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Elections in the Sub-Saharan Africa: General Trends, Challenges and

Opportunities

Photo credit: UNDP Nigeria

Report of the Maendeleo Policy Forum held on 18 August 2016 Ridge Arena, Swiss Spirit Hotel & Suites Alisa, Accra, Ghana

Disclaimer

Views expressed in this report represents the opinions of panellists and participants.

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Table of Contents

I. Background .............................................................................................................................. 3

II. Opening Remarks ...................................................................................................................... 5

III. Key discussion points ............................................................................................................ 6

IV. Reflections from the Panellists: ............................................................................................... 6

V. Summary of Recommendations.............................................................................................. 13

i. Electoral Commission ......................................................................................................... 13

ii. Political Parties .................................................................................................................... 14

iii. Government .................................................................................................................... 14

iv. Election Observers .......................................................................................................... 14

v. Civil Society Organisations .................................................................................................. 14

Annexes ......................................................................................................................................... 15

Annex 1: Bio of Panellists .............................................................................................................. 15

Annex 2: Presentation by Dr Brigalia Bam ................................................................................. 18

Annex 3: Maendeleo Policy Forum concept note .......................... Error! Bookmark not defined. Annex 4: Agenda ........................................................................................................................ 32

Annex 5: Participants List .......................................................................................................... 34

Political Parties ....................................................................................................................... 34

UN Systems ........................................................................................................................... 35

Private Sector ........................................................................................................................ 36 Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) and other National Groups/Organizations/Commissions

............................................................................................................................................... 37

Academia ............................................................................................................................... 37

Panellists and High Level Personalities ................................................................................... 38

Embassies/High Commissions .............................................................................................. 38

Development Partners ........................................................................................................... 39

Media ..................................................................................................................................... 39

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Background

Africa has made great strides in recent years towards building democracy, enhancing the rule of law,

consolidating good governance, improving human security and promoting and protecting human

rights. Since the early 1990s, majority of African countries have undergone momentous transitions

from one-party, military or autocratic rule to multiparty democratic systems based on majority rule

and popular participation. At the very heart of these democratic transitions has been the holding of

periodic, multiparty elections.

The holding of multiparty elections in Africa, like elsewhere in the world, have become a powerful

tool for democratic stability, accountability and ultimately, human development. A significant

number of elections have succeeded in placing numerous countries on a firm path of recovery and

peaceful transition following years of civil conflict. These include elections in Namibia which led to

independence in 1989 and elections in South Africa which ended apartheid and ushered in majority

rule in 1994. Others include elections in Mozambique in 1994, Sierra Leone in 2002, Liberia in 2005

and the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) in 2006, all of which marked an end to decades of

civil conflict. Over the past two decades and more, countries such as Botswana, Cape Verde, Ghana,

Mauritius, Senegal, and Zambia have had successive elections leading to peaceful transfers of power.

On the other hand, Africa has also seen elections in a host of other countries that have stalled

democracy and precipitated political instability: for example, Côte d’Ivoire in 2000, Kenya in 2007,

Zimbabwe in 2008 as well as Guinea Bissau and Mali in 2012.

Holding transparent and credible elections on a regular basis as established by the relevant

constitutional and legal framework is a critical component of the democratization process. In fact,

periodic and genuine elections are generally seen as a key component for enhancing the legitimacy of

a government and strengthening the social contract between the government and the governed.

However, while critical to building democracies, elections are only one component of the

democratic and legitimization process. Again, in the absence of other structural, institutional, and

normative democratic conditions to absorb and resolve tensions that might arise during and after

the electoral process, elections can present windows of vulnerability that introduce real risk of

violence. A robust civil society, independent media, a sound public administration, and an

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independent judiciary can help to manage the underlying tensions and grievances that elections bring

to the surface.

While multiparty and competitive elections may have become a regular feature of political systems in

majority of countries in Sub-Saharan Africa, it is also true that these elections have differed greatly in

form, content and quality, and the greater regularity has not necessarily enhanced their value or

improved the quality of democracy on the continent. Africa’s experience with electoral democracy

has been mixed: progress has been made, but challenges remain. Some of the challenges often

highlighted include political intolerance, lack of inclusiveness, inadequacies of electoral management

bodies and post-electoral violence.

In the last years, crucial electoral processes took place or are taking place in a substantial number of

countries across Africa. In 2015, elections brought about the first peaceful transfer of power to

Africa’s most populous country, Nigeria, but also led to mass civil unrest and instability in Burundi.

Other countries which held elections in 2015 include Burkina Faso, Cote d'Ivoire, Ethiopia, Guinea,

Lesotho, Mauritius, Sudan, Tanzania, Togo and Zambia. The first semester of 2016 has seen already

crucial elections in Benin, Cape Verde, the Central African Republic (CAR), Comoros, Chad and

Niger, as well as the constitutional referendum in Senegal. Some of the upcoming elections which

will determine the fate of democracy in countries where they occur include, among others, the

Democratic Republic of Congo, Gabon and Ghana.

It is on the basis of the mixed results of electoral democracy in the continent that the Maendeleo

Policy Forum1 adopted the topic for the 5th edition to be “Elections in the Sub-Saharan Africa: General

I. 1 Maendeleo Policy Forum

The Maendeleo Policy Forum was launched in 2015. Convened by the UNDP Regional Service for Africa, the Maendeleo Policy

Forum is one of the organization’s contributions to the search for workable solutions to new and persistent problems of

developmental transformation and effectiveness in Africa. It is created to provide space for African leaders, international mediators

and negotiators, researchers, policy makers, development practitioners and writers on African issues, to debate on critical issues of

development in Africa1.

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Trends, Challenges and Opportunities”. The Speakers selected for the forum undertook a critical and

thorough analysis of the core elements of recent electoral trends and latest political developments on

the African continent. The speakers also established some links between the trends and the key

institutional platform and structures upon which credible and transparent elections are built.

Reference was also made to global trends and best practices.

Opening Remarks

In his welcome remarks, the UNDP Associate Administrator, Dr Tegegnework Gettu expressed

the need for Africans to sustain democracy through election as a powerful tool for transparency,

democratic stability and peace. Dr. Gettu

indicated that even though elections have

been recognised as part of the democratic

process, there are challenges of intolerance,

human rights abuses, inadequacies of

electoral bodies, abuse of incumbency and

the use of majority in Parliament to change

the rules of the game. He reiterated that the

African democratic trajectory must not be

allowed to slide backwards but rather

countries within the continent must improve

on its democratic culture. He warned that a

slide backwards will push Africa towards military regimes, the rule by one exclusive party and

unconstitutional and arbitrary change of regimes. He mentioned that many African states still

perform election rituals rather than strengthening the democratic systems, institutions and processes.

The Forum seeks to promote new, alternative and cutting edge thinking on the development challenges that Africa faces, and its

outcomes will also be codified into policy notes, briefs and think pieces. The Policy Forum also provides space for UNDP Africa to

introduce some of its research products as a contribution to the search for solutions.

UNDP as the lead global development agency seeks to contribute to national and societal transformation through many approaches.

One of these is as a trusted convener of spaces and platforms where development issues can be debated, and solutions discussed, that

can then be put forward to decision makers at the national, regional and continental levels.

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Key discussion points Moderator: Dr Ozonnia Ojielo Introducing the topic for discussions, the moderator Dr. Ojielo, indicated that there is a perception

that Africa has electoral democracy not democratic governance. He reflected on some of the

progresses that have been made in African elections but also highlighted the prevailing gaps and

challenges that often tend to cripple and retard already recorded gains. He highlighted amongst

other things, the failure of most elections in Africa to pay special attention to the quality of the

elections. Deteriorating political culture; lack of transparency; poor communication between political

and electoral stakeholders and institutions; institutional and systems breakdown; weak administrative

and legal frameworks, political meddling in elections; lack of inclusivity and participation especially

for women are some of the gaps that have tended to draw democratic progress in Africa backwards.

The moderator also questioned the role of political parties, their structural weaknesses and the need

for the parties to be firm on strong political ideologies and avoid ethnic composition. He also raised

the question of cost of elections in Africa, political party funding and whether election observers are

well informed to make pronouncements on the conduct of elections given their limited time in the

countries. The Moderator questioned why there were often divergent views between

international/continental election observations missions and the citizens/domestic observers. He

reflected on that fact that African countries have not learnt from the Rwanda case and questioned if

African countries will all have to go through a “Rwanda-like” experience to be able to design proper

democratic elements, succession models and gender /women involvement in electioneering process.

Reflections from the Panellists The panellists for this topic were Dr. Brigalia Bam, Chancellor of Walter Sisulu University, Member

of the African Union Panel of the Wise, Founder of the Women's Development Foundation and

former Chairperson of the Independent Electoral Commission in South Africa; Mr. Denis Kadima,

Executive Director of the Electoral Institute for Sustainable Democracy in Africa (EISA) and Mrs.

Charlotte Osei, Chairperson of the Electoral Commission of Ghana, former Chairperson, National

Commission for Civic Education (NCCE) and President of the African Association of Electoral

Authorities (AAEA).

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Mr Dennis Kadima’s contribution centred around four important areas. His first intervention

focused on The Roles of Political Parties in the electoral process. He indicated that political

parties in Africa are not very well organised and are still unable to function effectively as institutions

of governance. Generally, political parties in Africa have weak planning and the mobilisation

capacities. Political mobilizing by political parties should be structured as part of party activity

throughout the cycle. He further stressed that institutional capacity of political parties is the key to

changing the current state of political parties in Africa. He indicated that in many countries, party

agents are not properly selected and trained, - they lack the knowledge required to represent and

work as party agents. Civil and electoral education is an afterthought by the political parties.

On the Election Management Bodies (EMBs), Mr. Kadima also indicated that EMBs should

become more transparent and ensure fairness in their dealings with all parties. He questioned why

many EMBs in Africa often resist making result tabulation, compilation and transmission

transparent and accessible to different stakeholders. EMBs should encourage political parties to

become part of the results collation process to ensure openness and transparency.

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On Media Regulation, he indicated that the state owned media should shape up and become more

accountable to the people rather than the government in

power. Transparent, equal and balanced reporting as well as

access are essential elements of fair broadcasting which

state media must embrace in order to become impartial and

neutral and to be able to serve all political parties equally

without fear or favour.

On Election Observation, he noted that there have been cases of different views and

pronouncements between international observers and the domestic or citizens’ observers. He

remarked that in many instances the difference of views and opinion between domestic and

international observers stem from the gap in local knowledge. He then urged Election Observation

groups to become more professional and consider election observation based on electoral cycle

approach that will consider events and activities.

Dr. Brigalia Bam noted that several factors culminate to truncate electoral process in Africa. She

spoke about expectations from the electorate, identification question, independence of the electoral

management bodies and the role of the constitution in the electioneering process.

Firstly, on the Nature of Electoral Democracy in Africa she indicated that the expectations from

actors and electorates has become mixed and sometime conflicting. This she argued is related to the

nature and understanding of what democracy means in

Africa. She reckons that democracy has different

meanings and understanding in different places in Africa.

However, there appear to be a general consensus that little

attention is paid to the quality of the elections in Africa.

Hence outcomes of elections have largely remained

contested in Africa. She argues that some of the

conceptual and divergent expectations are linked to

colonial legacies and the inability of Africans to evolve from those legacies. According to Dr. Bam,

“our social backgrounds, ethnicity and cultures as a people feed into our elections and

understanding–the colonial border demarcations have created identity crisis where peoples’

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nationality and identity determine and influence their perception of electoral credibility and quality.

In some cases, the outcome is as a result of sentimentalism, lack of objectivity and tension.

On Institutions and Systems, Dr. Bam further emphasized that for elections in Africa to become

transparent and credible, several institutions that are involved must work together to protect

electoral integrity and ensure that political pressure does not override legitimate electoral process.

Institutions such as the Judiciary, Security Agencies, the Electoral Commission and other

stakeholders including Civil Society Groups must hold each other accountable on the various

mandates. Dr. Bam warned against the sweeping trend of politicisation of African institutions and

the meddling by politicians. She urged that more legal protection be accorded to Electoral

Commissioners in order to empower them to act freely, independently and without fear or favour.

On International Election Observation Group, Dr. Bam called for a holistic approach that will allow

observers to understand the national laws and focus on proffering early solutions to electoral gaps

and flaws before the election.

Mrs Charlotte Osei configured her contributions around three main areas. She focused her first

intervention around The Role of Election Management Bodies (EMBs) in ensuring credible and

transparent elections in Africa. She cautioned on the one

sided responsibility approach that often tends to focus

attention solely on the role of EMBs and ignore the role of

political parties who are in fact the primary beneficiaries of

the electioneering process. She noted that some of the

challenges faced in the electoral process require dual

accountability between the EMB and the Political Parties

and none should be allowed to ignore their responsibility

as enshrined in various legal and institutional frameworks

that govern the conduct of elections in any particular

country.

The second area of intervention for the Chair of the Electoral Commission revolved around the

issues of Voter Identity where she noted that a sustainable approach that will reduce questions and

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improve trust is required. She urged governments of various African countries to consider a national

identification process that will serve the dual purpose of identifying citizens as well as hosting voter

information for use especially during elections. However, she noted that this should not be the

responsibility of only EMBs in Africa and argued that its success depends on the collaboration of

several institutions including the Electoral Commission of any country.

Thirdly, Mrs. Osei remarked that Logistical Planning is an important challenge in most African

elections because of the geographical landscape and level of infrastructural development.

Transportation, the distribution of electoral materials, the safety of materials among others are all

challenges necessitated by the quest to access remote areas. Overall, she argued that it is important

that African countries find ways of documenting and sharing best practices and means of

exchanging information that could support each other.

In her concluding remarks, Mrs. Osei observed that to most of the problems we encounter in

Africa, solutions can be found in Africa. She noted that recently in 2015, Nigeria conducted credible

elections that allowed for the transfer of power from one party to another since 1999. Benin recently

held one of the best elections in Africa earlier this year. However, we as Africans have not been able

to develop proper mechanisms to capture, document and share these best practices emanating from

Africa. She therefore proposed the African Association of Electoral Authorities (AAEA) as the

credible platform to perform these functions and called for support from UNDP and other

development partners to ensure the full operationalisation of the AAEA.

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Key Intervention Points from the Participants Mr. Opia Kumah; Acting RC/RR for Nigeria shared the Nigerian experience and highlighted that

one of the significant developments in Nigeria during the 2015 elections was that nature of

transparency displayed by the Electoral Commission. He noted that the Electoral Commission was

able to gain the confidence of civil society as well as the main opposition party in Nigeria. With

regards to the election, he noted that the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) made

use of reputable professors of high integrity as returning officers. This approach further boosted the

confidence of the people and allowed INEC to perform its duties and responsibilities due to public

legitimacy. He expressed his desire to see such lessons applied in other countries in Africa. He again

noted that speedy adjudication of electoral disputes is an important element of electoral democracy.

He urged countries in Africa to institute speedy electoral dispute resolution and adjudication

processes to avoid unnecessary delays prior to the resumption of office by the new government.

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Participants who cut across political parties, civil society, development partners and media

provided opinions son a number of issues some of which are discussed below:

Political Culture: The challenge of political culture continues to change the way Africans view their

role in politics. African political culture has continued to move away from a service culture to a

materialistic orientation based on winner takes all approach. The panellists and participants placed

high premium on the need for a cultural and orientation shift based on service and on the

imperatives of making politics less materially attractive. Comprehensive civic education was

advocated as one way of changing the perverse and deteriorating political culture in the continent.

The Roles of Political Parties: Moving the democratic discourse forward requires political parties

to function effectively as institutions of governance rather than election agents. Strong political

parties on the basis of ideas must be promoted and political parties must begin a process of internal

institutional strengthening to become policy and development oriented. Equally important is the

need for opening of the space for internal participation within political parties in order move away

from elitist politics to an inclusive political practice demanded and driven by the electorates rather

than supplied by the elites.

Political Party Funding: Funding of political parties has become a contested issue in Africa. While

some countries have some form of funding slated for political parties, others view political parties as

private entities that must fund their activities without state resources. Countries like South Africa

provides funding to political parties on a proportional basis while Ghana for instance does not fund

political parties. There are questions on whether proportional forms of party funding is in itself fair

because it offers bigger political parties more funds that smaller parties.

Participants also pointed out the difficulty in holding political parties financially accountable without

state funding. For example, political parties in Ghana noted that, the regulation requiring them to

make available audited accounts is unfair unless government commits to funding political parties.

Political Competition: Participants also noted that the winner takes all phenomenon appears to be

the norm in most African countries, which has given rise to political materialism whereby vote

buying is becoming the order of the day. Smaller parties are forced to borrow in order to match the

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spending of large parties. In the end the ultimate losers are the electorates. Dematerialising political

office remains one of the keys to ensuring balance and making politics about service.

Gender and Women Participation in Political and Electoral Processes: Participants also

commented on the unequal gender representation in political and electoral processes. There is

always great emphasis on mobilising women to vote during the elections but less on mobilising them

to contest as parliamentarians and/or other Executive offices. Some of the political parties present

at the Forum noted that, it is important for countries in Africa to learn from each other on the best

possible options that will help in promoting gender parity in political processes and leadership in

Africa. The atmosphere must be right for women and the prevailing framework must create positive

affirmation to encourage women’s active participation as key players.

Summary of Recommendations

i. Electoral Commission

Election Management Bodies should become more transparent and accessible to the various

stakeholders. Increase in communication between the EMBs and other political and electoral

stakeholder will reduce suspicion and increase trust.

EMBs should be structured to become independent of political pressure and to act without

fear or favour.

Comprehensive civic education was advocated as one way of changing the perverse and

deteriorating political culture in the continent.

EMBs should embed post-election audit as part of the election planning in order to allow for

lessons and challenges to be documented and turned into opportunities.

EMBs in Africa should use AAEA as a platform for shared learning, standard setting,

information and technological exchange as well as avenues for cross pollination. UNDP and

development partners should consider supporting AAEA to carry out this important

mandate.

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ii. Political Parties

An institutional development approach to political party structuring is required in order for

political parties to function effectively and contribute to the strengthening of electoral

democracy in the continent. Political parties must approach election from the electoral cycle

approach and should engage the electorate from the pre to the post-election day period.

Political Parties should be made to become more accountable in their roles to the society

including civic and electoral education.

Political parties must comply and adhere to regulatory frameworks governing their

operations.

Political parties must develop credible and functional mechanisms for monitoring and

following up on the activities of the Electoral Commission including electoral results in

order to be able to challenge election outcomes based on facts and figures.

iii. Government

African States must develop credible and sustainable ways of solving voter registration

problems. Comprehensive National Identification is a possible option that could go a long

way to solve the voter identification question.

Ensure that electoral reforms are done at least two years before the election year to give time

and space for proper planning and management of the elections.

iv. Election Observers

Election Observers, especially international observers should rethink their approach and

methodology towards early assessment and recommendations that would result in an overall

support and strengthening of the electoral systems.

International Observers must work closely with local actors to understand the pre-election

challenges.

v. Civil Society Organisations

Broader civil engagement and discourse is required on reforming politics to make it less materialistic and more towards service.

The participation of women in politics and political process should take centre stage in the civil society discourse.

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Annexes

Annex 1: Bio of Panellists

Maendeleo Policy Forum

Theme: “Elections in the Sub-Saharan Africa: General Trends, Challenges and Opportunities”

18 August 2016

Accra, Ghana

Bio of Speakers

Dr. Brigalia Ntombemhlope Bam has worked as a teacher, health educator, served on several boards and trusts, and organized numerous international conferences and consultations. She also lectures, does radio and television interviews, fund-raising projects, and continues to speak out against sexism. Dr. Bam is currently a member of the African Union Panel of the Wise, a body comprising of prominent and eminent Africans who mediate on behalf of African Union. She is Chancellor, Walter Sisulu University in South Africa and Chair of the Thambo Mbeki Foundation. She is the recipient of a number of honourary doctorates and awards, from the University of Durban-Westville, Victoria University (Toronto), and the University of Transkei.

She has served on the Human Rights Commission and was vice-chair of the SA Broadcasting Board. Dr. Bam was appointed to the Independent Electoral Commission when it was formed in 1997 and was vice-chair before being asked to become chair. Her wisdom, experience and integrity are much in demand as she speaks out in areas such as human rights, development and truth and reconciliation.

Dr. Brigalia Ntombemhlope Bam

Member, AU Panel of the Wise former Chair, South African

Independent Electoral Commission Chancellor Walter Sisulu

University, South Africa

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Mr. Denis Kadima took up the position of Executive Director of EISA in December 2002. Before this, he worked for the National Democratic Institute for International Affairs (NDI) from January 2001 to November 2002 respectively as the Senior Programme Manager in Windhoek, Namibia, and Resident Director in Lesotho. Since joining EISA, Mr. Kadima has expanded the organization’s geographic and programmatic scope, which now covers the whole of sub-Saharan Africa and encompasses not only elections but also selected areas in the Democracy and Governance field (political party strengthening, legislative support, local governance, etc). Mr. Kadima is currently completing a Ph.D on political party coalitions in Africa at the University of the Witwatersrand in Johannesburg. He founded EISA’s Journal of African Elections, an accredited journal. He has published extensively on elections, democracy and governance. Mr. Kadima speaks French, English and basic Portuguese. Mr. Kadima was the head of the UN Integrated Referendum and Electoral Division (UNIRED). Mrs. Charlotte Osei is Chairperson and Chief Executive Officer of Ghana’s Electoral Commission following her appointment by His Excellency John Mahama in June 2015. Prior to her appointment, from October 2011 to June 2015, she chaired the National Commission for Civic Education (NCCE), an independent governance commission established under Ghana’s

Constitution. The NCCE is the constitutional commission mandated to educate Ghanaians on their civic rights and responsibilities, voter education, knowledge of Ghana’s Constitution and work towards strengthening Ghana’s democracy. Prior to joining Ghana's public service, Charlotte established and managed Prime Attorneys, a boutique business and investment law firm, in Accra. Charlotte has significant experience and specialization in corporate/business law, banking, insurance, labour,

Mr. Denis Kadima Executive Director

Electoral Institute for Sustainable Democracy in Africa

Mrs. Charlotte Osei Chairperson of the National Electoral Commission

of Ghana

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infrastructure project financing and public private partnerships. Her work experience has covered the general assignments of compliance officer and general counsel for financial institutions, advising on compliance and regulatory issues, to corporate financing and restructuring, negotiating transactions, labour and human resource management matters. She consulted in a variety of areas and the law firm provides support services for several Ghanaian companies, foreign investors and international development agencies in Ghana in several areas. Charlotte holds a LL. B (Hons) degree from the University of Ghana, Legon; a Qualifying Certificate in Law from the Ghana School of Law; a Master of Laws (LLM) from Queen’s University, Kingston, Canada and a Master’s in Business Leadership (MBL), from the University of South Africa in Pretoria. Charlotte is a published writer and holds several academic awards and distinctions. She has served as a director on the Board of several Ghanaian and international institutions including Ghana Commercial Bank Limited, Ghana Reinsurance Company Limited, Dominion University College and The African Capacity Building Foundation. Charlotte was also previously a part-time lecturer in Contracts, Company Law and Business Law at the Faculty of Law of the University of Ghana. She is a member of the Ghana Bar Association and the International Bar Association and the president of the Association of African Election Authorities, a regional network of electoral management bodies.

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Annex 2: Presentation by Dr Brigalia Bam

ELECTIONS IN THE SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA: GENERAL TRENDS,

CHALLENGES AND OPPORTUNITIES2

DR. BRIGALIA BAM

Formerly Chairperson of the Electoral Commission of South Africa

1. INTRODUCTION

It is a singular honour to be invited to be a guest speaker at this important Policy Forum in

this great and pioneering capital city in Africa, Accra. It was in Ghana in Sub-Saharan Africa

where experiments in modern forms of democracy began; and it was in Ghana where some

critical thinking about appropriate expressions of democracy could be reflected upon and

practiced. It was in Ghana where Pan Africanism became state policy. It was also in Ghana,

perhaps, where the failures of democracy were most starkly expressed with the coup against

a democratically elected government of Osagyefo Dr Kwame Nkrumah, and it was in Ghana

where the limitations and abuses of democracy were most felt. It is therefore appropriate

that we should return to Ghana as we now do, to reflect once again on how African

democracy can be rescued, in this instance what difference to the practice of electoral

democracy, the conduct of elections can make.

It will be foolish for me not to begin with a brief reflection on the elections we have just

undergone in our country. It is widely understood that the Local Government Elections held

in 3 August 2016 may well portend a seismic shift in political loyalties and electoral conduct

of a vast majority of South Africans. There is also a suggestion in the air that voters are a lot

more discerning than politicians have traditionally given them credit for. In our country, as

we speak, the African National Congress is smarting from the blows it suffered from the

elections. In a decade, the governing party (since democratization in 1994) has lost about

14% of the vote, it has suffered splits and is losing popularity. This week a new phenomenon

is emerging on the horizon, being that opposition parties have formed coalitions to govern

some of the major metropolitan councils, and keeping the ANC in check in government.

2 Paper delivered at the UNDP Regional Service Centre for Africa, Maendeleo Policy Forum held in Accra, Ghana, 18 August 2016.

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This, for us, is a daring experiment. It suggests, perhaps, a maturing of our democracy. The

next General Election will be held in 2019.

Likewise, in Zambia, the voters have returned the government of Edgar Lungu to power. In

a hotly contested election, and not without controversy, the people have spoken. Where

there are disputes there are legal mechanisms in place to attend to those. What it means

though is that all parties express confidence in the systems that are in place, and abides by all

the processes of determining as best as possible the mood of the electorate.

It may be surprising that I should speak in this manner about what is in essence the risk of

democracy. Democracy is legitimated to the extent that the will of the people is expressed

and a peaceful mechanism for the test of popular opinion is put in place. Above all,

democracy is legitimated to the extent that all political parties recognize that the voters may

change government, or endorse the incumbent government for a further term of office. It is

a risk in that that popular will must be expressed and not manipulated, protected such that it

becomes freely made. Democracy on this understanding is more than just regular or frequent

elections, but the means by which the will of the people may be honoured and guaranteed.

Needless to say, it has not always like this. In Southern Africa we still have in the Kingdom

of Swaziland a feudal system of government that has barely been tested in a democratic

manner. We also have in Zimbabwe, a head of state, as well as a political party that has

governed since 1980. And yet the country has held regular elections. In Angola President dos

Santos has been in power since the dawn of democracy in 1974, and in Mozambique,

Botswana the same party has been returned to power following successive elections. One

will be excused for raising the suspicion that as a matter of fact elections in Africa are simply

a means of legitimizing dictatorial rule. How free and fair are the elections in the country I

have cited?

Elections also do get marred by conflict and instability. In other words, elections are no

panacea for peace and good governance. Following the elections in Kenya in 2009, the

country experienced untold levels of factional violence. In Lesotho elections bring about

even greater levels of instability, as we see in the fractious politics and rule by fear currently

in place in that mountain kingdom. Is it not fair to say that even though we have had nearly

three decades of transparent democratic governance in Africa, the tendency for one-party

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rule, the power of the Big-Man has not ended in countries like The Gambia, and the

countries I have mentioned.

Perhaps we need to accept that there are some lingering conceptions of governance in Africa

that are refusing to yield to modernity. For example, justification for one party system was

premised on a particular understanding of democracy as a system that connotes consensus

rather than competition. The African traditional political system was claimed to be based on

the principle of consensus rather than competition. Naturally, therefore, the one party

system was considered as the closest to Africans’ understanding of consensus politics and

erroneously presumed to conform to African traditional value systemi.

The One Party system was an attempt to grapple with democracy and to provide an African

strand to its understanding and practice. However, it stifled debate on critical issues,

politically disempowered and alienated critical segment of the African population. Its disdain

for multiparty democracy prevented the development of a democratic culture, created weak

political institutions, patrimonial networks, limited political space, and monopoly of coercive

powers of the state. The system created an atmosphere of insecurity as it failed to resolve

structural problems inherent in different African societies. Let me also add that inordinate

political ambitions and corruption were also contributory factors to the absence of

democratic governance in the lost decades of the 1960s, 70s, and 80s.

It needs to be also emphasized that democratic governance is inherent in different African

traditional political systems. A look at precolonial African traditional governance system

reveals the existence of the principles of checks and balances which are cardinal conceptual

elements of modern democracy, as the works of many scholarsii have shown.

Therefore, an ideal African governance system must of necessity recognize and respect

differences usually expressed through multiple political parties and must take into account

prevailing socio-economic circumstances of a state as well as entrenched structures and

policy preferences. The ideal African governance practice must ensure leaders are

accountable for their actions and must also of necessity engender a sense of freedom,

belonging, and respect for fundamental human rights among African citizenry. The ideal

African governance system must ensure citizens’ participation in governance through

competition and co-operation of representatives. Credible elections must be regarded as

central components of an African governance system as governments/leaders derive

legitimacy from them. The absence of these elements in military dictatorship and illiberal

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democracy of one party states in Africa informed sustained struggled for genuine democracy

characterized by multiparty system and periodic general elections in the late 1980s.

Since the 1990s, multiparty elections have become more frequent occurrences in different all

parts of the African continent. This year (2016) alone elections had taken place in the

Republic of Benin; Burkina Faso; Cape Verde; Chad; Comoros; Republic of Congo;

Djibouti; Equatorial Guinea; Niger; Rwanda; Uganda; São Tomé & Príncipe; South Africa

and Zambia. More elections are expected later in the year in Gabon; Ghana; Seychelles;

Somalia; Morocco; The Gambia; Ivory Coast and the Democratic Republic of Congo.

What these elections show is that the democratic culture of voting is gradually becoming

entrenched in African politics. However, questions regarding the creditability of elections

and the quality democratic governance on the African continent still remain. I shall try to

address these questions by looking at identifiable trends, challenges and opportunities of

periodic elections in Africa.

2. IDENTIFIABLE TRENDS ACROSS AFRICA

Democracy is not an end state but a process. African states are still nascent democracies.

Therefore, it would be immature to draw a definite conclusion on a particular trend.

Establishing a trend or pattern will require careful observation of electoral processes over a

sustainable period of time. In this regard some have observed that elections on the continent

present a confusing general trend or pattern. The tendency to attribute or envision one

particular direction or trend for African elections may be wrong or too early as a result

differential political climates, experience at democracy, and socio-economic resources of

African states. When some argue that elections in Africa present a confusing general trend,

they consciously or unconsciously compare African states with advanced western

democracies. While that may be true, however, a more reliable barometer is the extent to

which political dispensations improve the lives of the people, advance their potential, and

provide enduring peace and security as well as prosperous lives. That is a true test of

democracy.

The first of the three trends of African elections is the ideal case in which elections appear to

be consolidating democracy. Regular elections continue bring about democratic

governments countries such as Botswana, Cape Verde; Mauritius; Senegal, South Africa and

Zambia. South Africa recently held its local government elections. Botswana and Mauritius

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are Africa’s models of stability and democracy. Regular free and fair elections and orderly

transition of power are almost a given in these countries. In the case of Mauritius coalition

governments are common. Since its independence in 1968 it has been ruled by coalition

governments of at least two or more parties. Since multiparty elections in Cape Verde and

Ghana in 1991, and 1992 respectively, these two West African countries have successfully

conducted regular free and fair elections and observed orderly transitions of power.

Although multiparty democracies, Cape Verdean and Ghanaian politics are dominated by

two political parties and the level of political participation among the citizenry is relative high

in the African context. Since 1994 South African democracy has continued to be marked not

only by regular elections and orderly transition of power but also by press freedom, vibrate

civil society, independent judiciary and independent electoral commission. That might not

apply in the recent local government elections though.

In countries where elections are heading towards consolidating democracy, demonstrations

of respect for the rule of law; integrity, independence and impartiality of the electoral

management boards; peaceful conflict resolution mechanisms; and acceptance of electoral

outcomes in good faith are clearly displayed.

The second of the three observed trends is the encouraging case in which elections are

enabling peaceful political change on the continent. The case in Ghana has been much talked

about where the elections produced a change of government by a slim majority. And yet, the

incumbent government accepted the ruling of the Electoral Commission and the courts in a

peaceful change of government.

A prominent case in point is Nigeria which returned to democratic governance in 1999. The

country’s general election of 1999 was marred by massive rigging and violence. The second

election in 2007 was declared “a do-or-die” and was not marred by electoral frauds but

unprecedented levels of violence. Electoral violence of 2011 in the country surpassed those

of 1999 and 2007. While some claimed that Nigeria could never organize a credible election,

the country surprised the world in 2015. In March 2015, an incumbent president lost

election in Nigeria and the result was accepted without violence.

Compared to previous elections in Nigeria, 1999, 2007, and 2011, the 2015 general election

in was peaceful, free and fair. What this indicates is that democracy is a process and maturity

comes with practice. In Nigeria, the culture of peaceful resolution of electoral conflicts is

emerging. Election tribunals and courts have dismissed elected officials on the bases of

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electoral frauds. The rule of law, impartiality and independence of electoral management

board, the judiciary; and freedom of the press are taking root in Nigerian politics.

Kenya and Tanzania can also be grouped here. These countries were one party states until

the 1990s. The introduction of multiparty democracy in December 1992 ended one party

system in Kenya. Since then regular elections have been held in the country. In 2002 a

coalition of opposition political parties (National Alliance of Rainbow Coalition (NARC))

won the general election, thereby ending the dominance of Kenyan politics by Kenya

African National Union (KANU). The electoral crisis of 2007, Kenyan government took a

number of measures towards ensuring a more inclusive society and prevention of future

violence. These steps included the adoption of a new constitution, reorganization of

electoral procedures to widen political space, and reorganization of its security sector. Its

new constitution was approved in a referendum in 2010. What is interesting is that Kenyan

multi-party democracy has resulted in the formation of coalitions. It does appear that no

single party has overwhelming support to contest elections alone. This is a positive

development in African democracy.

In the third of the three observable trends elections tend to camouflage despotism, reinvent

illiberality or pseudo-democracy. In countries where this trend is observed, ruling parties

tend to increase their share of national votes even in a multiparty system. The political space

appears to be shrinking instead of widening. While there are independent electoral

management boards, the management of general elections have been seriously flawed. State

owned media appear tightly controlled by ruling political parties and access to justice for

opposition political parties restricted or curtailed. Civil societies are not as vibrate as in the

first and second trends discussed above due to authoritarian tendencies and restriction of

press freedom. In these countries, constitutional term limits for presidents have either been

removed or largely disrespected.

This trend is observable in countries such as Burundi, Chad, Republic of Congo and

Uganda. The Ugandan case is glaring. The country had its first democratic presidential

election in 1996. Candidates ran as independents. To forestall dictatorial rule and

personalization of power, the 1995 Ugandan constitution provided for a presidential term

limit of two on a 5-year term. In a surprising turnaround presidential term limit was removed

in 2005 in a constitutional amendment and approved in a referendum. Thus, Ugandan leader

and his party have been in power for 30 years. Despite multiparty system, Uganda is

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predominantly a one party state. Presidential election early in 2016 was marred by violence,

arrest and intimidation of opposition candidates.

While elections are facilitating democratic consolidation in the first observable trend and

bringing about positive political changes in the second trend elections essentially camouflage

despotism and reinvent pseudo democracy of one party system in the third trend.

3 CHALLENGES

From the foregoing discussion it is obvious that although Africa has made some progress in

its effort towards establishing sustainable democracy, the continent is still confronted with

serious challenges.

One of the most noticeable challenges hindering democratization and democratic

consolidation in Africa is the unwillingness of political actors to imbibe the culture of

acceptance of electoral outcomes in good faith. Ruling parties and incumbent leaders in

many countries continue to demonstrate despotic tendencies by their unwillingness to leave

office at the end of their terms. Several countries have removed term limits for presidents.

As pointed out earlier Uganda dropped presidential term limit in 2005 to allow President

Museveni to rule as long as he wants. Chad also removed presidential term limits in 2004.

This has allowed Chadian president to remain in power with little or no chance of leaving

office through electoral polls. In 2010, Djibouti amended its constitution removing

presidential term limits. In Niger in 2011, the army staged a coup against President

Mamadou Tandja because he tried to remove presidential term limit to allow him contest for

a third term and remain in power. In 2015 in the Republic of Congo a referendum was used

to remove presidential term limit as well as age limits for presidents. What removal of term

limits implies is that leaders of these countries can stay in power as long as they want? There

seem to be a gradual return to the era of power personalization and authoritarianism. These

practices do not form integral parts of democracy and elections appear to be used for the

wrong purposes.

Lack of tolerance for opposition parties is a serious challenge that African democracies face.

Pre-election and post-election periods in Uganda’s February 2016 elections were marred by

incessant arrests and intimidation of opposition candidates. More worrisome was the

breaking up of opposition political gatherings and denial of access to state media. The

shutting down of social media platforms to restrict opposition’s access to the outside world

was also reported. Despite widespread allegations of ballot rigging and voter intimidation,

25

the 2016 Ugandan elections were declared free and fair! Chad is another case where

intolerance of opposition parties is rampant. Opposition parties in Chadian general elections

rejected electoral results on the ground of massive ballot rigging and widespread voter

intimidation. The consequences of these undemocratic practices include legitimacy crisis and

political instability. It is evident in these countries that power is largely unrestrained and

personalized. Thus, the principle of checks and balances which guarantees democracy is

completely absent.

Poor democratic culture has also continued to weaken political institutions such as the

constitution, judiciary, political parties, and electoral management boards (EMBs). As a

result, electoral crises in countries such as Burundi have become regular occurrence on the

continent. Weak electoral management boards as well as inefficient security sector are

blamed for electoral frauds and violence. For example, in 2015 in the Republic Congo calls

by the independent electoral body to delay the polls due to logistic problems were largely

ignored. In an ideal democratic setting the integrity and independence of the electoral body

would have been respected and its advice to postpone the elections heeded. Thus, weak

political institutions hinder the maturity of democracy on the African continent.

It is becoming clear too that military coups on the continent constitute a hindrance to

Africa’s move towards democracy. With the wave of democracy in the 1990s, many had

hoped that the era of military dictatorships was gone. But recent occurrences suggest this is

not yet the case. Recently coups occurred in Burkina Faso (September 2015); Mali (March

2012); and Guinea-Bissau (April 2012); as well as those that occurred in Niger Republic

(February 2010); Mauritania (August 2008); Guinea- Conakry (December 2008) and Guinea-

Bissau (December 2008). The military coup that occurred in the Central African Republic in

2013 overthrew the democratic government of President François Bozizé. The coup

destabilized the country and led to internecine violence which took a religious coloration.

Muslims were pitted against the Christians with catastrophic consequences. Over a million

people were reportedly displaced and over five thousand people were killediii.

Political instability is a serious challenge hindering the enthronement of sustainable

democracy in Africa south of the Sahara. The youngest state in Africa, South Sudan is

currently involved in a civil war. Although elections have taken place in the Central African

Republic (CAR), the country is far from being stable. As a result of this the general elections

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in 2015 was marred by violence and electoral frauds. The elections were severally delayed to

allow for the stability of the country.

Similarly, in Niger, although the military kept their promise of organizing elections after the

overthrow of Niger’s government, the polls were marred by violent protests. The February

2016 elections saw the winner Mahamadou Issoufou receiving 92 per cent of the votes in an

election contested by 20 political parties. It was clear that the military supported the winner

as they ignored allegations of vote-rigging and intimidation made by the opposition. Low

voter turnout for the elections was attributed to opposition calls for boycott and threat of

violent attacks. Arrest and detention of the main opposition leader on charges of child

trafficking was widely reported. Besides state orchestrated intimidation, the weakness of the

electoral management board was clearly evident as it was unable to ensure free and fair

election. Logistical problems such as lack of voter registration cards, and national identity

documents, poor location of voting stations, shortage of voting materials and extension of

voting by a day contributed to ineffective running of the elections.

Thus, although the military organized elections to return the country to democratic rule, the

quality of democracy offered the people was of very low quality. Many have called it an

imposition, democracy by the barrel of a gun! The same pattern can be observed in many of

the countries where the military had engaged in democratization. For democracy to take root

in Africa, elections must be conducted free and fair as it is the only way of granting

legitimacy to governments and allowing people feel a sense of pride and fulfilment in

deciding who govern them. Opposition they say is the live-wire of a healthy democracy as

such should be stifled.

Funding of elections in Africa is another challenge. Many African countries depend on

western donors to fund general elections. Often people complain about external interference

or meddling in African elections by both states and international and regional bodies. But

the bitter truth is that ‘he who pays the piper dictates the tune’. This problem becomes

complicated with poor infrastructural development. Thus, beside human conducts, poor

infrastructural development contributes to poor or inefficient electoral management. This in

turn limits people’s participation in the electoral processes. Poor funding manifests in the

area of acquisition of modern technologies that enhance efficiency in the management of

elections. These technologies are absent in several African countries holding general

elections. As a result, votes are manually counted and results take days to be released. Africa

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still has a long way to go when it comes to questions regarding voter education. These

challenges need to be efficiently tackled if democracy is to succeed in Africa.

Public funding should be available from the fiscus for the conduct of elections. Funding

should be transparent, free and with no strings attached. There must also be a means of

declaration of funds received. Even more important, equity in the provision of funding must

be exercised. It is not justifiable that parties undertake and present themselves for elections,

and yet some are considered deserving of a larger slice of the available funds either by reason

of having been represented in the last parliament, or by reason of size judged by means of a

previous election. Surely there is no equality of treatment in a case like that.

Finally, the question must be confronted both in terms of how to determine the nebulous

concept of “free and fair” that has become so central to the legitimacy of election results.

Likewise, there is an issue as to “who” declares elections to be “free and fair”. Is it correct

that the body that managed and organized the elections should then likewise make a

judgment on itself? “Freeness and fairness” cannot be a matter of the end product but that it

has a lot to do with process management: electoral education, funding, use of the media, the

provision of security short of running elections under military supervision, ballots and voting

stations and processes, transparency, the conduct of political parties, and the rights of

independents, the counting of votes and declaration of results. All this together indicate the

extent to which an election can be declared free and fair. Free must surely have regard to the

fact that the elections take place in an atmosphere of willingness and openness by the

electorate without any form of coercion or injustice, or under threat of the sue of security

forces to muzzle free expression or movement. Fair, means that all participants are

guaranteed fair and equal treatment in the presentation of their credentials to the electorate.

Finally, it means that there must be a system of fair and judicious adjudication of complaints

and irregularities.

4 CONCLUDING REMARKS

I have looked at Africa’s electoral landscape within the context of efforts to establish and

sustain democratic governance. Three identifiable directions which elections on the

continent appear to be heading were highlighted and discussed. I have argued that

democracy is not an end state but a process and Africa countries are at different levels of this

process. The three trends represent these levels. What the review shows is that in relatively

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established democratic countries in Africa elections are heading in the direction of

democratic consolidation. In the second level countries, elections are heading in the

direction of accelerating political change or deepening democratization. While for countries

at the third level of the democratic process, elections appear to be heading in the direction of

retreat or reinvention of authoritarianism of the lost decades.

Several lessons can be drawn from African experience at democratic governance especially as

it concerns the conducting of elections. From analyses one can learn that major challenges

African countries face with regard to conducting peaceful, transparent, free and fair elections

are mainly man made. The extent to which democracy succeeds on the continent will be

dependent on the degree of willingness and commitment of African leaders to the principles

of democracy as articulated in the Africa Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance.

Another important lesson that can be drawn from this discussion is that democracy works

when people actively participate in politics not only through voting and running for public

offices but also through active civil society engagement. Opposition is the live-wire of a

democratic governance system. Stifling of opposition renders a state sustainable to

authoritarianism and political instability.

Therefore, Ghanaian civil society organizations should continue to play active role in

monitoring the forthcoming December polls. Active monitoring of electoral process and

raising of voices when undemocratic practices are observed are necessary for the conduct of

a free, fair, transparent and peaceful elections. Citizens must also actively participate by

casting their votes to determine the type governance they want. Apathy is a dangerous

attitude to democracy. It may result to the election of unpopular and incompetent leaders.

State owned media must not be seen as biased in covering the electoral process. Press

freedom is important to the success of electoral exercises and democratic consolidation.

Despite acknowledged difficulties, I am hopeful the African continent has a great future with

regard to democratic governance. However, democratic consolidation will require a re-

conceptualization of governance and leadership role, especially in the third observable trend.

Leadership should not be regarded as “a do-or-die affair”. Elections must be conducted in a

free, fair, transparent, and peaceful manner because only elections conducted in this manner

can guarantee legitimacy, peace, security and development.

ends

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A

nnex 3: Maendeleo 5th Edition Concept Note

Concept Note

MAENDELEO POLICY FORUM3

“Elections in the Sub-Saharan Africa: General Trends, Challenges and Opportunities”

Thursday, 18 August 2016

Accra, Ghana

Background

Africa has made great strides in recent years towards building democracy, enhancing the rule of law, consolidating good governance, improving human security and promoting and protecting human rights. Since the early 1990s, a majority of African countries have undergone momentous transitions from one-party, military or autocratic rule to multiparty democratic systems based on majority rule and popular participation. At the very heart of these democratic transitions has been the holding of periodic, multiparty elections.

Elections in Africa, like elsewhere in the world, have become a powerful tool for democracy, accountability and, ultimately, human development. A significant number of elections have succeeded in placing numerous countries on a firm path of recovery and peaceful transition following years of civil conflict. These include elections in Namibia which led to independence in 1989; elections in South Africa which ushered in majority rule and the end of apartheid in 1994; and elections in Mozambique in 1994, Sierra Leone in 2002, Liberia in 2005 and DRC in 2006, all of which marked an end to decades of civil conflict. Over the past two decades and more, countries such as Botswana, Cape Verde, Ghana, Mauritius, Senegal, and Zambia have had successive elections leading to peaceful transfers of power. On the other hand, Africa has also seen elections in a host of other countries that have stalled democracy and precipitated political instability: for example, Côte d’Ivoire in 2000, Kenya in 2007, Zimbabwe in 2008 and Guinea Bissau and Mali in 2012.

Holding transparent and credible elections on a regular basis as established by the relevant constitutional and legal framework is a critical component of the democratization process. In fact, periodic and genuine elections are generally seen as a key component for enhancing the legitimacy of a government and strengthening the social contract between citizens and their governments. However, while critical to building democracies, elections are only one component of the democratic and legitimization process. And in the absence of other structural, institutional, and normative democratic conditions to absorb and resolve tensions that might arise during and after the electoral process, elections can present windows of vulnerability that introduce a real risk of

3 The Maendeleo Policy Forum was launched in 2015 to provide space for African leaders, international mediators and negotiators, researchers, policy makers, development practitioners and writers on African issues, to debate on critical issues of development in Africa. The word “Maendeleo” means development in Swahili.

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violence. A robust civil society, independent media, a sound public administration, and an independent judiciary can help to manage the underlying tensions and grievances that elections bring to the surface.

While multiparty and competitive elections may have become a regular feature of political systems in the majority of countries in Sub-Saharan Africa, it is also true that these elections have differed greatly in form, content and quality, and greater regularity has not necessarily enhanced their value or improved the quality of democracy on the continent. Africa’s experience with electoral democracy has been mixed: progress has been made, but challenges remain. Some of the challenges often highlighted include political intolerance, lack of inclusiveness, inadequacies of electoral management bodies and post-electoral violence.

In the last years, crucial electoral processes took place or are taking place in a substantial number of countries across Africa. In 2015, elections brought about the first peaceful transfer of power to Africa’s most populated country, Nigeria, but also led to mass civil unrest and instability in Burundi. Other countries which held elections in 2015 include Burkina Faso, Cote d'Ivoire, Ethiopia, Guinea, Lesotho, Mauritius, Sudan, Tanzania, Togo and Zambia. The first semester of 2016 has seen already crucial elections being held in Benin, Cape Verde, the Central African Republic (CAR), Comoros, Chad and Niger, as well as the constitutional referendum in Senegal. Some of the upcoming elections which will determine the fate of democracy in countries where they occur include, among others, the DR Congo, Gabon, Ghana and Zambia.

The Speakers selected for this forum will undertake a critical and thorough analysis of the core elements of recent electoral reforms and latest political developments on the African continent, and establish some links with the global trends.

Rationale for the Maendeleo Policy Forum in Ghana

Ghana will hold its general elections on 7 December 2016 to elect the President and 275 members of Parliament. This is the 7th successive election since Ghana’s return to democracy in 1992, in which there has been successful handover of power between two different political parties on two occasions. The Electoral Commission of Ghana is also highly regarded for its credibility in the conduct of elections and is currently the Secretariat of the African Association of Electoral Authorities (AAEA).

The African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance (ACDEG) which entered into force in 2012 calls on “State Parties to re-affirm their commitment to regularly holding transparent, free and fair elections in accordance with the Union’s Declaration on the Principles Governing Democratic Elections in Africa. Specifically, the Charter urges State parties to:

1. Establish and strengthen independent and impartial national electoral bodies responsible for the management of elections.

2. Establish and strengthen national mechanisms that redress election related 3. disputes in a timely manner. 4. Ensure fair and equitable access by contesting parties and candidates to state controlled

media during elections. 5. Ensure that there is a binding code of conduct governing legally recognized political

stakeholders, government and other political actors prior, during and after elections. The code shall include a commitment by political stakeholders to accept the results of the election or challenge them in through exclusively legal channels.

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Till date, 24 Member States of the African Union have ratified and deposited the ACDEG making it a binding document on those Member States. Ghana has signed, ratified and deposited the Charter4. It is expected that the experiences to be shared on trends, challenges and opportunities will benefit participants from different African countries and importantly the host country; Ghana as it heads to the polls on 7 December 2016. Such experiences, lessons, challenges and opportunities will begin to form part of what could become African Best Practices in the administration and management of elections in Africa with the view to free, fair and peaceful elections as envisaged by the Charter.

Objectives

The Maendeleo Policy Forum on the topic: “Elections in the Sub-Saharan Africa: General Trends, Challenges and Opportunities” will provide space for a candid reflection on the conduct of electoral processes in Africa, the challenges faced by the continent on the democratic governance front, as well as opportunities for a brighter future.

The Forum will seek to address the following:

1. What are the trends of recent elections held in Africa, and what have been their major outcomes?

2. What political, legal, institutional, and organizational elements are required in order to create a conducive environment for genuine and democratic elections?

3. What is the role of national stakeholders, including government, electoral management bodies and the judiciary, political parties, security forces, the media and civil society organizations in the electoral process and towards promoting democratic governance?

4. What are the lessons and best practices from the conducts of elections in Africa?

Speakers

The main Speakers are:

1. Mrs Charlotte Osei, Chairperson of the Electoral Commission of Ghana, former Chairperson National Commission for Civic Education (NCCE) and Chairperson of the African Association of Electoral Authorities (AAEA)

2. Dr. Brigalia Bam (Chancellor of Walter Sisulu University, Member of the African Union Panel of the Wise and Founder of the Women's Development Foundation and former Chairperson of the Independent Electoral Commission in South Africa) and

3. Mr. Denis Kadima (Executive Director of the Electoral Institute for Sustainable Democracy in Africa(EISA).

Expected Outcomes

The major outcome of the forum will be an in-depth account of electoral processes in Sub-Saharan Africa and continuing challenges in the democratization process. The report which will derive from the debate is intended to inform national actors, development partners, regional and sub-regional institutions on the progress, common problems, possible solutions and good practices. The electoral stakeholders in Ghana are expected to benefit from the dialogue considering the country’s general elections holding in November 2016.

4 http://au.int/en/sites/default/files/treaties/7790-sl-african_charter_on_democracy_elections_and_governance.pdf

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Format of Dialogue

The dialogue will consist of the main presentations by the Speakers and a question and answer session to facilitate in-depth discussions and contributions.

Annex 4: Agenda

Maendeleo Policy Forum

Theme: Elections in the Sub-Saharan Africa:

General Trends, Challenges and Opportunities Venue : Ridge Arena, Alisa Hotel, Accra, Ghana

Date : 18 August 2016

Time Activity Responsible Party

9:00 – 9:45 Arrival and Registration

9:45 – 10:00 Welcome Remark Dominic Sam Country Director UNDP Ghana

10.00 – 10.10 Opening Remarks Dr. Tegegnework Gettu Associate Administrator United Nations Development Programme

10.10 – 10.15 Introduction of the issue Moderator Dr. Ozonnia Ojielo Regional Cluster Director Governance and Peacebuilding UNDP Regional Service Centre for Africa

10.15 – 10.35 Intervention by the Speaker 1. Mrs Charlotte Osei

Chairperson Electoral Commission of Ghana

Chair of the African Association of Electoral Authorities

2. Mr. Denis Kadima

Executive Director

Electoral Institute for Sustainable Democracy in Africa

3. Dr. Brigalia Bam Member, AU Panel of the Wise former Chair, South African Independent Electoral Commission Chancellor Walter Sisulu University,

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South Africa

10.35- 11.35 Q & A and contributions from participants

11.35 – 11.45 Summary of the session/ way forward

Moderator

11.45 – 12.00 Closing Remarks Mrs Charlotte Osei Chair, Electoral Commission of Ghana

Refreshment

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Annex 5: Participants List

Political Parties

Name Organization Telephone number Email address

1. Martha Yeboah CPP 0244969399 maamemartha @yahoo.com

2. Hajia Hamdatu I. Haruna CPP 0200000938 harunahamdatu@yahoo.com

3. Yaw Asamoah CPP 0208129516 asamoahyaw@yahoo.com

4. Emmanuel Kennedy PNC 0270091200 kennedy_emmanuel2000@yahoo.com

5. Siba Salifu Shakibu PNC 0277273900 sibasalifu@gmail.com

6. Ibrahim Nidaya Sungjun PNC 0240777240 hidayasungjun.ibrahim@gmail.com

7. Ben Kermah NDC 0245404613 bennykermah@yahoo.com

8. David Arthur NDC 0244928960 gikejnr@gmail.com

9. Desmond Twumasi Ntow PNC 0244373873 desnkt@gmail.com

10. Mark Ewusi Arkoh PNC 0242188889 arkohmark2@gmail.com

11. Mr. Azumah NDC 0244479106

12. Gifty Oware-Aboagye NPP 0244984307 giftyoware@gmail.com

13. Koku Anyidoho NDC 0244354559 sitsoanyidoho1@yahoo.com

14. Yaw Asani Tano CPP 0572666704

15. Dr. Ahadzie NDC 0244523554 willadzie@hotmail.com

16. Mamunatu Musah PNC 0201891066

17. Mariama Mutar PNC

18. David Boateng Asante NPP 0268220220 boatengdavid@yahoo.com

19. Peter Mac Manu NPP 0244313631 pmacmanu@hotmail.com

20. Hajia Hajara Ali PNC 0244807617 hajiamuali@gmail.com

21. Susan Adu-Amankwah CPP 0264734811

22. Abena Antwi NPP 0243122176 abenaana@yahoo.com

23. Prof. Edmund Delle CPP 0204004008 chairman@cppchairman.org

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24. Selasi K. Ackon CPP 0500403030 aide@cppchairman.org

25. William Dowokpor PPP 0243588422

26. Nii Noi Osekine PNC 0266437237

UN Systems

Name Organization Telephone number Email address

27. Christine Evans-Klock UNDP

28. Dominic Sam UNDP

29. Dr. Ozonnia Ojielo UNDP

30. Elias Ayuk UNU 024340893 eayuk11007@yahoo.com

31. Louis Kuukpen UNDP 0501323258 louis.kuukpen@undp.org

32. Leanne Cape Quazar 020469081 leanne@quazar.co.za

33. Paul Cape Quazar paul@quazar.co.za

34. Charlotte Bernklau UNDP 0242289289 charlotte.bernklau@undp.org

35. Jennifer Asuako UNDP 0244437111 jenniferasuako@undp.org

36. Nana Chinbuah UNDP nana.chinbuah@undp.org

37. Kate Odzawo UNDP 0501323260 kate.odzawo@undp.org

38. Belyndah A UNDP 0244202415

39. Frederick Acquah UNDP 0245197520 acquahfrederick@yahoo.com

40. Justice Agbezuae UNDP 0265060628

41. Kwadwo Frempong UNDP 020799662 kwadwo.frempong@undp.org

42. B. Ahonsi UNFPA 0243852114 bahonsi@unfpa.org

43. Isaac Okutu UNDP 0240540381 Isaacokutu57@gmail.com

44. Francis Palm UNDP 0244715485

45. Matilda Quaicoe UNDP 0202004411

46. Derrick Ampong UNDP 0241400971 derrick.ampong@undp.org

47. Sylvia Senu UNDP 0247565361 sylviasefakor.senu@undp.org

48. Berhanu Bedane FAO 0267802169 berhanu.bedane@fao.org

49. Paolo Stella UNDP 0546260994 paolo.d.stella@undp.org

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50. Joel Ayim Darkwah UNDP 0247781167 joel.darkwah@undp.org

51. Kingsley B. Ansah UNDP 0244655531

52. Kwadwo Asiedu-Danquah UNDP 0246051549 danq-101@yahoo.com

53. Arjun Shrestha UNHCR shrestar@unhcr.org

54. Bossman Owusu UNDP 0542814878 bossman.owusu@undp.org

55. Andrew VanVeen UNODC 0202204824

56. Chika Charles Aniekwe UNDP chikacharles.aniekwe@undp.org

57. Magdalene Moshi WFP 0544320433

58. George Osei UNDP 0501516856

59. Isaac Debrah UNDP 0240119921 isaacdebrah@undp.org

60. Abigail Gyimah UNDP 0501516754 Abigail.gyimah@undp.org

61. Kordzo Sedegah UNDP 0244271842

62. Jennifer Esme Tetteh UNDP Jenniferesme.tetteh@undp.org

63. George Baah-Yeboah UNDP 0244843794 Georgebaah.yeboah@undp.org

64. Mr. Safo-Dapaah UNDP

65. Donald Abam UNDP 02667725585

66. Charlotte Arday UNDP ardlotteblsd4@yahoo.com

Private Sector

Name Organization

67. Enoch Vanderpuye FBN

68. Moses Agyeman Private Enterprise Federation (PEF)

69. Frederick Yangful Private Enterprise Federation (PEF)

70. Maria Meller Ibis

71. Natasja Vestuna Ibis

72. Owureku Nyanor Barclays Bank

73. Emmanuel A. Abbey Rally for the Goals

74. Sweetie Anang STL

75. Stephen Selasie Asuo Rally for the Goals

76. Jennifer Adubea Rally for the Goals

37

77. Rachel Ofori-Atta Legal Alliance

78. Kojo Asamoah Ecfatum

Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) and other National Groups/Organizations/Commissions

Name Organization

79. Albert K. Arhin Coalition of Domestic Elections Observers (CODEO)

80. Flossy Menson SHEROES Foundation

81. Maxine Menson SHEROES

82. Roland B. Johnson IMANI Center for Policy and Education

83. Benjamin Danso IDEG

84. Michael Ohene-Effah Independent Consultant

85. Laila Lipede

86. Patricia Essel Women in Law and Development in Africa (WiLDAF)

87. Esther Tawiah Gender Centre for Empowering Development (GenCED)

88. Rose Kutin-Mensah Abantu for Development

89. Major-General Coleman Civic Forum Initiative (CFI)

90. Francis Acquah-Aikins West African Network for Peacebuilding (WANEP)

91. Charles Abugre Savannah Accelerated Development Authority (SADA)

92. Adeline Ofori-Bah M & E Solutions

93. Praises Nkansah GenCED

94. James Afedo Electoral Commission

95. Rose Meu

96. Yvonne Amegashie Legal Aid Scheme

97. E. Kasulu-C IFAD

98. Col J.A. Aphour

Academia

Name Institutional Affiliation

99. Prof. N. Opoku-Agyeman Ministry of Education

38

100. Smith Oduro-Marfo LECIAD, University of Ghana

101. Micahel Yekple LECIAD, University of Ghana

102. Michael Boampong University of London

Panellists and High Level Personalities

Name Organization

103. Mrs. Charlotte Osei Electoral Commission

104. Dr. Tegegnework Gettu UNDP

105. Dr. Brigalia Bam Walter Sisulu University/ African Union Panel of the Wise

106. Denis Kadima Electoral Institute for Sustainable Democracy in Africa (EISA)

107. David Omozuafoh UNDP

108. Hon. Hanna Serwaa Tetteh Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Regional Integration

109. Hon. Seth Terkper Ministry of Finance and Economic Planning

110. Mrs. Cynthia Attuquayefio Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Regional Integration

Embassies/High Commissions

Name Embassy/High Commission

111. Emmanuel K. Makenge Embassy of the Democratic Republic of Congo

112. Matinu Mumuni Kadri Benin Embassy

113. Traore-Some Clemence Burkina Faso Embassy

114. Gabriel Shaanika Namibian Embassy

115. Aime Yves Bado Embassy of Burkina Faso

116. Rowland Musasa Zambian Embassy

117. Felicia Dede Addy Embassy of Japan

118. Fanic Thwala South African High Commission

119. Aklilu Tadesse Ethiopian Embassy

120. Priscilla Silva U. S. Embassy

39

Development Partners

Name Organization

121. Nana Serwaa Bonsu USAID

122. Matthieu Kinnell High Commission of Canada

123. Bernhard Abels Embassy of Germany

124. Helene Blensted Danish Embassy

125. Sylvester Bayowo Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA)

126. James B. Bekoe JICA

127. Sonia Warner Department for International Development (DFID)

128. Sophie-Kristin Marquard German Embassy

129. Andrew Barnes Australian High Commission

130. Justine Townsend Australian High Commission

131. Lasse Moller Danish Embassy

132. George Korang Embassy of Switzerland

133. Dr. Samuel Turay African Development Bank

134. Cynthia Fiattor MOFAD

135. Jeus Kambech GIZ

Media

Name Media House

136. Eugenia Asumadu-Sakyi GBC Radio

137. Seth Gafah Xinhua/ CNC TV

138. Alex Boateng Xinhua/ CNC TV

139. Emmanuel Asamoah Daily Graphic

140. Seth Bokpe Daily Graphic

141. Shirley Barmiah GTV

142. Mark Ahmed GTV

40

143. Edward Okyere GTV

144. John Elliot Hagan The Finder

145. Wilfred Otoo The Searchlight

146. Marjorie Lamptey Latenu Radio

147. Nana Antwi Radio Peace

148. Dickson Boadi KYZZ FM

149. Keddy Cindy Mensah Bryt FM

150. Jamila Okertehin Daily Guide

151. Fawaz Abdallah Daily Guide

152. David Hassan Huttou RFI/AITV

153. Fiifi Ankomah Boss FM

154. Beauty Agama Prime FM

i Ahluwalia. P. 2001. Politics and Post-colonial Theory: African Inflections. London: Routledge, p. 56 ii See, for instance, works of Molefi Kente Asante and Sheikh Anta Diop iii Aljazera Report: More than 5,000 dead in Central African Republic.

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