ed 114 879 cs- 501 1.65,,docent resume. ed 114 879. cs- 501 1.65,,.,; author. marti-1;% howard h......
TRANSCRIPT
DOCENT RESUME
ED 114 879 CS- 501 1.65,,
.,;
AUTHOR Marti-1;% Howard H. . .
TITLE Broadcast Political Advertisements and the PublicPolitical Debate.
PUB DATE Dec 15 ,
,Norlj .13p.; Paper presented at the Annual :Meeting of theSpeech Communication AssoCiatj,on (61st, HOuston,Texas, December 27-30, 1975)
4 'EDRS PRICE NF-$0.76 HC-$1.58 Plus .Postage-DESCRIPTORS *Elections; *Information Dissetination;_ Persuasive
Discourse; Political Influences; *political Issues;Politics; Propaganda; *Publicize; *Teievision;---Television CoMMercials .
ABSTRACT %. - .
4The method of campaigning politically on-television
has changed markedly between 1952, when Speeches)py Candidates were .
the prevalent mode of television campaignims, and 1972, when60-second and 30-second spot announcements had almost replacedbroadcast addresses. .However, studies show- th.at spots do notConstitute an important source of political information for anysignificant number of eligible miers, nor do Spots affect voter ,
turnout, A variety of factors suggest the &eSirebility of prohibitihgpolitical advettiSing- or televislcn end-radio-(as in-pritaiu) and ofrequiting publicly licensed broadcasters to make free time availablefor all major candidates to appear in an uncontrolled format. (Graphsillustrating variouS points ate interspersed throughqut,the paper.)-prl. y
..,
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.1
U S. DEPARTMENT OF HEALTH,EDUCATION a WELFARENATIONAL INSTITUTE OF
EDUCATIONTHIS DOCUMENT HAL, OE rN ETEP40DUCE° EWA( TT. kECEff-0 *RCMTHE PEPSUN OR ORT,LN,EATtONOkTotETATTNLT .T PoiNTS. Of LHCOT Ok OFA,NiONSTATED DO NOT. Nt'CL,."-.Akti. RE-PRESENT OF-c T(tAL NAT$ONtH .TO-CEEDUCATION POST T+ON Ok POLICY
Broadcast Political Advertisements
and the Public Political_Debate
noward-H. Martin
The University of Michigan
--PERMISSION TO REPRODUCE THIS COPY-RIGHTED MATERIAL HAS.BEEN GRANTED BY
Howard H. Martin-
TO ERk AND RGANIZATIONS OPERATINGUNDER AGREEMENTS WITH THE NATIONAL IN,STITUTE OF EDUCATION, FURTHER REPRO-DUCTION- OUTSIDE THE ERIC' SYSTEM ,RECLIMES PERMISSION OF THE COPYRIGHTOWNER
It is no secret that, since 05a, when television first played d-a
part in political campaigning, candidates' use of broadcast media
has turned increasingly toward the 60-second and 30-second 'spot'
announcement and the 5-minute 'trailer'- during prime time and sway-
from the broadcasting of candidates' speeches. In 1952 there were
almost no other broadcasts than those of the candidates' speeches.
By 1960,-exclusive of the four televised debates, of 48 Nixon-speeche'S)
4 were- nationally televised, .and .of 78 Kennedy speeches; only one--0
the election eve speech - -was nationally televised. In 1964, both
loldwater and Johnson-televised only one speech apiece. by 1972,
announcements had nearly driven,out broadcaqt addresses:
Nixon broadcast only one speech on prime time teleVision
and,McGovern brloadcast no 'live' addresses. Nixon did give 13,radid
addresses on 4 range of issues, under the auspices of CREP, usually
-.scheduled just after noon, chiefly to get his' views on record and have
the speeches repov-ted in the press._ McGovern pumhase&trme for a
small number of half -hour discussions of issues.
A-quantitative measure has been provided by Stanley Kelley of
this remarkable shift.1
6
2
'Mean length of party telecasts:
1952 n , 29 fainutes
1956 13 minutes
1960 M. minutes
Modal .:ength of televised broadcasts:
1952 30 minutes
1956 5 minutes0
r960 5 minutes
Decline in the use of the 5-minute 'trailer' probably had reduqed the
modal length-to less than 60 seconds by 1972.
-A corollary measure of the .increasing use of .'spots' is provided
by the increased expenditures for television (and radio) time which,
ap broadcast speeches have declined and 'spots' increased, display
ever heavier use of advertising ' cpots' heavily concentrated in prime
time
Comparison of TV/Radio Network and Local Charges, General Election.
196 1.960 196L. 1968
GOP. $ 5:38 M $ 7.56 M $13.03 M $22.51 M
DEMO 4,12 6 '.21 11,01 15,45-, .
OTHER: .32 .43 .56 . 2.45
TOTAL 9,80 14,20_ -.24.60 40.40',
By 1968, total broadcasting* expenses by parties bad reached $ 55.73
million, with $ 27.86 Million spent by Republicans and $ 27.73 million
spent by Democrats,. an overall increase from 1964 of 70%. 3
Alth9ugh.theyederal Election, Campaign Act of 1971 limited,
spending for media advartisingy outlays were still substantial; 1972o
time-chartes fOr network and...local broadcasts were ahead 9f 1956
-a
b.
totals. The Republicans spent for all media advertising their leg.*
limit of $ 14.3 million, of which 4.3 million was spent for broad:
caseads in the general election. Dembcrats spent $ 6.2 million.of
their $ 14.3 million limit on broadcast ads during the same period.4
Who is reached by this swollen quantity of television tspots1?-
Potentially, 'spots' reach a substantial majority of the yotin.g7age
population. A.C. Nielsen has reporked in 1972 publications that
96:4. of United States households have television receivers, and that.
nearly 7054 of these households watch television betWeen 7:30 p.m.
and 9:30 p.m. on an average day. When 'spots' are used in saturation
during the last two-weeks of'a campaign nearly maximum exposure is
possible. Moreover, 'spots' reach a cross-section of the'votingrage=
n selective exposure is apparently overcome. A study of
exposure to television ads during gubernatorial campaigns in Wiscon7
rin,and Colorado in 1972 displayed nearly equal exposure of.partisans
to ads of major party "candidates .5
Favor GOP Undecided/DST .Favor DEMO
Seen more GOP ads
.Seen. equal number
Seen more DEMO'ads
31 °4
48
21
27 V',
-53
20
32>,
-37
31
Finally, 'spots' reach people who expect to be entertained, It was
discovered as early as 1952.that audiences for political telecastsOr"
shrank when entertainment programs were also available.6 That is
.
hardly surprising; prime time, television is a vehicle.for entertainment.
Moreover, judgments of the quality._ of political 'spots' have employed
entertainment standards;- viewers were asked to rate_ads as "generally
entertaining,," "generally boring, " or in between. "7 The expectation
of being entertained obviously qualifies the impact of political.
information upon. an audience otherwise very large and containing
opposite- partisans and the uncommitted.
Although the potential audience for 'spots' is immense, for
whom do they constitute an important source of political information?
The question is simpler 'so answer in the negative. 'Spots' are not
an important source of information for people of.strong partisan
affiliations; such people make up their minds about their vpte"15efore
the campaign begins.8
, . 1952 1956 .
Knew their vote all alongp
30 44 4",
Decided when candidates- chosen 35 1 32
TOTAL 65:%, 76
Nor are 10.pots' an important source of information for people who are
strongly interestedi,p,the campaign; they, too, make up their mindS-
early. Moreover, the highly interested depend upon a mix,of Many
information Medianewspapers, magazine4 television and radio; in
such, a mix, television ads appear insiffiTicipt. The following table
indicates also that people who care little about the.cdmpdign'also
are muchless exposed to media sources of political information of
'any- kind. 9
as
,
5
Media Exposure and Levels of Political Involvement
Involvement
t.
High 4.
'3
2
1
. Media Exposure
LoW0
5
13 .
33
49
y
Io
24
35
31
2'
2-3
32
27
18
3
41 °X
30
21
8
High4
46
31
17
6
Nor, are 'spots, important for ,those
ticket-splitter is a highly motivated voter, not similar to
who split their votes. The
styled "independents voter who is re.
tickdt-splitter rates televised ad
ally a di
very low
the follOwing table shows. For him, importan
which candidates exert the least contro1.1°
the self:-
sinterested voter. The
on an 11 -point scale, ,as
t sources are those oVer,
Rating 'of _Sources of Campaign jnformatibn
Undecideds Ticket-splitters
Interpersonal
Talk with family
Contact with candidate
Talk with friends
Audio-Visval
5.5
5o
4.8
5:6'
5.2
5.0.
TV news 6.7 6.8
TV documentaries/Specials 6.5 6.6
TV editorials. 5.7 5.6
TV talk shows 5.6
TV educational programs 5.9'
TV ads 3.6
,! 6
Undecideds Ticket-splitters
News stories and editorials . 5.8 5.9+
Newspaper ads, 3.8 3.7
?inboards 2.1L
If not political partisans or t`hose highly interested in llolitcs
or tick;t-splitters, then .who are those for whom 'spdts' are an. .
. . .
important source of political information? Apparently, the answer
.is: -those who do not care much about theegMpaign, those who do not
care.muchaSOut the Outcome, those who are; therefore-,Tersistent
non-Voters, those who do not know about the issues and inaccurately
pereive.candidates' stands, those who are vote "changers" (Switoh
,parties from one election to the .next) or ".Floaters" (those who change. . . -
-theirminds at least once.durini; the campaign. Although potentially... - ;
this 7rou could be as lar-e as $tof eliEible voter,,,who express
an intentiorp to vote, their numVersare alway:s seriously eroded by
.-nan-votin, Eoreover, because of their.fundamental.disintereSt,
pay, close attention to the ads. Tkm study in lisconsin and4
COlarado%found,that only 2P % of those exposed to 'spots' paid close
..attention to-them; /2 paid_vsome" attention; 29 %' paid no att(..ntion.11
Although television political 'spots' do not onstitute an
important source of political information for any si.;nificant numLeri
of voters, what direct-evidence have we of the effect of
ispo* ':? First, the increase in 'spot'= announcements- -and of teleirision
generally--ha- not affected voter turnout as television ownershi!ip has3
b.ecome almost universal, as the following graph illustrates.I2
O
Y
7-
Turnout rate 3efoi4ead,After Television Saturation
.100 %90fp706o50PQ302010
-0
-I/o
T
62-.1 4.0.7%53.c Vo--
-0 0
45.-s 49a, % 45%4
0
1950. 32' 56 ,5P 60 '62 6L 66 :68 7o 72 7In-fact, there'is'a higher correlation between newspaper readinzand
turnout =than between television use and turnoutril
TV Newspaper VOt-ed
own read 83 % 1,073
don't own read 73 Yo. elL,27-;
oVI, don' t read -61 0 '. 167
don't own .,don't read bl -% , 103
jhat inauence do 'spots' e::ert upon the low interest voters for
whom they may, presumalay, provide an important source of political
information? .ie.,may reaSon that.tfspotsYmay provide such_voters_with,
-information that would tend,to influence a preference-only if the
information were uniformly.fayaizable to a sinle party candidate.4g,,;
11.9.s already been shown, oxposure to 'spots' is nat uni-partisan;
:loreover, attention paid to ',spots' is not seriously skewed by
partisan prefe!.renCe4F
Attention laid to Televised fOlitical Ads-
-Favor GP2 UnD/bST. Favor-Dethe
Closer attention to :.;-0:.' as '' 22 % , /!-% 2 %.. .
. .
. _
Equal72' j 91 81---.
Closer attention to p, 4:x7: ads 5 ' '17 --
1.)
8
-. And, iin all the studies I have seen, it has proved impossible, --i . .,.
,,separate the effect of television ads from the effect of t9 -Vision
exposure enerally,.therefore it is impossible to know wh ther
. .i- Candidate=controlled exposure ('spots') or uncentrolle e,,pospre news)Y/ ,.
., ,.., . -
. .affects low-interest ,roters. For example, a study o.: the effects of
O
the "democrats for Idxon" 'spots' in ,l972,' which idiculed
positions on.defense spendin.1,, welfare and his 11e4ed inconsistency,
showed ,that ovr the last six weeks of, the c moai::,-n voters became more
aware of Idxon's and ;:c:overn's beliefs o4
spending and consistency,
but could not directly attribute that anze to 'spots.'
7-ercent Ivorovemen in Und.erstandin9:
:.*.c77 on Defense Nixon en aefense i4oa ConsistencyA
- Hj.:11 interest,-(hiTh exposure)
+2? +19 -3
Low Interest, +12 ,
e:To.svre)
`:oderate Intere-st, +30 +1exposure)
Low interest . +12 +8(loexposure)
^
.Hic.,11 Interest +e +27-(Inw PTy1,--1111^P),_
reover, when we subtract the ohan -,e that occurred without exposure,!
thrdiffemince between hi h interest and low interest \Fitters is small
indeed_, orobatly within the error marin for a sample,df.this size
.(45 ) and therefore insi:nificant.iD It does not follow,Qthen, from
"what empirical evidence there is, that low interest voters are more.
,influenced by"spets' than other- segments Of the -votin,,
"
public.
,
I
Aa'thouh there .is no evidence that"spdts''have so far exerted
important-effect ppon.the political decision process, there ,are still'
reasons for concern about their continued Use. First, persistent ',
.
employment of ''spots' reinforces the notion that an electoral decision
is no more important than selection of an antacid. Such a. .
.cultural inipact, is' predictable and undesirable. *ia)reover, most" .
memorable 'spots'-haveemployed fear-appealsZand/or over=EUmDlification,
of an 6pponent's,position in orderto arouse doubts that cannot
be allayed in the short ,term of a. campaiTn. For e::ample, the Democratic,
Tarty ad in 19,1- picturin a Tirl licking an ice-cream cone while a
voice-explainea that strontium' 90 was budding up in-milk :gupplies
d6 to nuclear -Cestin,-, and that carry :;oldwater opposed the test
ban treaty. ,r, idxon supporters'. law and order 'spots' in 196Z,
.of the Connally 7roun's ads in 1972 for Nixon .that Showed a hand
sveeping toy ships and planes off a table-tor'while a voice explained
that ilcovern planned to emasculate American defenses., Such ads seem,
' to fall into the category of thing,s..euphemistically labelled "dirty
tricks." ;inally, continued use of4-spots''.may render the electoi-a1
decisionmcrrpirrationalif false cemisleadin information. is given to
people -who do not bare enough to chec.4 its accuracy.
Thereforp., althou741 my,worries°about_the effects or political, .
del-,ate and decision::makin7 of the dbcaihe and near - disappearance of
, broaMst di.stourse appear to-be unounded in terms meaSurable
consequences-to date, there dO seem to bg some reasons for takinT,
action; That 'action?.
television arid radio,
the prohibition of all pbliticial advertisin..; on
which has been repeatedly proposed and is the
ex
statusquo in is still desirable. such a prohibition ought
.17
.10
linkedwith..a 'requiiement that publicly licensr broadcasters
make available free tirie for all major candidates to appear in an
,..uncontroll4d,fornat preemptin7'M bther teleyibion oro-Tamift
simultaneously. 1 ..)uah arran-ements wouldL
abloiThensions man7 have had thattelev.sed-
subvert, t& full discussion of issues ha
candidate tom*:tence.
r
(1.
.
IN
4
1
,
I
11,
le
C
pf,stantially remove the
Political 'spots' may, f
he 'full disclosure ofe
..'
;
1.
af
-.4
I
.-4
. 5
L
.1
0 ..
.2ndnote6:
11
ad.
1"Campni-n Zel-ates:. Some la.cts and Issues," -ublic Lpinion
(..,11, 1062) , 7.5.
217i7ures have E'.en rounded to 2ronortion of millions of dollar
frol FCC data r,Lort,,,d in Con-ressional keuarterl!! %eeklv Report, 27-.
. ,
(Septenl,er 12, l!'60), 1702.
eid., ;1. 1701.
-Conzressiona1.4uarterieeklv Report, (Iay 12, 1°73) , 1131'.
SCharles . E.tkin et at, "quality versus .,,uantity in Televised
'olitical ,," :ullic rrninion .4uarterlv, 37 (Sumner, 1073), 216.
"Campai-n.Decates: Some Facts and issues,'" p. 756.
1.1tkin, ;:tersug :4uantitzr," p. 216.
Ca'nlote1.1;-_hillip 2. Converse, Jarren J. tiller and
72)onald 2. Stoker, Th;) American Voter, !In .1brlid7ment
ill and Sons, inc.,.120) pip. /1-2.
V. . Jr., :111-,lic.ninion and American Democracy (1.ew
'llfrPd p. "5P.
Yo-k!:. John
10 .alter 1.Xries an ,Y Tari-ance, Jr. , The Ticket-Splittr
,-
,4)rand Rapids, A chion: . Erdmanns :ublishinz Co., 1P7P), DD. 75- .
-,11-1-1i
t1,... n .4ualtity," p. 216.
12Th data on turnout rate is adap Inmn a chart in An;-1.,,
"a7 sielevision Reshaped Columl7ia "Journalism
ReieT, up=dated with fi7tires.fr,'m Conzressional quarterly
illmanacs for 1070 and 1072..
1": n 31as ero "Television and :/otin-.- Turnout," .ullic
pinion quarterlv, 2 (Zprim, 1065), 7P.
1' tkin,uality versus ,pantityt" 4a. 21e.. -
41.
12
15ThomasE. i-atterson'and Robert D. McClure, Iolitical Advertising.:'
Voter Redction to Televised ol.itical Commercials. Citizen's research
.Foundation Study:, No. 23 (197P).'
16Twentieth Century Puna', loter's Tiiiiev Report . ; . on_r;ampaian
Costs in the Electronic__T,ra (::ew York: Twentieth Century Fund, 1962),_0..
developed thepe proposals, .
, .
ai
p.
1'
ts2