA
NIN
STIT
UTIO
NAL
LAND
ENCR
OACH
MEN
TCI
TY P
LANN
ING
Urba
nex
pans
ion
Disp
lace
men
t of f
arm
ers
to p
eriu
rban
are
as
The
pres
sure
of t
he c
ity g
row
this
pus
hing
farm
-land
s ou
tsid
eof
the
city
with
out a
del
imite
d gr
een
belt.
Farm
ers
are
allo
wed
to fa
rm o
n in
stitu
tiona
l lan
d to
av
oid
encr
oach
men
t but
they
are
not
ent
itled
with
righ
ts
of p
rope
rty a
nd c
ompe
nsat
ion
afte
r res
ettle
men
t.
The
city
is u
nder
goin
g an
acc
eler
ated
pro
cess
of u
rban
isat
ion
over
taki
ng o
pen
spac
es a
nd ra
pidl
y co
nsum
ing
the
gree
n ar
eas
and
natu
ral r
esou
rces
whi
le tu
rnin
g fa
rmin
g la
nd in
to in
form
al s
ettle
men
ts
and
real
est
ate
deve
lopm
ents
; thu
s, th
e po
tent
ial o
f urb
an a
gric
ultu
re
for a
n en
viro
nmen
tally
just
pro
cess
of u
rban
isat
ion
is u
nder
min
ed.
In th
e ur
ban
plan
ning
age
nda,
un
atte
nded
land
issu
es a
nd
envi
ronm
enta
l pro
blem
s re
veal
the
lack
of
focu
s on
the
need
s of
the
city
’s m
etab
olis
m a
nd th
e ba
lanc
e be
twee
n th
e na
tura
l and
the
built
env
ironm
ent.
INFO
RMAT
ION
IS P
OWER
Reso
urce
depl
etio
n
Urba
nex
pans
ion
Secu
red
open
spa
ces
Pres
sure
on
open
-spa
ces
Envi
ronm
enta
lde
grad
atio
n
Un-c
ontro
lled
grow
th
Defo
rest
atio
n
2 1345CONTEXT
CA
SE
ST
UD
Y
CO
NC
LU
SIO
N
MAPPING PROCESS AND IMPLICATIONS
AGENTS OF CHANGELEGON
IBRA
HIM
Farm
er a
nd s
enio
r mem
ber w
ith d
eep
know
ledg
e of
farm
ers’
bac
kgro
und,
gr
oup
hist
ory,
dyn
amic
s an
d pr
ofile
.
CSIR
FAR
MER
S GR
OUP
Orga
nisa
tiona
l cap
acity
and
col
lect
ive
know
ledg
e ex
pres
sed
amon
g th
e rit
uals
and
bond
s of
the
grou
p.
AMAD
USe
nior
, lea
der f
arm
er w
ith h
igh
spat
ial a
war
enes
s of
the
land
and
rela
tiona
l loc
atio
n of
the
mem
bers
’pl
ots
and
boun
darie
s.
CHAR
LES
NGO
faci
litat
or fr
om P
eopl
e’s
Dial
ogue
on
Hum
an S
ettle
men
ts-G
hana
with
exp
erie
nce
on s
avin
gs g
roup
s, c
olle
ctio
n of
dat
a an
d co
mm
unity
-led
ennu
mer
atio
ns.
UCL
RESE
ARCH
GRO
UPDe
velo
pmen
t Pla
nnin
g Un
it st
uden
tspe
rform
ing
map
ping
tech
niqu
es a
nd
anal
ysis
of p
ower
rela
tions
em
bedd
ed
on th
e pr
oces
ses
of re
pres
enta
tion.
LEGO
N AR
EA
Thro
ugh
the
faci
litat
or’s
expe
rienc
e on
col
lect
ing
peop
le,
the
grou
p se
lf-or
gani
sed
and
one
of t
he
seni
ors
with
the
best
spa
tial a
war
enes
s st
ood
up a
nd
led
the
sket
chin
g of
the
bou
ndar
ies.
With
the
ir na
mes
writ
ten
on p
aper
, eac
h fa
rmer
loca
ted
his
plot
an
d ne
ighb
ours
, on
e by
one
, in
com
plet
e or
der,
sile
nce
and
prof
ound
atte
ntio
n. A
fter a
n ho
ur, a
ll th
e fa
rmer
s w
ere
satis
fied
with
the
resu
lt an
d un
anim
ousl
y ap
prov
ed th
e sk
etch
ed m
ap.
Follo
win
g a
disc
ussi
on w
ith th
e se
nior
mem
bers
re
gard
ing
the
grou
p’s
need
s,
the
farm
ers
gath
ered
at t
he c
usto
mar
y m
eetin
g po
int u
nder
a
big
tree.
Onc
e th
e go
al to
trac
e th
e pl
ots
on th
e gr
ound
was
exp
lain
ed,
the
pow
er o
f m
appi
ng m
anife
sted
. Fa
rmer
s w
ere
mob
ilise
d by
the
ex
erci
se r
evea
ling
the
natu
re o
f th
eir
soci
al d
ynam
ics.
Soo
n, m
ore
farm
ers
surr
ound
ed th
e sk
etch
es o
n th
e so
il as
eve
ryon
e w
ante
d to
be
part
of a
nd b
e re
pres
ente
d on
it. T
he p
roce
ss ra
n ch
aotic
with
eve
ryon
e sp
eaki
ng
at
the
sam
e tim
e di
sagr
eein
g on
lo
catio
ns
an
size
s;
argu
men
ts e
ven
heat
ed b
etw
een
seni
ors
and
juni
or fa
rmer
s, e
spec
ially
w
ith t
hose
who
just
wan
ted
to b
e ac
know
ledg
e in
the
map
but
hav
e ne
ver a
ttend
ed th
e gr
oup
mee
tings
.
Usin
g th
e sa
me
dyna
mic
, the
stu
dent
s re
plic
ated
th
e m
ap a
nd b
egan
doc
umen
ting
each
plo
t by
in
terv
iew
ing
the
iden
tifie
d ow
ners
of t
he p
lots
. Fa
rmer
s sh
owed
to h
ave
a pr
ecis
e kn
owle
dge
of th
e nu
mbe
r of b
eds
they
ow
n on
eac
h pl
ot
the
spec
ific
type
of
crop
s th
ey g
row
, its
pr
oduc
tivity
and
pla
ces
at r
isk
of f
lood
ing
or c
onte
stat
ion.
The
proj
ect
show
ed h
ow s
trong
col
lect
ive
know
ledg
e an
d or
gani
satio
nal
capa
city
co
uld
be
even
w
hen
no
form
al
orga
nisa
tion
exis
ts.
By
docu
men
ting
thei
r ow
n in
form
atio
n th
roug
h co
mm
unity
-led
map
ping
and
enu
mer
atio
n, f
arm
ers
rein
forc
ed t
heir
colle
ctiv
e pr
actic
es w
hen
they
wer
e br
ough
t to
geth
er t
o de
term
ine
thei
r ne
eds
and
to m
ake
deci
sion
s.
Thro
ugh
this
par
ticip
ativ
e pr
oces
s, e
ach
indi
vidu
al f
ound
its
ow
n ne
eds
refle
cted
by
the
need
s of
the
grou
p on
issu
es s
uch
as e
vict
ion,
clim
ate
chan
ge h
azar
ds a
nd m
isre
cogn
ition
.
Desp
ite th
e ch
alle
nges
of l
inki
ng r
itual
s an
d co
llect
ive
prac
tice
to c
ity p
lann
ing
to p
rom
ote
soci
al a
nd e
nviro
nmen
tal j
ustic
e in
th
e ci
ty a
re p
rese
nt,
info
rmat
ion
stan
ds a
s th
e ke
y to
ol t
o ne
gotia
te. T
here
fore
, it h
as to
be
aske
d w
hat k
ind
info
rmat
ion
is
bein
g co
llect
ed w
hen
map
ping
and
who
will
be
resp
onsi
ble
for
usin
g it
to le
vera
ge c
hang
e?
In s
um, i
t is
the
actu
al p
roce
ss a
nd n
ot th
e ou
tput
of m
appi
ng
the
one
that
can
rev
eal
valu
able
inf
orm
atio
n w
hen
enga
ging
w
ith c
omm
uniti
es.
Thus
, m
appi
ng c
an t
rigge
r tra
nsfo
rmat
ive
chan
ge a
s it
is a
pow
erfu
l too
l to
inte
rfer
e th
e tre
nd o
f pla
nnin
g an
d to
dem
and
just
ice
for t
he m
ost v
ulne
rabl
e.
Fina
lly,
the
farm
ers
guid
ed t
he r
esea
rch
grou
p al
ong
the
who
le s
ite to
take
GPS
coo
rdin
ates
and
mar
k ou
t ind
ivid
ual
plot
bou
ndar
ies
and
refe
renc
e po
ints
suc
h as
nat
ural
and
bu
ilt s
tream
s, w
ater
pon
ds,
and
elec
trici
ty p
oles
. Th
e re
sults
rev
eale
d th
at e
ven
thou
gh th
e pl
ots
size
s va
ried
sign
ifica
ntly
from
the
first
abs
tract
repr
esen
tatio
n, th
eir
loca
tions
, nei
ghbo
urin
g an
d bo
unda
ries
wer
e ac
cura
te.
The
outp
ut m
ap w
as p
rese
nted
in p
ublic
to th
e fa
rmer
s w
ith t
he a
im o
f it
bein
g th
eir
info
rmat
ion
unde
r co
nsta
nt u
pdat
e to
be
used
as
a to
ol to
eng
age
mor
e fo
rmal
ly w
ith t
he C
SIR
inst
itute
and
ulti
mat
ely
to
reco
gnis
e th
eir w
illin
gnes
s to
form
an
asso
ciat
ion.
The
surr
ound
ing
inst
itutio
nal
land
of
the
CSIR
has
bee
n us
ed f
or
farm
ing
in th
e la
st 4
0 ye
ars
keep
ing
the
site
from
enc
roac
hmen
t. A
grou
p of
21
seni
or fa
rmer
s re
pres
entin
g m
ore
than
120
farm
ers
are
will
ing
to c
reat
e an
ass
ocia
tion
to r
ecog
nise
the
ir pr
actic
e w
hich
m
ight
hel
p th
em to
con
test
dis
plac
emen
t and
em
pow
er th
eir v
oice
to
cla
im th
eir
indi
vidu
al a
nd c
omm
unity
rig
hts.
Res
earc
hing
the
pote
ntia
l of u
rban
agr
icul
ture
in s
ocia
l and
env
ironm
enta
lly ju
st
plan
ning
of
the
city
, a
grou
p of
UCL
stu
dent
s ca
rrie
d ou
t a
parti
cipa
tory
map
ping
exe
rcis
e w
ith th
e fa
rmer
s an
d a
mem
ber
of P
eopl
e’s D
ialo
gue
to e
nhan
ce t
he c
olle
ctiv
e rit
uals
of
the
grou
p by
pro
duci
ng th
eir
own
info
rmat
ion
as a
ste
p to
war
ds
the
asso
ciat
ion.
With
the
col
lect
ed d
ata,
the
stu
dent
s de
liver
ed
and
abst
ract
map
to th
e gr
oup
supp
orte
d by
the
impo
rtanc
e of
pro
duci
ng t
heir
own
info
rmat
ion
and
self-
orga
nisi
ng
tow
ards
co
mm
on
goal
s ex
plai
ned
by t
he f
acili
tato
r un
der
the
stat
emen
t: in
form
atio
n is
pow
er. A
s m
appi
ng s
erve
d as
a to
ol
that
trig
gere
d co
llect
ive
actio
n, fa
rmer
s re
alize
d th
ey
wer
e sp
atia
lly a
war
e of
thei
r su
rrou
ndin
gs, t
he la
nd
they
use
, its
land
scap
e an
d its
phy
sica
l and
agr
eed
boun
darie
s, w
ho is
farm
ing
each
plo
t, th
e nu
mbe
r of
beds
they
hav
e on
thei
r site
s, a
nd th
e pr
oduc
ts th
ey
are
grow
ing.
CSIR
com
mun
ity-le
d sp
atia
l rep
rese
ntat
ion
of p
lots
and
terr
ain
Data
col
lect
ion
and
enum
erat
ion
per f
arm
er’s
plo
t and
tran
sect
wal
ks g
uide
d by
farm
ers
Abst
ract
repr
esen
tatio
n of
com
mun
ity-le
d m
appi
ng e
xerc
ise
HGR
OUP
UCUCLL
RERESESE
ARARCCHH
GRO
UPUC
L RE
SEAR
CHla
nnin
g Un
it st
uden
tsDe
velo
pmen
tPl
ompl
ete
orde
r, an
hou
r, al
l es
ult a
nd
map
.
liver
ed
by th
e m
atio
n go
als
emen
t: as
a to
ol
lized
they
th
e la
nd
CSIR
FAR
MER
SCU
LTIV
ATIN
G CH
ANGE
ACCR
A (L
EGON
ARE
A), G
HANA
CENT
RE F
OR S
CIEN
CE A
ND IN
DUST
RIAL
RES
EARC
H
Ordó
ñez G
onzá
lez, A
lejan
dro;
Ban
chev
a, Si
lviya
; Bra
ndt,
Fern
anda
; Cra
wsha
y Jon
es, C
hris;
Dor
ia, N
icola;
Fer
ro, P
amela
; Seg
ura,
Clar
isa.
Migration trend
Ope
n sp
aces
Uni
vers
ity L
and
Encr
oach
men
t
Irrig
ated
land
Prot
ecte
d ar
ea
Gol
f Clu
b
Real
est
ate,
priv
ate
land
and
emba
ssie
s
Redu
ctio
n of
ope
n sp
aces
ACHI
MOT
A FO
REST
RESE
RVE
CSIR
FARM
ERS
GROU
P
DZOR
WUL
UAN
D RO
MAN
RIDG
E FA
RMER
S
CHRI
STIA
NVI
LLAG
E
UNIV
ERSI
TY O
F GH
ANA
ACH
IMO
TA R
D
Ghan
a At
omic
Ene
rgy
Com
mis
sion
SIT
E (G
AEC)
AC
CR
A T
EM
A-M
OTO
RW
AY
LIBERATION RD
Ope
n sp
aces
Uni
vers
ity L
and
Encr
oach
men
t
Irrig
ated
land
Prot
ecte
d ar
ea
Gol
f Clu
b
Real
est
ate,
priv
ate
land
and
emba
ssie
s
Redu
ctio
n of
ope
n sp
aces
ACHI
MOT
A FO
REST
RESE
RVE
DZOR
WULUL
UDZ AN
DRO
MOMAN
AND
RRI
DGE
FARM
RSRM
ERS
ARM
E
CHHRI
STIA
NS
GEVI
LLAG
EVVI
AGE
UNIV
ERSI
TY O
F
ACH
IMO
TA R
D
ACH
IMO
TA R
D
Ghan
a At
omic
Ene
rgy
Com
mis
sion
SIT
E (G
AEC)
AC
CR
A T
EM
A-M
OTO
RW
AY
AC
CR
A T
EM
A-M
OTO
RW
AY
AC
CR
A T
RA
TW
AW
A
PERI
URBA
NIN
STIT
UTIO
NAL
LAND
ENCR
OACH
MEN
TCI
TY P
LANN
ING
Urba
nex
pans
ion
Disp
lace
men
t of f
arm
ers
to p
eriu
rban
are
as
The
pres
sure
of t
he c
ity g
row
this
pus
hing
farm
-land
s ou
tsid
eof
the
city
with
out a
del
imite
d gr
een
belt.
Farm
ers
are
allo
wed
to fa
rm o
n in
stitu
tiona
l lan
d to
av
oid
encr
oach
men
t but
they
are
not
ent
itled
with
righ
ts
of p
rope
rty a
nd c
ompe
nsat
ion
afte
r res
ettle
men
t.
The
city
is u
nder
goin
g an
acc
eler
ated
pro
cess
of u
rban
isat
ion
over
taki
ng o
pen
spac
es a
nd ra
pidl
y co
nsum
ing
the
gree
n ar
eas
and
natu
ral r
esou
rces
whi
le tu
rnin
g fa
rmin
g la
nd in
to in
form
al s
ettle
men
ts
and
real
est
ate
deve
lopm
ents
; thu
s, th
e po
tent
ial o
f urb
an a
gric
ultu
re
for a
n en
viro
nmen
tally
just
pro
cess
of u
rban
isat
ion
is u
nder
min
ed.
In th
e ur
ban
plan
ning
age
nda,
un
atte
nded
land
issu
es a
nd
envi
ronm
enta
l pro
blem
s re
veal
the
lack
of
focu
s on
the
need
s of
the
city
’s m
etab
olis
m a
nd th
e ba
lanc
e be
twee
n th
e na
tura
l and
the
built
env
ironm
ent.
INFO
RMAT
ION
IS P
OWER
Reso
urce
depl
etio
n
Urba
nex
pans
ion
Secu
red
open
spa
ces
Pres
sure
on
open
-spa
ces
Envi
ronm
enta
lde
grad
atio
n
Un-c
ontro
lled
grow
th
Defo
rest
atio
n
2 1345CONTEXT
CA
SE
ST
UD
Y
CO
NC
LU
SIO
N
MAPPING PROCESS AND IMPLICATIONS
AGENTS OF CHANGELEGON
IBRA
HIM
Farm
er a
nd s
enio
r mem
ber w
ith d
eep
know
ledg
e of
farm
ers’
bac
kgro
und,
gr
oup
hist
ory,
dyn
amic
s an
d pr
ofile
.
CSIR
FAR
MER
S GR
OUP
Orga
nisa
tiona
l cap
acity
and
col
lect
ive
know
ledg
e ex
pres
sed
amon
g th
e rit
uals
and
bond
s of
the
grou
p.
AMAD
USe
nior
, lea
der f
arm
er w
ith h
igh
spat
ial a
war
enes
s of
the
land
and
rela
tiona
l loc
atio
n of
the
mem
bers
’pl
ots
and
boun
darie
s.
CHAR
LES
NGO
faci
litat
or fr
om P
eopl
e’s
Dial
ogue
on
Hum
an S
ettle
men
ts-G
hana
with
exp
erie
nce
on s
avin
gs g
roup
s, c
olle
ctio
n of
dat
a an
d co
mm
unity
-led
ennu
mer
atio
ns.
UCL
RESE
ARCH
GRO
UPDe
velo
pmen
t Pla
nnin
g Un
it st
uden
tspe
rform
ing
map
ping
tech
niqu
es a
nd
anal
ysis
of p
ower
rela
tions
em
bedd
ed
on th
e pr
oces
ses
of re
pres
enta
tion.
LEGO
N AR
EA
Thro
ugh
the
faci
litat
or’s
expe
rienc
e on
col
lect
ing
peop
le,
the
grou
p se
lf-or
gani
sed
and
one
of t
he
seni
ors
with
the
best
spa
tial a
war
enes
s st
ood
up a
nd
led
the
sket
chin
g of
the
bou
ndar
ies.
With
the
ir na
mes
writ
ten
on p
aper
, eac
h fa
rmer
loca
ted
his
plot
an
d ne
ighb
ours
, on
e by
one
, in
com
plet
e or
der,
sile
nce
and
prof
ound
atte
ntio
n. A
fter a
n ho
ur, a
ll th
e fa
rmer
s w
ere
satis
fied
with
the
resu
lt an
d un
anim
ousl
y ap
prov
ed th
e sk
etch
ed m
ap.
Follo
win
g a
disc
ussi
on w
ith th
e se
nior
mem
bers
re
gard
ing
the
grou
p’s
need
s,
the
farm
ers
gath
ered
at t
he c
usto
mar
y m
eetin
g po
int u
nder
a
big
tree.
Onc
e th
e go
al to
trac
e th
e pl
ots
on th
e gr
ound
was
exp
lain
ed,
the
pow
er o
f m
appi
ng m
anife
sted
. Fa
rmer
s w
ere
mob
ilise
d by
the
ex
erci
se r
evea
ling
the
natu
re o
f th
eir
soci
al d
ynam
ics.
Soo
n, m
ore
farm
ers
surr
ound
ed th
e sk
etch
es o
n th
e so
il as
eve
ryon
e w
ante
d to
be
part
of a
nd b
e re
pres
ente
d on
it. T
he p
roce
ss ra
n ch
aotic
with
eve
ryon
e sp
eaki
ng
at
the
sam
e tim
e di
sagr
eein
g on
lo
catio
ns
an
size
s;
argu
men
ts e
ven
heat
ed b
etw
een
seni
ors
and
juni
or fa
rmer
s, e
spec
ially
w
ith t
hose
who
just
wan
ted
to b
e ac
know
ledg
e in
the
map
but
hav
e ne
ver a
ttend
ed th
e gr
oup
mee
tings
.
Usin
g th
e sa
me
dyna
mic
, the
stu
dent
s re
plic
ated
th
e m
ap a
nd b
egan
doc
umen
ting
each
plo
t by
in
terv
iew
ing
the
iden
tifie
d ow
ners
of t
he p
lots
. Fa
rmer
s sh
owed
to h
ave
a pr
ecis
e kn
owle
dge
of th
e nu
mbe
r of b
eds
they
ow
n on
eac
h pl
ot
the
spec
ific
type
of
crop
s th
ey g
row
, its
pr
oduc
tivity
and
pla
ces
at r
isk
of f
lood
ing
or c
onte
stat
ion.
The
proj
ect
show
ed h
ow s
trong
col
lect
ive
know
ledg
e an
d or
gani
satio
nal
capa
city
co
uld
be
even
w
hen
no
form
al
orga
nisa
tion
exis
ts.
By
docu
men
ting
thei
r ow
n in
form
atio
n th
roug
h co
mm
unity
-led
map
ping
and
enu
mer
atio
n, f
arm
ers
rein
forc
ed t
heir
colle
ctiv
e pr
actic
es w
hen
they
wer
e br
ough
t to
geth
er t
o de
term
ine
thei
r ne
eds
and
to m
ake
deci
sion
s.
Thro
ugh
this
par
ticip
ativ
e pr
oces
s, e
ach
indi
vidu
al f
ound
its
ow
n ne
eds
refle
cted
by
the
need
s of
the
grou
p on
issu
es s
uch
as e
vict
ion,
clim
ate
chan
ge h
azar
ds a
nd m
isre
cogn
ition
.
Desp
ite th
e ch
alle
nges
of l
inki
ng r
itual
s an
d co
llect
ive
prac
tice
to c
ity p
lann
ing
to p
rom
ote
soci
al a
nd e
nviro
nmen
tal j
ustic
e in
th
e ci
ty a
re p
rese
nt,
info
rmat
ion
stan
ds a
s th
e ke
y to
ol t
o ne
gotia
te. T
here
fore
, it h
as to
be
aske
d w
hat k
ind
info
rmat
ion
is
bein
g co
llect
ed w
hen
map
ping
and
who
will
be
resp
onsi
ble
for
usin
g it
to le
vera
ge c
hang
e?
In s
um, i
t is
the
actu
al p
roce
ss a
nd n
ot th
e ou
tput
of m
appi
ng
the
one
that
can
rev
eal
valu
able
inf
orm
atio
n w
hen
enga
ging
w
ith c
omm
uniti
es.
Thus
, m
appi
ng c
an t
rigge
r tra
nsfo
rmat
ive
chan
ge a
s it
is a
pow
erfu
l too
l to
inte
rfer
e th
e tre
nd o
f pla
nnin
g an
d to
dem
and
just
ice
for t
he m
ost v
ulne
rabl
e.
Fina
lly,
the
farm
ers
guid
ed t
he r
esea
rch
grou
p al
ong
the
who
le s
ite to
take
GPS
coo
rdin
ates
and
mar
k ou
t ind
ivid
ual
plot
bou
ndar
ies
and
refe
renc
e po
ints
suc
h as
nat
ural
and
bu
ilt s
tream
s, w
ater
pon
ds,
and
elec
trici
ty p
oles
. Th
e re
sults
rev
eale
d th
at e
ven
thou
gh th
e pl
ots
size
s va
ried
sign
ifica
ntly
from
the
first
abs
tract
repr
esen
tatio
n, th
eir
loca
tions
, nei
ghbo
urin
g an
d bo
unda
ries
wer
e ac
cura
te.
The
outp
ut m
ap w
as p
rese
nted
in p
ublic
to th
e fa
rmer
s w
ith t
he a
im o
f it
bein
g th
eir
info
rmat
ion
unde
r co
nsta
nt u
pdat
e to
be
used
as
a to
ol to
eng
age
mor
e fo
rmal
ly w
ith t
he C
SIR
inst
itute
and
ulti
mat
ely
to
reco
gnis
e th
eir w
illin
gnes
s to
form
an
asso
ciat
ion.
The
surr
ound
ing
inst
itutio
nal
land
of
the
CSIR
has
bee
n us
ed f
or
farm
ing
in th
e la
st 4
0 ye
ars
keep
ing
the
site
from
enc
roac
hmen
t. A
grou
p of
21
seni
or fa
rmer
s re
pres
entin
g m
ore
than
120
farm
ers
are
will
ing
to c
reat
e an
ass
ocia
tion
to r
ecog
nise
the
ir pr
actic
e w
hich
m
ight
hel
p th
em to
con
test
dis
plac
emen
t and
em
pow
er th
eir v
oice
to
cla
im th
eir
indi
vidu
al a
nd c
omm
unity
rig
hts.
Res
earc
hing
the
pote
ntia
l of u
rban
agr
icul
ture
in s
ocia
l and
env
ironm
enta
lly ju
st
plan
ning
of
the
city
, a
grou
p of
UCL
stu
dent
s ca
rrie
d ou
t a
parti
cipa
tory
map
ping
exe
rcis
e w
ith th
e fa
rmer
s an
d a
mem
ber
of P
eopl
e’s D
ialo
gue
to e
nhan
ce t
he c
olle
ctiv
e rit
uals
of
the
grou
p by
pro
duci
ng th
eir
own
info
rmat
ion
as a
ste
p to
war
ds
the
asso
ciat
ion.
With
the
col
lect
ed d
ata,
the
stu
dent
s de
liver
ed
and
abst
ract
map
to th
e gr
oup
supp
orte
d by
the
impo
rtanc
e of
pro
duci
ng t
heir
own
info
rmat
ion
and
self-
orga
nisi
ng
tow
ards
co
mm
on
goal
s ex
plai
ned
by t
he f
acili
tato
r un
der
the
stat
emen
t: in
form
atio
n is
pow
er. A
s m
appi
ng s
erve
d as
a to
ol
that
trig
gere
d co
llect
ive
actio
n, fa
rmer
s re
alize
d th
ey
wer
e sp
atia
lly a
war
e of
thei
r su
rrou
ndin
gs, t
he la
nd
they
use
, its
land
scap
e an
d its
phy
sica
l and
agr
eed
boun
darie
s, w
ho is
farm
ing
each
plo
t, th
e nu
mbe
r of
beds
they
hav
e on
thei
r site
s, a
nd th
e pr
oduc
ts th
ey
are
grow
ing.
CSIR
com
mun
ity-le
d sp
atia
l rep
rese
ntat
ion
of p
lots
and
terr
ain
Data
col
lect
ion
and
enum
erat
ion
per f
arm
er’s
plo
t and
tran
sect
wal
ks g
uide
d by
farm
ers
Abst
ract
repr
esen
tatio
n of
com
mun
ity-le
d m
appi
ng e
xerc
ise
HGR
OUP
UCUCLL
RERESESE
ARARCCHH
GRO
UPUC
L RE
SEAR
CHla
nnin
g Un
it st
uden
tsDe
velo
pmen
tPl
ompl
ete
orde
r, an
hou
r, al
l es
ult a
nd
map
.
liver
ed
by th
e m
atio
n go
als
emen
t: as
a to
ol
lized
they
th
e la
nd
CSIR
FAR
MER
SCU
LTIV
ATIN
G CH
ANGE
ACCR
A (L
EGON
ARE
A), G
HANA
CENT
RE F
OR S
CIEN
CE A
ND IN
DUST
RIAL
RES
EARC
H
Ordó
ñez G
onzá
lez, A
lejan
dro;
Ban
chev
a, Si
lviya
; Bra
ndt,
Fern
anda
; Cra
wsha
y Jon
es, C
hris;
Dor
ia, N
icola;
Fer
ro, P
amela
; Seg
ura,
Clar
isa.
Migration trend
185
LEGON ACCRA
FIGU
RE 9
. CUL
TIVA
TING
CHA
NGE,
ACC
RA (L
EGON
ARE
A), G
HANA
. CSI
R FA
RMER
S (P
OSTE
R)
Ope
n sp
aces
Uni
vers
ity L
and
Encr
oach
men
t
Irrig
ated
land
Prot
ecte
d ar
ea
Gol
f Clu
b
Real
est
ate,
priv
ate
land
and
emba
ssie
s
Redu
ctio
n of
ope
n sp
aces
ACHI
MOT
A FO
REST
RESE
RVE
CSIR
FARM
ERS
GROU
P
DZOR
WUL
UAN
D RO
MAN
RIDG
E FA
RMER
S
CHRI
STIA
NVI
LLAG
E
UNIV
ERSI
TY O
F GH
ANA
ACH
IMO
TA R
D
Ghan
a At
omic
Ene
rgy
Com
mis
sion
SIT
E (G
AEC)
AC
CR
A T
EM
A-M
OTO
RW
AY
LIBERATION RD
Ope
n sp
aces
Uni
vers
ity L
and
Encr
oach
men
t
Irrig
ated
land
Prot
ecte
d ar
ea
Gol
f Clu
b
Real
est
ate,
priv
ate
land
and
emba
ssie
s
Redu
ctio
n of
ope
n sp
aces
ACHI
MOT
A FO
REST
RESE
RVE
DZOR
WULUL
UDZ AN
DRO
MOMAN
AND
RRI
DGE
FARM
RSRM
ERS
ARM
E
CHHRI
STIA
NS
GEVI
LLAG
EVVI
AGE
UNIV
ERSI
TY O
F
ACH
IMO
TA R
D
ACH
IMO
TA R
D
Ghan
a At
omic
Ene
rgy
Com
mis
sion
SIT
E (G
AEC)
AC
CR
A T
EM
A-M
OTO
RW
AY
AC
CR
A T
EM
A-M
OTO
RW
AY
AC
CR
A T
RA
TW
AW
A
PERI
URBA
NIN
STIT
UTIO
NAL
LAND
ENCR
OACH
MEN
TCI
TY P
LANN
ING
Urba
nex
pans
ion
Disp
lace
men
t of f
arm
ers
to p
eriu
rban
are
as
The
pres
sure
of t
he c
ity g
row
this
pus
hing
farm
-land
s ou
tsid
eof
the
city
with
out a
del
imite
d gr
een
belt.
Farm
ers
are
allo
wed
to fa
rm o
n in
stitu
tiona
l lan
d to
av
oid
encr
oach
men
t but
they
are
not
ent
itled
with
righ
ts
of p
rope
rty a
nd c
ompe
nsat
ion
afte
r res
ettle
men
t.
The
city
is u
nder
goin
g an
acc
eler
ated
pro
cess
of u
rban
isat
ion
over
taki
ng o
pen
spac
es a
nd ra
pidl
y co
nsum
ing
the
gree
n ar
eas
and
natu
ral r
esou
rces
whi
le tu
rnin
g fa
rmin
g la
nd in
to in
form
al s
ettle
men
ts
and
real
est
ate
deve
lopm
ents
; thu
s, th
e po
tent
ial o
f urb
an a
gric
ultu
re
for a
n en
viro
nmen
tally
just
pro
cess
of u
rban
isat
ion
is u
nder
min
ed.
In th
e ur
ban
plan
ning
age
nda,
un
atte
nded
land
issu
es a
nd
envi
ronm
enta
l pro
blem
s re
veal
the
lack
of
focu
s on
the
need
s of
the
city
’s m
etab
olis
m a
nd th
e ba
lanc
e be
twee
n th
e na
tura
l and
the
built
env
ironm
ent.
INFO
RMAT
ION
IS P
OWER
Reso
urce
depl
etio
n
Urba
nex
pans
ion
Secu
red
open
spa
ces
Pres
sure
on
open
-spa
ces
Envi
ronm
enta
lde
grad
atio
n
Un-c
ontro
lled
grow
th
Defo
rest
atio
n
2 1345CONTEXT
CA
SE
ST
UD
Y
CO
NC
LU
SIO
N
MAPPING PROCESS AND IMPLICATIONS
AGENTS OF CHANGELEGON
IBRA
HIM
Farm
er a
nd s
enio
r mem
ber w
ith d
eep
know
ledg
e of
farm
ers’
bac
kgro
und,
gr
oup
hist
ory,
dyn
amic
s an
d pr
ofile
.
CSIR
FAR
MER
S GR
OUP
Orga
nisa
tiona
l cap
acity
and
col
lect
ive
know
ledg
e ex
pres
sed
amon
g th
e rit
uals
and
bond
s of
the
grou
p.
AMAD
USe
nior
, lea
der f
arm
er w
ith h
igh
spat
ial a
war
enes
s of
the
land
and
rela
tiona
l loc
atio
n of
the
mem
bers
’pl
ots
and
boun
darie
s.
CHAR
LES
NGO
faci
litat
or fr
om P
eopl
e’s
Dial
ogue
on
Hum
an S
ettle
men
ts-G
hana
with
exp
erie
nce
on s
avin
gs g
roup
s, c
olle
ctio
n of
dat
a an
d co
mm
unity
-led
ennu
mer
atio
ns.
UCL
RESE
ARCH
GRO
UPDe
velo
pmen
t Pla
nnin
g Un
it st
uden
tspe
rform
ing
map
ping
tech
niqu
es a
nd
anal
ysis
of p
ower
rela
tions
em
bedd
ed
on th
e pr
oces
ses
of re
pres
enta
tion.
LEGO
N AR
EA
Thro
ugh
the
faci
litat
or’s
expe
rienc
e on
col
lect
ing
peop
le,
the
grou
p se
lf-or
gani
sed
and
one
of t
he
seni
ors
with
the
best
spa
tial a
war
enes
s st
ood
up a
nd
led
the
sket
chin
g of
the
bou
ndar
ies.
With
the
ir na
mes
writ
ten
on p
aper
, eac
h fa
rmer
loca
ted
his
plot
an
d ne
ighb
ours
, on
e by
one
, in
com
plet
e or
der,
sile
nce
and
prof
ound
atte
ntio
n. A
fter a
n ho
ur, a
ll th
e fa
rmer
s w
ere
satis
fied
with
the
resu
lt an
d un
anim
ousl
y ap
prov
ed th
e sk
etch
ed m
ap.
Follo
win
g a
disc
ussi
on w
ith th
e se
nior
mem
bers
re
gard
ing
the
grou
p’s
need
s,
the
farm
ers
gath
ered
at t
he c
usto
mar
y m
eetin
g po
int u
nder
a
big
tree.
Onc
e th
e go
al to
trac
e th
e pl
ots
on th
e gr
ound
was
exp
lain
ed,
the
pow
er o
f m
appi
ng m
anife
sted
. Fa
rmer
s w
ere
mob
ilise
d by
the
ex
erci
se r
evea
ling
the
natu
re o
f th
eir
soci
al d
ynam
ics.
Soo
n, m
ore
farm
ers
surr
ound
ed th
e sk
etch
es o
n th
e so
il as
eve
ryon
e w
ante
d to
be
part
of a
nd b
e re
pres
ente
d on
it. T
he p
roce
ss ra
n ch
aotic
with
eve
ryon
e sp
eaki
ng
at
the
sam
e tim
e di
sagr
eein
g on
lo
catio
ns
an
size
s;
argu
men
ts e
ven
heat
ed b
etw
een
seni
ors
and
juni
or fa
rmer
s, e
spec
ially
w
ith t
hose
who
just
wan
ted
to b
e ac
know
ledg
e in
the
map
but
hav
e ne
ver a
ttend
ed th
e gr
oup
mee
tings
.
Usin
g th
e sa
me
dyna
mic
, the
stu
dent
s re
plic
ated
th
e m
ap a
nd b
egan
doc
umen
ting
each
plo
t by
in
terv
iew
ing
the
iden
tifie
d ow
ners
of t
he p
lots
. Fa
rmer
s sh
owed
to h
ave
a pr
ecis
e kn
owle
dge
of th
e nu
mbe
r of b
eds
they
ow
n on
eac
h pl
ot
the
spec
ific
type
of
crop
s th
ey g
row
, its
pr
oduc
tivity
and
pla
ces
at r
isk
of f
lood
ing
or c
onte
stat
ion.
The
proj
ect
show
ed h
ow s
trong
col
lect
ive
know
ledg
e an
d or
gani
satio
nal
capa
city
co
uld
be
even
w
hen
no
form
al
orga
nisa
tion
exis
ts.
By
docu
men
ting
thei
r ow
n in
form
atio
n th
roug
h co
mm
unity
-led
map
ping
and
enu
mer
atio
n, f
arm
ers
rein
forc
ed t
heir
colle
ctiv
e pr
actic
es w
hen
they
wer
e br
ough
t to
geth
er t
o de
term
ine
thei
r ne
eds
and
to m
ake
deci
sion
s.
Thro
ugh
this
par
ticip
ativ
e pr
oces
s, e
ach
indi
vidu
al f
ound
its
ow
n ne
eds
refle
cted
by
the
need
s of
the
grou
p on
issu
es s
uch
as e
vict
ion,
clim
ate
chan
ge h
azar
ds a
nd m
isre
cogn
ition
.
Desp
ite th
e ch
alle
nges
of l
inki
ng r
itual
s an
d co
llect
ive
prac
tice
to c
ity p
lann
ing
to p
rom
ote
soci
al a
nd e
nviro
nmen
tal j
ustic
e in
th
e ci
ty a
re p
rese
nt,
info
rmat
ion
stan
ds a
s th
e ke
y to
ol t
o ne
gotia
te. T
here
fore
, it h
as to
be
aske
d w
hat k
ind
info
rmat
ion
is
bein
g co
llect
ed w
hen
map
ping
and
who
will
be
resp
onsi
ble
for
usin
g it
to le
vera
ge c
hang
e?
In s
um, i
t is
the
actu
al p
roce
ss a
nd n
ot th
e ou
tput
of m
appi
ng
the
one
that
can
rev
eal
valu
able
inf
orm
atio
n w
hen
enga
ging
w
ith c
omm
uniti
es.
Thus
, m
appi
ng c
an t
rigge
r tra
nsfo
rmat
ive
chan
ge a
s it
is a
pow
erfu
l too
l to
inte
rfer
e th
e tre
nd o
f pla
nnin
g an
d to
dem
and
just
ice
for t
he m
ost v
ulne
rabl
e.
Fina
lly,
the
farm
ers
guid
ed t
he r
esea
rch
grou
p al
ong
the
who
le s
ite to
take
GPS
coo
rdin
ates
and
mar
k ou
t ind
ivid
ual
plot
bou
ndar
ies
and
refe
renc
e po
ints
suc
h as
nat
ural
and
bu
ilt s
tream
s, w
ater
pon
ds,
and
elec
trici
ty p
oles
. Th
e re
sults
rev
eale
d th
at e
ven
thou
gh th
e pl
ots
size
s va
ried
sign
ifica
ntly
from
the
first
abs
tract
repr
esen
tatio
n, th
eir
loca
tions
, nei
ghbo
urin
g an
d bo
unda
ries
wer
e ac
cura
te.
The
outp
ut m
ap w
as p
rese
nted
in p
ublic
to th
e fa
rmer
s w
ith t
he a
im o
f it
bein
g th
eir
info
rmat
ion
unde
r co
nsta
nt u
pdat
e to
be
used
as
a to
ol to
eng
age
mor
e fo
rmal
ly w
ith t
he C
SIR
inst
itute
and
ulti
mat
ely
to
reco
gnis
e th
eir w
illin
gnes
s to
form
an
asso
ciat
ion.
The
surr
ound
ing
inst
itutio
nal
land
of
the
CSIR
has
bee
n us
ed f
or
farm
ing
in th
e la
st 4
0 ye
ars
keep
ing
the
site
from
enc
roac
hmen
t. A
grou
p of
21
seni
or fa
rmer
s re
pres
entin
g m
ore
than
120
farm
ers
are
will
ing
to c
reat
e an
ass
ocia
tion
to r
ecog
nise
the
ir pr
actic
e w
hich
m
ight
hel
p th
em to
con
test
dis
plac
emen
t and
em
pow
er th
eir v
oice
to
cla
im th
eir
indi
vidu
al a
nd c
omm
unity
rig
hts.
Res
earc
hing
the
pote
ntia
l of u
rban
agr
icul
ture
in s
ocia
l and
env
ironm
enta
lly ju
st
plan
ning
of
the
city
, a
grou
p of
UCL
stu
dent
s ca
rrie
d ou
t a
parti
cipa
tory
map
ping
exe
rcis
e w
ith th
e fa
rmer
s an
d a
mem
ber
of P
eopl
e’s D
ialo
gue
to e
nhan
ce t
he c
olle
ctiv
e rit
uals
of
the
grou
p by
pro
duci
ng th
eir
own
info
rmat
ion
as a
ste
p to
war
ds
the
asso
ciat
ion.
With
the
col
lect
ed d
ata,
the
stu
dent
s de
liver
ed
and
abst
ract
map
to th
e gr
oup
supp
orte
d by
the
impo
rtanc
e of
pro
duci
ng t
heir
own
info
rmat
ion
and
self-
orga
nisi
ng
tow
ards
co
mm
on
goal
s ex
plai
ned
by t
he f
acili
tato
r un
der
the
stat
emen
t: in
form
atio
n is
pow
er. A
s m
appi
ng s
erve
d as
a to
ol
that
trig
gere
d co
llect
ive
actio
n, fa
rmer
s re
alize
d th
ey
wer
e sp
atia
lly a
war
e of
thei
r su
rrou
ndin
gs, t
he la
nd
they
use
, its
land
scap
e an
d its
phy
sica
l and
agr
eed
boun
darie
s, w
ho is
farm
ing
each
plo
t, th
e nu
mbe
r of
beds
they
hav
e on
thei
r site
s, a
nd th
e pr
oduc
ts th
ey
are
grow
ing.
CSIR
com
mun
ity-le
d sp
atia
l rep
rese
ntat
ion
of p
lots
and
terr
ain
Data
col
lect
ion
and
enum
erat
ion
per f
arm
er’s
plo
t and
tran
sect
wal
ks g
uide
d by
farm
ers
Abst
ract
repr
esen
tatio
n of
com
mun
ity-le
d m
appi
ng e
xerc
ise
HGR
OUP
UCUCLL
RERESESE
ARARCCHH
GRO
UPUC
L RE
SEAR
CHla
nnin
g Un
it st
uden
tsDe
velo
pmen
tPl
ompl
ete
orde
r, an
hou
r, al
l es
ult a
nd
map
.
liver
ed
by th
e m
atio
n go
als
emen
t: as
a to
ol
lized
they
th
e la
nd
CSIR
FAR
MER
SCU
LTIV
ATIN
G CH
ANGE
ACCR
A (L
EGON
ARE
A), G
HANA
CENT
RE F
OR S
CIEN
CE A
ND IN
DUST
RIAL
RES
EARC
H
Ordó
ñez G
onzá
lez, A
lejan
dro;
Ban
chev
a, Si
lviya
; Bra
ndt,
Fern
anda
; Cra
wsha
y Jon
es, C
hris;
Dor
ia, N
icola;
Fer
ro, P
amela
; Seg
ura,
Clar
isa.
Migration trend
186
ENVIRONMENTALLY JUST URBANISATION THROUGH URBAN AGRICULTURE
COMMUNITY PROFILE
Qualitative information can provide data of the history and identity of the group as a community that shares values, norms, experiences and rituals. This creates a profile which defines them and could help them to find similar problems to forecast and prevent hazards, and to avoid mal-practices. On the other hand, the accuracy that quantitative data from the enumeration can achieve provides precise knowledge of the community’s assets to trace the trends, fluctuations and changes in its activities.
Overall, both data sets will help the farmers to identify the needs they have as a group, their problems and their opportunities. Plus, through this participative process, each individual finds his own needs reflected by the needs of the group – and often individual needs can be satisfied through collective action (Muller and Mbanga, 2012).
COLLECTIVE VOICE THAT CANNOT BE IGNORED
As enumeration and mapping exhibit the rela-tionships between figures, the voice of the group and the capabilities of each individual, accurate and updated information cannot be ignored. Thus, the recognition of the group, its practices and its rights, are promoted while the community of farmers reinforces its identity and forms a political constituency hard to suppress (Patel et al., 2012).
Furthermore, taking as an example the enumeration where Ghana Federation of the Urban Poor have gathered people from GAMA, NGOs and international federations, it can be highlighted that sharing experiences helps to find the proper techniques to use for each context and not only replicating formulas. Aside from the sharing of knowledge, this brings international attention to the process that the local authorities cannot ignore (Farouk and Owusu, 2012).
In the case of the CSIR farmers, their presence at the presentation of research findings held in
Accra, emphasized their willingness to organise and to own their own data. The act of receiving in public the printed GIS maps, enhanced and legit-imised the voice of the group and was a positive step towards forming an association.
NEGOTIATION AND CONTESTATION
As land use can be described as a political element of city planning (Patel and Baptist, 2012), the information available to the public regarding how much vacant space is available can be contested with the mapping outputs produced by farmers who are practicing UA within the institutional area that is supposed to be running out of such areas. Then, with the final outputs the group is empowered to negotiate with reliable data of their own and contest any inaccurate official infor-mation that may be determining the planning of the city.
Furthermore, this strategy can locate the indirect economic activities derived from farming to determine how many livelihoods are involved in the process from seed to table. This will provide figures on the economic contribution of UA for the city of Accra, the people dependant on it and the amount of food that is produced. Thus, food security, malnutrition alleviation and employment activities that relate to UA, can contest claims made by the Millennium City Initiative that UA is not significant for the city when it only contributes to 3% of the food production in Accra (2012).
LEGITIMISATION OF INFORMATION
The process considers partnerships with NGOs such as People’s Dialogue that may participate in the digitalisation of the information in order to legitimise the collected data. This can serve as a tool for advocacy when scholars, NGOs and external institutions could use the information led by the community instead of more formal, official data (Muller and Mbanga, 2012).
With data regarding organic farming tech-niques, information on UA’S contribution to the
187
LEGON ACCRA
environment and the natural cycles that they maintain; the amount of waste that is absorbed and the natural resources that are being optimised (e.g. water) becomes available.
Furthermore, if NGOs participate by supporting the compilation of data, the process becomes more transparent and accountable to the community, the partners and the authorities that could also derive observations to interpret the data (Livengood and Kunte, 2012).
STRATEGY 1.2: INITIATE FARMERS’ SAVINGS GROUPS AT CSIR AND GAEC LOCATIONS AND STRENGTHEN EXISTING SAVINGS GROUPS ACROSS ALL SITES
Farmers at the CSIR and GAEC sites currently do not save as a collective group. Conversely,
the farmers’ associations at DZ and RR have well established and well organised savings groups that are run by the farmers themselves. This collective practice has benefited them financially, but also strengthened social bonds, generated perceptions of collective identity and increased their ability to defend their right to practice UA in the city. Following the formation of associa-tions as suggested under Strategy 1.1, the second component of the strategy outlines how savings groups at CSIR and GAEC might be formed and how the position of savings groups in Legon might be strengthened overall.
ADOPTING THE STRATEGY:
At a basic level, saving money provides increased security for farmers as they are provided with access to cheap loans. In doing so they are more financially secure in the long term and less likely to be forced out of farming as a result of economic stresses, thus encouraging the continuity of the practice. Importantly, the urban poor are normally excluded from formal financial markets and are often forced to borrow from moneylenders who
charge particularly high interest rates, thus leading to vicious cycles of debt and self-perpetuating poverty (SDI, 2012). Savings groups offering cheap credit are therefore critical for urban poor farmers and offer an important entry point into building united communities.
COLLECTING MONEY FOR COLLECTING PEOPLE
The more intangible but equally important benefit to be realised through adopting the strategy is the notion of collecting people through collecting money. This concept stems from interventions carried out by Slum Dwellers International (SDI) in many locations around the world, including Old Fadama in Accra. SDI was successful as it managed to highlight a collective practice that was already taking place (collective saving) and promote it and use it as a vehicle to drive a common cause. Though savings groups, SDI joined people together and created social bonds that resulted in a collective identity. This proved to be invaluable in the federating process and established a collective voice that challenged the status quo of marginalisation and suppression of the urban poor.
Thus Strategy 1.2 aims to ‘collect’ farmers through encouraging them to form savings groups. It draws on the lessons learnt from SDI whilst also remaining aware of the need to adapt saving practices to the needs of farmers at each research site, the actors involved with UA and the drivers at the city scale which farmers have resisting and building resilience against over the years.
A detailed plan for Strategy 1.2 can be found in the Appendix 1.2. It provides a set of sequential actions, specific objectives, methods, actors, time scales and limitations, and draws linkages between strategic action and transformative change.
188
ENVIRONMENTALLY JUST URBANISATION THROUGH URBAN AGRICULTURE
STRATEGY 1.3 - PROMOTE KNOWLEDGE EXCHANGES
Knowledge exchange is a collective practice that already exists. This is particularly true between
individual farmers. The research demonstrated that farmers share knowledge about all elements of their farming practices; their crop types, their plot locations, their farming techniques and so on. Research revealed that knowledge exchange even takes place between farmer groups. For example DZ farmers have met with CSIR farmers to advise them on organising themselves into an association. The problem is that these trends in knowledge transfer are rather intangible and fragmented. Hence Strategy 1.3 aims to address this problematic by not only strengthening and uniting knowledge exchange practices but also redefining the way that knowledge is produced and transferred between actors at all levels.
ADOPTING THE STRATEGY:
The strategy seeks to promote knowledge exchanges at three observable levels; between individual farmers, between farmers’ associa-tions and between associations and farmers. A detailed step by step plan for this cause of action is presented in Appendix 1.3. It outlines specific objectives that can be achieved by executing various actions and also draws linkages between action and transformative change. The over-arching goal of Strategy 1.3 is to reframe the way that knowledge is exchanged. In doing so, it becomes a tool that enables farmers to challenge the urbanisation process that is forcing them out of the city by disrupting the status quo and deliv-ering a new narrative.
189
LEGON ACCRA
Strategy 2.1: Recognising Land Use for Farming Practices
Since 2010 Accra has been part of the MCI which aims at addressing the city’s most
pressing issues including flooding, water security, sanitation, rapid population growth, unplanned settlements and pollution (Earth Institute and Columbia University, 2010). However, the city has not been successful in dealing with these challenges.
Therefore, it becomes evident that a change in the view of planners regarding urban development is required. UA could potentially play a crucial role in solving such challenges. For example, green spaces destined for UA could reduce water run-off in the city and thereby reduce the risk of flooding which is likely to increase with climate change. Moreover, by using organic, solid and liquid waste as a fertilizer UA practices could close the nutrient cycle and reduce considerably the quantity of waste produced, thus improving sanitation in the city (ESD, 2012). Another important role for UA in Accra is that food is produced close to where it is consumed, therefore considerably reducing the food footprint of the city (DPU, 2012). Furthermore, UA can preserve the production of local vegetables and fruits and hence help protect biodiversity. Finally, climate scenarios have indicated that average tempera-tures in Accra are expected to increase in years to come (Ayensu, 2004). For this reason, UA can play a key role in regulating temperature and reducing the “heat island effect” that may occur if current urbanization trends continue. Nevertheless, our research has shown that government officials often lack awareness of these benefits and thus have failed to exploit the potential that UA holds for the city of Accra.
The 1992 Constitution of Ghana, maintains that “the State shall take all necessary action to (…) provide adequate means of livelihood and suitable
employment (...) to the needy” (Government of Ghana, 1992). Moreover, Ghana’s National Land Policy (Section 1.0) states that “land (…) is the basis of [Ghana’s] wealth (…) and the source of its sustainable livelihood and very survival” (Chapter Six, Section 36.1, MoLF, 1999). Accordingly, land plays a fundamental role in providing a means of livelihood and its use through UA prac-tices in Accra should be recognised. In fact, UA provides a source of livelihood and employment, partly contributing to food security in Accra, and therefore it can be argued that UA could help in fulfilling the duties mentioned above. These legal statements, however, are broad and in practice there is a lack of specific legislation that sets out the procedures for the recognition of UA in Accra.
It is a common view among planners that in order to protect green areas, the State should acquire land to preserve them. In areas of private and customary land ownership, green areas are rapidly being sold off for real estate development. However, according to the Mayor of AMA, Hon. Alfred Vanderpuije, between 23% and 30% of land in Accra is institutional land owned by the government (Al Khalifa et al., 2010). This chal-lenges the common perception that land in Accra is no longer available. From an UA perspective, land is available. Open green spaces on institu-tional land present a very real opportunity for UA to take place.
As the findings have shown, there is a general lack of awareness of the benefits of UA as well as a formal recognition of UA practices in Accra. Therefore, Strategy 2 builds upon the benefits of UA mentioned above and aims to respond to the current requirements of the Millennium City Initiative for Accra.
190
ENVIRONMENTALLY JUST URBANISATION THROUGH URBAN AGRICULTURE
ADOPTING THE STRATEGY
Strategy 2 comprises of three strategic actions:
RAISE AWARENESS
MoFA Extension Officers should raise awareness among different farmers’ associations about the innovative agreement between GAEC and the farmers using their land for UA. The objective is to facilitate more voluntary contractual agree-ments in the short term. This could be aided by introducing incentives for institutions that coop-erate with farmers. For example, an incentive based on positive reputation at the city scale – an image that communicates their willingness to support environmental justice in Accra, support of local livelihoods etc.
Another incentive might be tax or council tax reductions (or other fiscal measures). However this would require a more in depth research into fiscal policy and budget allocations in Accra. Budgets are already overstretched so identifying a suitable way of allocating funds would require a more in depth study.
DESIGNATE LAND USED FOR UA AS “PASSIVE”
The Land Use Planning Mechanism opens a window for farmers’ associations to apply for the land they use to be designated as “passive”. Once land is designated as “passive”, it means that it cannot be built upon, even if it is institu-tional land. TCP is the institution responsible for determining whether land should be classified as “active” or “passive”. Formal recognition of passive land is likely to provide more tenure security to farmers and it allows them to use and enjoy the land and revenues (usufruct) without the need of owning it. The recognition of land use provides security to the farmers without jeopardizing the landowners’ property rights. Nevertheless, the recognition of land as passive does not guarantee that land will be used for UA purposes.
Propose a by-law in order to register the land use and establish a contractual agreement between institutions and farmers
The purpose of the Registry is to publicly recognize current farming practices. The Registry should be managed by a governmental authority (e.g. the Lands Commission).
The obligation of having a contract will allow farmers to establish mutually agreed terms and conditions with the institution regarding their practices and use of the land (including its renewal). Specifically, the contract will allow them to set up any compensation that they should receive in case the land owner decides to use the land for different purposes.
In this way, the strategy aims to recognize formally the practice of UA on institutional land in Accra and develop a standard for contracts to secure compensation when required. This strategy may promote transformative change in two ways:
1) Current farming practices would go from being misrecognised to formally recognised
2) Compensation for farmers in case of eviction will be established in a binding document.
191
LEGON ACCRA
Conclusion
The findings of the research have revealed the ways in which farmers have adapted their
practices to resist the uncontrolled and unplanned nature of urbanisation that has continuously threatened their livelihoods and rights to exist as farmers in Accra. There is strong evidence to suggest that certain UA systems have been more successful than others at developing resilience to negative drivers operating at the city scale.
One significant finding is the fact that the perception that land is no longer available in the city for UA is widespread. However our research demonstrated that this is arguably a miscon-ception. The considerable amount of institutional land present in Legon which contains open green spaces sheds optimistic light on the future of UA’s continued existence.
Institutional land holds potential for UA to be recognised. However this depends on the ability of farmers to organise themselves and formalise their practices with institutions. GAEC provides an unprecedented example in this regard. According to the research UA might succeed only where farmers are able to secure their tenure and be part of an association. Without a strong organ-isational capacity and insecure land tenure and given the current urbanisation trends, the risk for farmers of being overwhelmed by the pressures of the city and pushed to the peri-urban is high.
By enhancing collective practices, farmers will be able to contest and shape the process of urban-isation. Moreover, securing their land tenure will assert their right to the city. Only in this way, UA can continue providing fresh food and liveli-hoods for the people of Accra and play a crucial role in protecting open spaces for a greener urban environment.
192
ENVIRONMENTALLY JUST URBANISATION THROUGH URBAN AGRICULTURE
193
LEGON ACCRA
4.10 References
Al-Khalifa, A., Brinenberg, S., Chi, X., Exborge, E., Jeffery, T., Nwogu, A., Solomon, V., Song, J., Tao, Y., 2010, “Case Study: Plant Pool and Roman Ridge, Accra, Ghana”, Development Planning Unit, UCL, London
Allen, A., 30th of May 2012, Interview at DPU, London
Ayensu, A., 2004, “Assessment of Climate Change and Vulnerability of Coastal Zone of Ghana Using Trends in Temperature and Rainfall”, Journal of Applied Science and Technology, Vol.9, No.1&2, pp.21-27
Braimah, F.R., 2012, “Report of SDI Visit to Accra, Ghana”, SDI Link: http://www.sdinet.org/media/upload/countries/documents/south_african_exchange_to_ghan a_farouk_braimah_accra.pdf [accessed: 24/05/2012]
Cofie, O. Larbi, T., Danso,G. Abraham,E. Kufogbe, S.K., Henseler, M., Schuetz, T., and Obiri‐Opareh, N., 2005, “A Narrative on Urban Agriculture in Accra Metropolis”, IWMI
DPU, 2012, “Cultivating Change in Accra”, Development Planning Unit, UCL, London Link: http://www.bartlett.ucl.ac.uk/dpu/news/28-05-2012 [accessed: 28/05/2012]
Earth Institute and University of Columbia, 2010, “Millennium City Initiative: Accra, Ghana”
ESD, 2012, “Terms of Reference: Environmentally Just Urbanisation through the Lens of Urban and Peri-Urban Agriculture in Accra Metropolitan Area (AMA), Ghana”, Development Planning Unit, UCL, London
Government of Ghana, 1992, “The Constitution of the Republic of Ghana” Link: http://www.politicsresources.net/docs/ghanaconst.pdf [accessed: 27/05/2012]
Farouk, B. and Owusu, M., 2012, “’If in Doubt, Count’: The Role of Community-Driven Enumerations in Blocking Eviction in Old Fadama, Accra”, Environment & Urbanisation, Vol.24, No.1, pp. 47-58.
Livengood, A. and Kunte, K., 2012, “Enabling Participatory Planning with GIS: A Case Study of Settlement Mapping in Cuttack, India”, Environment & Urbanisation, Vol.24, No.1, pp. 77-98.
MoLF, 1999, “National Land Policy” Link: http://www.uneca.org/fssdd/lpi/land_policies/ghana_national_land_policy.pdf [accessed: 28/05/2012]
MoLGRD, 2010, “National Urban Policy: Action Plan”, Government of Ghana
Muller, A. and Mbanga, E., 2012, “Participatory Enumerations at the National Level in Namibia: The Community Land Information Programme (CLIP)”, Environment & Urbanisation, Vol.24, No.1, pp. 67-76.
Patel, S. and Baptist, C., 2012, “Documenting by the Undocumented”, Environment & Urbanisation, Vol.24 No.1, pp. 3-12
Patel, S., Baptist, C., d’Cruz, C., 2012. Knowledge is power – informal communities assert their right to the city through SDI and community-led enumerations. Environment & Urbanisation, 24 (1), pp. 13-26.
SDI Netherlands, n.d., “It’s about Collecting People” Link: http://www.sdinetherlands.org/component/content/article/13.html [accessed: 24/05/2012]
UNESCO, 2011, “Urban Policies and the Right to the City in India” Link: http://unesdoc.unesco.org/images/0021/002146/214602e.pdf [accessed: 29/052012]
UNISDR, 2009, “Terminology on Disaster Risk Reduction”, UNISDR, Geneva
194
ENVIRONMENTALLY JUST URBANISATION THROUGH URBAN AGRICULTURE
Appendix 1. Strategy 1. Enhancing collective practices Appendix 1. 1 Formal organisation and community-led mapping and enumeration
Strategic action Activity Specific objectives
Method Actors Involved
Time Link to Transformative Change
Risks and limitations
1.1.1 Group organisation
a. Organising to acquire internal structure
-To Create a participatory time-line. -To Build the history of the farmers group: tracing its origin and transformation over time.
-Workshop to trace the origin and transformation of the group, its particular needs and concerns (individual and collective).
-People’s Dialogue and GHAFUP (facilitators) -Farmers’ representatives from each site. -Guests from external federations or associations (local and international)
3 days. One for each specific objective
A more structured body can protect their individual and collective rights along with a strong identity definition for the group
Unjust conditions of exclusion must not be replicated during the process of empowering the group. The interests of women and men needs to be fairly represented
-To locate hierarchic roles -To identify trough focus group how power is being shared (who is included, who is excluded)
-Dividing into groups by site to build matrix of activities and responsibilities of every member in the group.
The process will identify the members of the group to include the most vulnerable and to empower and build capacities on them.
In GAEC and CSIR the lack of member registration could compromise the allocation of responsibilities
-To identify rituals where knowledge is share and where information is collected
-Dividing into mixed groups to identify pre-existing rituals, activities, communication strategies, problem solving procedures and methods of participation and sharing of rituals
Farmers will understand the importance of their rituals to enhance their collective capacity as well as how the needs of the group underlie its own concerns
Cultural differences may compromise the identification of rituals
195
LEGON ACCRAb.
Form
ing a
n as
socia
tion/
Re
info
rcin
g the
as
socia
tion
-To u
nder
stand
th
e pro
cess
ea
ch gr
oup h
as
been
thro
ugh t
o be
com
e an
Asso
ciatio
n -T
o fin
d out
the
chall
enge
s and
co
nstra
ints
they
sh
are
Stak
ehol
der
appr
oach
-D
ivid
ing i
nto
grou
ps by
site
an
d ide
ntify
ing
the m
ain st
eps
to as
socia
te
-To e
xplo
re th
e go
als in
co
mm
on,
shar
ed
chall
enge
s and
op
portu
nitie
s
-MOF
A re
pres
enta
tive
-Far
mer
s’ as
socia
tion
-Oth
er gr
oups
of
farm
ers
-SDI
-P
eopl
e’s
Dialo
gue
-GHA
FUP
3 day
wor
ksho
p -C
omm
on
chall
enge
s and
op
portu
nitie
s wi
ll be
iden
tified
to
find t
he
com
mon
alitie
s to
ward
s a
fede
ratio
n -O
fficia
l re
cogn
ition
of
their
righ
ts an
d pr
actic
es co
uld
be ob
tain
ed
Diffe
renc
es an
d cu
rren
t iss
ues
betw
een t
he
grou
ps co
uld
unde
rmin
e the
ef
forts
to
cons
olid
ate a
co
mm
on vo
ice
that
coul
d re
pres
ent t
hem
eq
ually
1.1.2
Map
ping
an
d en
umer
atio
n
a. Le
arni
ng
map
ping
and
enum
erat
ion
tech
niqu
es
-To u
nder
stand
th
e pot
entia
l of
map
ping
and
enum
erat
ion t
o cla
im ri
ghts,
pr
otec
t fro
m
evict
ion a
nd
nego
tiate
with
go
vern
men
t
Foru
m of
sh
ared
ex
perie
nces
-Far
mer
s’ as
socia
tion
-Oth
er gr
oups
of
farm
ers
-SDI
-P
eopl
e’s
Dialo
gue
-GHA
FUP
-Ext
erna
l NGO
s an
d Fed
erat
ions
1 day
-L
esso
ns ca
n be
learn
t fro
m th
e ex
perie
nces
of
othe
r gro
ups
that
can i
nspi
re
them
Coor
dina
tion
and
invo
lvem
ent o
f th
e ass
ociat
ions
re
quire
in
cent
ives a
nd
requ
ire hi
gh
level
of
coor
dina
tion
-To l
earn
the
basic
tool
s for
pe
rform
ing
com
mun
ity-le
d m
appi
ng an
d en
umer
atio
n
Wor
ksho
p -R
esou
rces
that
wi
ll be n
eede
d -S
pare
roles
and
proc
edur
es fo
r th
e pro
cess
of
map
ping
-T
ools
need
ed
-Info
rmat
ion
pres
erva
tion
1 day
-T
he
com
mun
ity of
fa
rmer
s acq
uire
th
e bas
ic to
ols
to pe
rform
their
ow
n pro
cess
of
map
ping
and
enum
erat
ion
Com
mitm
ent
and w
ill m
ust
be as
sure
d
b. De
velo
ping
M
appi
ng an
d En
umer
atio
n
i. c
-To c
reat
e a
prof
ile fo
r the
gr
oup o
f fa
rmer
s
-Sur
vey
-Far
mer
as
socia
tions
-F
arm
er gr
oups
-F
acili
tato
rs
(Peo
ple´s
Di
alogu
e, SD
I)
1 wee
k per
site
Co
mm
unity
do
cum
ents
their
ow
n in
form
atio
n wi
th ac
cura
cy
Info
rmat
ion c
an
be co
-opt
ed or
m
isuse
d
-To p
erfo
rm
Enum
erat
ion
and s
urve
y
-Sur
vey a
nd
enum
erat
ion
-To d
evelo
p M
appi
ng
-Par
ticip
ator
y m
appi
ng
-GIS
map
ping
Tech
nolo
gy fo
r GI
S and
GPS
can
have
bias
c.
Valid
atin
g the
in
form
atio
n -T
o digi
talis
e an
d tab
ulat
e da
ta
Wor
k mee
tings
Gr
oups
that
to
ok pa
rt on
the
proj
ect w
orki
ng
with
NGO
s and
Fe
dera
tions
4 day
s NG
Os
parti
cipat
e as
obse
rver
s and
su
ppor
ters
for
the c
ompi
latio
n of
data
, the
proc
ess
beco
mes
mor
e tra
nspa
rent
and
acco
unta
ble t
o th
e com
mun
ity
Will
and
com
mitm
ent o
f th
e NGO
s -T
o ver
ify th
e ac
coun
tabi
lity
and
trans
pare
ncy
Wor
k mee
tings
1 d
ay
-To s
hare
re
sults
and
expe
rienc
es
-To l
et th
e co
mm
unity
ve
rify t
he
Pres
enta
tion
and p
ublic
ev
ent
-Com
mun
ity of
fa
rmer
s -F
arm
ers’
asso
ciatio
n -O
ther
grou
ps
of fa
rmer
s
1 day
196
ENVIRONMENTALLY JUST URBANISATION THROUGH URBAN AGRICULTURE
A
ppen
dix
1. 2
Initi
ate
farm
ers’
savi
ngs g
roup
s at C
SIR
and
GA
EC
loca
tions
and
stre
ngth
en e
xist
ing
savi
ngs g
roup
s acr
oss a
ll si
tes
resu
lts
-S
DI
-Peo
ple’s
Di
alogu
e -G
HAFU
P -E
xter
nal N
GOs
and F
eder
atio
ns
Stra
tegi
c ac
tion
Ac
tivi
ty
Spec
ific
obje
ctiv
es
Met
hod
Acto
rs:
Who
is
invo
lved
? Ti
me
How
doe
s it
lead
to
tran
sfor
mat
ive
chan
ge?
Risk
s/lim
itat
ions
1.2.1
Crea
te
savi
ng gr
oups
at
CSI
R an
d GA
EC
Enga
ge w
ith
farm
ers
to h
ighl
ight
sha
red
prac
tice
s, r
aise
aw
aren
ess
and
intr
oduc
e th
e is
sue
of s
avin
gs g
roup
s * I
t is p
resu
med
that
as
soci
atio
ns a
t CSI
R &
GAEC
hav
e al
read
y be
en fo
rmed
as a
resu
lt of
Str
ateg
ic A
ctio
n 1
- To a
sses
s the
curr
ent s
tate
of
colle
ctive
actio
n or i
f in
divid
ual f
arm
ers a
re
alrea
dy sa
ving
- To b
ring t
hose
that
alre
ady
save
toge
ther
in or
der t
o en
cour
age o
ther
farm
ers t
o co
ntrib
ute s
avin
gs al
so.
Focu
s gro
up d
iscus
sions
he
ld w
ith fa
rmer
s and
fa
cilita
tors
at bo
th C
SIR
and G
AEC
Peop
le’s D
ialog
ue
(PD)
, In
clusio
n of
all
farm
ers a
t CSI
R &
GAEC
Re
pres
enta
tive
from
insti
tutio
n (C
SIR/
GAEC
) M
embe
rs fr
om
Dzor
wulu
and
Rom
an R
idge
(DZ
& RR
) far
mer
s’ as
socia
tion
To st
art
imm
ediat
ely
1-2 d
ays
Know
ledge
and i
deas
abo
ut
colle
ctive
savi
ng ci
rcul
ate a
t the
co
mm
unity
leve
l unt
il the
ph
iloso
phy b
ehin
d th
e ritu
al be
com
e gro
unde
d in
the
com
mun
ity it
self.
-
- To i
dent
ify in
divi
duals
and
leade
rs w
ithin
fam
ers’
asso
ciatio
ns* t
hat a
re
willi
ng/h
ave t
he sk
ills t
o fill
or
gani
satio
nal r
oles
e.g.
treas
urer
, sec
reta
ry of
sa
ving
s gro
up, b
ook k
eepe
r -A
ssign
farm
ers t
heir
roles
- Ini
tiate
d tho
ugh
volu
ntar
y acti
on, fa
rmer
s pu
tting
them
selve
s fo
rwar
d for
vario
us ro
les
- Vot
ing
- Ass
ignin
g rol
es
- Ass
essm
ent o
f far
mer
’s sk
ill le
vel t
o ens
ure
capa
bilit
y
Repr
esen
tativ
es
from
DZ &
RR
who h
ave
expe
rienc
e with
sa
ving
s gro
ups
CSIR
& G
AEC
farm
ers’
asso
ciatio
ns
PD
1-2 d
ays
- Em
pow
erm
ent:
It en
sure
s tha
t fa
rmer
-bas
ed sa
vings
grou
ps
are r
un an
d main
tain
ed by
the
farm
ers
- Bre
aks t
he cy
cle of
loan
s bein
g av
ailab
le on
ly fro
m in
form
al an
d exp
ensiv
e ext
erna
l ch
anne
ls e.g
. mon
eylen
ders
- Nav
igatio
n of
inte
rnal
socia
l hier
arch
ies
- Mor
e inf
luen
tial
mem
bers
per
haps
ov
ersh
adow
ing m
ore
subm
issiv
e (bu
t per
haps
m
ore s
uita
ble)
cand
idat
es
for o
rgan
isatio
nal r
oles
. - A
buse
of p
ower
for
pers
onal
gain
- F
arm
ers m
ust b
e m
otiv
ated
to or
gani
se th
e sa
ving
s the
mse
lves
197
LEGON ACCRAEx
plor
e ho
w o
ther
sa
ving
s sc
hem
es p
ut
in p
lace
in A
ccra
, eg
in O
ld F
adam
a re
late
to
the
cond
itio
ns a
nd
requ
irem
ents
at
CSIR
/GAE
C.
- To d
efin
e the
natu
re of
ho
w an
d why
savi
ngs
grou
ps fu
nctio
n in
diff
eren
t sit
uatio
ns so
that
less
ons
can
be tr
ansfe
rred
. - T
o lea
rn fr
om su
cces
ses o
f SD
I in
Accr
a: Ho
w do
peop
le sa
ve in
Old
Fada
ma
com
pare
d to D
Z & R
R?
- Wha
t are
the
need
s of
farm
ers c
ompa
red
to
resid
ents
savi
ng in
urb
an
sett
lem
ents
and
how
shou
ld
CSIR
/GAE
C ad
apt t
hese
le
sson
s whe
n fo
rmin
g th
eir
own
savi
ngs g
roup
s?
- Wor
ksho
ps be
twee
n fa
rmer
s’ as
socia
tions
and
stake
hold
ers i
nvol
ved
in
prev
ious
savin
gs gr
oups
. - R
esea
rch
- Sha
ring o
f kno
wled
ge
- PD
- Gha
na
Fede
ratio
n for
th
e Urb
an P
oor
- Old
Fada
ma
Deve
lopm
ent
asso
ciatio
n, (O
FADA
) - D
Z,RR,
CSIR
, GA
EC fa
rmer
s’ as
socia
tions
.
1-2 d
ays
(sim
ulta
neou
sly)
Avoi
ds a
‘one s
ize fi
ts all
’ ap
proa
ch to
repl
icatin
g sav
ings
gr
oups
and i
nste
ad en
cour
ages
sa
ving
s gro
ups t
hat a
re
grou
nded
in lo
cal p
racti
ces a
nd
loca
l nee
ds by
farm
ers
them
selve
s.
- Lin
ks be
twee
n sty
les of
sa
ving
pra
ctice
s may
be
tenu
ous a
nd ha
rd to
id
entif
y - I
t may
be p
resu
med
that
ce
rtain
appr
oach
es ar
e tra
nsfe
rrab
le wh
en in
fact
they
are n
ot
Trai
n fa
rmer
s w
ith
the
skill
s ne
eded
to
man
age
savi
ngs
grou
p, k
now
ledg
e of
pr
acti
ces
(sav
ing
sche
mes
, cre
dit,
exch
ange
, re
paym
ents
etc
.)
To es
tabl
ish a
self-
susta
inin
g sav
ings
grou
p ru
n by
know
ledge
able
farm
ers t
hat a
re ca
pabl
e of
fulfi
lling
their
re
spon
sibili
ties w
ithin
the
grou
p
- Col
lectiv
e wor
ksho
ps
- Sce
nario
/rol
e play
ing
- Int
erim
per
iod w
here
a fa
cilita
tor i
s ava
ilabl
e to
assis
t and
reso
lve
prob
lems.
- Exc
hang
e of
expe
rienc
es/le
sson
s lea
rnt w
ith D
Z and
RR
farm
ers
- Ass
istan
ce/t
rain
ing f
rom
M
OFA
- CSI
R/GA
EC
repr
esen
tativ
es
- PD
- Sen
ior m
embe
rs
of D
Z and
RR
savi
ngs g
roup
- M
OFA
2-5 d
ays
(imm
ediat
ely
afte
r pr
evio
us
stage
s)
- Rep
eate
d pe
riods
of
train
ing/
kno
wled
ge
exch
ange
(i.e.
an
ongo
ing
proc
ess)
- Pro
vides
trus
t and
co
mm
onali
ty am
ongs
t far
mer
s -
they
are s
avin
g tog
ethe
r and
sa
ving
s are
orga
nise
d by
train
ed fr
iends
and c
o-wo
rker
s. - F
arm
ers a
re em
powe
red a
nd
equi
pped
with
the c
apac
ity to
m
obili
se th
emse
lves a
nd sa
ve
with
out b
eing d
epen
dent
on
high
-inte
rest
mon
eylen
ders
- Ina
dequ
ate/
ad ho
c tra
inin
g tha
t is f
orgo
tten
in th
e lon
g ter
m
- Qua
lity a
ssur
ance
- F
arm
ers m
ust
dem
onstr
ate a
n ad
equa
te
level
of w
illin
gnes
s, lit
erac
y, ed
ucat
ion,
num
erac
y
Colle
ct m
oney
To co
llect
savi
ngs f
rom
fa
rmer
s so t
hat c
heap
cred
it is
avail
able,
thus
enab
ling
acce
ss to
crisi
s, co
nsum
ptio
n an
d inc
ome
gene
ratio
n loa
ns.
- Agr
ee on
stru
cture
of
savi
ng: a
mou
nt to
be
adde
d by
each
mem
ber,
what
they
can a
fford
de
pend
ing o
n tim
e of
year
/tim
e lef
t to n
ext
harv
est
- Ass
ign da
te w
hen
farm
ers m
eet t
o co
ntrib
ute s
avin
gs
- Col
lect f
unds
in p
ublic
wi
th al
l far
mer
s pre
sent
so
as to
ensu
re
acco
unta
bilit
y/tru
st in
ea
rly st
ages
- Cha
irman
of
savi
ngs g
roup
an
d tre
asur
er fo
r CS
IR &
GAE
C as
socia
tions
1 da
y (pe
r m
onth
) - B
reak
s cyc
le of
debt
incu
rred
fro
m bo
rrow
ing f
rom
high
-in
tere
st m
oney
lend
ers
- Dec
ision
s are
mad
e int
erna
lly,
deba
tes a
re se
ttled
by th
e fa
rmer
s: Th
ese a
ction
s en
cour
age o
rgan
isatio
n and
m
obili
satio
n – i
mpo
rtant
ch
arac
teris
tics f
or ne
gotia
ting
right
s, ch
allen
ging e
victi
ons a
nd
resis
ting a
fore
men
tione
d pa
ttern
s of u
rban
isatio
n at t
he
city s
cale.
- F
arm
ers d
evise
their
own
safe
ty ne
t thu
s inc
reas
ing t
heir
resil
ience
to sh
ocks
and
stres
ses.
- Red
uces
the p
over
ty le
vel o
f ur
ban
farm
ers a
s a co
llecti
ve
- Misu
se of
savi
ngs b
y in
divid
uals
and g
roup
as a
whol
e - G
oing
into
debt
is st
ill a
risk d
espi
te lo
w in
tere
st re
paym
ents.
- I
nequ
alitie
s in
repa
ymen
t con
ditio
ns
(e.g.
thro
ugh
favo
uriti
sm/n
epot
ism)
- Ens
urin
g con
siste
nt
book
keep
ing (
of hi
gh
quali
ty)
- Dec
idin
g who
shou
ld be
en
titled
to lo
ans w
hen
savi
ngs a
re lo
w
198
ENVIRONMENTALLY JUST URBANISATION THROUGH URBAN AGRICULTURE
grou
p, th
us ch
angin
g pub
lic
perc
eptio
n of U
A - S
treng
then
s the
role
of U
A as
a bu
sines
s mod
el an
d no
t mer
ely
a sub
siste
nce a
ctivi
ty
Colle
ct p
eopl
e
1. To
attra
ct m
ore a
nd m
ore
farm
ers i
nto t
he sa
ving
s gr
oup
by co
llecti
ng m
oney
an
d sh
arin
g a co
mm
on
caus
e. 2.
To m
axim
ise th
e con
tact
that
farm
ers h
ave w
ith ea
ch
othe
r. 3.
To en
able
stron
g bon
ds to
fo
rm ar
ound
their
colle
ctive
id
entit
y. 4.
To en
cour
age s
hare
d ex
pres
sions
of so
lidar
ity,
com
mon
ality
and
com
mun
icatio
n th
roug
h su
stain
ing t
he ri
tual
of
savi
ng m
oney
. 5.
To co
llect
peop
le in
a wa
y th
at un
ites s
avin
gs gr
oups
wi
th sa
ving
s gro
ups,
asso
ciatio
ns w
ith
asso
ciatio
ns; t
hus d
rivin
g th
e “fe
dera
ting p
roce
ss”
(the e
nd go
al of
whi
ch is
the
crea
tion
of a
Fede
ratio
n of
Ur
ban
Farm
ers
- Enc
oura
ge fa
mer
s to t
alk
abou
t sav
ings
with
their
co
-wor
kers
, spr
ead t
he
ince
ntiv
e to j
oin.
- Hol
d co
mm
unity
/far
mer
-bas
ed
mee
tings
to p
rom
ote
socia
l ben
efits
. - F
acili
tate
a jo
int m
eetin
g be
twee
n all a
ssoc
iatio
ns
so as
to de
mon
strat
e the
po
wer/
size o
f UA
and
farm
ers i
n Leg
on.
- Mee
ting w
ould
allo
w fo
r kn
owled
ge ex
chan
ge,
deve
lopm
ent o
f re
latio
nshi
ps be
twee
n as
socia
tions
, str
engt
heni
ng of
bond
s.
- CSI
R, G
AEC,
DZ
and R
R fa
rmer
s’ as
socia
tions
- G
hana
Fe
dera
tion o
f the
Ur
ban P
oor
- MOF
A - O
FADA
- P
D
- Con
tinuo
us
proc
ess
- 1 d
ay
mee
tings
(B
UT
regu
larly
e.g.
bi-m
onth
ly)
- Mee
ting
loca
tion
coul
d ro
tate
be
twee
n eac
h lo
catio
n (C
SIR/
GAEC
/DZ
/RR)
- Con
tinue
s the
“fed
erat
ing”
pr
oces
s and
will
assis
t in
form
ing a
Fede
ratio
n of U
rban
Fa
rmer
s - P
rovid
es a
colle
ctive
voice
for
farm
ers b
y uni
ting t
hem
th
roug
h a co
llecti
ve p
racti
ce
- Col
lectin
g peo
ple f
rom
co
llecti
ng m
oney
(as s
hown
by
adva
nces
mad
e by S
DI) c
an
incr
ease
pol
itica
l voi
ce, p
ower
to
neg
otiat
e with
pol
icy m
aker
s, co
ntes
t evi
ction
s, re
ceiv
e co
mpe
nsat
ion e
tc
- The
pre
serv
atio
n of c
ollec
tive
ritua
ls pr
ovid
es an
entry
poin
t to
chall
enge
the p
roce
sses
of
urba
nisa
tion
and
land
use t
hat
have
mar
ginali
sed U
A th
us fa
r.
- Main
tain
ing m
omen
tum
an
d ins
pirin
g far
mer
s to
join
. - S
ocio
-cultu
ral b
arrie
rs
prev
entin
g far
mer
s fro
m
join
ing t
oget
her
(Inte
rview
with
MOF
A re
veale
d diff
eren
ces i
n et
hnici
ty, r
eligio
n, lan
guag
e wer
e pr
even
tativ
e ch
arac
teris
tics a
mon
g as
socia
tions
) - L
ots o
f diff
eren
t acto
rs
ther
efor
e coo
rdin
atio
n m
ay p
rove
to be
ch
allen
ging
1.2.2
Stre
ngth
en
savi
ngs
grou
ps
Peer
exc
hang
es w
ith
Dzo
rwul
u an
d Ro
man
Rid
ge
farm
ers
1. Fo
r CSI
R/GA
EC fa
rmer
s to
bene
fit fr
om th
e sav
ings
gr
oup
expe
rienc
es of
DZ a
nd
RR (b
oth a
re m
atur
e in
term
s of s
treng
th of
savi
ngs
grou
ps)
- Hol
d a w
orks
hop
wher
e re
pres
enta
tives
from
all
new
and e
mer
ging
asso
ciatio
ns ca
n com
e and
m
eet w
it DZ
and R
R fa
rmer
s for
Q&A
. - D
Z & R
R fa
rmer
s can
sh
are t
heir
expe
rienc
es on
fo
rmin
g and
runn
ing
savi
ngs g
roup
s and
hi
ghlig
ht th
e cha
lleng
es
and p
itfall
s tha
t mus
t be
navi
gate
d ar
ound
.
- CSI
R, G
AEC,
DZ
and R
R fa
rmer
s’ as
socia
tions
- P
D &
MOF
A co
uld
assis
t and
us
e the
spac
e to
com
mun
icate
th
eir m
anda
tes
with
farm
ers
asso
ciatio
ns
Regu
larly
durin
g ear
ly sta
ges (
e.g.
once
ever
y we
ek/
fortn
ight)
Less
re
gular
ly on
ce sa
ving
s gr
oups
at
CSIR
& G
AEC
have
de
velo
ped
- Pro
vides
a un
ique
spac
e tha
t do
esn’
t cur
rent
ly ex
ist, fo
r all
asso
ciatio
ns, n
ew an
d em
ergin
g, to
mee
t and
stre
ngth
en no
t onl
y th
eir kn
owled
ge an
d ski
ll bas
e, bu
t also
dev
elop
anot
her
plat
form
from
whi
ch to
str
engt
hen
their
colle
ctive
pr
esen
ce.
- Pro
vides
a ch
anne
l for
MOF
A to
also
enga
ge w
ith as
socia
tions
co
llecti
vely
and i
nteg
rate
them
wi
th th
eir of
ficial
man
date
of
stren
gthe
ning
and p
rom
otin
g fa
rmer
asso
ciatio
ns.
- Lan
guag
e bar
riers
- I
ncen
tivisi
ng D
Z and
RR
farm
ers t
o give
up th
eir
time a
nd sh
are t
heir
expe
rienc
es
- Org
anisi
ng an
d in
itiat
ing
the w
orks
hops
and
enco
urag
ing a
ll acto
rs to
ta
ke p
art
Enga
ge w
ith
the
Uni
vers
ity
of G
hana
Co
oper
ativ
e Cr
edit
U
nion
- To l
earn
from
less
ons o
f lar
ge sc
ale, a
dvan
ced
coop
erat
ive sa
ving
s gro
up
- To d
eter
min
e if a
sim
ilar
- Tra
inin
g cam
p/da
y to
diss
emin
ate k
nowl
edge
, sk
ills a
nd te
chni
ques
that
im
prov
e effi
cienc
y of
Univ
ersit
y of
Ghan
a Co
oper
ative
Cr
edit
Unio
n
A se
ries o
f tra
inin
g day
s (a
mou
nt an
d fre
quen
cy to
- For
ms l
inka
ges a
nd
relat
ions
hips
betw
een r
esea
rch
bodi
es, g
over
nmen
t ins
titut
ions
an
d far
mer
asso
ciatio
ns
- Inc
entiv
ising
the
Univ
ersit
y to a
ssist
in
train
ing a
nd kn
owled
ge
shar
ing
199
LEGON ACCRA
savi
ngs s
chem
e to t
he
univ
ersit
y (wh
ich in
clude
s sa
laried
empl
oyee
s of t
he
insti
tutio
n as
well
as
farm
ers)
coul
d be
repl
icate
d at
GAE
C, an
d if
ther
e wou
ld
be ad
ditio
nal b
enef
its in
do
ing s
o.
- To n
egot
iate t
he po
ssib
ility
of
allo
wing
orga
nise
d fa
rmer
s (no
t em
ploy
ed by
th
e uni
vers
ity) t
o be
allow
ed to
farm
on
univ
ersit
y lan
d.
savi
ng p
racti
ces
- Foc
us gr
oup
with
the
univ
ersit
y and
non
-un
iver
sity f
arm
ers w
here
th
ey ca
n disc
uss t
he
poss
ibili
ty of
farm
ing o
n un
iver
sity l
and,
atte
mpt
to
ente
r int
o a m
utua
l ag
reem
ent, d
iscus
s ter
ms
and
cond
ition
s
Colle
ge of
Ag
ricul
ture
and
Cons
umer
Sc
ience
CS
IR, G
AEC,
DZ
and R
R fa
rmer
s’ as
socia
tions
be
dete
rmin
ed
by
stake
hold
ers
)
- Dem
onstr
ates
that
ther
e is
pote
ntial
for i
nstit
utio
ns an
d th
ose i
nvol
ved i
n UA
to
coop
erat
e and
nego
tiate
thus
str
engt
heni
ng th
e im
age o
f UA
in A
ccra
and
its ri
ght t
o be
prac
ticed
.
- Get
ting t
he U
nive
rsity
to
cons
ider
the p
ossib
ility
of
allow
ing e
xter
nal f
arm
ers
to fa
rm on
their
land
Crea
te c
hann
el fo
r co
oper
atio
n be
twee
n Pe
ople
’s D
ialo
gue
and
farm
er
asso
ciat
ions
ii.
- To e
nsur
e tha
t the
re is
a pl
atfo
rm fo
r con
tinue
d di
alogu
ing a
nd
com
mun
icatin
g int
o the
fu
ture
- T
o pro
vide a
supp
ort
mec
hani
sm th
at co
ntin
ues
to as
sist a
nd ad
vise
em
ergin
g and
grow
ing
farm
er as
socia
tions
- T
o cre
ate a
net
work
of
farm
ers’
asso
ciatio
ns th
at
com
mun
icate
with
each
ot
her a
nd us
e (wh
en
nece
ssar
y) P
D to
assis
t th
em in
their
mob
ilisa
tion
- To e
stabl
ish a
Fede
ratio
n
- Dev
elop a
syste
m
wher
eby f
arm
ers c
an
cont
act P
D if
they
are i
n ne
ed of
advi
ce or
supp
ort
e.g. in
form
al ap
plica
tion
proc
edur
e - A
ppoi
nt re
pres
enta
tives
fo
r eac
h ass
ociat
ion a
nd
enga
ge th
em co
llecti
vely
with
PD
and
SDI a
nd th
eir
chan
nels
of su
ppor
t
PD
Netw
ork o
f all
exist
ing f
arm
ers’
asso
ciatio
ns
Long
term
- B
rings
toge
ther
all t
he
stren
gths
dev
elope
d th
ough
ha
rnes
sing c
ollec
tive p
racti
ces.
- Uni
ting f
arm
ers a
s a co
llecti
ve
grou
p led
by re
pres
enta
tives
fro
m ea
ch as
socia
tion (
as a
Fede
ratio
n) m
axim
ises t
heir
abili
ty to
defe
nd th
eir ri
ght t
o th
e city
and c
halle
nge t
he ci
ty
syste
m th
at ha
s pro
gres
sively
m
argin
alise
d UA
thus
far.
- Enc
oura
ging f
arm
ers’
asso
ciatio
ns to
orga
nise
th
emse
lves a
nd no
t rely
on
assis
tanc
e fro
m P
D - T
he n
ext c
halle
nge i
s ho
w th
e Fed
erat
ion
atte
mpt
s to e
ngag
e with
po
licy m
aker
s at t
he ci
ty
scale
and
enco
urag
e the
m
to in
clude
their
rig
hts/
prac
tices
in th
e fu
ture
plan
for t
he ci
ty.
200
ENVIRONMENTALLY JUST URBANISATION THROUGH URBAN AGRICULTUREA
ppen
dix
1. 3
Pro
mot
e kn
owle
dge
exch
ange
s
Stra
tegi
c ac
tion
Ac
tivi
ty
Spec
ific
obje
ctiv
es
Met
hod
Acto
rs:
Who
is
invo
lved
? Ti
me
How
doe
s it
lead
to
tran
sfor
mat
ive
chan
ge?
Risk
s /l
imit
atio
ns
1.3.1
Prom
ote
know
ledge
ex
chan
ges
betw
een
indi
vidua
l fa
rmer
s
- Far
mer
mee
tings
he
ld at
com
mun
al po
ints
at ea
ch si
te
desig
ned
to fa
cilita
te
the s
harin
g of
know
ledge
with
re
gard
s to f
arm
ing
tech
niqu
es, s
eed
varie
ties,
best
prac
tices
, pes
ticid
es,
irriga
tion,
yield
m
axim
isatio
n et
c.
- To m
axim
ise bo
th th
e qu
antit
y and
quali
ty of
food
pr
oduc
ed at
each
site
- T
o ens
ure t
hat f
arm
ers a
re
able
to sh
are t
heir
own
inno
vatio
ns in
farm
ing
prac
tices
- T
o ens
ure t
hat s
kills
and
expe
rienc
e gain
ed by
in
divid
uals
that
have
un
derta
ken
train
ing/
ev
ents/
work
shop
s led
by
rese
arch
insti
tute
s are
di
ssem
inat
ed am
ongs
t the
gr
oup
- Cre
ate a
nd m
ainta
in
com
mun
al ar
eas t
hat a
re
desig
ned
to pr
omot
e so
cialis
atio
n, co
mm
unica
tion
betw
een
farm
ers a
nd a
spac
e for
tra
nsfe
rrin
g kno
wled
ge
CSIR
, GAE
C, DZ
an
d RR
farm
ers
Cont
inuo
us
proc
ess
- Con
tribu
tions
are m
ade t
o foo
d se
curit
y as k
nowl
edge
abou
t bes
t pr
actic
es re
sults
in hi
gh qu
ality
lo
cal p
rodu
ce
- Stre
ngth
enin
g the
role
of
farm
ers a
nd es
tabl
ishin
g re
silien
ce be
gins w
ith ex
chan
ges
of kn
owled
ge be
twee
n far
mer
s
- Effi
cienc
y of s
ocial
in
tera
ction
and t
rans
fer o
f kn
owled
ge is
diff
icult
to
mea
sure
- L
angu
age b
arrie
rs
betw
een f
arm
ers
- Diff
erin
g eth
nicit
ies an
d re
ligio
ns m
ay p
rese
nt
socia
l bar
riers
- I
nter
nal h
ierar
chies
and
socia
l stru
cture
s migh
t re
sult
in ce
rtain
farm
ers
influ
encin
g the
tran
sfer o
f kn
owled
ge m
ore t
han
othe
rs
- Exc
hang
e kno
wled
ge
abou
t bus
ines
s and
m
arke
t app
roac
hes
- To i
ncre
ase c
apac
ity to
ne
gotia
te pr
ices a
nd
max
imise
pro
fits a
t mar
ket
- For
farm
ers t
o bec
ome
awar
e of w
ho th
e mos
t re
liabl
e buy
ers a
re
1.3.2
Prom
ote
know
ledge
ex
chan
ges
betw
een
farm
ers’
asso
ciatio
ns
- Hol
d re
gular
m
eetin
gs an
d soc
ial
occa
sions
whe
re
repr
esen
tativ
es fr
om
each
fam
ers’
asso
ciatio
n ar
e abl
e to
atte
nd an
d exc
hang
e kn
owled
ge on
beha
lf of
their
grou
p
- To s
treng
then
the b
onds
be
twee
n ass
ociat
ions
- T
o ens
ure t
hat k
nowl
edge
tra
nsfe
r tak
es pl
ace a
cros
s a
large
area
, ben
efiti
ng fr
om
tech
niqu
es at
diff
eren
t UA
loca
tions
with
diff
eren
t UA
syste
ms
- To s
hare
know
ledge
be
twee
n ass
ociat
ions
in a
way t
hat s
treng
then
s the
no
tion
of co
llecti
ve id
entit
y - T
o sca
le-up
the b
enef
its of
fa
rmer
s talk
ing t
o far
mer
s th
roug
h ass
ociat
ions
talk
ing
to as
socia
tions
.
- Esta
blish
chan
nels
of
com
mun
icatio
n be
twee
n ea
ch as
socia
tion
- Hol
d re
gular
mee
tings
at
each
site
loca
tion
with
re
pres
enta
tives
from
each
as
socia
tion
pres
ent f
or th
e sp
ecifi
c pur
pose
of
exch
angin
g kno
wled
ge
- Rot
ate t
he lo
catio
n of
each
mee
ting s
o tha
t all
asso
ciatio
ns vi
sit ea
ch
othe
r, se
e the
ir fe
llow
farm
ers’
prac
tices
firs
t ha
nd an
d dev
elop
close
tie
s.
CSIR
, GAE
C, DZ
an
d RR
farm
ers’
asso
ciatio
ns
PD
Cont
inuo
us
proc
ess
- Con
tribu
tes s
ignifi
cant
ly in
the
“Fed
erat
ing”
proc
ess
- Exc
hang
ing k
nowl
edge
betw
een
asso
ciatio
ns be
com
es a
mut
ually
be
nefic
ial ri
tual
that
insti
ls tru
st an
d co
llecti
ve ac
tion.
Thes
e be
com
e key
char
acte
ristic
s in
deve
lopi
ng re
sista
nce t
o the
ne
gativ
e driv
ers a
t the
city
scale
th
at ar
e thr
eate
ning
the p
racti
ce
of U
A.
- Lan
guag
e, et
hnic
and
relig
ious
diff
eren
ces
- Int
erna
l hier
arch
ies an
d so
cial s
tructu
res m
ight
resu
lt in
certa
in fa
rmer
s in
fluen
cing t
he tr
ansfe
r of
know
ledge
mor
e tha
n ot
hers
- M
akin
g the
step
betw
een
shar
ing k
nowl
edge
be
twee
n ass
ociat
ions
and
influ
encin
g pol
icy
1.3.3
Prom
ote
know
ledge
ex
chan
ges
betw
een
insti
tutio
ns
- Pro
mot
e cas
es w
here
in
stitu
tions
have
co
oper
ated
with
fa
rmer
s e.g.
GAE
C - E
ncou
rage
- To i
dent
ify an
d pr
omot
e th
e mut
ual b
enef
its th
at ca
n be
achi
eved
thro
ugh m
utua
l kn
owled
ge sh
arin
g - T
o stre
ngth
en th
e righ
ts of
- Pre
sent
the c
ase o
f GAE
C (th
eir kn
owled
ge
shar
ing/
cont
ractu
al ag
reem
ents)
with
othe
r fa
rmer
s ass
ociat
ions
and
- CSI
R, G
AEC,
Univ
ersit
y of
Ghan
a - C
SIR,
GAE
C, DZ
Cont
inuo
us
proc
ess
- Rea
chin
g a st
age w
here
farm
ers
are e
ngag
ed in
two-
way
exch
ange
s of k
nowl
edge
with
the
(res
earc
h) in
stitu
tions
that
own
their
farm
land n
ot on
ly im
prov
es
- Res
earc
h ins
titut
ions
m
ight b
e will
ing t
o sha
re
their
know
ledge
rega
rdin
g in
nova
tive f
arm
ing
prac
tices
only
with
the
201
LEGON ACCRAan
d far
mer
s in
stitu
tions
, esp
ecial
ly re
sear
ch in
stitu
tions
, to
shar
e and
rece
ive
know
ledge
with
fa
rmer
s
farm
ers b
y enc
oura
ging t
he
(res
earc
h) in
stitu
tions
that
ow
n th
e lan
d the
y far
m on
to
shar
e kno
wled
ge an
d re
cogn
ise th
em
- To m
axim
ise th
e qu
ality
/qua
ntity
of fo
od an
d ef
ficien
cy of
food
pr
oduc
tion
- To c
hann
el kn
owled
ge
from
rese
arch
insti
tutio
ns
to al
l far
mer
s’ as
socia
tions
insti
tutio
ns.
- Inf
orm
farm
ers o
f the
ir ab
ility
to n
egot
iate w
ith
insti
tutio
ns
- Hol
d fo
cus g
roup
m
eetin
gs at
GAE
C and
the
Univ
ersit
y whe
re fa
rmer
s fro
m an
y ass
ociat
ion c
an
com
e and
enga
ge in
kn
owled
ge sh
arin
g di
scus
sions
.
and R
R fa
rmer
s’ as
socia
tions
farm
ing t
echn
ique
s but
also
im
prov
es th
e lev
el of
reco
gniti
on
that
farm
ers r
eceiv
e –
reco
gniti
on of
their
righ
t to
prac
tice U
A an
d righ
ts to
be
inclu
ded
in de
cisio
n mak
ing.
- Mor
e for
mali
sed a
rran
gem
ents
betw
een
insti
tutio
ns an
d fa
rmer
s ca
n em
erge
due t
o cas
e stu
dies
su
ch as
GAE
C se
tting
the
prec
eden
t. - E
ngag
ing a
ll far
mer
s’ as
socia
tions
with
know
ledge
tra
nsfe
rral
from
rese
arch
in
stitu
tions
will
incr
ease
the
prod
uctiv
ity of
UA,
thus
be
nefit
ing t
he ci
ty as
a wh
ole.
It als
o pro
vides
anot
her c
ollec
tive
prac
tice t
hat s
treng
then
s the
ba
rgain
ing p
ower
of as
socia
tions
an
d th
eir or
gani
satio
nal c
apac
ity.
farm
ers u
sing t
heir
land
- Som
e far
mer
s migh
t not
be
able
to af
ford
train
ing
prog
ram
mes
offe
red
by
the r
esea
rch i
nstit
utio
ns
- The
exch
ange
of
know
ledge
betw
een
rese
arch
insti
tutio
ns an
d fa
rmer
s migh
t bec
ome
top-
down
1.3.4
Enha
nce
linka
ges
betw
een
MOF
A an
d the
re
sear
ch
insti
tutio
ns
- Acti
vely
enga
ge
MOF
A wi
th re
sear
ch
insti
tutio
ns
- For
MOF
A to
com
mun
icate
th
eir m
anda
te fo
r re
sear
ch/t
rain
ing/
know
ledge
tran
sfer w
ith in
stitu
tions
so
that
syne
rgies
can
be
iden
tified
and
prom
oted
to
geth
er
- Also
, to co
nsid
er ho
w fa
rmer
s can
rece
ive t
he
info
rmat
ion
that
is
gene
rate
d by
top-
down
/cen
tralis
ed re
sear
ch
insti
tute
s - L
ink M
OFA’
s Agr
icultu
ral
Exte
nsio
n Se
rvice
s to
train
ing c
arrie
d out
at
univ
ersit
y and
GAE
C
- Fac
ilita
te a
form
al m
eetin
g bet
ween
MOF
A an
d th
e main
rese
arch
in
stitu
tes (
GAEC
, Un
iver
sity o
f Gha
na)
- Con
sulta
tion
with
fa
rmer
s’ as
socia
tions
- I
dent
ify th
e gap
s and
ba
rrier
s tha
t pre
vent
kn
owled
ge tr
ansfe
r fro
m
the t
op d
own.
- MOF
A - G
AEC
- CSI
R - U
nive
rsity
of
Ghan
a - C
SIR,
GAE
C, DZ
an
d RR
farm
ers’
asso
ciatio
ns
Cont
inuo
us
proc
ess
- Lin
king
the r
ights,
pra
ctice
s, sk
ills a
nd kn
owled
ge of
farm
ers
asso
ciatio
ns in
to th
e high
er
struc
ture
s of t
he ci
ty (s
uch a
s M
OFA,
insti
tutio
ns, r
esea
rch
bodi
es) w
ill at
tem
pt to
fill a
gap
that
curr
ently
exist
s.
- By e
xcha
ngin
g kno
wled
ge
betw
een
MOF
A an
d re
sear
ch
insti
tutio
ns, U
A ca
n be
adva
nced
an
d far
mer
s can
defe
nd th
e righ
t to
cont
inue
pra
cticin
g it a
s it
beco
mes
mor
e for
mali
sed
and
its
links
to th
e city
and
its p
roce
sses
of
urba
nisa
tion b
ecom
e bet
ter
unde
rsto
od.
1.3.5
Re-
defin
e the
way
kn
owled
ge is
pr
oduc
ed an
d ex
chan
ged
- Cre
ate a
mor
e mut
ual
syste
m of
know
ledge
pr
oduc
tion
and
exch
ange
acro
ss al
l lev
els.
- To c
reat
e alte
rnat
e av
enue
s of k
nowl
edge
pr
oduc
tion
and e
xcha
nge
- For
farm
ers t
o be a
ble t
o tra
nsfe
r the
ir kn
owled
ge
expe
rienc
es to
- F
or fa
rmer
s to o
wn th
e in
form
atio
n th
ey p
rodu
ce
and f
or th
em to
use i
t to
enga
ge m
ore d
eepl
y with
in
stitu
tions
, MOF
A, p
olicy
m
aker
s, cit
y plan
ning
- Tra
inin
g far
mer
s to c
arry
ou
t the
ir ow
n da
ta
colle
ction
on-si
te –
e.g.
map
ping
of pl
ots,
enum
erat
ing b
eds,
loca
ting w
ater
poin
ts,
reco
rdin
g how
land
, wat
er
etc i
s use
d (Se
e stra
tegy
1.1
) - W
orks
hops
for t
rain
ing
- PD
(key
role
in
the p
roce
ss of
tra
inin
g and
tra
nsfe
rrin
g sk
ills)
- C
SIR,
GAE
C, DZ
an
d RR
farm
ers’
asso
ciatio
ns
- MOF
A
Cont
inuo
us
proc
ess
- Th
e way
that
know
ledge
is
prod
uced
can a
ct as
a to
ol to
ch
allen
ge th
e cur
rent
mod
e of
know
ledge
/info
rmat
ion d
elive
ry
which
is ty
pica
lly ve
ry to
p-do
wn.
- The
nee
ds of
the f
arm
ers c
an be
ex
pres
sed f
rom
their
own d
ata
colle
ction
and t
hrou
gh
trans
ferr
ing t
his k
nowl
edge
be
twee
n th
emse
lves,
the
asso
ciatio
ns an
d th
e city
- Fin
ancin
g the
train
ing
and
work
shop
s
202
ENVIRONMENTALLY JUST URBANISATION THROUGH URBAN AGRICULTURE
auth
oriti
es
auth
oriti
es. T
oget
her w
ith a
stren
gthe
ned
colle
ctive
pre
senc
e, fa
rmer
s are
able
to de
man
d ce
rtain
righ
ts an
d ch
allen
ge th
e ur
bani
satio
n pr
oces
s tha
t is
forc
ing t
hem
out o
f the
city
by
disr
uptin
g the
stat
us qu
o and
de
liver
ing a
new
nar
rativ
e.
203
LEGON ACCRA
App
endi
x 2.
App
endi
x 2.
1 S
trat
egy
2: R
ecog
nisi
ng L
and
Use
for
Farm
ing
Prac
tices
Stra
tegi
c ac
tion
Activ
ity
Spec
ific
obje
ctiv
es
Met
hod
Acto
rs:
Who
is in
volv
ed?
Tim
e
How
doe
s it l
ead
to
tran
sfor
mat
ive
chan
ge?
Risk
s/lim
itatio
ns
2.1
Raise
Far
mer
s’
awar
enes
s of t
he
GAEC
exp
erie
nce
Enga
ge w
ith
farm
ers t
o in
trod
uce,
raise
aw
aren
ess a
nd
shar
e pr
actic
es o
f th
e G
AEC
expe
rienc
e
- Fa
rmer
s bec
ome
awar
e of
the
form
al la
nd u
se
arra
ngem
ent a
t GA
EC
-
Enco
urag
e th
e fa
rmer
s to
enga
ge in
ad
voca
ting
for
land
use
re
gist
artio
n
Focu
s gro
up
disc
ussio
ns h
eld
with
farm
ers
- M
OFA
ext
ensio
n of
ficer
- Fa
rmer
s
Star
t im
med
iate
ly
(sho
rt-t
erm
) GA
EC e
xper
ienc
e ca
n se
t a
prec
ende
nt th
at
can
be re
plic
ated
an
d sc
aled
up
MO
FA is
not
will
ing
to e
ngag
e
2.2
Chan
ge la
nd
use
as fa
rmin
g on
pa
ssiv
e la
nd
Farm
ers’
As
soci
atio
ns a
pply
fo
r re
gist
erin
g th
e la
nd t
hey
farm
on
as p
assi
ve la
nd
The
land
is
regi
ster
ed a
s “p
assiv
e” a
nd it
ca
nnot
be
built
up
on
Appl
y to
Tow
n an
d Co
untr
y Pl
anni
ng
thro
ugh
the
land
us
e pl
anni
ng
mec
hani
sm
- Fa
rmer
s’
Asso
ciat
ions
- To
wn
and
Coun
try
Plan
ning
Star
t im
med
iate
ly
(med
ium
/long
-te
rm)
Prov
ides
farm
ers
with
incr
ease
d se
curit
y a
nd
usuf
ruct
righ
ts
over
the
land
- Re
cogn
ising
land
as
pas
sive
does
no
t gua
rant
ee
that
land
will
be
used
for U
A pu
rpos
es
-
Litt
le a
war
enes
s ab
out t
he la
nd
use
plan
ning
m
echa
nism
- M
ight
be
a lo
ng
and
com
plex
pr
oces
s 2.
3 In
trod
uce
a By
-la
w fo
r reg
ister
ing
land
use
- Set
up
a Re
gist
ry
for
land
use
of
farm
ers o
n
- Re
cogn
ise
form
ally
the
prac
tice
of U
A on
By-la
w
unde
r th
e ne
w
land
us
e po
licy
for A
ccra
- La
nds
Com
miss
ion
Long
-ter
m
- Le
gal r
ecog
nitio
n of
farm
ers a
nd
thei
r pra
ctic
es
- La
ck o
f pol
itica
l w
ill to
pro
pose
or
ratif
y th
e b
y- la
w
204
ENVIRONMENTALLY JUST URBANISATION THROUGH URBAN AGRICULTURE
inst
itutio
nal l
and
- Set
up
a co
ntra
ctua
l ag
reem
ent
betw
een
inst
itutio
ns a
nd
farm
ers
inst
itutio
nal l
and
in A
ccra
- De
velo
p a
stan
dard
for
cont
ract
s with
m
utua
lly a
gree
d te
rms a
nd
cond
ition
s on
use
of la
nd, r
enew
al
and
com
pens
atio
n
- Fa
rmer
As
soci
atio
ns
-
Inst
itutio
ns
owni
ng th
e la
nd
-
The
right
to
rece
ive
com
pens
atio
n in
ca
se o
f evi
ctio
n
-
- Risk
of b
y-la
w
bein
g pu
t on
“sta
nd-b
y”, i
f pr
essu
re b
y fa
rmin
gs’
asso
ciat
ions
is
not c
onst
antly
ex
erci
sed
-
Mig
ht b
e a
long
an
d co
mpl
ex
proc
ess
App
endi
x 2.
2 S
trat
egic
Act
ions
Stra
tegi
c Ac
tion
1
MoF
A Ex
tens
ion
Offi
cers
sho
uld
raise
far
mer
s’ a
war
enes
s of
the
GAE
C ex
perie
nce
(sho
rt-t
erm
stra
tegy
)
Stra
tegi
c Ac
tion
3
Enac
tmen
t of
By
-law
un
der
the
new
land
use
pol
icy
for A
ccra
.
- Re
gist
erin
g th
e la
nd
use
of
farm
ers o
n in
stitu
tiona
l lan
d.
- Ent
erin
g in
to
a co
ntra
ctua
l ag
reem
ent
betw
een
land
owne
rs
and
the
farm
ers.
(long
-ter
m st
rate
gy)
Stra
tegi
c Ac
tion
2
Farm
ers’
ass
ocia
tions
can
app
ly fo
r re
gist
erin
g th
eir
land
use
as
farm
ing
on
pass
ive
land
thr
ough
the
lan
d us
e pl
anni
ng m
echa
nism
(sh
ort/
med
ium
- te
rm)
Tabl
e: S
trat
egic
Act
ions
- St
rate
gy 2
205
LEGON ACCRA
App
endi
x 2.
3 Im
pact
Ass
essm
ent a
nd M
onito
ring
Stra
tegi
c Ac
tion
Ac
tions
In
dica
tors
M
onito
ring
Bodi
es
Raise
aw
aren
ess
Cr
eate
a
“kno
wle
dge
shar
ing
plat
form
”:
Wor
ksho
ps
with
fa
rmer
s’ as
soci
atio
ns
to
shar
e GA
EC’s
exp
erie
nce
GAEC
’s
mod
el
star
ts
to
be
repl
icat
ed in
oth
er U
A sit
es
MoF
A
Desig
nate
la
nd
used
fo
r U
A as
pa
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206
ENVIRONMENTALLY JUST URBANISATION THROUGH URBAN AGRICULTUREA
ppen
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207
LEGON ACCRA
Appendix 4.
Research Sites Profile
Site Description Dzorwulu Irrigated vegetable agriculture site located near high-tension
electricity poles. 40 farmers, most of them men (37 men, 3 women). Producing fresh vegetable crops for sales at local markets. Farmers have been farming for more than 40 years. Farmers are well-organised, and thus the site has been the focus of many projects (e.g. by IWMI, RUAF and MOFA) for improving their farming practices. Farmers use a mix of piped water and irrigated water from the nearby stream. There is an on-site water purification system (i.e. boreholes) The land is institutional (owned by GRIDCO electricity company), however in recent years there has been some encroachment of land as customary owners have claimed the land back.
Roman Ridge Irrigated vegetable agriculture site. 43 farmers, all of which are men from the North of Ghana. Producing fresh vegetable crops for sales at local markets. Farmers are well-organised, but have received less support from government officials or research institutions. Farmers use piped and irrigated water from the nearby stream. They use boreholes to store the water. The land is institutional, owned by Lands Commission and Ghana Railway Authority (leased from the Osu traditional authority). In recent years the farmers have experiences significant encroachment by illegal residential building near the railway tracks.
CSIR Irrigated vegetable agriculture site. 18 farmers, all of which are men from North of Ghana. Some farmers have been farming on the site for more the 30 years. Producing fresh vegetable crops for sales at local markets. Farmers are in the process of establishing a formal association. Farmers use piped and irrigated water from the nearby stream. They use boreholes to store the water. The land is institutional, owned by CSIR and NBI (National Bureau of Investigation)
University of Ghana The university has a College of Agriculture. Farmers at the university land are employed workers. Farming is done for research and demonstration purposes. The agricultural research focuses on new technologies to improve farming. The University also offers training but it lack finances, thus training is accessible to large farmers who can afford the costs. The University has large amount of land, including open and green spaces. Seasonal farming on the boundaries of the land is tolerated as it protects the land from encroachment.
Ghana Atomic Energy GAEC is involved in biotech and nuclear agricultural research.
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ENVIRONMENTALLY JUST URBANISATION THROUGH URBAN AGRICULTURE
Commission (GAEC) It focuses on new technologies including duplication of seeds and improving farming practices. 200 farmers are registered to farm on its land (although 1000 applied). They participate in research and apply new technology. GAEC offers the first of its kind formal registration of the land use for farming. However, due to lack of finances (90% of its budget has been recently cut by the government), it is starting to implement a business-oriented approach. At the moment farming is under the control of farmers and they receive all the profit. However, GAEC may gain more control if they opt for an export-oriented approach.
Christian Village An area that was previously part of the Achimota Forest. The land is owned by the Achimota Primary School, however in recent years it has undergone a fast and uncontrolled development for residential purposes. It is a wealthy and desirable area, still small pockets of UA can be found. UA is in the form of backyard farming for own consumption of poor families. They are mostly caretakers of the land and protect it from encroachment. UA is very dispersed and transient, and families are in a very insecure and vulnerable position.
Source: Based on interviews during the field work in Accra - May 2012 (see appendix )
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LEGON ACCRA
Appendix 5. Research methods used in each site
•Semi-structured interviews: 25 farmers and 2 market women
•Transect walks: 2 in each site •Participatory mapping: coordinates of encroached land and water sources.
•Focus group: 8 farmers
Dzorwulu and Roman Ridge
•Structured and semi-structured interviews: 20 farmers
•Transect walks: 2 •Participatory mapping: boundaries of the farmers' plots, coordinates of water sources and the encroached land.
CSIR
•Semi-structured interviews: 5 people including researchers and farmers
•Transect walks: 1 University of Ghana
•Semi-structured interviews: 1 meeting and 2 more interviews with farmers and employees.
•Transect walks: 1 GAEC
•Semi-structured interviews: 8 people including farmers
•Transect walks: 1 Christian Village
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ENVIRONMENTALLY JUST URBANISATION THROUGH URBAN AGRICULTURE
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ENVIRONMENTALLY JUST URBANISATION THROUGH URBAN AGRICULTURE
Appendix 7. Interviews Interviews in Dzorwulu: Questions for chairman
and farmers Answers
1 What is the area of the site?
The area is 2.5 acres from which 1 acre is cultivated.
2 Who is the owner of the land?
Electricity Company (GRIDCO). The power plant has been here since the 1950’s.
3 What kinds of crops are grown here?
Spring onions Lettuce (which has the highest demand) Spinach Sweet pepper Cauliflower Cucumber Cabbage
4 Do you keep records of what you produce?
Some of us do, but not everyone.
5 What kind of pesticides do you use?
We use chemical pesticides. Organic pesticides are unaffordable.
6 What are the main problems that you have to face?
The encroachment of the land is an issue. For example, someone is building houses in the space that is open for farming. The builder claims to be the son of the owner. The city authority has tried to stop him without success. Now, we are approaching IWMI but have not been successful in interrupting the development so far. We have also contacted the metropolitan director of MOFA but they don’t have power to take any actions.
7 What are the sources of water used to grow the crops?
We use the stream because it is free. We also use rainwater, but mostly rely on the stream. When the stream is low or it has not rained, we rely on tap water in tap but the service is not continuous and faces constant interruptions. They started farming only with the river, then the government erected 3 pipes.
8 Are you organised in an association?
Yes, we all agree on the benefits of being organized in one. (The association started in 1980).
9 Have you been a farmer your whole life?
Yes. Most of us started farming at the age of 15. We learned traditional practices from our fathers. They have also received series of trainings. For example to use composting and organic manure for safer food
10 How do you improve your farming practices?
We have received some training from MoFA and other institutions. For example, training has been related to composting and organic manure for safer food
11 How are the prices of the crops you sell established? Who are you regular buyers/clients?
We don’t have a fixed price. The price is market led. The demand is high, especially for lettuce. We sell directly, through women resellers, the “Eden Tree Project” and CitiVeg. Abologushi is the main market.
12 Do you have access to loans?
We have access to loans since we are part of a project for micro financing. Through our association, we can access loans collectively and then distribute them individually. Right now they pay 5% per month of interest rate.
13 Do you have a saving group? Do you manage
Yes. The needs are decided collectively. For example, we buy seeds and keep them throughout the year.
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LEGON ACCRA
money collectively? For what purposes?
14 Have you been involved in projects with NGOs, governmental agencies or other institutions?
In 2000, RUAF started some projects and the first thing we worked on was building our organizational capacity. In 2009, the “Seed to Table” project aimed to revive the group through a programme called “Group Dynamics”. (E.g. providing small infrastructure like benches for meetings).
Interviews in Roman Ridge: Questions to farmers Answers 1 Who owns the land you are
farming on? Different governmental institutions, Lands Commission and MoFA, have claimed the land. The people from Osu have also claimed this land. We do not know the actual owner of this land, but we know the government owns it. This is institutional land, but we do not know which department owns it.
2 As a group, have you tried to find out who is the owner of the land?
No, we have not tried to find who is the owner of the land.
3 How have farming practices changed as a result of organisational capacity and the establishment of farmers’ associations?
There has been an improvement, since we have come together.
4 Have you seen improvements in the amount of food produced? Do you negotiate better prices?
In terms of marketing and prices we have not become stronger because we are not dealing with an o2rganized market. The customer decides the price. In terms of food produced there has been an improvement, but the market represents the problem.
5 Where is the land that has been encroached?
Is next to the river and the railway line.
6 Do you know who is building in that area?
A man that works in a water company has taken one part of the land to build his house. We don’t know who is building in the other part but it has been used for residential purposes too.
7 What is the main water source for irrigation?
The river and also the ponds.
8 How many ponds are in the area?
More than 20 ponds distributed in the middle and in the sides.
Interviews in CSIR: Questions to farmers Answers 1 How many farmers are in
the site? There are 18 farmers. Some of them have farmed here for more than 30 years.
2 Who is the owner of the land?
The land is owned by CSIR and the NBI (National Bureau of Investigation), so it is an institutional land.
3 What kind of crops is grown here?
Spring onions Lettuce Spinach Sweet pepper Cauliflower Cucumber
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ENVIRONMENTALLY JUST URBANISATION THROUGH URBAN AGRICULTURE
Cabbage 4 What are the main
problems that you have to face?
The soil in the CSIR is too sandy which makes it hard to grow the crops. Also, there are pest problems.
5 What are the sources of water used to grow the crops?
We use water from the stream and piped water. We also store water in boreholes.
6 Are you organised in an association?
No, but we have plans to do it in the near future. We have already spoken to the farmers in Dzorwulu to know about their experience. We hope the association facilitates the access to loans and deal with land tenure issues. “It is good to come together to have a voice”.
7 Is the area “open” for newcomers?
No, unless they know someone here. In this case, we would give the new farmer some beds so that he can start farming.
8 Have you been a farmer your whole life?
Yes. Most of us started farming at a very early age and learned from our fathers. Most of the farmers here come from the Northern areas of Ghana.
9 Do you have another source of income?
No, farming is the only source of income we have. Also, it is difficult to get additional plots since it is expensive and negotiating for land becomes very difficult. If we could go somewhere else to farm (e.g. the peri urban areas) we would go.
10 How are the prices of the crops you sell established? Who are you regular buyers/clients?
We don’t have a fixed price. The price is market led. We sell directly, through women resellers and in local markets.
11 Do you have a saving group?
Yes. We try to manage common problems through this mechanism.
12 Would you like your children to be farmers as well?
Yes. Farming has been a tradition for generations in our families so we would like our children receive our knowledge and continue doing it.
Interviews in GAEC: Questions: Meeting with
the Executive Board of GAEC
Answers
1 How does the allocation of plots work on your land?
GAEC has allocated the plots to the farmers. Farmers prepare the plots for themselves, they manage the land themselves.
2 Are there any requirements and rules that farmers have to follow when farming on your land?
We do not control what they plant, unless we have some crops we want to experiment. They are free to plant what they want. We also do not control what pesticides they use. We give farmers the options to farm organically or use chemicals. 90 percent of farmers in GAEC have decided to farm organically. Locally, their food goes to hotels and embassies because they are impressed by the freshness of the produce.
3 How do you connect farmers to the market?
Local buyers often do not pay the farmers regularly, that is when we come in. We establish a contact between farmers and exporters and the price of the product is agreed before the selling. For this reason the income of farmers is secured.
4 What is the role of GAFA and when was it set up?
GAFA was set up in 2010. It tries to bring farmers together and it is independent from GAEC. The participants are all farmers from
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LEGON ACCRA
different areas in Accra. We want to bring farmers together and increase their number farming on our land to improve the transfer of technology from us to them.
5 If a farmer does not have the means to cultivate the land, what happens?
The farmer simply loses his land; he cannot occupy land without farming anything. If a farmer is sick, he can call a relative or a friend to farm on his land. By so doing he would avoid losing his plot. The food production of farmers should be monitored; GAEC does not want to waste training.
6 How much land available for agriculture do you have? Is the land able to satisfy the demand of the 1000 farmers that are part of GAFA and that have applied to farm on your land?
The land available for farmers is already taken. There is no more land left. Farmers who are part of GAFA but have no plots can attend training sessions, since every member of GAFA pays an annual membership fee of around $15.
7 What are the conditions that are unique to this place that have attracted farmers?
GAEC is a technology transfer institute. Farmers can benefit directly from our training activities. There is a river, which provides a large supply of water to farmers. A formal agreement between us and the farmers is signed with a three months eviction notice. No development is planned in this area, so that we believe that farmers are likely to use the land for the next 20 years, or even more. There is a buffer zone around the nuclear site and every type of development is strictly forbidden. Farmers enjoy a secure land tenure.
8 How long has farming taken place on land owned by GAEC?
The site was established in 1964. Farming was practiced already at that point.
Questions to an employee of GAEC
Answers
1 What is GAEC? It is an institute dedicated to research where farmers are trained. We give them the knowledge and train them in agriculture, including organic agriculture, in any particular crop they want to be dedicated. We transfer the technology.
2 How many farmers are in GAEC?
200 farmers are allocated to this land. The vegetables are sold in the local market and some are exported to international market.
3 Who owns the land? This institution owns the land. 4 Do you have any buffer
zones? This river is a buffer zone. Samples are taken from the buffer zone area and they are analysed each year to see if there is an impact. Even in dry season there is a limited quantity of water fluing here. It doesn't dry completely so farmers take advantage of this to produce their crops.
5 How do you aim to articulate partnership between the farmers and the investors?
Right now the farmers are doing their own crop activities and most of the time there are engaged in the market. The market pays the prices assigned by the farmer. GAEC links the farmers with investors. The investors prefer to invest in urban agriculture rather than peri urban agriculture because they think is less risky. Urban agriculture represents an opportunity for them so they collaborate with the farmers. Sometimes they bring particular crops they want to produce and bring the technology.
6 Are the farmers registered as an association?
The farmers are registered under one umbrella, an association called Ghana Atomic Energy Farmers
7 Could you explain an example of an imported crop?
The ginger is from India and the buyer is in Germany. The investor wants a large quantity so he brought the ginger to multiply it.
8 What is the benefit of urban agriculture for the city of Accra?
In terms of cost, urban agriculture takes away transportation costs and other risks such as breakdown of vehicle on the road. Also, the product is closer to the consumer, which decreases the price too. The price of the product is cheaper within the city in general.
9 Do you have issues of Yes, we have. Many times we have people that want to develop
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ENVIRONMENTALLY JUST URBANISATION THROUGH URBAN AGRICULTURE
encroachment? buildings or houses. The organization, together with the institute and the government of Ghana, we try to prevent the encroachment. Sometimes we have to destroy some constructions but we try to educate people on why is important to preserve the land. With the buffer zone we prevent encroachment too.
10 What is the role of the farmers in this encroachment?
The farmers inform the institution if there is any other activity in the land. They are our eyes for the land.
11 What else do farmers do for GAEC?
GAEC wants to promote sustainable agricultural activities. We work with farmers to identify problems and to address them. When we have new research findings we transfer to them. The farmers are the first to benefit from research and the know-how.
Interview with Fusini, Farmer at GAEC and Dzorwulu
Answers
1 Is there a difference between Dzorwulu and GAEC?
In Dzorwulu, farming is less secure. GAEC is more secure but there must be some monitoring. That can be difficult for the farmers. For example, if you fail with the organic farming you can lose your crops.
2 What are the challenges for UA?
Urbanisation is taking the land for UA. Moving to other land is difficult (related also to quality of the water). Also, the media and the general public perception might be bad if irrigated water is used.
3 What are the benefits of UA?
It supports the food production and he creation of jobs.
4 What do you about exporting the production?
We are willing to produce food for export, as it can be beneficial. We are able to ask higher price for a better product.
Interviews in the University of Ghana: Questions to farmer of
the university Answers
1 Who owns the land? The University of Ghana is the owner of the land. It is institutional land.
2 What is the main use of this garden?
This is a demonstration garden where we conduct research on post harvest technology. For example for botanicals to control insects.
3 How is the land provided to the farmers?
Land is provided free to farmers at the university but they have to be salaried employees of the university. They get paid less than 500 per month but the university takes the produced crops. These are sold through CitiVeg and the profits go back to the university.
4 How do the farmers know what to grow?
The university tells the farmers what to do, what to grow and which seeds to use. The farmers get paid a fixed rate for their service.
5 Is this a fair deal? The farmers are happy, as they don’t have a choice to farm in another location. They are not rich enough to buy their own farmland elsewhere and they are happy to be given land free to farm on.
Questions to William Anang Axhirifie, a worker and member of the University of Ghana Cooperative Credit Union
Answers
1 Who can join the University of Ghana Cooperative Credit Union and how?
All employees of the university can join, including farmers. They pay a monthly fee, which is deducted from their salary. They also pay a joining fee but once they start adding to the fund, they can apply for a loan. For example, for covering school fees. The repayment is then taken from their salary, deducted bit by bit per month. This functions very well as a system.
2 What is the main Farmers at the university can benefit from access to a credit.
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advantage for farmers? Questions to Ampah
Joseph: Professor at University of Ghana – College of Agriculture
Answers
1 What is you objective in the university?
I am Senior Research Assistant of the Department Of Crop Science. My objective is teaching research and providing advice
1 Does the University provide training to farmers?
We provide training to farmers. Farmers come to us. For example, we provide information on which chemicals to use, how to use pesticides correctly
2 Can you give us some examples on how you train them?
If farmers overuse pesticides, insects become resistant to pesticides, which could potentially be a huge problem for farmers. We train them to avoid these problems.
3 Is agriculture practiced on land owned by the University of Ghana?
We have a demonstration garden and a research garden. They are used for teaching purposes, not to make money out of them, but rather to produce knowledge about positive farming practices.
4 Are farmers that receive training from the university more qualified than farmers that use inherited traditional practices?
Definitely yes. Farmers that receive training from us improve their farming practices, the quantity and quality of food they produce increases.
5 Is the training you provide only related to improving farming techniques, or also related to improving the organizational capacity of farmers, for example forming farmers’ associations?
The Agricultural extension department focuses on this aspect, it adds an element of sociology to agriculture.
Interviews in Christian Village: Questions to a farmer in
Christian Village Answers
1 Why is backyard gardening good for the area?
At night the area is very dark and dangerous. But also, it is a good business and people in the neighborhood buy the crops.
2 Are you saving money to buy a place where you can grow crops on your own?
Yes, I am saving money.
Questions to a pastor Answers 1 According to planning
regulations, the Achimota Forest is a protected area and no development should take place in this area. How is it possible that the forest has decreased so rapidly in the last few years because of real estate development?
The Achimota Primary School owns the forest. The school divided the forest and decided to sell parts of it to private developers. The land here is quite expensive. That is the reason why the forest has decreased.
2 Do you see it as a problem a city that has no green spaces?
Ghana is a fast-growing country. We need more space to build houses. This is our main concern. There is great potential in this area.
3 Do you know how many people practice backyard
More than ten families practice backyard gardening in the area around the church. It helps them a lot and the land is fertile, too.
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gardening in this area? 4 How do you see this place
in fifteen-twenty years? I see it as a hotspot of Accra.
5 A construction has stop, is it because of lack of money or a dispute?
They just want to wait. But the area is still growing and there are more constructions.
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POLICY MAKER MARKET
DZORWULU ANDROMAN RIDGE
GHANA ATOMIC ENERGYCOMMISSION
CHRISTIAN VILLAGEAND SURROUNDINGS
UNIVERSITY OF GHANACOLLEGE OF AGRICULTURE
LEGON AREACULTIVATING CHANGE
ACCRA, GHANA
CSIR FARMERS
RESEARCHERS
LOOKING AHEAD...
Open spaces
University Land
Previously open
Irrigated land
Protected area
Golf Club
Real State, private landand embassies
Reduction of open spaces
Provides trainingGenerates knowledge Lacks dissemination of information
Set a precedent for farmers recognitionProvides trainingProvides opportunity to use land A business-oriented approach may lead to export oriented practices
High rate of developmentUA as a transient small-scale activityHigh exposure to flooding
Strong organisational capacityAbility to contest and negotiate Mature associationsInsecurity in land tenure and ownership
Innovative technologies for UALink theory to practice for policy makersLimited disclosure of information Relies on resources being sufficient
Ability to integrate environmental and social issues into the policy agendaInsitutional gap often exists which does not recognise the rights and practices of the urban farmer
Added-value programmes show potentialDemand for food is greater than supplyLimited information to push demand for food produced under new techniques Value of vacant land cannot compete with the value of residential land
Will to achieve formal organisationDetailed knowledge of terrain Gap exists between institution and farmers (co-operation, information sharing)
ACHIMOTA FORESTRESERVE
ACHIMOTA RD
GAEC SITE
ACCRA TEMA-MOTORWAY
LIB
ER
ATIO
N R
D
The current urbanisation process in Accra poses great challenges to UA. However, urban farmers have proved to be resilient to pressures and changes and at the same time adapt and improve their practices.
This gives us hope that by strengthening their organisations to negotiate land, participate in knowledge production and improve their practices, urban farmers will continue to provide fresh food and livelihoods for the people of Accra.
Urban Agriculture will continue protecting open spaces and contributing to a greener urban environment.
30
Appendix 9Appendix 9. Cultivating Change, Accra, Ghana-Legon Area (Infography)
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Chapter 5 DECISION-MAKING PROCESSES OF VULNERABLE GROUPS: The potential of urban agriculture to support a just distribution of land, cultural recognition and meaningful participation
FABIO CARADONNA JOLLY CHENGDALIA EL-AAMA BELLO HAFIZJOSLIN ISAACSONMIRELLA PRETELLMAGS REINIG
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Table of contents
5.1 Acknowledgements5.2 Executive Summary5.3 Abbreviations5.4 Maps, Diagrams & Tables5.5 Introduction
The Case of LaOkra City: Whose City?
5.6 Theoretical & Analytical Framework
Theoretical Framework Defining EJU EJU in LaAnalytical Framework Areas of AnalysisScenario Thinking Analysis Scenarios
5.7 MethodologiesLimitations
5.8 UA & UrbanizationResults & Analysis Land Food Ecological Well-being
5.9 UA & Place-Making5.10 Land Use Planning
Results & Analysis La as a Municipality No plans for UA in Master PlanGreenbelt in Kordojor LaTA and the Sub-MetroCustomary Land SecretariatsRelocation vs. Negotiation
5.11 Scenario Assessment5.12 Visioning5.13 Strategies
Strategy 1Strategy 2Strategy 3Strategy 4
5.14 Monitoring & Evaluation5.15 Conclusion5.16 Bibliography5.17 Appendix
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5.1 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
This study would not have been possible without the tremendous support and
continuous involvement of the La farmers and the women at La Market, and their generous sharing of information and knowledge. We would like to thank Enoch Mensah, Emmanuel Odoi Mensah, Emmanuel Ashirifie Namoale, Elisabeth Mensah, Patince Laryea, Bernice Laryea, Mary A. Sowah, Mr. Oko, Daina Nunoo, Ebernezer Tawiah Lamptey, Tawiah Lavysteu, Ama Quala, Ms. Dora, Berrukuso Maehatey, Esther Manyeyoo, Dora Anyeley Nai, Dora Akeyaa, Heko Kor Kor, Ciquety Anyorkor Adams, Florence Yemorkor Yemoh, Aye Tegoe, Faustina Yemorkor Yemoh, Esther Sowah, Okaikor Laryea, Rita A. Tetteh, Christiania Laree (La Market Queen Mother), the La Market retailers including Fofo Odor and Ajoko Sua and everyone else who supported us.
We would also like to express our gratitude to Deborah, the MoFA Agricultural Extension Officer for La and Robert Adjetey, Chairman of the La Tebu Association (part of the Ghana
Federation for the Urban Poor) for having been such invaluable facilitators in the field. Thank you for having shared information with us and taken care of the logistics and the translations.
Special thanks also to everyone else who gave their time to support this research study: Hon. Nii Amarh Ashitey - Chairman of La-Sub Metro of AMA; Alexander Ashirifi, Boadu - Chairman of La Farmers Association; Nii Yemo Yemofio - La Citizens Network; Daniel Hammond - La Development Association; Nii Mensah Nyekpea-Enehu - Secretary of the Trust, EDDT, Hon. Abdul Rashid Boi-Nai
Finally, a very special thanks to Adriana Allen and Etienne von Bertrab for their academic supervision and continued valuable advice and support. Thanks, also to the extended DPU staff, Alexandre Apsan Frediani, Rita Lambert and Matthew Wood-Hill.
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5.2 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
Departing from the contributions of the previous reports on the challenges that
Urban Agriculture (UA) faces in La, Accra, this year’s report focuses on UA’s contributions to environmentally just urbanization in the light of the pressures of modernization such as economic liberalization, intense pressure on land, and fast growing city populations.
This report examines UA’s potential to support the just distribution of land, and the cultural recognition and meaningful participation within decision-making processes of vulnerable groups. UA in La serves as a case study and an entry point to explore the actual contributions of UA to urbanization processes and the potential to increase and add to these contributions.
The findings of this report demonstrate the importance of UA to those who practice it but also to those who benefit from it. Not only does UA contribute to food security, climate regu-lation, and other ecological benefits, it also has tremendous cultural value. It can bring a sense of place to the land that is farmed and give a cultural identity to the people farming the land, creating a sense of community and collectiveness.
The report also identifies some of the chal-lenges and opportunities that come with the recent local institutional changes in LA and the possibilities of incorporating more participatory and inclusive planning practices. Through scenario planning the report explores different options for policy-makers and elaborates strategies to collec-tively capture and share the benefits of UA.
In conclusion, we argue for the enabling of greater participation of vulnerable groups so they can assert their right to the city in this crucial time of economic development for Accra and Ghana as a whole.
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5.3 ABBREVIATIONS
AMA - Accra Metropolitan Assembly AWGUPA - Accra Working Group on Urban and Peri-Urban Agriculture CFF - Cities Farming for the Future CICOL - Civil Society Coalition on Land Development Planning CSIR-STEPRI - Science and Technology Policy Research Institute EDDT - East Dadekotopon DevelopmentTrust EJU - Environmentally Just Urbanization EPA - Environmental Protection Agency FA - Farmers’ Association FEDUP - Federation of the Urban Poor GAMA - Greater Accra Metropolitan Area GHAFEDUP - Ghana Federation of the Urban Poor GID - Ghana Irrigation Development Authority IFPRI - International Food Policy Research Institute ILGS - Institute of Local Government Studies ISSER - Institute for Statistical Social and Economic Research IWMI - International Water Management Institute LACNET - La Citizens Network LAP - Land Administration Project LaTA - La Tebu Association LC - Land Commission LDA - La Development Authority LM - La Municipality MCI - Millenium City Initiative MDG - Millenium Development Goals MoFA - Ministry of Food and Agriculture MoLG - Ministry of Local Government MPC - Municipal Planning Committee NDPC - National Development Planning Commission NLP - National Land Policy PD - People’s Dialogue RUAF - Resource centres on Urban Agriculture and Food Security SAPs - Structural Adjustment Programmes SD - Survey Department SDI - Shack and Slum Dwellers International TCP - Town and Country Planning UA - Urban Agriculture UoG - University of Ghana WRC - Water Resource Commission
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5.4 MAPS, DIAGRAMS & TABLES
Diagram 1: Benefits of Urban Agriculture Map 1: UA Site in La Map 2: UA in Accra Map 3: The Different Cities of La Diagram 2: Drivers, Patterns and Practices Diagram 3: Scenarios Diagram 4: All farmers in La (F/M) Diagram 5: Distribution of Farmers in Accra Diagram 6: Estimated crop production Diagram 7: Number of farmers in Accra engaged in crops Table 1: Average loss of land per farmer in La Map 4: Crop production Map 5: Gender Map Map 6: Toponomastic Discoveries Map 7: Seasonal agriculture practice before the urbanization of La Map 8: Ownership map Diagram 8: Local Institutional Change Diagram 9: Relocation vs Negotiation Document 1: Indenture Table 2: Scenario assessment Diagram 10: Visioning outcomes Diagram 11: Scenario rationale Map 9: The Okra City
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5.5 INTRODUCTION
Cultivating Environmentally Just Urbanization: Urban Agriculture in La
5.5.1 URBAN AGRICULTURE IN ACCRA
Urban Agriculture (UA) in Accra is nearing the brink of extinction. Despite the multiple
social, economic and ecological benefits offered by UA, capitalistic development trends are threat-ening its existence as the value of and demand for land continues to rise. This report attempts to examine the consequences of such trends by understanding how urban agriculture does and can contribute to the environmentally just urban-ization (EJU) of Accra.
The contributions of UA set forth by the Resource Centre on Urban Agriculture and Food Security (RUAF) are used as a starting point to assess the contributions of UA to EJU in La, one of the last large UA sites in Accra. With La as a case study, the report then looks at how these benefits could be better collectively captured and shared throughout Accra.
DIAGRAM 1:BENEFITS OF URBAN AGRICULTURESOURCE: ADAPTED FROM RUAF
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5.5.2 THE CASE OF LA
It has been said that La is well known throughout Ghana for producing the best Okra in the country. This is why we refer to it as The Okra City. Currently, La represents one of the last large open spaces in Accra. With so much undeveloped land, La is an ideal site for urban agriculture within the metropolitan area. The majority of the undeveloped land in La is currently being used for cultivation, providing livelihoods for around 200 farmers – some of which have been farming here for generations – as well as a source of income for retailers and distributors throughout the city. In addition, this land, and the farmers that work here, supplies Accra with a significant amount of food on which its residents depend, thus contrib-uting to food availability and security within the city.
The farmers in La face several challenges including water supplies, the cost of agricul-tural inputs and changing climatic conditions. However, the most pressing issue that the farmers face is land. As with the rest of Accra, land in La is in high demand. Over the past several years La has experienced rapid development, which in turn has significantly reduced land for farming and has resulted in the eviction and displacement of countless farmers.
THEORETICAL & ANALYTICAL
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MAP 1: UA SITES IN LA
MAP 2: UA IN ACCRA
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5.5.3 OKRA CITY - WHOSE CITY?
Building upon Lefebvre’s seminal “right to the city”(1968), we consider this Right to go beyond the mere access to the resources that the city embodies. It is, as Harvey (2012) maintains, “a collective right to change and reinvent the city”. To achieve this, a collective power over the process of urbanization is required. We believe that the freedom to make and remake our cities is one of the most precious of our human rights. However, this right is being neglected to the most vulnerable and disadvantaged groups in La (the farmers being part of them). The representation of La as a city, does not solely depart from the upcoming local institutional change but from the purpose of unpacking the “right to city” broadly speaking and bring it into context, that is ‘local-izing it”. As such, we assessed the Okra City as follows:
TITLE OF THE IMAGEFOTO BY OJFREOIJF REOI JFEORIJJ DESCRIPTION OF THE IMAGE OIFREJ IFOJEOMAP 3: DIFFERENT CITIES OF LA
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5.6 THEORETICAL & ANALYTICAL FRAMEWORKs
5.6.1 THEORECTICAL FRAMEWORK
DEFINING ENVIRONMENTALLY JUST URBANIZATION
To better understand the relationship between environmental justice (EJ) and urbanization
through the lens of urban agriculture, this report draws on the key elements of EJ: (i) recognition, (ii) participation, and (iii) distribution (Harvey, 1996, 2003; Young 1990; Fraser 1998; Agyeman 2005). These key elements represent the ’Right to the City’ whereby all groups are involved in the processes of urbanization that shape the way the city is “made or remade” (Harvey, 2012). For the purposes of this report, urbanization has been defined as “processes that do not operate in but actively construct space and time, and in so doing define distinctive scales for their development” (Harvey, 1996: 418). If recognition, participation, and equitable distribution for all groups are present within the political, cultural, social and economic processes of urbanization, EJ can be achieved.
ENVIRONMENTALLY JUST URBANIZATION IN LA
Before an individual or group can successfully participate in the processes of urbanization, she/he must be recognized. For this, focus should be placed on the political process as a way to address both the inequitable distribution of environmental goods and the conditions undermining recog-nition. In addition to hindering ones ability to participate in local processes, a lack of recognition can lead to the destruction of cultural identifies. In La, this is occurring through the displacement of farmers, whereby their cultural ties to the land
are uprooted upon being evicted from their farms. This has created a cultural injustice in which the value of urban agriculture as a way of life has been ignored. In order to assess the role of urban agriculture as a place-making practice with the capacity to promote social, ecological, economic and cultural wellbeing within the processes of urbanization, we have identified the following as the primary contributing factors to EJU:
5.1.1.1.3 STYLE FOR HEADING 4 TEXT FJOIJER FIOJAIJ OJ IOJ IJ OIJ OI
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ENVIRONTALLY JUST URBANIZATIONIN ORDER TO ACHIEVE ENVIRONMENTALLY JUST URNAIZATION IN ACCRA, EQUITABLE RECOGNITION, PARTICIPATION AND DISTRIBUTION OF GOODS FOR ALL GROUPS WITHIN THE PROCESSES OF URBANIZATION IS REQUIRED.
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5.6.2 ANALYTICAL FRAMEWORK
AREAS OF ANALYSIS
Analysing the case study in terms of drivers, patterns and practices provides a better under-standing of the driving forces behind the urbani-zation processes and the resulting outcomes in La.
Departing from here we have subjectively detailed four undesired and desired future scenarios that could follow this current urbani-sation process. Before introducing our research questions and hypothesis we find it useful to present the broad spectrum of possible actions synoptically. They’re grouped into four, ranging from the ‘do nothing’ to the protection of targeted categories and finally to a long lasting structural and political solution (see 2.2.3).
SCENARIO THINKING ANALYSIS
With the scenario thinking we attempt to under-stand and think systematically about the nature and impact of the driving forces affecting the future of Accra.
The purpose is not to decide which scenario is correct, but rather to look at each future scenario and analyze how prepared different actors in Accra are and where possible room for manoeuver exists for potential transformative change.
Based on the scenario thinking analysis we decided to elaborate the key questions to be answered by the analysis and to identify the stake-holders. We also examined the trends and driving forces, and further we found the key uncertainties and extremes. Then, we defined and assessed the scenarios. The visioning exercise together with our scenarios assessment led us to the design of the strategic actions (IIED, 2009).
DIAGRAM 2: DRIVERS, PRACTICES AND PATTERNS OF URBANIZATION IN ACCRA
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SCENARIOS
In the scenarios, we explored the different possible futures we see for UA, from the ‘do-nothing’ scenario to the complete integration of UA into policies and planning (see diagram 3). Do nothing is also acting by allowing open spaces for the citizens to disappear to indi-vidual use. The urbanisation process in La is happening through the total privatization of the area, Mongonno being the best worse example. The recognition and integration of UA as a land use may start a change towards the valori-zation of the place which, once recognized, may be captured in the form of conditioned permits for planning permissions, founding in turn the creation of further open spaces as in a chain reaction. Mainstreaming UA into the planning system will transform La from a specialized space
for residential which benefits (in their view at least) a few into a multifunctional space capable of supporting various social activities to the benefit of all citizens. The following chapters set to demonstrate how this may be achieved either by reforming the current systems or by trans-forming them. For each scenario, we examined the extent to which it makes use of the actual and potential contributions of UA to environmentally just urbanization.
DIAGRAM 3: SCENARIOS
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5.7 METHODOLOGY
5.7.1 METHODOLOGY
The research needs were identified based on the scenarios. Qualitative methods
were developed with the purpose to assess these scenarios and to help us to quantify the consequences/implications.
The research design was built on qualitative participant observations of the case of La, Accra, with a particular focus on the relationship between drivers, practices and patterns. A reflexive research attitude and a post-positivist and constructivist epistemology were adopted. Through literature survey and archival research, analysis of docu-ments and materials (documentary reality), discourse analysis of existing legislation, and in-depth interviews (structured and semi-struc-tured) the post-positivist observation of the La case was developed. Qualitative techniques, such as focus groups, questionnaires and transect walks were used.
5.7.2 LIMITATIONS
The main limitations of working in the field didn’t solely come from the obvious risk of language barriers but also from the appreciation of a land-scape which changes with seasons and the timely shifting of the latter.
Climate change was first mentioned by the farmers to explain why we couldn’t see, unusually, much okra at the beginning of May. The lack of rain this year made our identification of urban agriculture more difficult as some plots weren’t cleared for use yet and easily confused with simple open spaces. The rain we brought – literally the same evening we first met the farmers - triggered a process of change in the landscape we could witness for the following two weeks.
Although we couldn’t talk to every single member of the farming community, the farmers involved in this research represent the four main areas, including two families in Kpeletso’s who own their land and engaged for the first time in the ongoing research of La.
Visioning exercises and data collection produced slightly different results on the same items when conducted by separating women and men.
The fact that the existing farming association hasn’t convened for the last two years was reflected by the farmers’ engagement at a more individual level then as a category.
Lastly our understanding of the place rapidly improved with each visit so that this study is to be considered as a still frame in a dynamic learning process.
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5.8 UA & URBANIZATION
5.8.1 THE IMPACTS OF EXCLUDING UA FROM THE URBANIZATION PROCESS
The trends of Accra’s urbanisation process clearly show that there are unbalanced power
relations over the cities’ urbanisation process. Previous reports on La and research conducted have provided evidence that injustices, misrecog-nition and the disappearance of UA practices constitute major socio-environmental patterns within the urban developments.
However, UA is important for both, the just distribution of land and food as well as for the ecological well being of the city and therefore we believe it to be an essential actual contributor to the distributional dimension of environmentally just urbanization that we aimed to test in the field. Accordingly, we elaborated the following:
Hypothesis 1: The current urbanization process in Accra excludes urban agriculture practices, creating disparities in the distribution of land and food and threatening the ecological wellbeing of the city.
RESEARCH QUESTIONS:
1. How important is UA for the city of Accra? 2. What would be the social and economic impli-cations for Accra if the practice of UA in La was lost? 3. Would women and men be impacted equally? 4. What ecological benefits does UA provide for La and Accra as a whole?
5.8.2 RESULTS & ANALYSIS
LAND
Farming land in La has been reducing fast over recent years to make room for new housing devel-opments. If we keep on with business as usual, land in La will no longer be available for farming, as land tenure has changed from land use rights for farming to land use rights for urbanisation that allows communal lands to be converted into individual property rights.
Customary land owners (chiefs) allocate land for urban land demands from the private and public sector as well as from individuals. Land is thus distributed according to the logic of accu-mulation and growth rather than in following the logic of justice, in which everyone agrees on the rules of the distribution. La currently has 192 farmers and none of them has agreed on the rules of the distribution of the land they farm on. Focus groups and interviews with 56 farmers have established that farmers have lost an average of 3-4 acres of land over the last 5 years (see table 2).
Urban agricultural is not only a place-making practice but also maintains the customary land tenure system that is based on the belief that “land belongs to a vast family of which many are dead, few are living and countless numbers are still unborn” (Mends & De Meijere, 2006:5). Within that system, each community member has a land use right in order to secure his livelihood without being able to alienate anyone else’s right to do the same.
According to the diagrams 4 and 5, La is significant for its share of women farmers. Here, 68,75% of all women farmers in Accra farm in La.
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DIAGRAM 4:LA FARMERS (MALE AND FEMALE)SOURCE: DATA FROM MOFA, 2011
DIAGRAM 5:DISTRIBUTION OF FARMERS IN ACCRASOURCE: DATA FROM MOFA, 2011
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DIAGRAM 6: ESTIMATED CROP PRODUCTIONSOURCE: DATA FROM MOFA, 2011
DIAGRAM 7: NUMBER OF FARMERS ENGAGED IN CROPSSOURCE: DATA FROM MOFA, 2011
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The disappearance of UA in La, and thus the farmers land use right for farming would have a huge impact on the livelihood of women farmers. Interviews with 35 women and 21 men have made clear that women would be more effected than men due to their different coping capacities. Whereas farming for men is either a part-time or full-time livelihood, it is a primary source of income and activity for women (table 3) It was noted that men have various other sources of income apart from farming. They include driving, mechanic, electrician, tailor, radio mechanic or carpenter, which could also constitute an alter-native for them if their land use right for farming will disappear. Yet, women have only rarely an alternative. For those with trading skills and social relations to the market, seller alternatives include trading and commerce in the market.
FOOD
The city of Accra is relying on food production imported from the Forest and Transnational zones as well as from the Savannah area. However, UA in the city is also contributing to feed Accra. Through data gathered from the MoFA and through interviews with different stakeholders across the value chain, we established that La is in particular important for the production of four vegetables, namely okra, tomato, pepper and maize (see Diagram 6) Here, okra plays an important role, as it is one of the few remaining indigenous vegetables and constitutes one of the Ghanaian’s daily bread and one major source of subsistence. Compared to all other UA sites, La is the only farming area that produces okra. As the production of okra in the whole of Ghana has dramatically declined over the last years, it does even more emphasise the importance of La as an okra producing farming site.
Through interviews with traders at the La market and the Queen mother of the La market it was furthermore noted that 60% of all the vegetables that are sold at the market are locally produced vegetables. The reduction of UA in Accra has already lead to the need for traders to import more vegetables from outside the city and the country, such as from Nigeria or Burkina Faso. That again makes them really vulnerable to the price fluctuation of the global market. As La market consumers are locals from La and the surroundings, imports from elsewhere will finally hit them, as imports inevitably mean higher prices for market traders, which again means higher prices for the consumers. If UA in Accra disappears, food inse-curity will in first place affect the most vulnerable to price fluctuations, such as the urban poor.
ECOLOGICAL WELLBEING
Open green spaces are meant to provide ecosystem services. Here, urban agriculture could protect and preserve these spaces. Through research is was possible to establish that due to climate change some areas in La are very much prone to floods Although there is no evidence, it can be said that UA absorbs and regulates these urban shocks and functions as a drainage area during floods for the surrounding built up areas. The disappearance of UA will possibly not only lead to the loss of biodiversity, a higher risk of contaminated air and water flows but could also make Accra’s residents vulnerable to floods, and thus to epidemics and homelessness.
TABLE 1: AVERAGE LOSS OF LAND
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5.9 UA AS A PLACE-MAKING PRACTICE
5.9.1 UA’S ROLE AS A PLACE-MAKING PRACTICE
Our a priori knowledge of the UA practices in Accra, particularly within the La juris-
diction, brought us to the field believing that UA practices in La might play a significant role in the place-making of the Ga community, rein-forcing their local cultural identity. Its recognition would enhance the capacity of current and future farmers to participate and express their wills and needs (preserving and respecting their farming culture and practices) in the development process, which is indispensable to a just urbanization. Accordingly, we elaborated the following:
Hypothesis 2: Urban agriculture in La is a place-making practice that manifests the cultural identity of the Ga community. By recognizing the importance of collective and sharing farming cultures, an interethnic relationship between local and migrant farmers is fostered, collective voice would be thus raised and meaningful involvement in the development process can be achieved.
Research Questions:
1.What are the particular collective and sharing farming practices taking place in La? 2.What is the social implication and cultural significance of practicing and preserving the collective and sharing farming culture in La and Accra? 3.How does it contribute to the relationship and integration between the local and migrant farmers? 4.What role does UA play in the place-making process and cultural identity of the Ga community? 5.Is cultural recognition of UA being considered and prioritized in the planning process?
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5.9.2 RESULTS & ANALYSIS
Urban agriculture has a long tradition and cultural significance in La. Throughout the interviews with the farmers; we have identified a strong sense of cultural identity among them that is based on traditional farming cultures. The traditional farming culture in our case is associated with two main characteristics: collective and sharing culture and strong ties to land.
COLLECTIVE AND SHARING FARMING CULTURE
Some of the traditional collective and sharing practices are still practiced in La. For instance, the farmers at Korlodjan revealed the fact that they saved their own seeds and shared with those who are in need. In Sowatey, for example, they share water pumps among each other.
INTEGRATING MIGRANTS INTO THE LOCAL COMMUNITY:
Immigrants without technical or educational skills often rely on the practice of urban agri-culture for survival in the city. The Ga people have over the years shown to be accommodating migrants into their practice of urban agriculture from employing their services during harvests or land clearing to actually offering them portions of land for agricultural purposes; most especially after the traditional rites are observed (such as offering a bottle of gin to the elder in the family ref ) in our field trip we encountered one of such cases – Ama a farmer from the North moved to accra over 10years ago with her husband and was given a land in the Kpeletso Area by the head of the sowateh adah family. The migrant farmers mainly come from the the North.
Due to the different weather conditions, types of crop and soil fertility, the migrants would learn the farming techniques and expertise from the sharing of local farmers knowledge and expe-rience (based on an individual interview with one migrant farmer –Ama from the North, at Airport Hill).
The mutual support and sharing prac-tices create positive interactions, networks, and interethnic relationships in the farming commu-nities which connect people (local and migrant farmers) and the place together. Regarding the issues of their identities, some farmers respond in a way that they feel a strong sense of belonging to La, they regard themselves as real farmers, they preferred farming other than other activities, and farming means everything to their lives. In this sense, we can see farming culture in La has culti-vated a unique cultural identity among the farmers- farming makes what La is and who they are.
STRONG TIES TO THE LAND – PLACE-MAKING PRACTICE:
Apart from farming, land is used for different reli-gious and social purposes like praying and social gatherings. Praying is particularly important. Many farmers pray every morning for a good harvest and no snakes/scorpions before starting to work the fields. In addition, land has a special meaning to the Ga community. The table below shows the meaning of the names different farm sites in Ga language. Farmers have a spiritual connection to the land they farm. UA can be a place-making practice as La is being constructed as a place by farming, social, spiritual and religious practices.
GREEN BELT (CULTURAL HERITAGE LOBBYING)
The green belt under the current EDDT plan is intended to be used for leisure purposes , i.e. golf course. UA and the cultural heritage in La are absent in the planning agenda. According to the interview with the La Citizens Network, the importance of Ga culture and heritage should be recognized and preserved by creating a dedicated space. The La Citzens Network is lobbying for a green belt in the area of Kordojor (50 acres) – mainly for agricultural purposes – in order to preserve Ga heritage.
According to Young (1990) and Fraser (2000), the lack of cultural recognition in social and
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political realms is the foundation of distributional injustice and the decline of peoples’ participation in the society , and in the case of La it undermines the possibility and ability of the farmers to partic-ipate and express their wills and needs (preserve
and respect farming culture and practice) in planning process ( EDDT master plan). In the strategy section, more details of how to embed cultural recognition in the planning process will be examined.
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5.10 LAND USE PLANNING
5.10.1 LAND USE PLANNING
Accra is a metropolis in crisis with regards to land use planning, as suggested by Asomani-
Boateng (2002) and confirmed by the various stakeholders we met (ILGS, Land for Life, PD). This is mainly a consequence of the constant changing of planning policies. In fact, it could be implied that land use planning in Accra has failed to accommodate urban farming while residential developments are fiercely spreading along the open vacant spaces.
Prioritizing land use for farming in the city requires that the major custodians/suppliers of land (customary, state and private) work together to secure agricultural land in suitable locations. However, this appears to be a difficult task given the complexity of land tenure and the unbalanced power in the control over land. As Foucault main-tains, power is multiple, and arises everywhere in everyday situations (1980).
In the case of La, many interests co-exist on the same piece of land, creating tenure security for few and insecurity for many. It is therefore important to look at the implications of customary land tenure dynamics on land administration. In Accra, 75% of the land is owned under customary land tenure (UN Habitat, 2009).
The customary owners of land in La are the members of the La stool, one of the Ga chief-taincies. According to inheritance land tenure arrangements, a piece of land remains in a family for a long time until the family disposes of the land (Obuobie et al, 2006). Under Customary Law, Art. 11 Ghana Constitution 1992, land can only be transferred but not owned, i.e. it is the head of clan who owns the land in a patrilineal hierarchy, and it is only the stool who can lease (Sarfo 2012).
In La, a great proportion of land has been cultivated for more than 100 years (Obuobie et al, 2006) as confirmed by the
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various stakeholders we interviewed (farmers, La Citizens Network, Chairman La Submetro).
The issue is indeed how customary land systems can meet the widespread demands on space in an economy predominantly driven by global fluxes (Grant, 2009). Significant portions of customary land in La have been commodified (See Map 10) and the trend is to continue, as suggested by the EDDT and Dr. Larbi (Lands Commission).
By looking at the modus operandi of current local institutional arrangements vis-a-vis the complexities of customary land tenure dynamics, the challenges for a just land management that meets the needs of current and future genera-tions were assessed. We considered particularly the customary institutional framework for land delivery within the decentralization urge –coming from above- that could potentially exacerbate the urbanization trends and thus perpetuate the patterns of inequality in the city, if not imple-mented in an equitable and participatory manner.
Hypothesis 3: Local institutional change that prioritizes land use for farming could set a precedent for an environmentally just urbanization, if implemented in an equitable and participatory manner.
1. What is the scope for local institutional change in La with regards to land use planning? 2. What are the opportunities and challenges for prioritizing UA within the land use planning processes/development plans in La? 3.How have power relations among the actors involved in the development plans changed since 2011? 4.Given the complexity of land tenure in La, what are the possibilities to deal with land ownership issues at the local level? 5. Are there alternative spaces for farming? Of which nature would these arrangements be?
5.10.2 RESULTS & ANALYSIS
CREATION OF LA DADEKOTOPON MUNICIPAL ASSEMBLY
As part of the decentralization campaign promoted by national authorities, the La Sub-Metro District Council was confirmed as a prospective Municipal Assembly in June 2012. This was first suggested by the Sub-Metro Chairman, Hon. Nii Amarh Ashitey, and was later supported by the Minister of Local Government and Rural Development as well as the Greater Accra Regional Minister on May 8.
According to the Art. 240 of Ghana Constitution 1992, local government authorities have the capacity to ‘plan, initiate, co-ordinate, manage and execute policies in respect of all matters affecting the people within their areas’. This capacity is regulated by the Local Government Act 1993. Precisely under this Act, the new municipal assembly would have an inde-pendent planning authority, as affirmed by T&CP (2012).
NO DEDICATED SPACES FOR UA IN THE EDDT MASTER PLAN
New developments do not include dedicated spaces for UA. The EDDT Masterplan only includes “open spaces” for leisure, e.g. dedicated areas for golf course including the Kpeshie Lagoon.
Previous reports suggested the existence of slightly more secure land for farming in the north (ESD 2010) and of some reserved green space in the Western Sowatey-Nmonaa (ESD 2011). However in interview with the Secretary of the EDDT it was confirmed that there would not be land dedicated for farming and that international developers (namely from China and UK) have already set the deal with the Trust for new resi-dential developments.
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GREEN BELT 50 ACRES IN KORDOJOR
The civil society, through La Citizens Network is lobbying for a 50 acres green belt in Kordojor. They have already presented a petition to the Council of Elders and the Submetro Chairman. The network chairman, Mr. Nii Yemo Yemofio, and Daniel Hammond, from the La Development Association, confirmed this.
RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN THE LA TEBU ASSOCIATION (PART OF GFUP) AND THE SUB-METRO
An existing relationship between the La Tebu Association, which is the local-based represen-tation of the GFUP, and the La Sub-Metro Chairman was appreciated and further confirmed by both parties. They affirmed that there is a
possibility to work together in the future context of La becoming a municipality.
ESTABLISHMENT OF CUSTOMARY LAND SECRETARIATS
As part of Stage II of the Land Administration Project, Customary Land Secretariats are in process of being established. This reflects the will, at the national level, to encourage accountability within traditional authorities. Training courses and capacity building are big components of this part of the project. As suggested by Dr. Larbi (Lands Commission 2012), building capacity within the traditional authorities would bring opportunities for land tenure security.
DIAGRAM 8: LOCAL INSTIUTIONAL CHANGE
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RELOCATION VS. NEGOTIATION
The 2010 report suggested that farmers in Klandij-Argon were willing to negotiate with EDDT. Evidence we recorded shows that the negotiation took place between EDDT and the chairman of La Farmer’s Association (Alexander Ashirifi, Boadu) to settle conflict over land. He had 25 acres in Klandij-Argon, he possess now ½ acre. His son is farming that land. Indenture was obtained on 28/03/2012.
DIAGRAM 9: RELOCATION VS. NEGOTIATION
DOCUMENT 1: INDENTURE
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5.11 SCENARIOS ASSESSMENT
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5.12 Visioning
5.12.1 VISIONING EXCERCISE WITH LA FARMERS
Based on scenario thinking strategic tools to make flexible long-term plans, the visioning
exercise was carried out through a focus group. This method helped us to learn about the future by understanding the nature and impact of the most uncertain and important driving forces affecting the farmers in La.
After identifying the main certainties related to the three major issues they were facing (land, water and money) the participants placed them-selves in four different scenarios. This is how they see the future:
Most likely scenario:
(1) Relocation to Amanfro and Dodowa;
(2) Change activity (work in the market as traders)
Most desired scenario: Ownership of the land - title registration
Departing from this, the participants were encouraged to think outside the box by designing a future how they would like it to be. They explored the means by which the most desirable scenarios (3) (4) can become possible, as well as they ways in which the most likely scenarios (1) (2) are to be confronted. Which key actors could be involved? (See appendix).
This exercise helped us to assess the capacities of the farmers when facing the future. Among other things, the farmers expressed their will to work collectively rather than individually in order to make the most desirable scenarios possible. However hypothetical, as both scenarios refer to an ideal land reform and an effective land admin-istration, what is to be rescued here is the strong collectiveness observed specially among women, regardless of the progressive weakening of their collective capacities triggered by the EDDT and the chiefs during the last years in their campaign for the control over land.
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5.13 Strategies
From the scenario thinking analysis we moved forward to the design of strategic actions. Our
scenario planning was based on the following rationale, however not specifically centered on the upcoming La Municipality. That is, the ‘Okra City’ serving as the representation of what we consider an EJU where the contributions of UA would be better collectively captured and shared.
DIAGRAM 11: SCENARIO RATIONALE
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5.13.1 STRATEGY 1
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5.13.2 STRATEGY 2
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5.13.3 STRATEGY 3
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5.13.4 STRATEGY 4
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5.14 MONITORING & EVALUATION The monitoring and evaluation of proposed strategies is designed to help track the success or otherwise of proposed action plans both along the existing institutional alleys and through the unknowns of more structural transformation towards the recognition and integration of UA as a land use practice into the planning system to transform La and the whole of Accra; leveraging on the importance of cultural traditions and the potential of visionary planning to obtain just urbanization.
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5.15 CONCLUSION
The findings of this report demonstrate that by creating a propitious environment for
change, a driver such as the existence of urban agriculture may bring about a sense of place even in the degraded urban environment of La, Accra.
The inhabitants of Accra, especially these resi-dents of La are experiencing a planned and non-planned urbanization process, that follows the logic of greed of individuals who pursue profit for themselves and, unaware, achieve alienation for all.
Eventually disparities in terms of access and distribution of environmental goods would become prominent. Ultimately, an environmen-tally just urbanization will be one that incorpo-rates the natural morphology of the area as well as the rights of people that “live” the spaces to collectively change and reinvent the city according to their desire.
Thankfully UA is still practiced but its implementation requires the contribution of the people that retain the necessary knowledge. They are currently threatened with relocation of the farmers. This study has found value in UA sites and people widely considered the cause of the problem. It has made this discovery circulate within the actors of the urbanization process and has already identified common threads such as the importance of UA for an environmentally just urbanization. Such ideas are presented as the basis for a shared learning process among all actors so that the dialogue that they already entertain with each other may turn into an exchange among equals and an action for environmental change.
This study demonstrates the importance of cultural traditions and the potential of visionary planning to obtain just urbanization. It drafts potential directions towards it by elaborating
strategies for action both along the existing insti-tutional alleys and through the unknowns of more structural transformation.
We conclude with a call for participation to assert citizens’ rights in this crucial time in which new planning instruments are brought in by the government together with administrative decen-tralization. These must be used as opportunities rather then constraints and the job of a practi-tioner is to point it out to every single citizen.
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The Okra City
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5.16 Bibliography
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TRAJECTORIES OF CHANGE: LAND, URBANISATION AND URBAN AGRICULTURE IN ACCRA This film is an output of a collaborative research project carried out by students and staff of the MSc Environment and Sustainable Development (DPU, UCL), IWMI and other partners. It explores the potential of urban agriculture to remain a living practice given the current trends of urbanisation in Accra, Ghana, through the lens of land and planning.
Youtube URL: http://youtu.be/m-6EURne8RU
For more information visit:
www.bartlett.ucl.ac.uk/dpu