ORIENTALIA LOVANIENSIAANALECTA

140

EGYPT AND SYRIAIN THE FATIMID, AYYUBID

AND MAMLUK ERASIV

Proceedings of the 9th and lOth International Colloquium organized atthe Katholieke Universiteit Leuven in May 2000 and May 2001

U. VERMEULEN

and

J. VAN STEENBERGEN

(eds.)

UITGEVERIJ PEETERSLEUVEN - DUDLEY, MA

2005

NUMAYRID AR-RAQQAARCHAEOLOGICAL AND HISTORICAL EVIDENCE FOR A

"DIMORPHIC STATE" IN THE BEDOUIN DOMINATEDFRINGES OF THE FÄTIMID EMPIRE1

D. S. Richards has defined the period of change between 950 and1150 A.D. in a Conference volume äs "the turning point of the history ofthe Islamic culture"2. In the same volume C. E. Bosworth labelled thisperiod the "transition period in the Islamic history"3. Looking at theregional context, we might pose the question of the meaning of this tran-sition for northern Syria and northern Mesopotamia. Urban developmentand economic conditions from the 'Abbäsid to the Zangld-Ayyübidperiod may be described äs an initial period of gradual decline followedby a renaissance of the cities.4

This was not the case in all the lands of the Islamic empire. Duringthe transition period Egypt reached a cultural and economic peak underthe rule of the Fätimid caliphs. Cairo, Fustät and Alexandria were flour-ishing major urban centres connected by the Mediterranean and the RedSea with the rest of the known world from the Chinese empire to thecaliphate in Spain, to Byzantium and through Italy to the Holy Roman

1 The study is based on my habilitation-project Die Renaissance der Städte inNordsyrien und Nordmesopotamien. Städtische Entwicklung und wirtschaftliche Bedin-gungen in ar-Raqqa und Harrän von der Zeit der beduinischen Vorherrschaft bis zu denSeldschuken, (Islamic History and Civilization. Studies and Texts 40), Leiden 2002. Thearchaeological and numismatic details of the sounding in the north-eastern corner of thecongregational mosque can be found in S. HEIDEMANN, "Ein Schatzfund aus dem Raqqader Numairidenzeit, die „Siedlungslücke" in Nordmesopotamien und eine Werkstatt inder Großen Moschee", Damaszener Mitteilungen \ (1999), p. 227-242. For an overviewon the city's history see the contributions by the author to S. HEIDEMANN - A. BECKER,Raqqa II — Die islamische Stadt, Mainz 2003. l am much indebted to Rudi Matthee,Marcus Phillips and Susan Tyler-Smith for the careful revision of the English draft.

2 D.S. RICHARDS (ed.), Islamic Civilisation 950-1150, (Papers on Islamic History III),Oxford 1973, p. vii. Cp. also recently J. PAUL, "Von 950 bis 1200", A. NOTH &J. PAUL (eds.), Der islamische Orient, Grundzüge seiner Geschichte, (Mitteilungen zurSozial- und Kulturgeschichte der islamischen Welt 1), Würzburg 1998, p. 217-254,esp. p. 217.

3 C.E. BOSWORTH, "Barbarian Incursions: The Corning of the Turks into the IslamicWorld", in RICHARDS, Islamic Civilisation, p. 1-16, esp. p. 1.

4 Cp. P. von SIVERS, "Military, Merchants and Nomads. The Social Evolution of theSyrian Cities and Countryside During the Classical Period, 780-969/164-358", DerIslam 56 (\979), p. 212-244.

86 S. HEIDEMANN

Empire. This is well documented by the archaeological excavations inFustät, the Geniza documents and other literary sources and by the stillimpressive monumental Fätimid architecture. By contrast, during the5th/l lth Century, Syria and northern Mesopotamia suffered a severe urbandecline. Its reasons were manifold. From an archaeological and histori-cal point of view, the 5th/l lth Century is regarded äs a dark age in manyrespects.

The urban decline of this period is recognisable, even to a present dayvisitor to Syria. He will admire the great monuments of the Umayyadperiod, the congregational mosques in Damascus and Aleppo äs well äs the"desert castles". For important 'Abbäsid monuments he will travel to ar-Raqqa on the Euphrates. He will also be impressed by the architecture ofthe Zanglds, the Ayyübids and the Crusaders. But he looks in vain fortraces from the period in between. We are indebted to Suhayl Zakkar andThierry Bianquis for our insight into the political conditions of two majorurban Syrian centers, Aleppo and Damascus at that time5. Aleppo was amajor trading city at the end of the silk-road and Damascus the Fätimidadministration and garrison city for Syria. The economic conditions ofthese two cities were not, however, representative of the country äs awhole, because they were able to mobilize external resources by commerceor by the transfer of funds from Egypt. What happened in the rest of theregion remains obscure, although conditions in provincial towns and in thecountryside determine much of the prosperity of the urban centres.

The case study here will focus on two medium sized cities in the Ballhvalley, the Diyär Mudar in northern Mesopotamia, namely ar-Raqqa andHarrän.6 They appear paradigmatic for the urban development and eco-nomic conditions in the rest of the region. I will discuss two questions:- firstly, the methodological question concerning archaeology in the

region during the so called "settlement gap (Siedlungslücke)"7 of the

5 S. ZAKKAR, The Emirate of Aleppo (1004-1094), Beirut 1971; Th. BIANQUIS, Damaset la Syrie sous la domination fatimide (359-468/969-1076). Essai d'Interpretation dechroniques arabes medievales, 2 vols., Damascus 1986, 1989.

6 I had the privilege of taking pari äs historian in the excavations in ar-Raqqa of theGerman Archaeological Insititute in 1991 and 1993 under the direction of MichaelMeinecke. In the British Museum and the School of Oriental and African Studies I wasallowed to study the material from the Harrän excavations of D. S. Rice from the 1950s.I am grateful to Geoffrey King and Venetia Porter for their invaluable help in locating theexcavation material.

7 K. BARTL, Frühislamische Besiedlung im BaKh-Tal/Nordsyrien, (Berliner Beiträgezum Vorderen Orient 15), Berlin 1994, p. 187, see also p. 116.

NUMAYRID AR-RAQQA 87

5 th/ll th Century. A fallen wall in ar-Raqqa will exemplify this problem(see below).- secondly, the role of the Bedouin principality of the Banü Numayr

whose character can be defined with a combined archaeological andhistorical approach äs a Bedouin-sedentary state or in the words ofMichael Rowton äs a "dimorphic state" at the fringes of the Fätimidempire. For Rowton "dimorphic state" means a state led by anomadic ruler who is accommodating himself to urban forms of ruler-ship but who keeps his power base within the pasture at the sametime: a ruler who has to balance between the interests of the settledpeople and the nomads äs well.8Let me briefly bring the topography of ar-Raqqa to life (map).

Ar-Raqqa is situated at the junction of the Ballh river with the Euphrateswithin the Diyär Mudar, the western part of the Gazira, northernMesopotamia. The Byzantine emperor Justinian I (reigned 527—565A.D.) reinforced the classical Hellenistic city of Kallinikos, the laterar-Raqqa, with a rectangular city wall. In the year 155/771-2, the'Abbäsid caliph al-Mansür (reigned 136-158/754-775) ordered the"companion city" — ar-Räfiqa — to be built on the western side for aHuräsänian garrison. According to the sources Madlnat as-Saläm, thenewly built imperial palace-city, served äs model for its layout: in thecentre stood the congregational mosque and probably south of it a gov-ermental palace (dar al- 'imärä). A strong city wall was surrounding theentire urban area. Many features were influenced by other sources anddesigned to serve the needs of a garrison. For example the Hellenisticgrid plan of the city was adopted in order to house a large militarycolony. Twenty-five years later the caliph Harun ar-RasId (reigned170-193/786-809) began to enlarge ar-Raqqa/ar-Räfiqa with a spaciouspalace area north of the twin-cities during the twelve years of his occu-pation. As a result, it became the most spacious urban complex in theIslamic empire, west of Baghdad.

In 1982, the German Archaeological Institute (DAI) started rescueexcavations in the south-eastern section of the palace area. In coopera-tion with Murhaf al-Khalaf, the general director of the Syrian Antiquity

8 The analytical frame for the character of the nomadic state used here can be foundin a series of articles by M. ROWTON, "Autonomy and Nomadism in Western Asia",Orientalin 42 (1973), p. 247-258; idem, "Urban Autonomy in a Nomadic Environment",Journal of Near Rastern Studies 32 (1973), p. 201-215; idem, "Enclosed Nomadism",JESHO 17 (1974), p. 1-30; äs well äs R.P. LINDNER"S "What Was a Nomadic Tribe?",Comparative Studies in Society and History 24 (1982), p. 689-711.

88 S. HEIDEMANN

Authority in the Governorate ar-Raqqa, sondages were also undertakenwithin the congregational mosque. This courtyard mosque with a qibla-riwäq was erected in 155/772. It is the first example of a pillar-mosquein Islamic architecture and served probably äs a model for later congre-gational mosques in Baghdad, Sämarrä', Fustät and Cairo9. Only thefoundations of the arcades and the exterior wall of this mosque remainvisible. The minaret in the courtyard and the impressive row of arcadesbelong to a later Zangld restoration-period in the 6th/12th Century (ill. 2).

A FALLEN WALL DISCOVERED

In September 1991 when the north-eastern corner of the congrega-tional mosque was excavated, a wall was found in situ, but fallen straighton its side (ill. 3). It was apparently erected after the 'Abbäsid foundationperiod. It had connected the northern wall with the second arcade pierand separated a room from the northern riwäq (ill. 4). Because the wallwas not joined either to the northern wall or to the pier, it had fallen at anunknown time towards the east. The space between the eastern wall andthe first arcade pier had been filled except for a small passage one metrewide. Between the first and second arcade pier all the baked bricks hadbeen robbed. The fallen wall covered not only the collapsed roof, whichhad fallen down earlier, but also a good deal of other material. Amongthem were 30.8 kilogram of iron slag and — mainly under the collapsedroof — 6.2 kilograms of used and twisted iron nails (ill. 5). A group ofsmall white limestone tiles were piled carefully by the northern wall andfifty-five more were found mixed among the debris of the roof. Thedebris was enriched by thousands of mouse-bones and bones from a widevariety of the regional fauna, wild and domestic.10

9 M. MEINECKE, "Raqqa on the Euphrates: Recent Excavations at the Residence ofHarun er-Rashid", in S. KERNER (ed.), The Near East in Antiquity. German Contributionsto the Archaeologv of Jordan, Palestine, Syria, Lebanon and Egypt, Amman 1991,p. 17—32, esp. p. 21—23; idem, "Forced Labor in Early Islamic Architecture: The Case ofar-Raqqa/ar-Räfiqa on the Euphrates", in M. MEINECKE, Patterns and Stylistic Changes inIslamic Architecture, New York, London 1996, p. 5—30, esp. p. 13—15; idem, "ar-Raqqaam Euphrat: Imperiale und religiöse Strukturen der islamischen Stadt", Mitteilungen derDeutschen Orient-Gesellschaft 128 (1996), p. 157-172, esp. p. 162-164.

10 The bones were carefully analyzed by C. BECKER, "Archäozoologische Ergeb-nisse aus ar-Raqqa - - Von Schafen, Kamelen, Mäusen und Mauerseglern", inV. DAIBER & S. HEIDEMANN (eds.), Raqqa V, Mainz (forthcoming). Her results present avivid picture of the nourishment of the people in ar-Räfiqa and the regional äs well äs the

NUMAYRID AR-RAQQA 89

There were pits in the pavement, which had originally been paved,and then plastered: they seem to be traces of heavy tripods which hadobviously been reset several times. Traces of ash and furnaces were alsorecognisable. Five years earlier, when Michael Meinecke dug out theeastern wall at the north-eastern corner, he had found ceramic sherds andthe broken glass of around 250 lamps at the stairs of the north-easterntower. The findings suggest a workshop in which old and used materialswere stored, some of which were probably recycled on the spot. Thestöre then remained unused for a considerable time. This is suggested bythousands of mouse bones and other fauna found among the debris.

Andrea Becker noted the similarity of the ceramic sherds and theglass lamps to those found in the 'Abbäsid palaces of ar-Raqqa andproposed a dating of the workshop to the 'Abbäsid period, that is the2nd-3rd/8th-9th centuries. On the other hand, Michael Meinecke pointedto the unusual location of the workshop within the layout of the mosque.A workshop of this kind does not belong to a mosque that is in actualuse for worship under normal conditions. He therefore excluded the'Abbäsid period. From inscriptions it is known that Nur ad-DIn Mahmudibn Zangl commissioned some restoration work in the mosque between541/1146 and 561/1165-1166. The facade of the qibla-riwäq with itsmonumental inscription from the year 561/1165-1166 is still impressive(ill. 2)11. The minaret in the courtyard was probably erected during thissame period of restoration12. On the basis of the unusual position of theminaret, Meinecke suggested that Nur ad-DIn Mahmud might havereduced the original size of the courtyard to the north, so that theworkshop in the north-eastern corner was situated outside the restored

imported fauna. Her final conclusion, however, that the mosque enclosure might havehoused a market for victualia, seems questionable from a historical point of view.Markets for victualia are usually not at the most preferred location for shops in a city.This is the area close to the mosque. Also a metal workshop within or neighbouring agrocery is hardly imaginable for markets in an Islamic eastern mediterranean city. Cp.E. WIRTH, Die orientalische Stadt, Mainz 2000, esp. p. 118-138. Furthermore the inher-ent hypothesis that a mosque enclosure can house a süq with shops is not proven andneeds parallel cases for comparison, cp. J. PEDERSEN, art. „Masdjid", EI2, VI, p. 644-677,esp. c. 655. It seems to the present author much more likely that the dilapidated north-eastern corner and the neglected störe were used äs a hidden deposit for domestic garbagewhich attracted mice and other rodents.

11 M. v. OPPENHEIM, "Arabische Inschriften", in F. SARRE & E. HERZFELD (eds.),Archäologische Reise im Euphrat- und Tigrisgebiet I, Berlin 1911, p. 1—51, esp. p. 4—5.

12 See R. HILLENBRAND, "Eastern Islamic Influences in Syria: Raqqa and Qal'at Ja'barin the Later 12th Century", J. RABY (ed.), The Art of Syria and the Jazira 1100-1250,(Oxford Studies in Islamic Art 1), Oxford 1985, p. 21-48, esp. p. 40^11.

90 S. HEIDEMANN

mosque proper13. He dated the workshop to the period after the Zangidrestoration, a date 300 to 350 years later than the proposed 'Abbäsiddate. Both opinions are founded on good reasoning. continuous

The debris was sifted carefully. Not only iron slag, twisted nails,ceramic glass sherds and bones appeared but thirteen coins were alsofound. At least eight of them constitute a hoard of dirhams. Seven ofthem bear with certainty the inscription "(•••) struck (...) in ar-Raqqa inthe year 450 [1058-1059]" (ill. 6 and 7) — a time when the Diyär Mudarwas under the sway of an Arab tribe, called Banü Numayr. They hadmigrated a hundred years earlier from the Arabian peninsula into theGazTra being part of the second migration wave of Arab tribes from theArabian peninsula after the Islamic conquest14. The political dominationof the Banü Numayr over the eitles in the Ballh valley lasted from theend of the 4th/10th to the end of the 5th/llth Century. The most importantNumayrid chief is named on these coins: "al-'amlr Naglb ad-Dawla'Abu z-Zimäm Marii' " ibn Sablb ibn Wattäb. During the 5th/l l th Centurythe possession of ar-Raqqa on the Euphrates was much disputed betweenthe Numayrids in the Diyär Mudar and the rival Arab Bedouin clan ofthe Banü Mirdäs from the tribe of Kiläb. The latter had their pasturegrounds in northern Syria. Their roaming region went down theEuphrates valley to the fortress of ar-Rahba. They controlled Aleppo forquite some time15. In the period in which the coins were minted, theSfite Fätimids of Cairo had growing ambitions to overthrow the SunnT'Abbäsid caliph in Baghdad. They encouraged and supported the pro-Fätimid rebellion of the Büyid General 'Arslän al-Basäsm in Iraqagainst Selgüq rule. During this rebellion Manf ibn Sablb succeeded inregaining ar-Raqqa with the help of Fätimid diplomacy.

This is why the other side of the coin names the Fätimid caliph al-Mustansir billäh (reigned 427^87/1036-1084) äs overlord. The exis-tence of Numayrid coins was only known to a few specialists with theexception of four incidentally published specimens16. This hoard of eightcoins is significant in several respects.

13 M. MEINECKE, "al-Rakka", EI2, VIII, p. 410-414.14 Ibn al-'Adlm, Kamäl ad-Din 'Abu 1-Qäsim 'Umar ibn 'Ahmad ibn Hibat Allah

(d. 660/1262, Bugyat at-talab fi tärlh Halab. Ed. S. ZAKKÄR, 12 vols., Damascus 1988,vol. I, p. 553, mentions the year 309/921-922 for the migration.

15 For their history see ZAKKÄR, The Emirate of Aleppo.16 N.D. Nicol, "Islamic Coinage in Imitation of Fätimid Types", Israel Numismatic

Journal 10 (1988-1989), p. 58-79, esp. p. 69, no. 30, 31; Sotheby's, London, Auction(9-10 October 1995), no. 54; Dr. Busso Peus Nachf., Auktion 345 (1995), no. 1051.

NUMAYRID AR-RAQQA 91

- Firstly, they are the first Numayrid coins from an archaeological context.- Secondly, this group is the first hoard of Numayrid coins.- Thirdly, it constituted the second coin hoard from 5 th/ll th Century

from Syria and northern Mesopotamia.- And finally, the coins note ar-Raqqa äs the official name instead of

ar-Räfiqa, which had served äs its official "Abbäsid name for manycenturies. An earlier date for the official use of the name ar-Raqqa isfound on a Fätimid dinär, minted in ar-Raqqa, in the year 401/1010-1011, which was discovered after the hoard was found'7.The transfer of the name ar-Raqqa from the declining Hellenistic

Kallinikos to the fortified 'Abbäsid companion-city ar-Räfiqa had beenaccomplished by this time. The dinär and the hoard are the earliest prooffor this change, predating by 150 years the Statement of the well-knownscholar as-Sam'änl (d. 562/1166)18, who spent one or two days in ar-Raqqa/ar-Räfiqa on bis way to Aleppo:

[Ar-Räfiqa] — it is a big city (balda kablra) on the Euphrates,which is called nowadays (as-sä'ä) ar-Raqqa. And ar-Raqqa was situ-ated next by her and feil into ruins19.

17 Ashmolean Museum, Oxford, Shamma collection. For this coin and the specificpolitical Situation of a Fätimid occupation of ar-Raqqa in this year see HEIDEMANN,Renaissance, p. 75-80. I am indebted to Lutz Ilisch, Tübingen, for bringing this coin tomy attention.

18 R. SELLHEIM, "al-Sam'äm", EP, VIII, p.. 1024f.19 as-Sam'äm, 'Abu Sa'd 'Abd al-Karim ihn Muhammad ihn Mansür at-Tamlml (d.

562/1166), Al-'Ansäb, ed. 'A. 'U. al-BÄRUDi, 5 vols., Beirut 1408/1988, vol. III, p. 28 (ar-Räfiqi) (hiya baldatun kabiratun 'ala l-Furäti yuqäla laha r-Raqqatu s-sä'ata, war-Raqqatu känat bi gänibihäfa haribat). For a similar quotation cp. H, 84 (ar-Raqql). Ibnal-'Adlm, Bugya, II, p. 990, repeats this in the first half of the 7lh/13th Century with simi-lar wording: "ar-Räfiqa, that is a city on the bank of the Euphrates, which is now knownäs ar-Raqqa. Ar-Raqqa was situated next to her and feil in ruins ([...] ar-Räfiqatu wa hiyabaldatun 'alä satti l-Furäti tu'rafu bi r-Raqqati s-sä'ata, wa r-Raqqatu känat yagnabuhäfa haribat)". And finally the well known geographer Yäqüt al-Hamawi, 'Abdallah Yäqütibn 'Abdallah ar-RümT al-BagdädT (d. 626/1229), Kitäb Mu'gam al-buldän, ed. F. WÜS-TENFELD, Jacut's geographisches Wörterbuch aus den Handschriften aus Berlin, St.Petersburg and Paris, 6 vols., Leipzig 1866—1870, vol. II, p. 735, relates: "Howevernowadays ar-Raqqa lies in ruins but its name gained superiority over ar-Räfiqa. So thename of the city [ar-Räfiqa] became ar-Raqqa (wa 'inna r-Raqqata haribat wa galabasmuhä 'ala r-Räfiqati wa sära smu l-madinati r-Raqqati)". See also Yäqüt, Kitäb al-Mus-tarik wad'an wa l-muftariq saq'an, ed. F. WÜSTENFELD, Jäcüt's Moschtarik, das ist:Lexikon geographischer Homonyme. Aus den Handschriften zu Wien und Leyden, Göttin-gen 1846; reprint Baghdad s.d., p. 208, and ad-DimasqT, Sams ad-DIn 'Abu 'Abd AllahMuhammad ibn 'Ibrahim ibn 'Abu Tälib al-'Ansäri as-Süfi (d. 727/1327), Nuhbat ad-dahrfi 'agä'ib al-barr wal-bahr, ed. M. A. F. MEHREN, Cosmographie de Chems-ed-Din AbouAbdallah Mohammed ed-Dimichqui, St. Petersburg 1865-1866; reprint Osnabrück 1982,p. 191: ([...] And the first [ar-Raqqa] feil in ruins, but both names remained for a single

92 S. HEIDEMANN

THE "LACK OF SETTLEMENTS" IN THE l O™/11™ CENTURY

The hoard provides the terminus post quem of the workshop in thenorth-eastern corner. The coins were struck in 450/1058. This lies mid-way between the suggested dates of Michael Meinecke and AndreaBecker. The different hypotheses about the dating, "early Islamic" onthe one hand and "ZangTd" on the other hand, point to a problem inNear Eastern archaeology which I will only mention in passing, withoutgoing into details. It is the problem that Karin Bartl calls "Siedlungs-lücke (lack of settlements or settlement gap)". The term refers to thealmost complete lack of datable artifacts and architectural structures forthe period of Bedouin domination between the early Islamic and theZangfd/Ayyübid period, a problem which appeared most obviously dur-ing a survey undertaken under the direction of P. M. M. G. Akkermansand M. N. van Loon of the University of Amsterdam. Karin Bartl stud-ied the Islamic material from the sites and summarizes her observation:

With regard to the repertoire of the ceramics two periods havebecome better known today: the early 'Abbäsid period (mid/end 8th —end 9th/beginning 10th Century) and the period of the Zanglds andAyyübids (rnid 12th/mid 13Ih Century). From [...] the period between the10* and the mid of the 12th Century which was characterized politicallyby numerous local dynasties in northern Mesopotamia almost nomaterial remains. [...] The seeming lack of finds in northern Syriabetween the 10* and the mid 12th Century can only partly be attributedto the current state of research. The political conditions make a reduc-tion of permanent settlements probable during this time20. [... And]: Thesettlement pattern which can be deduced from the analysis of the ceram-ics points finally to a peak in the 9lh Century which is likely to have con-tinued to the early 10th Century. The following period of about 200-250years is characterized by an apparent lack of settlements (Siedlungs-lücke), or extremely reduced settlement activities which included onlysome of the major places yet. They, äs well äs some other settlements,continued to be inhabited during the 12lh and 13"' Century21.

city; [ . . . ] f a haribati l-'ülä wa baqiya l-ismäni wäqi'ayni 'alä madinatin wähidatin). Cp.for a continuous use of the name ar-Räfiqa Ihn al-'AdTm, Zubdat al-halab min tärihHalab, ed. S. ad-ÖAHHÄN, Histoire d'Alep, 3 vols., Damascus, 1951-1968, vol. I, p. 258,273; 'Idrisl, 'Abu 'Abd Allah Muhammad ibn Muhammad ihn 'Abd Allah ihn 'Idns al-HamüdT al-Hasarii (d. about 560/1165), Kitäb Nuzhat al-mustäq fi htiraq al-'afäq, eds.E. CF.RULLI, F. GABRIELI, G. LEVI DHLLA VIDA et al., Opus geographorum, Naples, Rome1970-1984, p. 654; and Ibn Saddäd, 'Izz ad-DIn Muhammad ibn 'All ibn 'Ibrahim(d. 684/1285), A/-'A'läq al-hatira fi dikr 'umarä'as-Säm wa l-Gazira (al-GazTra), vol. III,2 parts, continuous pagination, ed. Y. IBBÄRA, Damascus 1978, p. 76.

!0 BARTL, Frühislamische Besiedlung, p. 116.21 BARTL, Frühislamische Besiedlung, p. 187.

NUMAYRID AR-RAQQA 93

The period of the Banü Numayr was one of military conflict, a Situa-

tion which normally yields much archaeological evidence, with the

inhabitants of the settlements burying their wealth unable to retrieve it

later. Apparently this did not happen in the case of the Bedouin domi-

nated Diyär Mudar or in northern Syria. The narrative sources provide

pari of the explanation. The 'ainlrs of the Banü Numayr used to live in

their camps outside the cities which were ruled in their names. Within

the city military slaves, guläms, served äs administrators for their fiscal

affairs22. The Bedouin 'amirs äs a rule had no interest in urban life.

ManT ibn Sablb provides a remarkable exception among the leaders of

the Banü Numayr. Ibn Hawqal describes the general Situation in the val-

ley äs follows:

Tribes of the RabT'a and the Mudar live in it [the GazTra, that isnorthern Mesopotamia]. They are breeders of horses, sheep and a fewcamels. Most of them are connected to the villages and their inhabi-tants. They are settled Bedouins (bädiya hädira). At this time groups(butün) of the Qays-Aylän tribes, many of the Qusayr, the 'Uqayl, theBanü Numayr and the Banü Kiläb intruded upon them. They expelledthem [the settled nomads and the other settled people] from some oftheir lands, indeed from most of them while appropriating someplaces (balad) and regions ('iqllm). Among these places such äs Har-rän, Gisr Manbig, al-Häbür23, al-Hänüqa24, 'Arabän25, Qarqlsiyä26 and

22 See for example Ibn al-'Adlm, Zubda, I, p. 258f. (guläm); Ibn al-'Afir, 'Izz ad-DTn'AU ibn Muhammad (d. 630/1232), Al-Kämil fi t-tärlh, ed. C. J. TORNBERG, 13 vols.,Leiden 1851-1874, vol. IX, p. 244 [doubled pagination, sie! ] (here äs nä'ib lahü).

23 Area of the river al-Häbür, which entered the Euphrates near ar-Rahba; Yäqüt,Buldän, II, p. 383f.

24 City (madlna) on the eastern bank of the Euphrates, halfway between ar-Raqqa andQarqTsiyä'; Ibn Hawqal, 'Abu 1-Qäsim ibn 'All an-Nasfbl (d. after 378/988): Kitäb süratal-'ard, ed. J. H. KRAMERS, Opus geographicum, Über Imaginis Terrae, (BibliothecaGeographorum Arabicorum II), Leiden 1873, reprint 1967, p. 209; transl. G. WIET,Configuration de la Terre, 2 vols., Beirut, Paris 1964, p. 204; Yäqüt, Buldän, II, p. 394.Cp. Ibn al-'Adlm, Zubda, I, p. 273 (misspelled äs al-Hänütä). F. SARRE & E. HERZFELD,Archäologische Reise im Euphrat- und Tigrisgebiet, 4 vols., Berlin 1911—1920, vol. I,p. 164-166; Bianquis, Damas, II, p. 573.

25 Town on the Häbür, today Tall 'Agaga; Yäqüt, Buldän, III, p. 632f.; Ibn Saddäd,'A'läq, III, p. 151. H. GAUBE, "Mittelalterliche Münz- und Keramikfunde aus dem unterenHäbür-Tal (Nordsyrien)", W. SZAIVERT (ed.), Litteme numismaticae Vindobonenses 1.Roberto Gobi dedicatae, Vienna 1979, p. 169-184, esp. p. 179; G. LEHMANN, Bibliogra-phie der archäologischen Fundstellen und Surveys in Syrien und Libanon, (Orient-Archäologie 9), Rahden 2002, p. 11.

26 Town on the Häbür, near ar-Rahba, today Busayra. Ibn Hawqal, Süra, p. 227, describesQarqTsiyä' äs a pleasant place: "[...] considering even that the damage has harmed her ([...]wa 'in käna htilälu qad säbahä)"; Yäqüt, Buldän, IV, p. 65f.; Ibn Saddäd, 'A'läq, III,p. 151-153; IdrlsT, Nuzha, p. 657. M. STRECK, "KarkTsiyä", EI2, IV, p. 654f.; GAUBE,"Mittelalterliche Münz- und Keramikfunde", p. 179; LEHMANN, Bibliographie, p. 111.

94 S. HEIDEMANN

ar-Rahba27 were in their hands. They decide over their protection andprotection-money (hafä'iruhä2* wa-maräfiquhä)29.

Bedouins constantly threatened the routes between the villages and eitlesin the Diyär Mudar amongst others30. Agriculture based on irrigation pre-vailed in the BalTh valley south of Harrän31. In periods of weak urban rule,the Bedouin pastures expanded to the boundaries of the cities at theexpense of the resources of settled population. But not only endangered liv-ing conditions contribute to the Impression of the so called "settlementgap", also some of the most common tools used for archaeological dating:ceramics and coins are due to it äs well. Until recently, no stratigraphicsequence for the dating of ceramics for the Diyär Mudar between theUmayyad and Ayyübid periods had been firmly established. CristinaTonghini has recently dated some splash-ware to the S01/!!"1 Century32.These new findings are bound to change our view of this period. Further-more, coin evidence is usually missing from most archaeological strata ofthe period. This phenomenon is mainly linked to the coinage System and itslegal regulations at the time. During the Umayyad and early 'Abbäsidperiod copper coins were not much valued and so frequently found theirway into archaeological strata. The coinage System in the period under con-sideration is characterised by an almost complete lack of copper coinage

27 City and fortress at the junction of the Habur with the Euphrates; Yäqüt, Buldän,IV, p. 65-66. E. HONIGMANN & Th. BIANQUIS, "al-Rahba", EI2, VIII, p. 393-396. IbnButlän provides a contemporary description of the city from the year 440/1048-1049; IbnButlän in Ibn al-QiftT, Gamäl ad-DTn 'Abu 1-Hasan 'All ibn Yüsuf ibn 'IbrähTmas-Saybäm al-Qifti al-TJqayli, known äs al-QädT al-'Akram (d. 646/1248), Kitäb 'Ahbäral-'ulamä' bi 'ahbär al-hukamä\. J. LIPPERT, Leipzig 1903, p. 295.

28 C. CAHEN^ "Khafära", EI2, IV, p. 913.29 Ibn Hawqal, Süra, p. 228; transl. WIET, p. 222; G. DEGENER, Das Emirat der Banü

'Uqail. Eine Untersuchung zum Zerfall des 'abbäsidischen Kalifats und zur Beduini-sierung des Fruchtbaren Halbmonds, Ph.D. thesis, Göttingen 1987, p. 24. Cp. R.J. BIKHAZI,The Hamdänid Dynasty of Mesopotamia and North Syria 254^)04/868-1014, Ph.D. the-sis, Änn Arbor 1981, p. 136f.

30 Cp. al-MuqaddasI, Sams ad-DTn 'Abd Allah Muhammad ibn 'Ahmad ibn 'Abi Bakral-Bannä' as-Säml, known äs al-Bissäri (d. about 380/990), 'Ahsan at-taqäsim fi ma'rifatal- 'aqälim, ed. M.J. de GOEJE, Descriptio Imperii Moslemici, (Bibliotheca GeographorumArabicorum III), Leiden 1877, reprint 1967, p. 33, 141.

31 T.J. WILKINSON, "Water and Human Settlement in the Balikh Valley, Syria", Jour-nal of Field Archaeology 25 (1998), p. 63-87; BARTL, Frühislamische Besiedlung,p. 249-251.

32 C. TONGHINI, "A New Islamic Pottery Phase in Syria: Teil Shahin", Levant 27(1995), p. 197-207; C. TONGHINI & J. HENDERSON, "An Eleventh-Century Pottery Pro-duction Workshop at ar-Raqqa, Preliminary Report", Levant 30 (1998), p. 113-127, esp.p. 125.

NUMAYRID AR-RAQQA 95

and the use of a debased silver coinage. These highly alloyed silver coins,called black dirhams or dirham 'aswads, did not tend to be preferredobjects for hoarding, because their silver content is too low. A single frag-ment of a gold coin could easily substitute for a larger group of them. Atthe same time they were not discarded like copper coins because of their,admittedly low, silver content. This monetary System is one decisive factorinfluencing the archaeological survival of coins33.

Let us now return to the dating of the workshop within the congrega-tional mosque. The exceptional Numayrid hoard of eight much debaseddirhams provides a terminus post quem of 450/1058-1059. The ceramicand glass sherds which are similar to the findings in the 'Abbäsid palacearea, the twisted iron nails and the limestone tiles can now be regardedäs a collection of used and broken material. The bones may be remainsof deposited domestic garbage and rodents attracted by them. The homo-geneity of the hoard and the lack of wear, together with features of thecontemporary coinage System make it probable that the small hoardcame into the workshop not much later than 450/1058-1059.

With these presuppositions in mind one is inclined to say — with MichaelMeinecke — that the workshop and störe must have been situated outside thesacred area of the mosque proper long before the Zangld restoration phase. Adivision and reduction in size of the courtyard is, however, hard to imaginebecause the 'Abbäsid enclosure wall is still Standing upright and marks outthe whole area äs belonging to the mosque (ill. 2). Although there are exam-ples in the middle ages where a courtyard of mosques could get features of amarket place — because it constitutes a public area for gathering — a glassand metal workshop for recycling used materials is hard to imagine in thatSituation and is not corroborated by any written sources34.

FÄTIMID PROTECTION LEADS TO A "DIMORPHIC STATE"

If one looks less for an architectural explanation than for a historicalsetting in which the existence of a workshop and störe for used materials

33 See L. ILISCH, "Ein Fund von Dirhams des Mirdäsiden Nasr und das Münzwesenvon Aleppo im 2. Viertel des 11. Jahrhunderts A.D.", Münstersche NumismatischeZeitung 11, no. 4 (August 1981), p. 41-50; HEIDEMANN, „Ein Schatzfund", p. 235-239and idem, Renaissance, p. 369—373; idem, "Goldmünzfragmente des 11. Jahrhundertsaus der Zitadelle von Damaskus werfen Licht auf die Renaissance der Städte in Syrien",Archäologie-Online (April 2003) (http://www.archaeologie-online.de/magazin/fund-punkt/2003/04/c_ l .php) for details about the coinage System of this period.

34 J. PEDERSEN, "Masdjid", EI2, VI, p. 644-677, esp. p. 655.

96 S. HEIDEMANN

might be conceivable, one finds one between the year 450/1058 and thebeginning of 452/1060-1061. Without providing definite evidence for it,the hypothesis explains the archaeological Situation according to thenumismatic and archaeological findings äs well äs the literary sources.Definite proof would require further investigation of the building itself.

The amir of the Banü Numayr ManT ibn SabTb reached the zenith of hispower during the pro-Fätimid rebellion of the Büyid general 'Abu1-Härit 'Arslän al-Basäsm35 in Iraq between 447/1055 and 451/1059-1060.Fätimid strategy regarded northern Mesopotamia äs the key to the con-quest of Baghdad and the routes along the Euphrates äs the supply-lines ofthe rebellion and military deployment zone. ManT' ibn SabTb and the BanüNumayr were threatening this strategically important part of the Fätimidroute into Iraq. There was a protracted and bitter feud between the Mir-däsids in Aleppo and the Numayrids in Harrän over the possession of ar-Raqqa and the supremacy over the fertile pasture surrounding it. Its originswent back to the year 431/1039-1040 when SabTb ibn Wattab died withoutan adult heir. His sister as-Sayyida "AlawTya was then residing in ar-Raqqa. She was formerly married to Nasr ibn Sälih ibn Mirdäs, nomadicruler of Aleppo. After the death of the latter in the aftermath of a battleagainst a Fätimid army in 429/1038 she fled with Nasr's brother Tamälfrom Aleppo into the GazTra. Later in ar-Raqqa she ousted the governor(guläm) of her brothers al-Mutä'in and al-Qawäm, both having succeededSabTb after his death. In order to protect her dignity (haybä), äs Ibn al-'AdTm is telling us, she married Tamäl. He took over ar-Raqqa. The BanüKiläb whose roaming area stretched äs far äs ar-Rahba now gained firmcontrol over the pasture at the junction between the BalTh river and theEuphrates36. When the son of SabTb, the young Manf, reached adulthood,he took over the lead of the Banü Numayr sometime between 436/1044-1045 and 447/1055-105637. He regarded himself äs the legitimate heir of

'5 Ibn al-'Adim, Bugya, III, p. 1347-1354. M. CANARD, "al-BasäsTri", EI2, I,p. 1073-1075; H. BUSSE, Chalifund Großkönig. Die Buyiden im Iraq (945-1055), (BeiruterTexte und Studien 6), Beirut, Wiesbaden 1969, p. 125-127; ZAKKAR, Emirate, p. 148-155.

16 Ibn al-'Adfm, Zubda, I, p. 258; 'AzTmT, Muhammad ibn 'A1T ibn Muhammad ibnAhmad ibn Nizär 'Abu 'Abd Allah (d. 556/1161), Tärlh Halab, ed. I. ZA'RUR, Damascus1984, p. 334 (death of SabTb here 432 h.). D.S. RICE, "Medieval Harrän. Studies on ItsTopography and Monuments I", Anatolian Studies 2 (1952), p. 36-84, esp. p. 82; HEIDE-MANN, Renaissance, p. 97-100.

17 These dates were established on coin evidence from Harrän. The coin of 436/1044-1045(NICOL, "Islamic Coinage", no. 31; HEIDEMANN, Renaissance, p. 98f. no. 13) mentions Muta'inibn Wattab, the uncle of Man!', äs amir and the next dated coin was struck in the year 447/1055-1056 in the name of Man!' (HEIDEMANN, Renaissance, p. 105 no. 15a, b).

NUMAYRID AR-RAQQA 97

his father's possessions38. Whereas Tamäl was a Fatimid vassal, Mam'

changed sides from the Fätimids to the Selguq sultan Tugrilbeg (reigned

429^55/1038-1063)39. In Ramadan 447/December 1055 Tugrilbeg

conquered Baghdad and expelled the Büyid general 'Arslän al-BasäsIri

from the 'Abbäsid capital. Withdrawing from Iraq al-Basäsiri made

ar-Rahba at the junction between the Häbür and the Euphrates his centre

of resistance and base for further military operations against the Selgüqs.

In Safar 448/April 1056 a war (harb) broke out between Mam' and Tamäl

over the possession of ar-Raqqa.

At the beginning of Safar war broke out between Manf ihn Sabibibn Wattäb an-Numayn, the lord of Harran, and Mu'izz ad-Dawla'Abu 'Ulwän Tamäl ibn Sälih ar-Ru'qulIya, the lord of Aleppo, about[the possession of] ar-Raqqa. It had belonged to SabTb, the father ofMan!'. It so happened that he [probably Tamäl] betrayed the littleMamc. His mother married Tamäl and handed over ar-Raqqa to him.When her son grew up, the tribes joined him and he demanded [ar-Raqqa] back. And the [Selguq sultan] Tugrilbeg wrote a decree andsent to him robes of honour. Then he [Man!'] sent a demand to Tamälfor ar-Raqqa. He refused [it] to him and then war broke out betweenboth40.

The Egyptian Fätimids send al-Mu'ayyad fi d-DTn as-STräzr41 äs their

envoy (dä'i) into the region in order to stabilise the political Situation

38 Sibt ibn al-GawzT, Sams ad-Dm 'Abu 1-Muzaffar Yusuf ibn al-Gawzi Qizuglu(d. 582/1186), Mir'ät az-zamän fi tärlh al-'a'yän, Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris, Ms.Arabe 1506. [years 440-517 h.], fol. 13r; transl. K. YAZBECK, Leg dynasties de /'Islam ätravers le Mir'ät al-zamän, Beirut 1983 [years 447-452 h.], p. 44. HEIDEMANN, Renais-sance, p. 103f., 107.

39 See citation below. According to the coin evidence Manf however regarded himselfäs a Fatimid vassal in Harran at some time during the year 447/1055-1056; HEIDEMANN,Renaissance, p. 105 no. 15a and 15b.

40 Sibt ibn al-GawzT, Mir'ät, Ms. Arabe 1506, fol. 13r; transl. YAZBECK, p. 44:(Wafi gurrati safarin käna [sie!] bayna Mam'i bni Sablbi bni Wattäbi n-Numayri sahibiHarräna wa bayna Mu'izzi d-Dawlati 'Abi 'Ulwäni Tamäli bni Sälihi bni r-Ru'quliyatisahibi Halaba harbun 'a/a r-Raqqati wa känat li-Sabibi wälidi Mam'in wa ttafaqa'innahü wa häna Marü'an sagiran wa tazawwagat 'ummuhü bi Tamäla wa sallamati r-Raqqata 'ilayhi fa lammä kabura waladuhä wa ndäfat 'ilayhi l-qabäyili wa starga'a wakataba lahü Tugrübaku l-mansüra wa ba'ata 'ilayhi l-hila'a 'arsala "ilä Tamäla bi talabir-Raqqati fa mana'ahüfa qämati l-harbu baynahumä).

41 al-Mu'ayyad fi d-DTn Hibat Allah ibn Müsä as-STräzI (d. 470/1078), Siratal-Mu 'ayyadfi d-Din dä'l ad-du'ät, ed. M.H. KÄMIL, Cairo 1949. V. KLEMM, Die Missiondesfätimidischen Agenten al-Mu 'ayyadfi d-din in Siräz, Frankfurt a/M 1989, p. xi—xxvii;I. POONAWALA, "al-Mu'ayyad fi '1-dm", El2, VII, p. 270f.

98 S. HEIDEMANN

and to ensure Support for al-Basäsm in Safar 448/April-May 105642.Al-Mu'ayyad described Man!' very unfavourably after their firstencounter and advised the vizier in Cairo to establish closer lies with themore reliable ally Tamäl43. However in Basäslri's camp in ar-Rahbathe leader of the Banü Mazyad, the amlr Dubays ibn 'All (408^74/1017-1082)44, convinced al-Mu'ayyad about the neccessity of includingMan!' in the coalition against the Selgüqs. But Mu'ayyad's efforts tomediale in this conflict were in vain45. In spite of this it is mentioned thatgroups of the Banü Numayr took part in the razzias against the Selgüqsat this time46. In advance of al-BasäsM's military move along theEuphrates to Bälis, after SVbän 449/October 1057, Mu'ayyad met Manfand convinced him to gather his tribe and to join al-BasäsM's cause47.

At this time [Sa'bän 449/October 1057] al-BasäsTri moved from ar-Rahba to Bälis [...]; he took ar-Raqqa from the followers of Tamälibn Sälih ibn ar-Ru'qulIya, the amlr of Aleppo, and returned it toMamc ibn Wattäb, lord of Harrän48.

42 For the beginning of his mission see Mu'ayyad, Sira, p. 124 (a letter from al-Mus-tansir billah to al-Basäsiri); al-MaqnzT, Taql ad-DIn Ahmad ibn 'All (d. 845/1442) Itti'äzal-hunafä' bi 'ahbär al-'a'imma al-fätimlyln al-hulafa Vol. I, ed. G. As-SAYYÄL, Cairo1387/1967; vol."II and III, ed. M.H.M. 'AHMAD, Cairo 1390/1971, 1393/1973, vol. II,p. 232 (under the year 448 h.).

43 Mu'ayyad, Sira, p. 119-121.44 C. E. BOSWORTH, "Mazyad", EI2, VI, p. 965f.45 Mu'ayyad, Sira, p. 106, 119-121, 124f., esp. p. 128f. RICE, "Medieval Harrän",

p. 80f.; ZAKKAR, Emirate, p. 149f.46 It is not said that they belong to that group of Banü Numayr lead by Manf. Ibn

al-'Atlr, Kämil, IX, p. 432 (Gamä'a min Barn Numayr 'ashäb Harrän wa r-Raqqd).47 Mu'ayyad, Sira, p. 170.48 Sibt ibn al-GawzT, Mir'ät, Ms. Arabe 1506, fol. 28r; ed. A. SEVIM, Mir'ätü'z-Zeman

fi Tarihi'l-Ayan, (Ankara Universitesi DU ve Tarih—Cografya Fakültesi Yaymlari 178),Ankara 1968. [extracts of the years 448-480 h.], p. 22; transl. YAZBECK, p. 90 (Yazbeckmisread ar-Rahba instead of the correct ar-Raqqa which is found in the manuscript andin the edition of Sevim) (wa ß hädihi l-waqti 'as'ada l-Basäsirlyu mina r-Rahbati 'i!äBälisin [...] wa 'ahada r-Raqqata min 'ashäbi Tamäli bni Sä/ihi bni r-Ru'qullyati 'amlriHalaba wa raddahä 'alä Manl'i bni Wattäbin sähibi Harräna). Ibn al-'Adlm, Zubda, I,p. 271 (campaign of al-BasäsTn to Bälis under the year 448 h.), 273 (Handing over of ar-Raqqa to Man!' in the year 449 h. without mentioning al-Basäsiri): "And further more itfollowed, that in the year 49 Mu'izz ad-Dawla [Tamäl] handed over ar-Raqqa andar-Räfiqa to Man!' ibn SabTb ibn Wattäb, because it had belonged to his father. (Wa'awgaba z-ziyädatu fi dälika 'anna Mu'izza d-Dawlatifisanati tis'in wa 'arba'lna sallamar-Raqqata wa r-Räfiqata 'ilä Mam'i bni Sablbi bni Wattäbini n-Numayrlyi U 'annahäkänat U 'ablhi)". Mu'ayyad, Sira, p. 170; Ibn Saddäd, 'Aläq, III, p. 76. Cp. Ibn al-'Atlr,Kämil, IX, p. 163, 432. RICE, "Medieval Harrän", p. 80f.; ZAKKAR, Emirate, p. 150-152discusses the reason for the campaign to Bälis; BIANQUIS, Damas II, p. 565.

NUMAYRID AR-RAQQA 99

This was part of a bigger shift in power, because Tamäl was com-pelled to band over Aleppo äs well to the Fätimids in Du 1-Qa'da449/January 1058. He was compensated with new fiefs ('iqtä'ät) inPalestine and had to leave Aleppo in Muharram 450/March 105849.

In the following two years under Fätimid tutelage the Numayridsreached the peak of their power. It is probable that during this time sub-stantial amounts of money were transferred not only — äs the sources teilsus — to al-BasäsM50, but also into the coffers of Man!' ibn Sablb. Fätimidmoney probably allowed Man!' ibn Sablb to represent himself — accord-ing to our sources — äs the first and only Numayrid armr äs an urbanruler. Manlc ibn SabTb built the citadel in his main city Harrän. He trans-formed the most impressive and largest building in Harrän, the formertemple of the pagan Säbians, into a palace-citadel (ill. 1). The Säbianswere a pagan group following a religion whose roots can be traced back tothe ancient Mesopotamian astral religions, and äs such were tolerated bythe Muslim rulers. In the Islamic period their spiritual centre lay in Harränand their intellectual centre was Baghdad. As far äs we know the func-tioning temple (haykat) was destroyed during an uprising of rural

49 Sibt ibn al-öawzl, Mir'ät, Ms. Arabe 1506, fol. 44r-v; transl. YAZBECK, p. 109(Muharram 450); Ibn al-'Adlm, Zubda, I, p. 273f. (Du 1-Qa'da 448); 'AzTml, Tärih,p. 343 (449 h.); Ibn al-'Atlr, Kämil, IX, p. 163 (Du 1-Higga 449); Maqrizi, Itti'äz, II,p. 235 (End of Du l-Qa'd~a 449). ZAKKAR, Emirate, p. 148-154, esp. p. 150; FELIX,Byzanz, p. 122 (Du 1-Qa'da 449); BIANQUIS, Damas II, p. 566 (Du 1-Qa'da 448); Th.BIANQUIS, "Mirdäs", Et1, VII, p. 119 (449 h.). Ibn al-'AdTm notes the abdication of Tamälfor Du 1-Qa'da 448. This is an obvious mistake for "449 h.", because the latter date is notin accordance with other historical informations, such äs the campaign of al-BasäsTr!towards Bälis.

50 Al-BasäsTri received, according to Sibt ibn al-Gawzi, Mir'ät, ed. SEVIM, consider-able means from Egypt, p. 4 (mal min Misr), 6 (min Misr 'ilayhi bi mal kaffr), 12 (al-'amwäl al-wärida 'alayhi min Misr [...] taläfin 'alf dlnär), 27 (the 'iqtä' ar-Rahbaamounted [irtifä'uhä] to 80 thousand dlnars and in addition an annual payment of 60thousand dlnärs from Egypt); Irans. YAZBECK, p. 46, 48, 57, 110; ad-Dahabi, Samsad-DTn 'Abu 'Abd Allah Muhammad ibn 'Ahmad ibn 'Utmän ibn Qäymäz ibn 'Abd Allahat-Turkumänl (d. 746/1345-6), Tärih al-'Isläm wa tabaqät al-masähir wa l-'a'läm,[vol. 441-460h.], ed. 'U.'A. TADMUR!, Beirut 1993, p. 37, reports that according to a cer-tain Hasan ibn Muhammad al-QllülT, al-BasäsM received 500 thousand dTnärs äs well äsgarments worth the same amount. Dahabi, Siyar 'a'läm an-nubalä\5 vols, ed. S. al-'ARNA'ÜT — M.N. AL-'ARQASÜSI, 7"1 edition, Beirut 1410/1990, vol. XVIII, p. 313(l million dlnärs); al-MaqrlzT, Itti'äz, II, p. 232, (1.3 million dlnärs, 1.9 million dlnärs incash [ 'ayn] äs well äs equipment worth 400 thousand dlnärs). Ibn Zäfir, Gamäl ad-DTn'All al-'Azdi (d. 623/1226), 'Ahbar ad-duwal al-munqati'a, ed. A. FERRE, 'Ahbar ad-Duwal al-Munqati'a de Gamäl ad-Dln 'AK ibn Zäfir. Edition critique de la section con-sacree aux Fatimides avec introduction et notes, Cairo 1972, p. 69, reports that the moneytransfers to al-BasäsM contributed considerably to the weakness of the Fätimid state.

100 S. HEIDEMANN

population joined by the city-militia ('ahdät) after a severe famineand epidemic diseases51. This revolt may have had a ST'ite back-ground. According to Yahyä al-'Antäkl it occurred in 423/1032.Al-'AzImI reports the same event in 424/1033. The temple was turned intoa fortified building (ma'qil52). In the following year the city was handedover to the Numayrid amlr SabTb ibn Wattäb53. It seems that the BanüNumayr had lost control over the city since Wattäb's death in 410/1019-102054. The regaining of Harrän obviously strengthened the power of the

51 For the cold winter, the famine and epidemic diseases: Yahyä ibn Sa°Id al-'Antaki(d. 488/1067), At-TärJh al-Magmü', ed. L. CHEIKHO, Annales Yahia Ihn Said Antiochensis,(CSCO 51, Scriptores Arabici III, 7), Paris, Leipzig 1909, p. 271f; ed. 'U.'A. TADMURI, Tärihal-'Antäkl, al-ma'rüfhi silat tärth 'Autihä, Tripolis 1990, p. 438 (424 h.; it is not excluded thatthe date in Yahyä's chronicle is erroneous); ed. IGNACE KRATCHKOVSKY - Irans. FRANCOISEMICHEAU - GERARD TROUPEAU: Histoire de Yahyä ihn Sa'id d'Antioche, (Patrologia Orienlalis47, fasc. 4, no. 212), Turnhout 1997, p. 518-519 [150-151]. Ibn al-GawzI, 'Abd ar-Rahmän ibn'All (d. 597/1201), Al-Mimtazam fi tänh al-miiliik wal-'umam, ed. Haidarabad, vols. V to X,Haidarabad 1357-1358/1938-1939; Fihrist, Haidarabad 1360/1941, vol. VIII, p. 64, 67, 69;ed. M.'A. 'ATA & M.'A. 'AxÄ, 18 vols., Beirut 1412/1992, vol. XV, p. 222, 226f. (RaW I 423h., cold, afterwards an increase in prices in Mosul); Ibn al-'Atlr, Kämil, IX, p. 290 (423 h.);DahabT, Tärih [vol. 421-440h.], ed TADMURI, Beirut 1993, p. 21, 23 (also increase in prices inMosul, 423 h.); DahabT, al-'Ibarfl habar man gabar, ed. S. AL-MuHAöälD, 5 vols., Kuwait1960-1963, III, p" 30 (Diphteria in Mosul); Barhebraeus, Yuhannä 'Abu 1-Farag ibn al-'Ibn(d. 687-8/1289), Maktbänüt zahne — Chronicon Syriacum, ed. and transl. E.A.T.W. BUDGE,The Chronography of Bar Hebräus, 2 vols., Amsterdam, London 1932; reprint Amsterdam1976, p. 193 (423 h.); Ibn TagribirdT, Gamäl ad-DTn 'Abu Bakr 'Abu 1-Mahäsin Yüsuf al-'AtäbakT (d. 874/1470), An-Nugüm az-zähirafi mulük Misr wal-Qähira, vol. III, Cairo; reprints.d., vol. IV, Cairo 1352/1933, vol. IV, p. 277 (reports tä'ün, pestilence, perhaps in comparisonto the epidemic diseases of his own time); Michael Syrus (d. 596/1199), Maktbänüt zahne, ed.and transl. J.-B. CHABOT, Chronique de Michel le Syrien, 3 vols., Paris 1905., vol. III, p. 136(Seleucid era 1348/beginning l October 1036; perhaps an erroneous dating); Joannis Skylitzes(lsl quarter of the 6"V12'h Century), ZVVOI//K; iaroptüv, ed. J. THURN, Synopsis Historiarum,(Corpus fontium historiae Byzantinae 5), Berlin 1973, p. 386; Joannis Zonaras (d. l" half ofthe 6"yi2'h Century), 'EmTO[if] jertopiäv, transl. E. TRAPP, Militärs und Höflinge im Ringen umdas Kaisertum, (Byzantinische Geschichtsschreiber 16), Graz, Vienna 1986, p. 68 (p. 580f.).BIANQUIS, Darms, II, p. 503-505. Cp. Matthäus of Edessa (6^/12* Century), Patmowt'iwn,transl. A.E. DOSTOURIAN, Armenia and the Crusades. Tenth to Twelfth Centuries, Lanham1993, p. 55 (famine in the Armenian year 481/beginning 27 Rabl' I 423/13 March 1032).

>2 BIANQUIS, Damas, II, p. 489 reads mu'aqqal (?) and emends it to mu'taqal (prison).However during razzias captives were usually taken only in order to seil them äs slaves.That makes a reading of ma'ail, fortified building, likely. For an account of the forti-fied building and the discussion about the location of the Säbian temple see S. LLOYD &W. BRICE, "Harrän", Anato/ian Studies l (1951), p. 77-111, esp. p. 96. Correct Formma'qil in the recent translation by Micheau and Troupeau (see above).

'' Yahyä, Tärih, ed. CHEIKHO, p. 265; ed. TADMURI, p. 428f.; 'AzTmT, Tärih, ed. ZA'RÜR,p. 330f. paraphrases the report of Yahyä. DimasqT, Nuhba, p. 191 (424 h.), wem back to thereport of al-'AzTmT. For a detailed discussion on the end of the Säbian Community in Har-rän and the social and political background see HEIDEMANN, Renaissance, p. 91-93.

54 Ibn al-'Atlr, Kämil, IX, p. 220; Ibn Saddäd, *A'läq, III, p. 46, 76. RICE, "MedievalHarrän", p. 77.

NUMAYRID AR-RAQQA 101

Banü Numayr and their amir äs indicated by the succession of razziasagainst Byzantines and Marwänids reported during the following years55.Man!' ibn SabTb rebuilt the temple in Harrän after joining the rebellion ofal-BasäsIri and the Fätimid cause. The architectural plan of his new resi-dence has yet to be wholely reconstructed, but the magnificent entrancegate has been discovered (ill. 1). The inscription teils us about the restora-tion work of the year 451/1059-6056.

One cannot exclude the possibility that Marif also wished to representhimself äs an urban ruler in the newly recaptured ar-Raqqa. There arethree reasons for suggesting this. Firstly, he established a mint in ar-Raqqa, äs proved by the aforementioned coins from the hoard. A mintserves the need of urban markets. Secondly, quite apart from any eco-nomic reasons, this is important äs the naming of a ruler on coins (sikkä)is regarded äs a proof of actual rulership in medieval Islam. Thirdly, rep-resentative building activities of MariT ibn SabTb in ar-Raqqa are likely tohave taken place in those years. The existence of both money and the willfor representation of urban power is proven in the case of Harrän at least.

The workshop and störe could be part of the beginning of restorationwork in the most representative building in the old ar-Räfiqa: thecongregational mosque. Used materials from the palace area werecollected in order to recycle them. Several areas of the mosque wererestored over the time being, but a thorough documentation is still miss-ing. So far no traces of a specific Numayrid restoration have yet beenidentified57. In any case, if there were any restoration activity within themosque under ManT ibn SabTb, it was not very far advanced when it washalted without any sign of violence. The störe and workshop must havestood for quite a long time before the roof and wall finally collapsed.The building activities in Harrän and probably those in ar-Raqqa areproof that ManT' did not regard cities only äs places for fiscal exploita-tion. He also wanted to present himself within the city äs an urban ruler,while maintaining his powerbase, the Banü Numayr, in the pasture.

55 HEIDEMANN, Renaissance, p. 93f.56 D. S. RICE, "Unique Dog Sculptures of Mediaeval Islam. Recent Discoveries in the

Ancient Mesopotamian City of Harrän and Light on the Little-Known NumayridDynasty", The Illustrated London News 20* September 1952, p. 466f.; Inscription seeRICE, "Medieval Harrän", p. 53-65. The literary sources however do not report anybuilding activity by Man!'.

57 See N. HAGEN, M. al-HASsouN & M. MEINECKE, "Die Große Moschee vonar-Räfiqa", V. DAIBER & A. BECKER (eds.), Raqqa III — Baudenkmäler und Paläste I,Mainz 2005 (forthcoming).

102 S. HEIDEMANN

THE DECLINE OF THE DIMORPHIC STATE AFTER THE ENDOF FÄTIMID INTEREST

'Abu 1-Härit 'Arslän al-Basäsm took Baghdad in Du 1-Qa'da 450/Jan-uary 1059 and the name of the Fätimid caliph was included in the Fridayprayer (hutbä) and the coin-protocol (sikkä). In spite of the obvioussuccess of al-Basäsm, Egyptian politics changed suddenly and turnedagainst him. This became obvious when a messenger of al-Basäsmreturned empty-handed from Cairo in Gumädä II/July-August 105958.Any further support from Cairo was refused. As the failure of the wholescheine became apparent Man!' changed sides, probably because of thislack of support from Cairo. He had a valuable refugee in his custody, thethree year old 'Abbäsid heir apparent 'Uddat ad-DIn 'Abu 1-Qäsimal-Muqtadl bi 'Amrilläh59. After Tugrilbeg's entry into Baghdad in Du1-Qa'da 451/December 1059 Uddat ad-D!n was secretly brought toManf ibn Sablb in Harrän. Manf was at the peak of his prestige andpower. He made use of the 'Abbäsid heir and the power-vacuum forterritorial gains in the Häbür-area60. After the restoration of the 'Abbäsidcaliph to Baghdad with the support of the Selgüqs, Man!" sent thecaliph's grandchild back to Baghdad with much honours, though notwithout creating his own marriage lies with the caliphal family. He mar-ried the child to one of his daughters before he returned him. The'Abbäsid heir reached Baghdad on Tuesday, 9 Gumädä I 452/13 June106061. Man!' sent a letter to Tugrilbeg, at that time in Hamadän, in

58 Sibt ibn al-GawzI, Mir'ät, ed. SEVIM, p. 52; transl. YAZBECK, p. 149.59 Biography: Gumädä I 448/My-August 1056 to 487/1094. A. HARTMANN, "al-Muk-

tadi", EP, VII, p. 540-541. Ibn al-Gawzi, Muntazam, ed. Haidarabad VIII, p. 291 f.; ed.'ATA, XV, p. XVII, 14; Sibt ibn al-Gawzi, Mir'ät, Ms. Arabe 1506, fol. 154r (erroneousdate; Thursday, 8 Gumädä I 440 h.); transl. YAZBECK, p. 48; Ibn al-Qalänisi, Magdar-Ru'asä' 'Abu Ya'lä Hamza ibn 'Asad ibn 'AH ibn Muhammad at-Tamlmi (d. 555/1160),Dayl tärlh Dimasa. ed. S. ZAKKÄR, Damascus 1403/1983, p. 206; Ibn al-'Atlr, Kämil, IX,p. 435; X, p. 155f.; Ibn al-'Atir, At-Tärih al-Bähirfi d-dawla al-'atäbakiya, ed. 'A.A TULAY-MÄT, Cairo 1382/1963, p. 13; Dahabl, Siyar, XVIII, p. 318-324.

60 Ibn al-'Afir, Kämil, X, p. 7. RICE, "Medieval Harrän", p. 81. Heidemann, Renaissance,115.

61 Flight and retum of the heir apparent: Ibn al-GawzT, Muntazam, ed. HaidarabadVIII, p. 215f. (date of the return to Baghdad), 291f. (al-Muqtadl); ed. 'ATA, XV, p. 60f.,164; Sibt ibn al-Gawzi, Mir'ät, Ms. Arabe 1506, fol. 154r; ed. SEVIM, p. 72-74; transl.YAZBECK, p. 176-178. Ibn al-'Atlr, Kämil, X, p. 6f. (marriage with the daughter ofMan!'), 66f.; DahabT, Tärih [vol. 461-470h.], ed. TADMURI, Beirut 1994, p. 29; DahabT,Siyar, XVIII, p. 319. RICE, "Medieval Harrän", p. 81; Th. Ripper, Die Marwäniden vonDiyär Bakr. Eine kurdische Dynastie im islamischen Mittelalter, (Mitteilungen zur Sozial-und Kulturgeschichte der Islamischen Welt 6), Würzburg 2000, p. 164-166; HEIDEMANN,Renaissance, p. 114—116.

NUMAYRID AR-RAQQA 103

order to inform him that he had stopped the hutba and sikka for theFätimid caliph and had now included the Selgüq sultan's and the'Abbäsid caliph's name in the protocol62.

There is no evidence in the literary sources to show that Manf gainedanything by this move. On the contrary, once again he became involvedin the tribal quarrels between rival factions of the Mirdäsid clan. He wascompelled to defend his territories that he had enlarged considerablyunder Fätimid patronage against the Claims of some members of theBanü Mirdäs. On the night of Thursday, 23 Gumädä II 454, that is thenight between the 3 and 4 July 1062, Man!' died of an epileptic fit (as-sar') without leaving any capable heir63. Without him the Banü Numayrlost much of their importance and soon feil into oblivion.

The sudden change in the political Situation could provide a reason forthe end of the supposed Numayrid restoration efforts. Because the workswere not continued, the mosque and the workshop deteriorated, and aftera while the roof and wall tumbled down. During the restoration of Nurad-Dln Mahmud a hundred years later, the north-eastern corner wasobviously not cleared up. So it was left to Michael Meinecke in 1991 todiscover the workshop.

CONCLUSION

What can be learned from this far reaching analysis of a wall thatcrumbled in the middle ages? We have to go back to our starting point.

Firstly, the methodological problems of the period of the "settlementgap (Siedlungslücke)" have become more evident. This period is bestapproached with the help of different disciplines. Secondly, it could bemade likely that efforts for a restoration of the congregational mosquewere undertaken. It is the second example to be found of datableconstruction work, apart from the citadel of Harrän, in the whole of

62 Sibt ibn al-GawzT, Mir'ät, Ms. Arabe 1506, fol. 73r-v; ed. SEVIM, p. 77f. RICE,"Medieval Harrän", p. 81; RIPPER, Marwäniden, p. 85. For the context of this delegationcp. G. MAKDISI, "The Marriage of Tughril Beg", UMES 1 (1970), p. 259-275, esp.p. 266f. Such coins are not yet known.

63 Sibt ibn al-Gawzi, Mir'ät, Ms. Arabe 1506, fol. 87v (exact date); Dahabi, Tärlh[vol. 441-460h.], ed. TADMURI, p. 373 (Gumädä II 454 and the cause of his death). RICE,"Medieval Harrän", p. 82 suggested on the basis of the Dahabi-manuscript (BritishMuseum Ms. Or. 50, fol. 50r) Gumädä I 455 äs the month of ManT"s death. This is prob-ably due to a reading error. In the edition of the text of Dahabi by Tadmurl no varietiesare mentioned.

104 S. HEIDEMANN

Diyär Mudar, during this Century of Bedouin domination. And thirdly,the presumed building activity in ar-Raqqa in this period is indicative forthe political and social history of the whole region. During the 4lh/10th

Century the Banü Numayr moved into northern Mesopotamia äs part ofthe second great migration of Arab tribes. The cultivated land of settledpeople diminished and the routes between the villages, towns and citiesbecame endangered.

What can be learned from this new piece of information about theBedouin state of the Numayrids at the fringe of the Fätimid state andtheir relation to settlements and their attitude towards urban life? Duringthe period of Bedouin domination the seat of rulership was transferredfrom the city to the tribal camp (hilla). The interest of the Bedouins layin the fiscal exploitation of the cities. The emirate of Man!' ibn Sablbconstitutes a brief interlude in the development of the Banü Numayr.Manl' ibn Sablb remained an exception within Numayrid history. Al-Mu'ayyad fi d-DTn, the Egyptian-Fätimid envoy, characterized Man!' inthe beginning äs a young savage: Mam's character consisted of the"drunkenness of infatuation and the heat of youth (sakrat al-girra wagamrat as-sabibä)"M. During the time of the rebellion of al-BasäsTri inIraq, the Fätimids integrated Man!' into an alliance. By paying enormoussubsidies and through skillful diplomacy, the Fätimids created politicalstability among the hostile tribes from northern Syria to the Euphratesvalley. Then Man!' ibn SabTb began to represent himself äs an urbanruler: he built the citadel in Harrän. As proof of rulership he had coinsstruck not only in Harrän, äs his predecessors had done, but establisheda mint in ar-Raqqa äs well. The evidence marshalled here also suggeststhat he undertook the restoration of the most representative urban build-ing in ar-Raqqa, the congregational mosque. He extended his territoryinto the Häbür valley. The political will of Man!' was probably moredecisive in this process than the supposed rieh subsidies from theFätimids, because the Numayrids kept large amounts of portable wealthat other times, äs we know from al-Qädl ar-RasTd's records65. ManT ibn

M Mu'ayyad, Sira, p. 120.65 al-QädT ar-RasId (d. 562/1166-7 or 563/1167-8), Kitäb ad-dahä'ir wa t-tuhaf, 2. ed.,

Kuwait 1984, p. 86f; transl. Gh.H. QADDUMI, A Medieval Islamic Book of Gifts and Trea-sures. Translation, Annotation and Commentary on the Kitab al-hadaya wa al-Tuhaf,Diss., Ann Arbor 1990, p. 95f.; part. transl. M. HAMIDULLAH, "Nouveaux documents surles rapports de l'Europe avec l'Orient musulman au moyen äge", Arabica 7 (1959),p. 281-300, esp. p. 292f.

NUMAYRID AR-RAQQA 105

SabTb's rule corresponds to that type of nomadic authority whichMichael Rowton calls a "dimorphic state". This constitutes a state ledby a nomadic ruler accommodating himself to urban forms of rulership,or at least to urban forms of projecting sovereignty but who simultane-ously maintains bis power base within the pasture: a ruler who has tobalance between the interests of the settled people and the demands ofthe nomads. These favourable conditions for the revival of urban life inthe Diyär Mudar ended soon after the rebellion of al-BasäsTn followingthe termination of Fätimid interests in the region in the year 451/1060.Or to put it another way a "dimorphic state" and growing power forrulers with a nomadic background could only be achieved in thistransitional period, when the nomadic chief became a protege of one ofthe regions's great powers. This equally applies to the position of theMirdäsids äs proteges of the Fätimids äs well äs of the Byzantines66, thedependence of the Banü 'Uqayl on the Büyids67, and the Subordinationof the Marwänids to the Byzantines and the Büyids68. It took a anotherninety years, until the time of Nur ad-Dln Mahmud ibn ZangT, before amore stable political environment emerged under a Selgflq regime whichallowed the cities to be rebuilt again.

STEFAN HEIDEMANNFreidrich-Schiller-Universität Jena

66 Cp. W; FELIX, Byzanz und die islamische Welt im frühen 11. Jahrhundert,Geschichte der politischen Beziehungen von 1001 bis 1055, (Byzantina Vindobonensia14), Vienna 1981.

67 Cp. H. KENNEDY, "The Uqailids of Mosul, the Origins and Structure of a NomadDynasty", Union Europeenne d'Arabisants et d'Islamisants (ed.), Actas del XII Congresode la U.E.A.I. (Malaga 1984), Madrid 1986, p. 391^02.; DEGENER, Emirat.

68 For the whole complex see HEIDEMANN, Renaissance, p. 32f.

106 S. HEIDEMANN

111. l Gate of the Numayrid Palace in Harran. (ex RICE, "Medieval Harran")-

NUMAYRID AR-RAQQA 107

111. 2 Aerial view of the congregational mosque in ar-Rafiqa from north-west.16 June 1936 (Institut Fran9ais du Proche Orient, reproduction German

Archaeological Institut (DAI), Damascus, no. 1989-39-471, P. Grunwald).

, .

111. 3 Fallen wall of the north-eastern corner of the congregationalmosque in ar-Räfiqa (DAI, Damascus,

no. 1991/954, A. Abdel Ghafour).

10S S. HEIDEMANN

0 1 2 3 4 5

or-Raqqa,Orone Moschee-Nordostecke

111. 4 Plan of the north-eastern corner of the congregational mosque inar-Räfiqa. (DAI, drawing Hala Attoura).

111. 5 Twisted nails from the north-eastern cornerof the congregational mosque. (DAI,

Damascus, no. 1991/889, A. Abdel Ghafour).

NUMAYRID AR-RAQQA 109

111. 6 Dirham 'aswad, ar-Raqqa, year 450 h. Museum ar-Raqqa(GrMo-8145). (DAI, Damascus,

A. Abdel Ghafour).

111. 7 Dirham 'aswad, ar-Raqqa, year 450 h. Museum ar-Raqqa(GrMo-8146). (DAI, Damascus,

A. Abdel Ghafour).

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CONTENTS

CONTENTS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . V

Preface . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . VII

Programme of the International Colloquia at the K.U.Leuven– Ninth Colloquium, May 11 & 12, 2000 . . . . . . . IX– Tenth Colloquium, May 9, 10 & 11, 2001 . . . . . . X

ABBREVIATIONS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . XII

Fatimids

1. M. BRETT, “Population and Conversion to Islam in Egypt in the Mediaeval Period” . . . . . . . . . . . . 1

2. M. BRETT, “Al-Karaza al-Marqusiya. The Coptic Church in the Fatimid Empire” . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 33

3. M. BRETT, “Badr al-Gamali and the Fatimid Renascence” . . 61

4. H. HALM, “Das ‘Buch der Schätze und Raritäten'. Zur Autor-schaft und Überlieferung des Kitab a∂-∂aÌa'ir wa t-tuÌaf” . . 79

5. S. HEIDEMANN, “Numayrid ar-Raqqa. Archaeological and Historical Evidence for a ‘Dimorphic State' in the Bedouin Dominated Fringes of the Fa†imid Empire” . . . . . . . 85

Ayyubids (& Salguqs)

6. T. K. EL-AZHARI, “The Role of Salguqid Women inMedieval Syria” . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 111

7. T. K. EL-AZHARI, “The influence of Eunuchs in the Ayyubid Kingdom” . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 127

8. P.-V. CLAVERIE, “Les ‘mauvais chrétiens' dans l'Orient descroisades” . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 143

9. Y. FRENKEL, “The Chain of Traditions, or TransmittingKnowledge in Medieval Damascus, based on Sama{at Ibn al-¨Asakir” . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 165

10. H. HANISCH, “Die Zitadelle von Îarran” . . . . . . . 185

11. K. HIRSCHLER, “Social Contexts of Medieval Arabic HistoricalWriting: Court Scholars versus Ideal/Withdrawn Scholars — Ibn WaÒil and ’Abu Sama” . . . . . . . . . . . 311

12. D. PRINGLE, “The Castles of Ayla (al-‘Aqaba) in theCrusader, Ayyubid and Mamluk Periods” . . . . . . . 333

Mamluks

13. D. A. AGIUS, “‘Leave your homeland in search of prosperity’:the ostrich egg in a burial site at Quseir al-Qadim in the Mamluk period” . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 355

14. P.-V. CLAVERIE, “L'ambassade au Caire de Philippe Mainebeuf (1291)” . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 381

15. N. COUREAS, “Controlled Contacts: The Papacy, the Latin Church of Cyprus and Mamluk Egypt, 1250-1350” . . . . 395

16. Y. FRENKEL, “Women in Late Mamluk Damascus in the lightof Audience Certificates (sama¨at)” . . . . . . . . . 409

17. C. MORISOT, “L'acte de Gaqmaq au profit de la Mekke” . . 425

18. D. S. RICHARDS, “The Office of Wilayat al-Qahira in MamlukTimes” . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 441

19. G. SCHALLENBERGH, “Intoxication and Ecstasy. Sufi Terminol-ogy in the Work of Ibn Qayyim al-Gawziya” . . . . . 459

20. J. VAN STEENBERGEN, “Taqwim al-Buldan al-MiÒriya (C.U.L. Ms. Qq. 65). Identifying a Late Medieval Cadastral Survey ofEgypt” . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 475

21. U. VERMEULEN, “La Tenue Protocolaire à la Cour Mamlouke” 491

VI CONTENTS