: Verbalizing and Visualizing Creative Power through ArtAuthor(s): Rowland AbiodunSource: Journal of Religion in Africa, Vol. 24, Fasc. 4 (Nov., 1994), pp. 309-322Published by: BRILLStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1581339Accessed: 09/07/2010 15:42

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Jrnl. Rel. Afr. XXIV, 4 (1994), ? E.J. Brill, Leiden

ASE: VERBALIZING AND VISUALIZING CREATIVE POWER THROUGH ART*

BY

ROWLAND ABIODUN (Amherst College, Mass.)

An important aspect of verbal and visual arts in ritual contexts in Africa is the way they affect their audience, initiate and non- initiate alike. Often achieved through a careful choice and arrange- ment of a range of sculptures, objects, colors, sounds, phrases, and incantations, these artistic devices, whether they exist as assemblages or simply by themselves in sacred settings, confront the researcher in the field with an enormously complex religio- aesthetic experience. This scenario does not lend itself easily to straightforward ethnographic description, translation and analysis, especially if we rely solely on terminologies and/or theoretical con- structs derived from the traditionally relevant academic disciplines of art history, psychology, philosophy and anthropology as defined and practised in the West. The methodological challenges arising from this situation create, however, an opportunity to explore afresh African conceptual systems and oratory for new and contex- tually relevant theoretical alternatives. This exercise is most likely to advance the study of art in general, as it promises to add the badly-needed dimension of 'soul'" to a still essentially formalist, self-referential and Western-modernist approach to African art and aesthetics.

Drawing mainly on my fieldwork and findings in Yorubaland, this essay will address the subject of ase, an enigmatic affective phenomenon in Yoruba art and culture, and elaborate on its critical role as a creative and effective power in the verbal and visual arts. An attempt will also be made to shed some light on the compelling aesthetic presence which invariably results from the logical combination of artistic components purposefully selected and designed to convey and accentuate the ise in a thing or subject.

The concept of ase has intrigued many scholars of Yoruba culture in Africa and the New World. The word, ase, is generally translated

Rowland Abiodun

and understood as 'power', 'authority', 'command', 'sceptre', 'vital force' in all living and non-living things and as 'a coming-to- pass of an utterance' in the Yoruba cosmos.2 To devotees of the Yoruba drisa (Yoruba deities), however, the concept of ase is prac- tical and more immediate. It includes the notion that ase inhabits and energizes the awe-inspiring space of the orisac, their altars (oju- ibo), along with all their objects, utensils, offerings and including the air around them. Thus, it is not uncommon to find religious artifacts being kept on the altars of the various orisa when not being used or performed in public ceremonies or festivals. Ojuz-ibp also often applies to that sacred architectural space where priests and devotees may be empowered or re-charged with ise before under- taking any major task.

Ase pertains to the identification, activation and utilization of the innate energy, power and natural laws believed to reside in all animals, plants, hills, rivers, natural phenomena, human beings and orisa. In addition to potent medicinal preparations (oguin) which may be taken orally or absorbed into the blood stream through small cuts on designated parts of the body such as the upper and lower lips, an efficacious use of a.se depends largely on the verbalization, visualization and performance of attributive characters of those things or beings whose powers are being harnessed.3 When a.prompt and desired result takes place, ase is likened to a-je-bi-ind ('potent and effective traditional medicinal preparations which respond like the ignited fire'). Coincidentally, je or ddhun which mean 'answer' or 'respond,' as in a command, are terms used to describe not only the efficacy of ase but also of art as I have already discussed elsewhere under an important aesthetic category, iluti.4

Iluti, literally 'good hearing', idiomatically refers to qualities such as 'obedience', 'teachableness' and 'understanding'. Iluti is what determines whether or not a work of art is 'alive' and 'respon- ding' that is, 'je' or 'ddhun'. Iluti deals with the fulfilment of artistic intention as well as precision in the artistic process. Broadly speak- ing, iluti is a 'call-response' phenomenon which reinforces the Yoruba belief in the existence and power of primordial names for all living and non-living things. Thus, in choosing orisa to worship or consult for assistance, the Yoruba look for those with iluti. Ebpra to luti l nibo, 'We worship only deities that can respond when con- sulted. '5

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In order to capture and express verbally or visually the essence, character or primordial names of their subject, Yoruba artists have need of oju-inu', literally 'inner eye', a special kind of understanding of a person, thing or phenomenon. This is the source of an aesthetic consciousness with which the artist must perceive the individualized form, color, substance, rhythm, outline and harmony of a subject. Such perception is acquired through familiarity with traditionally approved sources like oriki (praise poetry), songs, relevant Ifi divination texts, and extant examples of the artefact, altar or per- formance being created. Thus, it is with oju-inu that an artist may know and use the right colors, designs and combination of motifs for, say, a $ang6 or ObatAla sculpture, or costume, all of which would imbue the artist's work with the proper identity and ase of the odrsa. Without this ase, many an attractive artefact would fail to make any appreciable religio-aesthetic impact on its audience.

Though present in all persons and things, .se is not something that can be unilaterally invented or conferred on oneself. It is for this reason that the Yoruba say 'A ki ifi ara enijoye', 'one does not install oneself as a chief or ruler over a community or group of people.' It is, therefore, not uncommon to hear a question like, 'Tani fiin Q ni ise'. 'What/who is your sanctioning authority (for an action)?' when the source of an 4se is suspect. Even an dris's a se can be queried. There are examples in Yoruba myth when powerful and charismatic figures like Sango and Ogun ignored traditional procedures to become gba (ruler), the highest position of authority in the socio-political organisation of the Yoruba. But the results were calamitous in both instances. Like a sceptre, ase must be received from a source outside of, and higher than onself, which in part explains the Yoruba custom of consulting Ifa before approval can be given to install an pba (ruler) and not infrequently an oldri (leader) of a community.

An important part of the installation ceremony of an oba is the voicing of his given and secret names (usually unknown to strangers), for the purpose of imbuing them with the newly con- ferred ase. On such occasions, the air and space between the one who vocalizes a.se and the recipient of the ase is believed to be so powerfully charged that, it is considered unsafe for anyone to obstruct it. This is understandable because the verbal complex of ase is made up of potent sacred oratory which makes heavy and esoteric use of metaphors in distinctive language patterns and

Afs

Rowland Abiodun

poetic structures. More incantatory than everyday conversational Yoruba language, pfo, dgedi, ayaj., eps, .sd, and odr-ifd6 all of which feature in .se, use archaic words and terms in short, direct and authoritative sentences. As indicated above, the subject of the ase, that is, the one to whom the a.e is being sent, must be correctly and promptly identified. Literally, the sender/vendor of ase 'shoots', 'beams', or 'aims' his adse, that is 'ta 4.se' at a targeted person or thing. This verbalization of adse is, however, part of a larger artistic device designed to provoke one's essential nature and personal destiny (on'-inu), in order to influence or change its state of being with instantaneous certainty. The procedures and physical require- ments for the recitation of dse vary depending on its type and pur- pose. In some, the utterance of ase must be accompanied by the chewing of certain herbs, roots or peppers. Ataare (alligator pepper) is most commonly used. Another kind of dase calls for the licking of salt, honey or specially prepared medicines stuffed in an animal horn (usually the ram's or antelope's) when an incantation is in progress.7 It is also not unusual to find ase which require the sender to maintain a prescribed posture, such as standing on one leg, kneeling down and holding the breasts for females, and/or remain- ing naked during the recitation of dse. Other conditions may include facing a particular direction, namely, the east or the west, a hill, river, or a designated altar/shrine at a specified hour of the day or night.

There is also a category of acie known as ohunr-dfse whose literal translation is 'voicing ise and making it come to pass'. It features in incantations. As the main goal of a.se is comprehensive control, one way of understanding the content of these incantations is to regard them as invocations designed to operate at both the physical and spiritual levels of existence.

It is difficult to ascertain the exact origin(s) of ase in Yoruba culture. In ritual oratory, however, useful references abound as to its all-important place in Yoruba religious and political life. One ancient myth8 contains an account of how, at Qlorun's (Creator-in- chiefs) request, Qgb?n (Wisdom) presented obi-.se (literally, 'the kolanut of authority') to all four hundred and one oirsa who were having a dispute over who would be the leader among them at the dawn of creation. Whoever succeeded in splitting the obi-.se (kolanut of authority) would be declared the leader and henceforth would control the destinies of the remaining onr.s. All of them tried

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but only Ori succeeded in accomplishing this difficult task. Thus Ori became the ruler occupying the highest position of authority and possessing the preeminent a4se among all the orisa.

With his ase, Ori was able to deal with all threats of opposition from his fellow oritcs who had vied with him for the enviable position of authority but had failed. In the Ifa divination text that narrates this story, the use of two Yoruba verbs, pa and da, provide useful clues to the meaning and operation of se, especially with respect to its creative aspect. In the phrase pa obi-4se, which is 'to split or

separate the kolanut of authority into its constituent lobes,' the same verb pa (to split) can also mean 'to create or fabricate' as in

pa-itdn, 'to tell or create a story.' Similarly, the verb dd as used in the Ifa divination text about Ori has two meanings, namely, 'to fell, overpower, defeat' and 'to create, install'. It would appear that the intention here is to present the two apparently different but related

aspects of Ori's ase, the superior force or authority which enabled him to make or break anything, and to control the personal destinies of every creature including those of men and the oritsd, as

captured in the following Ifa text:

Orisa 16 kg ba Orn dimu Orn da a, 6 da si ita Ajalamo N' ita AjMalam ni 6risa gbe di fnafina Onr da Ifa, Ifa di RokinrQkin Onr da Amidksi 6 19 si Ila-Oorun Nibe ni Amakisi ti ni tan ina aarg s'ile aye 0 da kaluku won si ibi ti a gbe rmbo won gbogbo9

Orisanila was the first divinity to defy Ori's authority; Ori floored Orisnila and put him in Ajalamo where destinies are moulded There, at Ajalam', Orisaihi became the firing expert of moulded destinies.

Next, Ori overcame Ifa, And put him in charge of interpreting the mysteries of the sixteen sacred

palmnuts of divination.

Amakisi was equally subdued, And Ori placed him in the East Whence he shines the morning light on earth. Ori defeated all the ornsa, And assigned them their different functions where they are revered today.

As a result of this early association of Ori with ase and, in par- ticular, following his successful splitting of obi-.se, Ori became the

appropriate and most pervasive symbol of ase in the human and

Ase

Rowland Abiodun

spiritual realms. Furthermore, since Ori literally means 'head', the utmost respect and honor given to Ori (the divinity) has extended to virtually all political and spiritual heads and leaders. This is also true in the case of the physical human and animal heads because they control the rest of the body, the head of a city or town usually an oba (a divine ruler), a community leader and whoever or whatever controls and leads the way in any situation, are all believed to possess ase similar to that of Or (the divinity) who became the leader of the four hundred and one ori'sa in heaven. On all occasions, whether sacred or secular, the indispensability of Ori is stressed. Ori is referred to as oko ('husband', 'master'), implying his invincibility and superior power to control or influence the out- come of any situation. Ase is located at the apex or pointed end of the conical object, ibpon, which symbolically represents on, the authority, power or force needed to accomplish all things. Like- wise, every creature uses its on' (usually the head or some other place where there ase is located) to solve problems and surmount obstacles.

In the visual arts, notably in sculpture, on' (the head) is made the focus of much ritual, artistic and aesthetic activity. Not infre- quently, on'(the head) is made more prominent and given a place of visual command by rendering it bigger than normal in size, and proportionally subordinating all other parts of the body to it. Its features receive a detailed artistic treatment while coiffures, headgear and crowns worn on on' (the head) are deliberately emphasized. The face and especially the eyes, both known by the same word oj'z, are hardly ever surpassed in their aesthetic appeal compared with all other parts of the human anatomy.

Because ase was believed to emanate from oju (face), children and young people were forbidden to look straight into their parents' or elders' oju (face). It was even more dangerous to stare at the face of an oba (divine ruler) which was always veiled. Thus the reverence and respect received by the oba was to a lesser degree like that accorded the orisa in the sacred space of the altar, oju-ibp, where the ase of drisd could be palpably felt and communicated.10

The importance of oju in art and ritual is clearly expressed in the axiom, Ojt ni oro wi, 'ro, the essence of communication takes place in the eyes/face'. With a properly executed oju either in a figural sculpture or in a well-designed ojuz-ibo for the altar of odris, there- fore, concentration heightens, communication takes place and sup-

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plication becomes more efficacious for both initiates and non- initiates. Conversely, the absence of on and oju in any sacred or secular activity, whether artistic or not, would be tantamount to anarchy in the human and spiritual realms of existence. There would be no ase.

The following oriki links the attributes of the spiritual head with the physical one and acknowledges their indispensability:

On, OnfSe, Adaaye Orn, Apere As' akara'm-taia lja Ejigbomekuh Ateleni m' pada lHhin eni On b&ba (QkQ) ohun gbogbo Ori 1'abaki Gbogbo ara ko je hkankan Bf ofr ba kur6 If ara Okiutu 16 ku Kukurakui ara kb reru Orn j-wQ', ;dikun Ma pada lhin mi Orn Qk ohun gbogbo"

On, cause and creator Ori-Aperi, who makes bean cakes but never sells them at Ejlgb6mqkuin market (On) the Great Companion who never deserts one On, the master of all It is On we should praise The rest of the body comes to naught When On' is missing from the body What remains is useless What remains is incapable of carrying any load It is the off which bears the load On, I pray you Do not desert me You, the Lord of all things.

Because on (head) is the location of ase and also of human per- sonal destiny, Yoruba people do not normally haggle over the cost of the services of a hairdresser or barber. For similar reasons, hair- dressers or plaiters are seen as performing a duty, and although it is aesthetic and concerned with the beautification of orn'-de 'outer physical head', it extends into the spiritual realm, influencing positively the performance of onr-inu' ('inner spiritual head'). The regard for the inner spiritual head is similar to that accorded an pba (divine ruler) who is, in fact, a kind of oldnr (leader) but of a high status in the human realm. Indeed, an oba is not only treated and addressed like an ori.sd, his leadership is invariably patterned after

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Rowland Abiodun

that of On, the only ori.sa in heaven who split the obi-ase. Thus, an oba is greeted as follows:

Kabiyesi Alase, Ekeji-Orisa Ikui Baba-Yeye

One-whose-authority-cannot-be-challenged Who is endowed with 4as And ranks only with the orisd The-personification-of-death-itself Ultimate Father-Mother

A beaded conical crown (ade), the traditional visual symbol and vestment of an oba's ase, echoes the basic form and function of ili-or'

(house-of or), a lavishly decorated cowrie container which houses

ibpri, the physical and ritual symbol for ori-inu (inner spiritual head). The veil which usually hangs down from the rim of an pba's crown is aimed at de-emphasizing the wearer's humanity while

bringing his divine status to the fore.12 In this position, an pba's gaze and utterance, both of which are charged with ase, require the veil as a barrier lest an accidental release of this vital force hurt

people who are physically close to the oba when or if he is angered. The veil also functions ritually to protect the wearer against malicious .se from without. In I1sa, leading priestesses of Owari,'3 the third or fourth ruler of Ijesaland, are also known to wear crown-like structures which veil their faces for similar reasons.

A bird-like representation or actual egret tailfeathers call atten- tion to the location of ase at the apex of the Yoruba conical crown.

They allude to the pba's paramountcy in his domain, as 'the egret is considered the leader among birds', okinr baba eye. It is also not uncommon to find red tail feathers of the parrot on the crown of an oba and on the coiffures of highranking and influential female orisa priestesses in Qw'o. This hints at their unmistakable presence and power, both of which appear to be hinged to the belief that olu-' odzde kit wal nigbo kt'gbogbo eye md mb (no bird ever fails to recognise the presence of the adult parrot in the forest). Perhaps of immediate

symbolic relevance here is the belief that parrots' red tailfeathers

possess ase which can alter the nature of persons and objects. It is for this reason that the red tailfeathers were strictly forbidden in blacksmiths' workshops lest they altered the chemical properties of metals.

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Another common symbol of dse often carried by an pba or his representative is opd-dse (the royal sceptre). Commanding almost an equal degree of respect as the physical presence of an oba, opd-ad.se gives its authorized bearer the power to say or do anything without being challenged. In most Yoruba palaces, there is a shrine specifically built for .pd-a-se or okuzte (its counterpart in some parts of eastern Yorubaland). There, dpd-ase or dkiut of past rulers are kept and during the installation ceremony of a new ruler, it is visited to effect a ritual transfer of ase.

Belonging also in this category of powerful staffs possessing enor- mous .se, is the Ifa'diviner's iron staff called opd o'rer, pd dsoor6 or osun babaldwo. It is carried vertically in the right hand by the babaldwo (Ifa priest) but may be stuck in the ground at important gatherings or occasions involving the presence of Ifa priests. When not in use, osun babaldwo stands in one corner of a room in the priest's house.14 Usually between eighty-five and one hundred and forty-two centimeters tall, the staff is surmounted by one or two birds, standing on a flat disc which rests on the inverted bottom part of hollow metallic cones or bells. About two sets of four slim bells, also metal, are welded to the staff along its height at two dif- ferent levels. Osun babaldwo is important ritually in the implementa- tion of Qrunmila's orders in Ifa divination. The bird(s) on top of the staff represents eyekdn15 (literally, 'the single or lone bird'). Unlike the birds which surround the Qsanyin staff, believed to represent malevolent forces in the universe, eyekdn represents a con- structive and positive power of implementation, the dse par excellence in Ifa divination. The story of eyekan from Eji-Ogbe in Ifa relates how, as eyeoko (bird of the forest, wild pigeon) it was her- maphroditic, lived wild in the forest and was childless for a long time. Eye oko consulted Ifa and performed prescribed ritual sacrifices. Thereafter, it was able to reproduce and had two off- spring. From that time, eye oko became eye ile6 (pronounced eyele) meaning 'bird of the home, domesticated pigeon'. The bird(s) on top of the osuzn babaldwo, thenceforth ritually called eyekan, came to symbolize the authority of Ifa and its ..e to carry out all of Qrun- mila's orders and predictions. The following Ifa text shows how this staff was used to bring prosperity to a client who asked for Ifi's guidance and complied with Ifa's injunctions:

0 ruib9 tan Won se Ifa fin un

Rowland Abiodun

W~n ni k6 mu osuin lwW LQ si ode 6kb ti iil9 W?n ni bo ba ti d6de Okb Yoo rif iya alar6 kan lojude O16ko Ki 6 se bi eni pe Yoo fi osun QW, r? gun un Nigba t6 dode 6l6kb 0 beere afin 016kb 0 ba iya alar6 kan nfwaju ahfin naa L6 ba pa guuru si f 0 se bi eni pe Y66 fi osun gun un Bes? ti iya alar6 y' fin un L6 ba fi osfun naa gun iri Bi osfun ti gun iM? Irei jiln ls'-k-s' Igba ti y66 wo abi fie 0 nri p'lQpQP iSr?ke s'gi (Abimb9la, 1969: 127-128)

He (Baba Awusi) completed the ritual sacrifice, Which was divined for him. He was advised to hold osun staff in his hand. When proceeding to 6ko which he had planned. He was told that when he arrived at 6kb, He would find a woman dyer in front of the 016kb's palace. He should pretend that he would stab her with the osun staff. When he arrived at the premises of the 016ko, He asked for the location of O16kb's palace. He met a woman dyer in front of the palace. He suddenly rushed at her, Pretended that he would stab her with the osuzn staff. With a clever dodge, the woman dyer escaped him. He struck the osuin staff into the earth. As the osuin staff struck the earth, The earth sank immediately. When he (Baba Awisi) looked inside the earth, He found a great quantity of precious beads.

In other instances, the staff has been instrumental in effecting physical healing as the following Ifa verse states:

Asse pa ajuba nii f?s' le ori erkn geregeregere A da fdn OrQinmila nil gba pa ?t'it.tot waye 6 rhbp, 6 ba aro lIna 6 n ki 16 se iw9 ti o ri w4ngu-w'ngu bayli 6 fi ppa Q9tQtQQtQ kan ani Ls'ekannaa ar? na (Lijadu, 1972:71)

The cultivator of a new farmland usually stands high on heaps, It was divined for Onrnmila who was going to receive the healing staff from

heaven and proceed to the earth. On his way he met a cripple, And he asked him, 'what made you so crooked?' He touched him with his healing staff, And immediately the cripple was made straight.

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There are, of course, many ordinary items which may not be as visually imposing as the Ifa priest's staff but still are considered important asf objects. They include household utensils such as bowls, mortar, pots, knives; guns, bags, bracelets, beads, fans, stools, items of clothing, flora and fauna associated with specific deities, but all of which may not always feature on the drisa altar. Many of these end up being used as aial, a.se-impregnated sculptural constructs usually placed on articles for sale left unattended, fruit trees, and at the entrance of farms, and private dwellings to prevent theft. Anyone who violates this prohibition would, it is believed, suffer some calamiiy.

Also worth mentioning is the ase that can be carried or worn on one's person. For example, during the numerous internecine wars that raged in Yorubaland in pre-colonial times, 4.e was freely used by the military. War uniforms, hunter's vests and jackets were heavily adorned with amulets and charms for defensive and offen- sive purposes. In Qwo, an important Yoruba kingdom to the east, distinguished warriors had ceremonial war dresses called orufdnran. Onto the jacket of this impressive costume were attached ivory car- vings of bells (omo), and animals such as the leopard, crocodile, monkey and ram. When worn, the orifinnrin jacket appeared like a mobile altar and functioned more or less like one. Sacrifices were offered to it. Its ase was employed to instill fear in the enemy while boosting the wearer's defence. All the animals represented on the ivory carvings have verbal referents in awzure, incantations which were the ase used to attract good fortune in wartime.'7

To summarize, ase is that divine essence in which physics, metaphysics and art blend to form the energy or life force activating and directing socio-political, religious and artistic processes and experiences. Ase is an integral part of the Yoruba aesthetic. It is considered to be effective and triggers a response in the audience, initiate or non-initiate alike, even when it may not be fully and immediately comprehended. Outwardly expressed through verbal, visual or performing arts, separately or jointly, a.se imbues sound, space and matter with energy to re-structure existence, transform the physical world and also to control it.

NOTES * This paper grew out of a much bigger research project on Yoruba art begun

in 1972 and funded in part by the University of Ife, Ile-Ife, Nigeria. I also

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Rowland Abiodun

gratefully acknowledge the support from Amherst College in the form of a research grant which has enabled me to continue the investigation. Among scholars whose writings and conversation have had an impact on this work are Professors Wande AbimbQla, Akin9la Akiwow9, Moses Makinde, Qlasope Oyelaran, Qlabiyi Yai, and the late Arthur Okuniga, Chief M.A. Fabunmi and Pa David Adeniji.

A slightly different version of this paper was presented in a lecture at the Museum for African Art, New York, on November 20, 1993, during the exhibi- tion, 'Face of the Gods, Art and Altars of Africa and African-Americas,' organized by Robert Farris Thompson of Yale University.

1. The term 'soul' has been used here to mean the philosophies of the African peoples. See Rowland Abigdun (1990: 64).

2. For a review of definitions of dsf by various scholars and writers, see Henry John Drewal and Margaret Thompson Drewal (1983a: 5-7), Rowland Abi9dun, Henry John Drewal and.John Pemberton 3rd (1991: 12-13), Robert Farris Thompson (1983: 5-7), Margaret Thompson Drewal (1992: 27), Andrew Apter (1992: 84) and Moses A. Makinde (1988: chapter 5).

3. As Drewal and Drewal rightly noted (1987: 249), Like the preparation of medicine (oogun), during which each ingredient is invoked and activated separately, thus contributing its own unique a,.fe, seriate composition is a formal means of organising diverse power, whether verbally or visually, not only to acknowledge their autonomy but, more importantly, to bring them into actual existence, to marshal them, and set them into action.

4. For a fuller discussion on iluti, see Rowland Abiodun (1990: 78-79). 5. This statement was quite typical of drsad devotees and celebrants at Qdun-Ere

(Festival of Images) in Osogbo. (Personal communication, 1976). 6. For an excellent discussion of the language and style in ese-Ifd, see Wande

Abimb9la (1976: 63-110). 7. For a more extensive discussion and illustration of the animal horns and

medicinal preparations, odgun used in different types of ase, see M.A. Makinde (1988: chapter 5).

8. See Rowland Abi9dun (1987) for a fuller account of this myth. For more myths and studies on Onf, see also Rowland Abigdun (1975: 114 146, 1983, 1989: 111-112), Wande Abimb9la (1976:113-149), Margaret Thompson Drewal (1977), Olufemi MorakinyQ (1983) and Babatunde Lawal (1985).

9. David Adeniji (1974: Personal communication). 10. Writing on the crown at II-QOrhngiin, John Pemberton (1980: 50) notes:

The crown is called an dripd, a deity, and is the object of ritual attention by a female attendant of the king or, as in the case of the palace in Ila-Orangun, by the senior wife. It is she who places the crown upon the king's head, stand- ing behind the king as she does so; for the king must not look upon the con- tainer of powerful medicines, odogn 4as that the herbalist priests have placed in the top of the crown for the protection of the king's head and personal destiny, on'.

11. This orfki (praise-poetry) for orn, 'inner spiritual head' is known and often recited by Ifa priests and elderly people who officiate in rites connected with orn. (David Adeniji, (1979: Personal communication)).

12. For more detailed discussion of Yoruba crowns, see Robert Farris Thomp- son (1970) and Ulli Beier (1982).

13. I am grateful to Reverend Father (Dr.) T.M. Ilesanmi of the Department of African Languages and Literatures, Obafemi AwolQ9w University, Ile-Ife, Nigeria for drawing my attention to the very important role of Qwari priestesses

320

and the permission to use the photograph used in this essay. See also Rowland Abiodun (1989b) for more discussion on woman in Yoruba religious images.

14. See also Drewal and Drewal (1983b). 15. Wande Abimbgla (1974, Personal communication). 16. Eyeli features prominently in Ifa rituals. One might suggest that the choice

of this bird for the top of the osun is connected with its transformation and elevation of status, both of which may allude to Ifa priests' own attainment of high socio- economic position in Yoruba society.

17. For more discussion on the orufinran in Qw'Q, see Rowland Abiodun (1989a: 108-109).

REFERENCES

AbimbQla, Wande 1969 Ijinle Ohun Enu Ifa, Apa Keji. Glasgow: Collins. 1976 IFA, An Exposition of Ifa Literary Corpus. Ibadan: Oxford University

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Issue Table of ContentsJournal of Religion in Africa, Vol. 24, Fasc. 4 (Nov., 1994), pp. 293-388Editorial [p. 293]Art and Religion in Africa: Some Observations and Reflections [pp. 294-308]: Verbalizing and Visualizing Creative Power through Art [pp. 309-322]'Remember Six Feet Deep': Masks and the Exculpation of/from Death in Aro Masquerade [pp. 323-338]Thresholds and Thrones: Morphology and Symbolism of Dangme Public Altars [pp. 339-357]AK-47S for the Ancestors [pp. 358-374]Religion in Contemporary East African Art [pp. 375-388]