e. mcgrath, 'rubens's musathena

Rubens's MusathenaAuthor(s): Elizabeth McGrathSource: Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, Vol. 50 (1987), pp. 233-245Published by: The Warburg InstituteStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/751332 .

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RUBENS'S MUSA THENA 233

RUBENS'S MUSA THENA

N AUGUST 1617 the Jesuit Bernard Bauhuis (Bauhusius) wrote to Balthasar Moretus

expressing the hope that the new edition of his poems (epigrammata) which the latter was about to publish might be adorned with some kind of illustrated title-page. Heinsius's poems were getting this treatment, as were those of Father Surius just published at Arras, and the Plantin Press had already given such a title-page to the meditations of the Jesuit Father Provincial as well as to other works. It was a wonderfully diverting ornament, attracted the buyer, and made little difference to the price. Bauhuis was confident that Rubens with his divinum ingenium would be able to devise something that would be suitable both to his poetry and to his religious situation,. The books he had in mind must have been various devotional works by Frans de Costere (currently Belgian Father Provincial) which had been printed by Plantin in the I580s,2 Joannes Surius's Morata Poesis (Arras 1617) (introduced grandiloquently by figures of Plato and Aristotle), and, in particular, Daniel Heinsius's Poemata. The edition of the Latin poems of Heinsius published at Leyden in 1613 had been given a title-page with Hercules and Minerva holding a laurel wreath above Pegasus,3 while his vernacular poems,

the Nederduytsche Poemata (Amsterdam 1616), had been still more elegantly prefaced by an illustration of Apollo with his lyre between ?Calliope (above a scene of Helicon) and Venus (above Parnassus). Indeed it was perhaps this last design which prompted the letter to Moretus two months later, in which Bauhuis proposed an idea for the general theme: 'I have thought of hallowed Parnassus, the Muses, Mnemosyne, all the things associated with the gods etc.'4

In the event the second edition of the epigrams of this popular author appeared posthumously in I620, and without a Rubens title-page, as did the volumes of I620 and 1623 which combined the poems with those of two other Jesuits, Jacob Biderman and Baldwin Cabilliau. But when in 1634 Bauhuis was reprinted, this time in the company ofCabilliau and another member of his Order, Charles Malapert, Rubens produced a design (P1. 65b) which seems to be a witty response to the original Parnassus suggestion,s much better contrived too than a mountain full of gods to fit the small scale of a 240 page. At any rate, we have it from the artist himself that he thought his design quite a clever one. In a note written on the drawing (P1. 65a) which he sent for approval to his old friend Moretus, Rubens wrote: You have here the Muse or Poetry and Minerva or Virtue joined together in the form of a Hermathena. For I have put the Muse instead of Mercury which can be justified on the basis of several precedents. I don't know whether you will like my fabrication. I must say, though, that I'm really pleased with this invention of mine - indeed I almost congratulate myself on it.

He also added at the side: 'Note that the Muse has a feather on her head, which is how she is

I should like to thank Brendan Cassidy, Charles Hope, Jill Kraye and especially Ruth Rubinstein for helpful comments and criticism.

S'In fronte libri, mi Morete, plures sunt, qui iconem aliquam desiderant. (Ita enim passim iam fieri videmus. Ita Heinsii prodeunt, ita nuper P. Surii carmina Atrebati prodierunt. Ita quoque vos ipsi fecistis in meditationibus R. P. Provincialis nostri aliisque libris.) Mire enim lectorem recreat, Emtorem allicit, librum ornat, neque pretium multum auget.... D. Rubenius divino illo ingenio suo inveniet scio aliquid appositurum et lauro meae conveniens, et ordini in quo sum, et Pietati.' For the whole letter (with translation) seeJ. R. Judson and Carl Van de Velde, Book Illustrations and Title-pages (Corpus Rubenianum Ludwig Burchard, xxI), London and Philadelphia 1978 (hereafterJudson- Van de Velde), nI, pp. 366-67, doc. 8 (letter of I August I617). 2 De vita et laudibus Deiparae Virginis meditationes quinquaginta (1587), De universa historia dominicae Passionis meditationes quinquaginta (1587) and In hymnum Ave Maris Stella meditationes (1589). 3 Bauhuis cannot have been thinking of the forthcom-

ing 1617 Leyden edition, since this did not have an illustrated title-page.

4 'Excogitavi Parnassum sacrum, Musas, Mnemosy- nem, Apollinem, omnia sacra, etc.' See Judson-Van de Velde, i, pp. 367-68, doc. 9 (letter of 12 October 1617). I have not translated sacer as 'sacred, holy', to avoid a Christian implication which I think Bauhuis did not intend; he was probably using the word in its primary sense of'consecrated to a deity'. s For the printed title-page (by Charles de Mallery?),

as well as the editions of the book, see Judson-Van de Velde, I, pp. 268-71, no. 63; 1, fig. 215. Cf. H.J. Duffy in Rubens and the Book, ed. J. S. Held, cat. exh. Williams- town Mass. 1977, PP. 56-58, no. 4 and fig. 50.

Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, Volume 5o, I1987



234 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS

distinguished from Apollo', using an arrow to draw attention to the relevant attribute.6

Rubens had good reason to point out the Muse's identifying feather. He had charac- terized her as 'Musa sive Poesis', indicating that he meant her to represent poetic inspiration in general, like Raphael's famous Poesia on the ceiling of the Stanza della Segnatura. He may have thought of her as Calliope, the oldest and principal Muse, whom Hesiod and Plato had set above the others,' and whom Vasari made the representative of all nine in his painting for the scrittoio of the Palazzo Vecchio;8 but he must have been aware of the blurred distinctions between attributes and even areas of patronage of individual Muses in both

ancient art and ancient literature.9 Like Vasari and Raphael, Rubens gave his muse a laurel wreath and lyre; her instrument, however, has three strings, as had the first ancient lyres, according to Diodorus Siculus.'o But lyre and laurel crown are likewise the attributes of Apollo as Citharoedus or Musagetes; indeed the similarity in hair style (long), dress and attitude between Apollo got up in his singing costume and the Muses of poetry was familiar to seventeenth-century scholars, particularly from images on gems and coins (P1. 66a)," and

6 'Habes hic Musam sive Poesim cum Minerva seu Virtute forma Hermatenis coniunctam[;] nam musam pro Mercurio apposui quod pluribus exemplis licet, nescio an tibi meum commentum placebit[.] Ego certe mihi hoc invento valde placeo ne dicam gratulor'. 'Nota quod Musa habeat Pennam in capite qua differt ab Apolline'. See Judson-Van de Velde, I, pp. 270-71, no. 63a; n, fig. 214; J. S. Held, Rubens. Selected Drazwings, London, 1959, I, p. 154, no. 153; n, pl. 159 (p. 153, no. 251 and pl. 221I in the revised, single-volume edition [Oxford 1986]). My translation is slightly different from that of Held (followed by Judson and Van de Velde), though not in sense, except perhaps in rendering commentum 'contrivance' or 'fiction', rather than 'idea'. E. H. Gombrich informs me that the use of an arrow to direct attention (presumably that of the engraver as well as the publisher) to the feather, may itself be something of an innovation; the use of the directional arrow was discussed in his lecture 'Pictorial Instructions' delivered at the symposium Images and Understanding (Rank Prize Organization), London, October 1986 (to be published by Cambridge University Press). 7Hesiod, Theogony, 79; Plato, Phaedrus, 259D. For

Calliope's pre-eminence see in general L. G. Gyraldus, De musis syntagma, in Herculis Vita etc., Basle I539, pp. IIo--I2. Cf. M. Wegner, Die Musensarkophage, Die Antiken Sarkophagreliefs, v, 3, Berlin 1966, pp. 98-99, Io9. It is especially relevant to Rubens's conceit (cf. below, nn. 85, 86) that his friend Erycius Puteanus, in his Musathena, sive Notarum Heptas (Hanover I602, pp. 16-18) chose Calliope as the obvious Muse to stand for them all, so that he did not need to drag the whole lot down from heaven (cf. p. i6: 'Sed ne ad constituendam MUSATHENAM universum coetum coelo traham, solam Calliopen evocabo').

8 In this painting of 1555-58, Calliope has the attributes of all the other Muses on or around her: see E. Allegri and A. Cecchi, Palazzo Vecchio e i Medici, Florence 1980, pp. 80-8 I, quoting Vasari's own description, and fig. p. 81.

9 As regards the province of individual Muses, Erato, for example, is normally connected with love poetry (cf. e.g. Plato, Phaedrus, 259D; Ovid, De arte amandi, n, 425 and Fasti, Iv, 195), but Virgil can invoke her inspiration for heroic verse, just as he does Calliope's (Aeneid, vii, 37; IX, 525). See O. Bie, De Musarum imaginibus quaestiones selectae, diss. Berlin 1887, esp. pp. 2o-3I; also Wegner (as in n.7), pp. 93-I 10o. Cf. L.G. Gyraldus, De deis gentium, Basle 1548, esp. pp. 358-60; also the same author's De musis syntagma (as in n. 7) of 1539. For the varied iconography of individual Muses in ancient art see Wegner, loc. cit. and esp. L. P. Faedo, 'Sarcofagi romani con muse', Aufstieg und Niedergang der romischen Welt, I, 12, ii (Principat), Berlin and New York I1981, pp. 65-155, esp. 65-77; and, for a discussion in the light of ancient images known in the i7th century, B. de Montfaucon,Antiquity Explained and Represented in Sculp- tures, tr. D. Humphreys, London I721-22 and Supple- ment, 1725, I, pp. 67-7I and pls 28-32.

o10 Diodorus Siculus, Bibliotheca historica, I, 16, I; cf. the discussion of the meaning of the 3-stringed lyre in G. P. Valeriano, Hieroglyphica, edn Basle '575, fol. 348'rv; also B. de Vigenbre, Les Images ou Tableaux de platte peinture des deux Philostrates ..., Paris I614, p. 87. For ancient 3- stringed lyres on Roman coins very similar in form to Rubens's see Montfaucon (as in n. 9), Supplement, In, pl. 68 (3, 32). " See, for example, G. du Choul, Discours de la religion des anciens Romains ..., edn Lyons 1581, pp. 204-07, 212-14, esp. p. 204 with the coin of Antoninus Pius inscribed Apollini Augusto (actually a Muse?; cf. E. Q. Visconti, II Museo Pio Clementino, Milan 1818-22, I, pp. 143-44). Also, generally, Montfaucon (as in n. 9), i, pp. 62-71, esp. 64, 65 and pl. 26 (16-I7) for figures of Apollo; cf. the laurel-crowned heads, some of which, as Montfaucon remarks, have female hairstyles in pl. 26 (5-8, Io, I I). In I6th c. drawings of the puteal, now in the Louvre, which shows Bacchic dancers with an Apollo Citharoedus, the latter is sometimes represented as a Muse (e.g. by Dosio: C. Hiilsen, Das Skizzenbuch des Giovannantonio Dosio im staatlichen Kupferstichkabinett zu Berlin, Berlin 1933, PP. 5-6, fol. 8' and pl. x, I9). (The full-scale sculptures recognized as Apollo Citharoedus in the Renaissance seem to have shown him not in his long gown, but nearly nude, and therefore easily distinguishable from a Muse. Cf. P. P. Bober and R. Rubinstein,



RUBENS'S MUSA THENA 235 would later give rise to heated debate when the famous Barberini Muse was pronounced an Apollo Citharoedus.12 Muses alone, however, wear feathers, and do - from one to three apiece - on ancient Roman statues and reliefs. Several of these were undoubtedly known to Rubens and provided the source for his attribute.

There were, for example, the three Muses each with two feathers, described by Aldro- vandi in 1556 in Pietro de Radicibus's collection at Rome,13 and the Muse with three feathers drawn by Giovannantonio Dosio in the Vati- can.14 There were also several sarcophagi

showing feathered Muses with Apollo, Minerva, and/or a poet or poetess.1s Examples known in the Renaissance in which the Muses, like Rubens's, wear a single feather are in the Palazzo Rospigliosi, the Palazzo Mattei, Woburn Abbey (P1. 66b) and the Villa Medici.16 Aldrovandi imagined that the feathers expressed the Muses' power to give flight to those the poets celebrate, or else themselves to rise up on the ingegni of the poets,"7 ideas which later archaeologists would dismiss as 'capricious speculations'.1s The prosaic explanation, recorded principally, if briefly, in Pausanias, was that the Muses won crowns of feathers after defeating the Sirens in a singing contest, and plucking their wings.19 However, since Eustathius, commenting on Homer's famous epea pteroenta, connects this musical trophy with the poet's 'winged words', it is easy to see how Aldrovandi arrived at his conceit.20 At any rate the defeat of the Sirens is

Renaissance Artists and Antique Sculpture. A Handbook of Sources, London and Oxford I986, pp. 76-77, under no. 35 [cf. fig. 35]). And for comparable Muses see Montfaucon, I, pls 29-30; the Muse with laurel crown and lyre or barbiton in the sarcophagus drawn for Dal Pozzo and now in Paris (Wegner [as in n. 7], pp. 36-37, no. 75, pl. 5; Montfaucon, I, p. 69, pl. 30 [I]), which Montfaucon calls Polyhymnia and Wegner Terp- sichore, is particularly like an Apollo Musagetes. 12 This statue, discovered in 1678, was identified by Winckelmann with the Erato by Ageladas, Phidias's master, but is now always called Apollo. See A. Furt- waingler, Beschreibung der Glyptothek Kiinig Ludwig's I. zu Miinchen, Munich 1900, pp. 185-91, no. 21II. Cf. the comments by Visconti (as in n. II, I, pp. 143-45) in rejecting the then current identification of another statue (his pl. xxII: with long dress, lyre and laurel wreath) as a Muse and arguing against Winckelmann that it is Apollo Citharoedus. 13 U. Aldrovandi, Delle statue antiche, che per tutta Roma .. si veggono in L. Mauro, Le antichita de la Cittai di Roma, Venice 1556, p. 142. Another 2-feathered Muse drawn by Dosio in the Bufalo collection (Hiilsen [as in n. I I], pp. 28, fol. 59 and pl. LXXVIII) is now in the Uffizi, featherless: she lost her headdress when she was re- restored for the Niobid group in 1583 (cf. H. Wrede, Der Antikengarten der del Bufalo bei der Fontana Trevi, Trierer Winckelmannsprogramm Iv, Mainz 1982, pp. 7, 22 (n. 55) and pl. 7, I). 14 Hiilsen (as in n. ii1), pp. 45-46, fol. i49r. and pl. cxxvI. According to Hiilsen the statue was brought to the Capitol in 1566; it is not, however, identical with the one he cites in the Museo Capitolino. This is actually the 'Juno Lucina' with 3 feathers which Aldrovandi (op. cit., p. I8I) mentions as in the Lisca collection: she was also a Muse, who in this case had preserved her ancient attribute but had been restored with roses (for Juno); now in the Museo Capitolino, she still carries her Renaissance flowers (cf. H. Stuart Jones, A Catalogue of Ancient Sculptures preserved in the Municipal Collections of Rome. I: The Sculptures of the Museo Capitolino, Oxford 1912, P. 298, no. 35; pl. 73; also P. P. Bober, 'Francesco Lisca's Collection of Antiquities', Essays in the History of Art presented to Rudolf Wittkower, London and New York 1967, p. 120).

s15 See Wegner (as in n. 7), passim, esp. pp. 71-72, no. 183, pls 36a, 44b, 46a, 49b (in S. Maria in Aventino, Rome; copied by Aspertini); pp. 27-28, no. 55, pls 24, 25, 41b, 137d-e (Munich, Glyptothek, formerly Albani collection, copied in Codex Coburgensis and Codex Pighianus) (both 2 feathers each); pp. 57-58, no. 138, pl. 68 (Vatican, copies in Codex Pighianus: 3 feathers each). In general see M. Bottari and N. Foggini, II Museo Capitolino, Milan 181 9-2 I, IIIr, pp. 234-37. 16 Wegner (as in n. 7), pp. 66-67, no. 170, pls 37a, 39, 40 (Palazzo Rospigliosi; drawn in Codex Pighianus and Codex Coburgensis); p. 66, no. 168, pl. 150 (Palazzo Mattei; first recorded in G.R. Amaduzzi, Monumenta Matthaeiorum, IIn, Rome 1778, pl. 49, I); pp. 9-91, no. 231, pls 33b, 34, 42a, 43b, 45a (Woburn Abbey; drawn for Dal Pozzo) (P1. 66b); p.82, no. 215, pls 27a, 29, 30, 43a (Villa Medici). 17 Aldrovandi, loc. cit. in n. 13. 1s See Visconti (as in n. I i), I, p. 162; cf. Bottari and Foggini (as in n. 15), ni, PP. 235-36. 19 Pausanias, Ix, 34, 778; cf. Eustathius, 1709 on Odyssey, xII, 167, and 85 on Iliad, I, 201. 20 Eustathius, 85 (on Iliad, I, 201I). He also relates this to wings on the Muses' heads: the attribute Vasari gave his Calliope. For Eustathius and Pausanias see Gyraldus, De deis gentium (as in n. 9), P. 240; De musis (as in n. 7) PP. I 4-15 (where the wings on the head are not, however, mentioned); Valeriano (as in n. Io), fol. 55r ('Accipi- ter: victoria gloriave'); N. Conti, Mythologia, edn Padua (Tozzi) 1616, p. 395; and (for an edition of Homer which Rubens probably used) Homer, [Opera] quae exstant omnia, ed. J. Spondanus, Basle 1606, ni, p. 173. A. Furtwingler in fact proposed that the Siren story was a late invention to account for the Muses' feathers, which really derived from Hermes, god of wisdom and inventor of language - a theory not perhaps so different




graphically illustrated on an ancient sarcophagus which in I6Io was in the Villa Nera gardens in Rome (P1. 66d), and which was drawn for Cassiano dal Pozzo.21 Here various stages in the contest are shown in sequence - the Sirens ultimately losing singing dresses as well as feathers - and the Muses, even at the outset, already sport the supposed trophy. Still, in the absence of any other literary or artistic accounts of the Siren contest, and given that Ovid in the Metamorphoses describes by contrast the defeat by the Muses of the Pierides in graphic detail,22 it was natural that Renaiss- ance mythographers, aware of the feathers on ancient statues of Muses, should have connected the attribute equally to this other musical event - thus sanctioning a multi-coloured headdress, since the Pierides had been changed into magpies.23 The antiquarian Antonio Agustin objected that the Muses could not have taken their attribute from the Pierides, whose feathers were acquired only after defeat; the Sirens for their part had birds' legs and wings before their competition, which in any case must have been the Muses' first.24 And in his Contest of Muses and Pierides, painted in the early

I550s in the Palazzo Firenze, Rome, Prospero Fontana had in fact shown the Muses wearing one white feather each, presumably from the earlier Siren victory.25 But differently coloured feathers decorated the heads of the Muses in the Florentine festivals of 1565 and I589, on the authority of Cartari's Imagini (1 556).26 And the influential Cartari was behind the most distinguished feathered Muse of the sixteenth century, that painted by Veronese in the Villa Barbaro, Maser.27 Yet despite the mythographers the Muse's feather(s) remained a rarity,28 and those artists before Rubens who

from Aldrovandi's. See Kleine Schriften, eds J. Sieveking and L. Curtius, Munich 1912-I3, II, pp. 357-58; Weg- ner (as in n. 7), p. I 16. 21 New York, Metropolitan Museum. See C.C. Ver- meule, 'The Dal Pozzo-Albani Drawings of Classical Antiquities in the British Museum', Transactions of the American Philosophical Society, N.s., L, 5, I960, fol. 2, no. 2 and pl. p. 39; idem., European Art and the Classical Past, Cambridge, Mass. 1964, p. 5 and fig. 3; and Wegner (as in n. 7), pp. 31-32, no. 6o, pl. 86c. The few other representations of the subject (Wegner, pp. 35 and I 16) are unlikely to have been known in the I7th century. 22 Metamorphoses, v, 294-678 passim. 23 See Gyraldus, De deis gentium (as in n. 9), pp. 240, 358, adding that he has often seen ancient statues which have a feather in the head, supposedly from the Sirens. ('Certe harum [=Musarum] signa hodie quoque pervetusta Romae visuntur, quae pennam habent in vertice affixam, ut ipse saepe conspexi, quae Sirenum esse creduntur'.) The statues are not mentioned in Gyraldus's earlier treatise on the Muses (op. cit. in n. 7), which is otherwise more detailed than the chapter in the 1548 book. Lomazzo likewise refers the Muses with a feather not only to Pausanias but to 'statues in Rome' (G.P. Lomazzo, Scritti sulle arte, ed. R.P. Ciardi, Florence I973-74, ii, p. 518). But this information simply derives from Gyraldus, as probably does that in Cartari, for whom see below, n. 26. 24 Dialoghi di Don Antonio Agostini . . . intorno alle medaglie ..., edn Rome 1592, p. 157.

25 For the decoration of this palace and an illustration of the painting see A. Nova, 'Bartolomeo Ammanati e Prospero Fontana a Palazzo Firenze. Architettura e emblemi per Giulio III Del Monte', Ricerche di Storia dell'arte, xxI, I983, pp. 53-76, esp. pp. 66-67 and fig. 20; also B. F. Davidson, 'Perino del Vaga e La Sua Cerchia: Addenda and Corrigenda', Master Drawings, vII, 1969, pp. 405-07 and fig. I; an early drawing for this picture in Chatsworth (inv. 1332; cf. Davidson, p. 409, n. 15) in which some of the Pierides have already turned into magpies, does not yet show the Muses with feathers. Presumably the imagery was derived from Gyraldus, who as Nova points out (p. 66) seems to have been used elsewhere for the iconography. 26 In the Mascherata of 1565 the Muses followed Cartari's recommendation 'che cingevano loro il capo con penne di diversi colori' (V. Cartari, Le Imagini con la spozitione de i dei de gli antichi, Venice 1556, fol. I6'), although this was said to allude to their victory over the Sirens as well as the Pierides: [B. Baldini?], Discorso sopra la Mascherata della Geneologia degl'iddei de' gentili, Florence 1565 [i566], p. 35. In the Intermezzi of 1589 they likewise wore different-coloured feathers 'cosi dagli antichi poeti finte' supposedly with particular reference to the victory over the Sirens: [B. de' Rossi], Descrizione dell'Apparato e degl'Intermedi..., Florence 1589, p.41. 27 See T. Puttfarken, 'Bacchus und Hymenaeus: Bemerkungen zu zwei Fresken von Veronese in der Villa Barbaro in Maser', Mitteilungen des Kunsthistorischen Institutes in Florenz, xxIv, 1980, pp. 8-io and fig. 5. Here the Muse has in her garland of laurel and flowers a single feather, reflecting the 'penna piantata sulla cima della testa' (from the Sirens) which Cartari says is to be seen on some ancient images (simulachri) of the Muses in Rome. See Cartari, edn 1556, loc. cit. in n. 26. 28 There might, however, be a pre-Gyraldus example, as Brendan Cassidy pointed out to me, if the famous 'Simonetta' by Botticelli in the Staedel Kunstinstitut, Frankfurt (R. Lightbown, Sandro Botticelli, London 1978, pp. 16-17, no. c3), who wears a cameo of Apollo and Marsyas, could be construed as having a headdress of Siren feathers, rather than just pennacchi such as nymphs had worn in a 1466 Giostra (cf. A. Warburg, Sandro Botticelli's 'Geburt der Venus' und 'Friihling', Hamburg and Leipzig 1893, p. 43).




introduced it were probably unfamiliar with its appearance in ancient art.29

In fact Rubens had a specific motive for drawing attention to the feather on his Muse. Two years previously he had designed a title- page for the edition of the lyric poems of Mathias Casimir Sarbievski (Sarbievius), 'the Polish Horace', published by Moretus at the instigation of the Antwerp Jesuits (P1. 66c).30 Here he had shown Apollo placing his lyre on an altar which bridges a stream at the foot of twin-peaked Parnassus,3' while looking to the Barberini arms - Sarbievius's book and several of the individual poems were dedicated to Urban VIII, who was supposedly for the Polish Jesuit a source of inspiration;32 perhaps in the face of this combined clerical talent Apollo is dedicating his lyre to go into retirement. Rubens had also shown a Muse, marvelling at the Barberini bees which she evidently connects with those others beside her, swarming over a baby Pindar, the original lyric poet, to drop honey on his lips.33 In his design Rubens ingeniously took up and elaborated on images not only from Sarbievius's own poems,34 but, more particularly, from the

panegyrics devoted to the poet by fellowJesuits, printed at the end of the Antwerp edition;35 he therefore probably meant this Muse to be Calliope, who alone is invoked by name in the panegyrics.36 At any rate he represented her with a feather, as in the Bauhuis drawing (P1. 65a). However, on the print by Cornelis Galle the Muse appeared featherless, presumably because the attribute was missed by the engraver (as it has been by most modern scholars).'37 This time, with his emphatic note

29 One instance where the attribute may have been influenced by Roman sculptures, since each Muse has two feathers on her brow, is in the drawing by Frederick Sustris in Windsor of a Judgment of Midas, in which the Muses are bystanders (L. van Puyvelde, The Dutch Drawings ... at Windsor Castle, London 1944, p. 64, no. 683 and pl. I). 30 SeeJ. S. Held, The Oil Sketches of Peter Paul Rubens. A Critical Catalogue, Princeton 1980, pp. 418-19, no. 304; xx, pl. 304; Judson-Van de Velde, I, pp. 265-68, nos 62 and 62a; II, figs 212-13; and J.A. Chroicicki, 'Rubens w Polsce', Rocznik

Historii Sztuki, xII, 1981I, pp. 185-97. The preface, dedicating the book to the Pope, is signed by the Antwerp Society ofJesus. 3a' The distinctive shape of the mountain indicates that it is biceps Parnassus, rather than Helicon, as is always assumed, even if the stream may still (in this allegory) be Hippocrene; Ovid, Metamorphoses, II, 221I (cited in connection with Helicon in Judson-Van de Velde, p. 267) actually refers to Parnassus. 32 Writing in this edition (M.C. Sarbievius, Lyrica, Antwerp 1632, p. 299) J. Bollandus, for example, calls him 'pontificae poesios imitatorem'. 33 Pindar was recognized both by Judson and Van de Velde and by Held (cf. n. 3o), and they provide the different sources for this legend. For the association of the Muse(s) with bees see also Gyraldus, De musis (as in n. 7), P. 13. 34 Some analogies are drawn by Held, in Judson-Van de Velde and esp. by Chroicicki (as in n. 30).

35 Ad ... Sarbievii ... lyricorum libros epicitharisma in Sarbievius (as in n. 32), pp. 287-336. These repeatedly associate the author (and his ancient model, Horace) with Pindar, Urban VIII, bees, honey (with, for example [p. 314], Barberini bees distilling honey on the 'Pindaric' poet's lips), Hippocrene, twin-peaked Par- nassus (sometimes [e.g. p. 301] wetted for the Muses so that the Apis Urbana can drink there), Apollo, Muse(s), lyre and laurel. The poems by E. Puteanus (pp. 289-90), J. Hortensius (pp. 297-98), J. Bollandus (pp. 299-302), M. Mortierus (pp. 305-I i), J. Wallius (pp. 3i1-15), N. Kmicius (pp. 318-27), and J. Libens (PP. 334-36) seem especially relevant. Even details such as the garlands of fruit and flowers seem to reflect Puteanus's reference (p. 290) to the fruits and flowers of the Muses. (Chroicicki drew attention to the verses celebrating Sarbievius, but without making particular comparisons; he was concerned with the analogies with Sarbievius's own treatise on mythology.) That these admiring verses should have provided suggestions for Rubens's title-page is not surprising, since Sarbievius's poems were evidently being published in his honour (by the Antwerp Jesuits). 36 Judson and Van de Velde identified Rubens's Muse as Erato; but although she is often called the Lyric Muse, her normal association with erotic verse (cf. Gyraldus, De musis [as in n. 7], p. 107; Wegner [as in n. 7], p. 97) makes her less suited to the poems of the Jesuit author. Held pointed out that Calliope is mentioned in one of the Jesuit poems (Sarbievius [as in n. 32], p. 334: in the poem by Libens); for the other reference see p. 302. This latter reference is in fact a quotation by Bollandus of a line by Sarbievius himself, who indeed invokes Calliope several times (Lyrica, I, Io, 8 [p. 19]; n, 20, I6 [p. 76]; Iv, 9, 36 [P. I59]). But whether or not we call her Calliope, she is probably intended, like the Muse for Bauhuis (P1. 65a), to stand for Poetry in general. 37 Only Julius Held drew attention to it (loc. cit. in n. 30), referring to the Bauhuis title-page. For the engraved title-page by Galle see Judson-Van de Velde, xx, fig. 212. Galle also seems to have given Apollo's lyre an extra string; no ancient instrument had 6 strings and Rubens's had 5 in the sketch. The ancient lyre (invented from a tortoiseshell by Mercury, who gave it to Apollo) is usually said to have 7 or 9 strings, but in its primitive state it is sometimes given only 3 (cf. above, n. Io), and several authorities talk of 5 strings (cf. Vigenbre [as in n. 1o], pp. 76-89, esp. pp. 87, 88).




(P1. 65a), Rubens was making sure there would be no mistake. In the Sarbievius title-page (P1. 66c) the feather was of course not strictly necessary in order to distinguish Apollo from the Muse, since, although they both wear laurel crowns, one is obviously female; for the Bauhuis design which consists only of a double bust some attribute on the head was essential to characterise the figure with Minerva as a Muse rather than Apollo Citharoedus.38

Rubens calls his double bust a variation on a Hermathena and refers to precedents for this. It is evident that the basic formal model was provided by those ancient double herms which represent two persons (usually writers or philosophers) or two deities who are somehow related to one another.39 Several examples were known in the Renaissance, and among those published in the later sixteenth century are a Herodotus and Thucydides, an old Dionysus with a satyr (P1. 67a), and a Zeus Ammon and Dionysus (apparently interpreted as a Ptolemy and his wife).40 As a young man Rubens had in fact copied two double portrait herms in the

collection of Fulvio Orsini, one of Menander and Sophocles (for comedy and tragedy) as well as the Herodotus and Thucydides already mentioned.41

Already before the Bauhuis title Rubens had experimented with designs using double busts based on ancient prototypes. Three related drawings of c. 1617-18, done for some decor- ative use and probably for someone (or three people) in Rubens's close circle - the inscriptions indicate they are to be made of ebony, ivory and (for the helmet of one pair) perhaps also iron or amber - show Rubens relating them to what he calls a Hermathena (P1. 67b--d).42 One illustrates a Silenus and a satyr (P1. 67b) - a satyr of course of the

38 One of the herms decorating Rubens's design for The Education of Achilles from his Achilles series of c. 1630 appears to show a Muse (with lyre, without feather) alluding to the musical instruction provided by Chiron; as she does not have a laurel wreath she is in this case (just) distinguishable from Apollo. But at least one print after the design clarified her femininity by representing her with breasts. See E. Haverkamp Begemann, The Achilles Series. Corpus Rubenianum Ludwig Burchard, X, London 1975, P. 99 and n. 5 and pls 13-18. Once again her precise identity is unclear. She might be Calliope, to whom Achilles is said to have sacrificed (cf. Held [as in n. 30], I, p. 175); but she could this time be Erato, not only because of the garlands of roses above, but because this Muse fits only too well with the erotic rather than heroic tone of Rubens's version of the life of Achilles. 39Judson-Van de Velde, I, p. 271 refer to one such double-herm: that of a satyr and satyress in Pompeii. For a selection of examples of other combinations see Paulys Real-Encyclopiidie der classischen Altertumswissen- schaft. Neue Bearbeitung, eds G.Wissowa and W. Krol, Stuttgart I894-1972, vIII, I, cols 696-708 (s.v. Hennrmai), esp. 704-08; also P. Paris in C. Daremberg and E. Saglio, Dictionnaire des antiquitis grecques et romaines, Paris 1875-191I7, II, pp. 132-33, s.v. Hermae, Hermulae; A. Giumlia, Die neuattischen Doppelhennrmen, Dissertationen der Universittit Wien 161, Vienna 1983; H. Wrede, Die Antike Herme, Trierer Beitrage zur Altertumskunde, I, Mainz 1985, pp. 17-31, passim and pp. 52-53. 40 See [F. Orsini], Imagines et elogia virorum illustrium ex Bibliotheca Fulvi Ursini, Rome (Lafrery) 1570, pp. 86-89 (Herodotus and Thucydides; cf. p. 76 for another double-

portrait herm); Achilles Statius, Illustrium viro[rum] ut exstant in urbe expressi vultus, Rome (Lafrery) 1569, pl. L (Dionysus and Satyr; cf. plS LI-LII); E. Spanhemius, Dissertationes de praestantia et usu numismatum, edn Amsterdam 1671, pp. 362-64 (for the 'Ptolemy and his wife'). Pirro Ligorio also illustrated a double herm of Sappho and another showing Socrates and Phaedrus (in one case with a 'grasshopper' [i.e. locust] on Socrates's head: cf. Plato, Phaedrus, 259) (E. Mandowsky and C. Mitchell, Pirro Ligorio's Roman Antiquities, Studies of the Warburg Institute xxvmI, London 1963, pp. 87-88 [no. 71], 95-96 [no. 82]; pls 41a, 50c). And Heemskerck copied another of a young and old Dionysus (C. Hiilsen and H. Egger, Die Riimischen Skizzenbiicher von Marten van Heemskerck, Berlin 1913, I, p. 22, fol. 4Ir; n, pl. 42; cf. also fol. 47r, pl. 48). 41 These copies belong to a series done not after the originals but after drawings by Theodore Galle; and not all are very convincing as works of Rubens, even if the inscriptions are in Rubens's hand: they must have been made either very early, before I6oo, or else with the help of assistants, with the retouchings in pen added by Rubens. The Menander and Sophocles (inscribed 'Menan- der') is one of the most powerful. See H. M. Van der Meulen-Schregardus, Petrus Paulus Rubens Antiquarius, Alphen aan den Rijn 1975, pp. 64-70, I76 (c.7), 179 (c. I2) 182 (c. I7) and pls xxlI-xxlI;

A. S6rullaz, Rubens, ses maz^tres, ses e'lves. Dessins du musie du Louvre, cat. exh. Paris 1978, pp. 53-58, nos 44, 47, 48 (and figs). 42 See A. M. Hind, Catalogue of Drawings by Dutch and Flemish Artists preserved in the Department of Prints and Drawings in the British Museum, x1, London 1923, PP. 23- 24, nos 55-57; G. Gliick and F.M. Haberditzl, Die Handzeichnungen von Peter Paul Rubens, Berlin 1928, pp. 38-39, nos 81-83; J. Rowlands, Rubens Drawings and Sketches, cat. exh., London 1977, pp. 89-90, nos 98, 99, ioi. The drawings have been dated c. 1i615, but the portrait of Rubens's son Albert surely represents a child at least 3 or 4 years old.




Renaissance type (that is, an ancient Pan).43 Another has Cupid and Psyche back to back, with Rubens's note that the Cupid 'is modelled on my little Albert', his eldest son, born in 1614 (P1. 67c)44 - and the artist would surely have been pleased to know that the ancient Romans also used children for double herms, at any rate in the combination of boy paniskos and girl maenad (or paniske).45 Rubens's third drawing, however (P1.67d), is the one that is a real Hermathena, i.e. a conjunction of Mercury and Minerva, and the artist has labelled it as such.46

An ancient double bust of Mercury and Minerva (or Hermes and Athena) is in fact extant in the Capitoline Museum, and it was, on its discovery, hailed as a Hermathena.47 But no example of this type appears to have been known in the time ofRubens. And in identifying the ancient double-herm type with the word hermathena the artist was not relaying a standard theory (as scholars seems to have assumed in their discussions of Rubens's design), although Moretus and other learned friends would have

immediately recognized what he meant. He was actually presenting a solution to a problem which had exercised both antiquarians and philologists of the period - a solution which would be introduced to the scholarly public only in the mid-eighteenth century when (in ignorance of Rubens's contribution to the debate) G. G. Bottari rediscovered the idea in the light of the Capitoline bust.48

The term hermathena and the evidence for the existence of a class of sculpted object of this name in antiquity depends on two passages in Cicero's letters to Atticus.49 Cicero's friend, in response to the orator's request for some art objects to decorate his gymnasium (the place he used as a study) had sent him from Athens a statue which combines in it Hermes and Minerva. Cicero is very pleased with the way it seems to preside over the whole room;so the two deities are, he feels, only too appropriate to his 'academy', for Hermes is suited to all gymnasia and Minerva in particular to his own.s51 In fact as patron of eloquence Mercury was as specifically suited to the great orator's study as was the goddess of wisdom - and it was undoubtedly with this in mind that Rubens used Mercury and Minerva to characterize the good ambassador in his title-page for F. de 43It bears the inscriptions: 'Silenus', 'Satirus' and

'posset unus ex ebore alte[r] ...'. For an ancient double Silenus bust which rather resembles this see W. Amelung, Die Skulpturen des Vaticanischen Museums, Berlin I903-08, 1, pp. 461-62, no. 229 and pl. 47. There are also examples which combine a satyr (of the classical type, beardless and with pointed ears) with Silenus (cf. G. Lippold, Die Skulpturen des Vaticanischen Museums, III, 2, Berlin 1936, P. 471, no. 34 and pl. 206; also Wrede, Herme [as in n. 391, PP. 29-3o). But there is no evidence that examples such as these were known to Rubens. 44 Its inscriptions are: 'Cupido ex Albertuli mei Imagine' and 'Psyche'. 45 See H. Wrede, Die Spiitantike Hermengalerie von Welshbillig, Berlin 1972, pp. I21-23, pls 65 (4) -69 (i); also idem, Herme (as in n. 39), p. 27. But I have found no indication that herms of this type had been discovered in Rubens's time. 46 It is inscribed at the top 'HermAthene'; on the helmet is written 'Ex ferro aut ebeno' and below 'aut ex electro'; the faces are to be 'ex ebore'. The inscription in the lower right: 'Memnoni nigram Ex altr[..] Auror[..]' must refer to a lost drawing which was to show a paired Memnon and (his mother) Aurora (to be made of ebony and ivory?). 47 See Stuart Jones (as in n. 14), p. 141, Sala delle Colombe no. I2; pl. 34. Both figures have round helmets with broken crests; that of Hermes had wings and Athena had an aegis. Stuart Jones refers to Cicero's description; for which see below. See also Bottari and Foggini (as in n. i5), I, pp. x6-x7, 73 and pl. vi of introductory plates at the end; Visconti (as in n. I i), iu, p. 48 n. and vii, p. Iox.

4s Bottari's catalogue was first published as Museum Capitolinum ... cum animadversionibus ..., 3 vols, Rome

175o-55: see I, pp. 5-6 and pl. vi (facing p. 18).

49 Cicero, AdAtticum, I, 4, 3; I, 1, 5. Cf. I, 6, 2; I, 8, 2; I, 9, 2; I, Io, 3 (in chronological order) for the context. See J.J. Pollitt, The Art of Rome c.753 B.C.-337 A.D. Sources and Documents, Englewood Cliffs N.J. 1966, pp. 76-78 for a translation. 50so AdAtticum, I, I, 5: 'Hermathena tua valde me delectat et posita ita belle est ut totum gymnasium eius anathema esse videatur...' (literally, '... it is so well placed that the whole gymnasium seems to be a votive offering [to it?] ...'). However, Janus Gruter's edition of Cicero (Opera, Hamburg 1618-19), which Rubens had acquired by 1624 (cf. M. Rooses, 'P.P. Rubens en Balthasar Moretus (I), IV', Rubens-Bulletijn, ii, p. 198) has the reading 'qhouto dtvOa' ('an offering to the sun' [cf. in, p. 146 and p. 36o]), which, as later commentators observed, makes little sense. s5 Ad Atticum, I, 4, 3: 'Est ornamentum Academiae proprium meae, quod et Hermes commune omnium et Minerva singulare est insigne eius gymnasii.'




Marselaer's Legatus.52 From what Cicero says elsewhere it seems clear that the statue took the form of it herm, that is, it ended in a quadragonal base, though not necessarily a full-length one.53

Cicero's discussion of the decoration of his room was familiar to Renaissance scholars; indeed, in its not too serious consideration of decorum, in fitting themes and gods to the function of the place, it must have provided a nice model for Renaissance iconographic pro- grammes.54 And several humanists and artists, intrigued in particular by the Hermathena and its symbolism, attempted reconstructions.ss

Achille Bocchi took the Hermathena with the motto Sic monstra domantur as the emblem of his Bolognese academy and illustrated it as a herm of Mercury and another of Minerva united by a Cupid, who, through the combined power of the gods, controls the 'monsters' represented in the lion's head beneath him (P1. 68a). According to a contemporary account this symbolized sanctis- sima Philologia as taught by Bocchi, for philology is a study involving both eloquence and wisdom, which, when guided by divine love, leads through the conquest of base sensual appetites to the attainment of true felicity.56 This 'Hermathena Bocchia' was meant to serve as the printer's mark, and perhaps also to be represented on the outside wall of the Accademia Bocchiana (cf. P1. 68b), which has the motif of the lion's head repeated in its decoration.57 But the image owes its diffusion to

52 See Judson-Van de Velde, I, pp. 344-48, no. 84; II, pl. 286 and pp. 50o-I for Rubens's explanation. The Hermathena is explained by Renaissance mythographers as a conjunction of wisdom and eloquence: see, e.g., Cartari (edn 1556, as in n. 26), fols 68v-69'. As patrons of artists as well as diplomats the two gods adorned Rubens's own house. Cf. D.J. Gordon, 'Rubens and the Whitehall Ceiling', The Renaissance Imagination, ed. S. Orgel, Berkeley and London I975, PP. 45-49; and J. Muller, 'The Perseus and Andromeda on Rubens's house', Simiolus, xii, 1981-82, pp. I41-43 and figs I2-I 3. s3 It is evidently to be associated with the herms for the

gymnasium mentioned in I, 8, 2 and I, 9, 2, and with the HFlermerakles mentioned in I, o, 3. On the meaning of the word herm see the entries on Hermai cited in n. 39; a good account available to Rubens - he bought the book in August 1623: Rooses (as in n. 50), p. 196 - appears in J. Bochius, Descriptio Publicae Gratulationis in adventum ...

Ernesti, Antwerp 1595, p. 69, pointing out that Greek herms were originally figures of Mercury, human to the navel and square bases below, but that the word came to be used for busts on such bases, and of other people and gods. Cf. also Gyraldus, De deis gentium (as in n. g) pp. 416-I 7; Orsini (as in n. 40), pp. 6-7. 54 In his Ad Familiares, vI, 23, 1-3, Cicero also provides an amusing discussion of which statues of gods might suit different rooms and situations. ss I am here concerned only with attempts to represent what Cicero actually meant by a Hermathena, not with the many Renaissance representations of Mercury and Minerva together, whether as patrons of art, learning, diplomacy or all three (cf. above, n. 52). These latter images are of course often connected, at least in some attenuated way, with Cicero's discussion of the Hermathena, but are not themselves, strictly speaking, Hermathenae. For such images see Gordon and Muller (loc. cit. in n. 52), T. DaCosta Kaufmann, 'The Eloquent Artist: Towards an Understanding of the Stylistics of Painting at the Court of RudolfII', Leids Kunsthistorisch Jaarboek, I, I982, pp. I 9-48, esp. p. 125, as well as T. Gerszi, 'Die Humanistischen Allegorien der Rudolfinischen Meister', Actes du 22e congres inter- national de l'histoire de l'art, Budapest 1972, PP. 755-62.

56 See G. Sambigucius, In Hermathenam Bocchiam interpretatio, Bologna 1556, esp. pp. 20, 26, 32-35. The emblem as illustrated in Bocchi's own book (cf. below, n. 58) is reproduced on pp. 22-23. Sambigucius does not, however, seem to be aware of the original Ciceronian Hennrmathena; he simply talks (pp. 34-35) of how Bocchi, 'imitating the ancient poets', showed the gods joined together: '... Minervam ... atque Mercur- ium fratrem, veteres poetas imitatus, noster Bocchius simul connexos depinxit, quos uno nomine coniunctum graece EQga8ivlyV propriissime vocat'.

7 On the Palazzo Bocchi and its decoration see J. K. Schmidt, 'Zu Vignolas Palazzo Bocchi in Bologna', Mitteilungen des Kunsthistorischen Institutes in Florenz, xii, 1967-68, pp. 83-94; A.M. Orazi, Jacopo Barozzi da Vignola 1528-1550. Apprendistato di un architetto Bolognese, Rome 1982, pp. 229-70. A print of i545 (Schmidt, pl. I; Orazi, fig. 352) indicates that the original idea for the decoration was to have the building crowned by a statue of Mercury and of Minerva at either end of the facade. In the event there were no such statues, and the illustration from the Symbolicae Quaestiones (edn 1555, p. 230) which shows a Hermathena on the side of the palace (Pl. 68b) may be merely symbolic (to characterize the building as the academy). But the present building does have a lion's head with ring at the top of the rustication on one corner. Cf. Orazi, pp. 234-35; Schmidt, pp. 9I-92. On the academy and its emblem see also M. Maylender, Storia delle accademie d'Italia, Bologna 1926-30, I, pp. 452-54; as for the printer's mark, A. Sorbelli (Storia della stampa a Bologna, Bologna 1929, pp. 105-06) talks of books from the academy's press, and M. Fanti (Notizie e insegne delle accademie di Bologna ..., Bologna I983, pp. 44-45) reproduces an image which looks like a printer's mark; but, as Orazi and Rotond6 point out, no-one has yet cited an example of a book with this device. Cf. Orazi, p. 259; A. Rotond6, in Dizionario biografico degli Italiani, Rome I969, xI, p. 69 (s.v. Bocchi, Achille).




its inclusion in Bocchi's famous Symbolicae Quaestiones, first published in I555.5s8 Certainly it seems to have been taken for the authentic Ciceronian Hermathena by the designers of the pageantry for the entry of Albert and Isabella into Antwerp in 1599, when it was copied for the arch celebrating Mercury and Minerva as twin patrons of Antwerp's trade.59 In fact the Hermathena had been included twice in Bocchi's book, once in an emblem dedicated to Stephanus Saulius (P1.68a) and again in another in which the author begs Alessandro Farnese to help him finish building the academy (P1.68b).60 This message was then reinforced in the 'symbolum' immediately following, also directed at Alessandro; this illustrated Aesop's story of the tortoise who was forced by Jupiter to carry his house around with him permanently, after he had been reluctant to leave home to attend a wedding feast (P1. 68c); Bocchi asks his patron for the means to complete his own house so that he may be able to come to the 'wedding of the good Her- mathena'.61 It is hardly surprising then that in Alessandro Farnese's new palace at Caprarola,

begun in 1556 by the architect of the Bolognese academy, Vignola, the room intended as a study should have included a painted Her- mathena (P1. 69a). This time, however, it is not a question ofa 'marriage' by Cupid of two herms. The central picture of the Stanza dell'Er- matena, painted by Federico Zuccari some time after 1566 and probably on the advice of the Farnese 'iconographer' Annibale Caro,62 shows the union of Mercury and Minerva quite literally. The gods simply share one pair of legs and the details of their improbable conjunction are tactfully hidden by drapery. Bocchi's herms are thus ignored to allow for one figure made out of the two gods - and, after all, the mythographic handbooks talked of 'a statue formed of Mercury and Minerva'.63 But Bocchi's tortoise intriguingly remains. Now resting under the single winged foot of Mercury, it suggests a pun on the familiar festina lente motif so often used in emblems and devices,64 - and perhaps also that the building of houses, even those for Mercury and Minerva, makes haste only slowly (Bocchi's academy was still unfinished in I560).65 Still, as the proverbial home-loving creature, the tortoise would also have reassured the Farnese that this painted Hermathena was happily settled in their house- hold.

The Caprarola double-god was proudly labelled +HPMAOHNA, and its designer may well have thought that the fact that it was seated, and therefore stable, made up for the absence of any herm, a feature clearly implied

58 A. Bocchi, Symbolicae Quaestiones, edn Bologna I574, pp. ccxvi-ccxvii, no. cii. Here Bocchi has added as his motto: 'Sapientiam modestia, progressio eloquentiam, felicitatem haec perficit'. Cf. E. Wind, Pagan Mysteries in the Renaissance, edn Harmondsworth 1967, p. 203; Gordon (as in n. 52), PP. 48-49; also T. A. G. Wilberg Vignau-Schuurman, Die Emblematischen Elemente im Werke Joris Hoefnagels, Leyden 1969, u, p. 78. Wind gives other instances of Cicero's Hermathena (or Mercury and Minerva) being associated by writers of the period with academies or schools; as does Kaufmann (loc. cit. in n. 55), citing Lomazzo's recommendation of the subject for such contexts (Lomazzo [as in n. 23], II, p. 303). s See J. Bochius, Historica Narratio Profectionis et Inaugurationis Serenissimorum Belgii Principum Alberti et Isabellae ... , Antwerp I602, p. 248 and pl. p. 263. Cf. Wilberg (as in n. 58), u, p. 78. 60 Bocchi (edn 1574, as in n. 58), pp. ccxxx-ccxxxi, no. cix: the emblem is entitled 'Mlb6 666pov notLvY dvEtiLEOTOV XataLXtEtv' ('Ne linque aedificans domum impolitam'). On Alessandro's patronage of the Accademia Bocchiana after the death of Paul III see Schmidt (as in n. 57),PP. 9I-92 and Orazi, ibid., p. 259. Cf. Sambigucius (as in n. 56), p. 14, where, however, he seems to despair of Alessandro's ever having the time and resources to help finish the building. 61 Bocchi (edn 1574, as in n. 58), pp. ccxxxii-ccxxxiii, no. cx. The motto here is: 'Est nulla vita lautior domestica, nec laetior'. The tortoise is uttering the proverbial 'orxog glkog orxog LtoLrog' ('home is sweet, home is best').

62 See C. Robertson, The Artistic Patronage of Cardinal Alessandro Farnese (1520-89), Ph.D. thesis, Warburg Institute, University of London, 1986, I, pp. 121-22. For an excellent colour reproduction see I. Faldi, II Palazzo Farnese di Caprarola, edn Seat, Turin 198 I, pp. 23&-37. It is interesting that Caro seems to have been well disposed to Bocchi and his academy; cf. Maylender (as in n. 57), pp. 452-53. 63 See Gyraldus, De deis gentium (as in n. 9), p. 417; Cartari (edn 1556, as in n. 26, fol. 69r) says that the Romans joined statues of both gods to make one. For other similar accounts see below, n. 74. 64 On this motif see Wind (as in n. 58), pp. 98-99, 107, 203, 215, though thefestina lente idea was not mentioned by Bocchi as Wind implies (p. 203). The association of the tortoise with Mercury in connection with the invention of the lyre (cf above, nn. 10, 37) seems here irrelevant. 65 See Schmidt (as in n. 57), P. 9I; Orazi (ibid.), pp. 234-35. It may not have been completed even when Bocchi died in 1562.




by Cicero. The Hermathena in the print by Aegidius Sadeler after Hans van Aachen was also labelled, this time in Latin (P1. 69b), and also tried to improve on Bocchi. Joris Hoef- nagel, credited as the 'auctor' of the design, borrowed Bocchi's inscription 'Me duce perficies. Tu modo progredere' ('under my gui- dance you will succeed; only go forward'),66 but, perhaps simply because these words seem to require a guide that can walk, he made his pair of gods obviously mobile. The result is a lively duo, with Mercury and Minerva each lifting a leg over the other in an effort to express conjunction, but all the time remaining on a square base which may be a substitute for the 'herm'. But even if this solution was ideally suited to the 'mannerist' art of Rudolfine Prague it was hardly likely to satisfy any archaeologists as a reconstruction based on Cicero.67 They had generally taken another, much simpler line, considering the problematic texts in relation to surviving images from antiquity. On the basis of a coin of Hadrian, which seems to have been introduced into the discussion by Aldo Manuzio,68 and which arguably shows a figure of Minerva as a herm (although no-one could relate this to the inscription on the obverse of the coin), Fulvio Orsini suggested that the Hermathena was

simply a herm with Athena on top (P1. 70a).69 Similarly the related Hermerakles mentioned by Cicero, as well as the Hermerotes which are found in Pliny,7? would be interpreted as herms with these deities, as Lorenzo Pignoria points out in his edition of Cartari's Imagini, reproducing next to an image derived from the Hadrianic coin another of an ancient herm of Hercules.71 Orsini's Hermathena was taken over by the Milanese Accademia degli Ermatenaici, with the motto 'AM'OIN ?ENEKA ('for the sake of both [gods]') and is illustrated for example in a print for the decoration of a thesis published in 1624 (P1. 70b).72 It is indeed accepted as the correct interpretation by some modern archaeologists.'3 However Pignoria added that he is not sure if the Hermeracles and the Hermathena were not rather images of these gods embracing. Presumably he considered that the

66 See Wilberg (as in n. 58), I, pp. 195-98, n11, pp. 77-78 and fig. I20, pointing out the source of the inscription. Only one word was changed: 'pervenies' for 'perficies'. Wilberg observes that the print, which bears the title Cursus is the 2nd in a set of 3 (the others being Occasio and Praemium): the Hermathena is a guide for life, showing how to help by art what falls out badly by chance; it is an ornamentum in prosperis and a refugium in adversis (cf. the mottos of the putti in either corner at the top). 67 For a consideration of this print in the context of Rudolfine imagery see Gerszi (loc. cit. in n. 55), PP. 758-59 and pl. 248, 5; also Muller (loc. cit. in n. 52), and fig. 17. Wilberg also discusses a miniature by Hoefnagel made for his friend Ortelius (as in n. 58, I, p. 195 and ii, fig. I 19). This shows at the centre an owl with caduceus (standing for Minerva and Mercury) on top of a globe and book, and, although it has the inscription 'Hermathene' beneath, is meant as an emblematic allusion to Cicero's statue rather than an illustration of it. 68 According to Pignoria (cf. below, n. 71), this was in his commentary on Cicero's letters. I have not, however, found a reference to the coin either in the edition of Cicero's letters by Aldo Manuzio the Elder (I consulted edn Venice 1513) or in the translation of selected letters published by Manuzio the Younger.

69 Orsini (as in n. 40), p. 85; also p. 7; cf. J. Spon, Recherches curieuses d'Antiquiti, edn Lyons 1683, pp. 98- 123, esp. p. III, criticizing Orsini's reading of the inscription. 70 Historia Naturalis, xxxvI, 5. 71 V. Cartari, Le vere e nove imagini de i dei de gli antichi, ed. L. Pignoria, Padua 1615, PP. 318-20; and note, p. 551. This herm of Hercules had in fact been illustrated by Orsini (Imagines [as in n. 40], pp. 6o-6I; cf. Mandowsky and Mitchell, [as in n. 40], pp. 83-84, no. 61 and pl. 33: copied from Pirro Ligorio, and largely a Renaissance restoration) and discussed by him as a Hercules Prodicius, without reference to Hermeracles. However, it was subsequently interpreted as the latter in the light of his views on the Hermathena. Cf. J. Gutherius in J. G. Graevius, Thesaurus Antiquitatum romanarumn, Utrecht 1694-99, xnII, col. 1240 on the Hermeracles, with reference to Orsini. On herms of Hercules called Hermeracles cf. Bottari and Foggini (as in n. 15), I, pp. 13-14 and pl. I of introductory plates at the end; Visconti (as in n. I I), vI, pp. 88-92 and pl. xIii. Visconti also discusses double busts of Hercules and Mercury, though he does not call these statues of Hermeracles. For these cf. Giumlia (as in n. 39), PP. 154-56; and for herms of both types see Wrede, Herme (as in n. 39), PP. 2o-21. 72 See E. Schilling and A. Blunt, The German Drawings ... at Windsor Castle... and Supplements to the Catalogues of Italian and French Drawings ..., London and New York [1973], p. 136, sub no. 644 and p. 148, fig. 48. The print is inscribed 'Bartholomaeus Cremonensis delin.' and 'Cesar Bastanus sculpsit Mini 1624'. I am indebted to Jennifer Montagu for drawing my attention to it. For the academy and its device, see Maylender (as in n. 57), II, pp. 300oo-02. 73 See above, n. 39; also Wrede, Hermengalerie (as in n. 45), P. 128.




theory of the herm of Athena fails to satisfy Cicero's apparently equal treatment of the two deities, reflected too in the way that so many commentators talk of statues of the two deities joined together;74 and Rubens must have agreed.75

Rubens's solution, however, as illustrated in the drawing labelled Hermathene (P1. 67d), does justice both to the description in Cicero and to the evidence of a distinct visual tradition (for herms) in ancient sculpture.'76 It may be that the idea was not entirely the artist's; certainly he must have been influenced by discussions with antiquarians in his circle. Rubens's old friendJoannes Woverius (Jan van de Wouver), who had studied under Justus Lipsius with the artist's brother, Philip, and is the fourth of the Four Philosophers in the famous painting in the Palazzo Pitti, must have been somehow invol- ved. He actually adopted a Hermathena very similar to that in the drawing, with the motto Honesti Comes Ratio ('Reason is the companion of virtue') in a medal which has been dated to

I629 (P1. 7od).77 In this case the Hermathena is more obviously part of a herm, and, since Minerva wears a high crested helmet, Mer- cury's petasus has been extended at the top, and its wing has been made to join up with Minerva's crest. In fact a print attributed to Cornelis Galle (P1. 70e),78 the function of which has never been explained, reproduces the Woverius image with a completed herm, to appear exactly in the way the double herms do in Achilles Statius's book and in late sixteenth-century prints (cf. P1. 67a). This, therefore, might even have been an illustration to a projected 'reconstruction' of Cicero's Hermathena which someone in Rubens's circle (perhaps Woverius, perhaps even Rubens himself)79 intended to publish. But no trace of the theory seems to have found its way into the scholarly literature of the period; and if Rubens must surely have communicated his idea to his correspondent, Peiresc, with whom he discussed so many problems of ancient iconography, the only thing that might be construed as 'evidence' of this is the (otherwise surprising) fact that a medal, dated 1625, of Jean Talon, advocate general of the King in the parlement de Paris, has on its reverse, inscribed Hermathena, a pair of busts of Mercury and Minerva back to back on a quadragonal base.so In fact the

74 See A. Alciati, Emblemata, ed. Tozzi, Padua I621, p. 53; J. P. Tomasinus, De donariis veterum, in Graevius (as in n. 71), xII, col. 387; G. Figrelius, De statuis illustrium romanorum, edn Stockholm I656, pp. 2I0-II; also above, n. 63. 7 Another solution which was, I think, first proposed by Spon, therefore too late for Rubens, gained some acceptance among antiquarians and was publicized by Montfaucon, even if it is surely the worst of all these proposals in matching Cicero's specifications. For here the Hermathena, as well as the Hermeros and Hermerakles, is interpreted (by analogy with figures who bear the emblems of other figures on ancient gems) as a Mercury with the attributes of Minerva (or Eros or Hercules) or vice versa. (See Spon [as in n.691, pp. 98-123; Montfaucon [as in n. 9], I, pp. 82-83 and pl. 39.) This solution actually ignores both of the elements prescribed in the letters to Atticus: it is neither an image of both gods, nor is it in the form of a herm. 76 The view that the Hermathena and Hermeracles were double herm busts is now widespread; although most scholars suggest that they might equally have been herms with Athene or Herakles respectively - and perhaps sometimes one, sometimes the other. See the works cited in n. 39; also Pauly-Wissowa (as in n. 39), s.v. Hermathene und Hermerakles. As regards Cicero's evidence, the only point against Rubens's interpretation seems to me that in this case Cicero might have talked of Minerva and Mercury (rather than Minerva and Hermes).

7 See G. van Loon, Histoire metallique des XVII provinces des Pays-Bas, The Hague I732, II, ii, pp. 209-10, illustrating two versions of the medal with different inscriptions(spelling his name 'Waverius') on the obverse, both by A. Waterloos. An example of one is in the British Museum (Dutch and Flemish, Large, 8, I629-37 [196]). For the dating of the medals see A. Pinchart, 'Adrien Waterloos', Revue de la numismatique Belge, 2nd ser., v, 1855, PP. 253-54; in both Woverius is called 'eques', a title he received only at this date. 78 C. G. Voorhelm Schneevooght, Catalogue des estampes gravies d'aprks P. P. Rubens, Haarlem 1873, p. 148, no. 94; cf. M. Rooses, L'Oeuvre de P. P. Rubens., v, Antwerp 1892, p. 188, sub no. 1364. 79 Possibly in the abandoned project for the 'gem book' (including other antiquities) for which Rubens pre- pared several plates which were never used. On this see Van der Meulen (as in n. 41), pp. 36-72. so For this medal see F. Mazerolle, Les midailleurs

franCais, Paris 1902-04, II, p. 18o, no. 883. It is illustrated in Trisor de numismatique et de glyptique. Midaillesfrancaises depuis le rigne de Charles VIII jusqu'a celui de Louis XVI, eds P. Delaroche, [L.P.] Henriquel-Dupont and C. Lenor- mant, I, Paris 1836, pl. LvII, no. 5; cf. p. 48, no. 5. This involves the idea of the Hermathena being twin busts but does not actually resemble (as Rubens's does: cf




absence of antiquarian discussion of the theory is itself another indication that Rubens was the author of the idea; as a painter's argument it need never have been presented in words, but simply depicted, in the Hermathena drawing of c. 1618 (P1. 67d). This drawing would then have been adapted for both the Woverius medal (P1. 7od) and the Galle print (P1. 70e), quite probably by the artist himself. If Rubens indeed designed these adaptations he may have felt dissatisfied with the shape they give Mercury's hat, unclassically high to match Minerva's helmet. At any rate in a sketch of c. 1630-31 for the printer's mark of Joannes Meursius he produced a modified version of his Hermathena which avoids the headgear problem (P1. 70c). Here the paired busts of Mercury and Minerva are back to back but separated by their attributes and a hen incubating her eggs - with Minerva's owl (night) and Mercury's cock (day) this makes a neat rebus for Meursius's motto Noctu incubando diuque ('by brooding night and day'); in this arrangement the (parted) gods can wear their conventionally different- sized hats.81 And whether or not he himself had formulated it, the 'Woverius' version of the Hermathena was later associated with Rubens emblematically: not, as on his friend's medal, to symbolize a combination of reason with prob- ity, but to invoke Mercury and Minerva as patrons of artists, when it accompanied the portraits of Rubens and Van Dyck in a print after Erasmus Quellinus honouring Antwerp's twin luminaries of painting.82

But in his note to Moretus (P1. 65a) Rubens was especially proud of his 'fabrication' not because it resolved the question of the Her- mathena, but because it adapted the form to a new pairing appropriate to Bauhuis's book: the Muse and Minerva.83 And in this he was undoubtedly inspired by the conceit already used by another learned Jesuit and friend of Moretus and Rubens, Erycius Puteanus. In 1602 Puteanus had published his Musathena, sive Notarum Heptas.84 In this book the author argues that he has invented this 'novum nomen, novum numen' since he prefers the Muse to Mercury (referring to the Hermathena and Cicero in passing) because she is associated with the highest things (the Muses being in charge of the spheres), and her conjunction with Minerva, will, as it were, divest that goddess of her traditional associations with war.85 Rubens, who probably owned this book (his brother Philip had contributed a laudatory poem to introduce it),86 must have thought that these same associations were equally suited to the high-minded Bauhuis.87 Unlike Puteanus

P1. 67d) an ancient double herm; thus it seems possible that, rather than being an independent interpretation, the image might have been based on a half-understood account of the 'Rubensian' Hermathena (which had been provided by Peiresc or one of Rubens's other French friends). But it would appear that Montfaucon, who used Peiresc's papers, did not find anything in them on the Hermathena. 81 See Judson-Van de Velde, I, pp. 255-60, nos. 60, 60a, and n, pls 204-07; Held (as in n. 30), I, pp. 422-23, no. 307 and n, pl. 306. 82 Voorhelm Schneevooght (as in n. 78), p. 161, no. 51. Rubens's portrait (after Pontius after Van Dyck) has the attributes of cornucopia and (Jupiter's) thunderbolt, suggesting his power and fertility of invention, whereas Van Dyck's (after Pontius after a self-portrait) has flowers and the doves of Venus. The print was published by F. Huberti, presumably some time after the death of Rubens and of Van Dyck. The 'Woverius' Hermathena was also adapted, with the hats made smaller and the

heads somewhat squashed together, for C. Galle's title- page to C. Curtius, Virorum illustrium ex ordine Eremitarum D. Augustini Elogia (Antwerp, Cnobbaert, 1636) (cf. Judson-Van de Velde, I, p.68 and n, pl. 23), which perhaps supports the idea that the anonymous print (P1. 70e) is indeed by Galle. 83 Held (loc. cit. in n. 6 above) rightly observed that Rubens's satisfaction lay in the substitution of the Muse for Mercury, as against Evers's idea that it came from his employing the same profile for both. 84 It is of course likely that Puteanus took his title as a variation on the title of Goropius Becanus's famous book about the hieroglyphs, Hermathena, published by Plantin at Antwerp in I580. 85as Puteanus (as in n. 7), pp. 10, 13-16, esp. p. I5: '... et numina misceo MUSARUM PALLADISQUE; ut terrenum melos coelesti septem orbium dulcedine concors, sacrum MUSATHENAE fiat, velut novae Deae.' Puteanus talks later of 9 Muses, but is perhaps also alluding to the tradition that the Muses were 7 in number (cf. notably, Valeriano [as in n. 10I], fols 349v-35Ir ['de literis

septem']). Puteanus's comments on Calliope may also have influenced Rubens: see above, n. 7. 86 Musathena, p. 12. This was reprinted with Philip Rubens's other works in his (posthumously published) edition of Asterius, Homiliae, Antwerp 161I5, P- I14. 87 Bauhuis's poems are mostly of a serious, religious character, quite often making reference to works of art. Interestingly, however, his most famous lines were perhaps the couplet from one epigram (B. Bauhusius etc., Epigrammata, Antwerp 1634, IV, p. 74), listing the names of the Muses - making 'nine girls stand on eleven feet' (... Lepidus noster iubet, ecce, Poeta Undenis



REMBRANDT'S WOMAN TAKEN IN AD ULTERY 245

(who does not seem to have regarded his conjunction as anything more than a verbal play),88 Rubens was as an artist able to give a convincing visual form to his ingenious conceit.

Postscript Arnout Balis, who is reconstructing Rubens's lost notebooks for the volume on the artist's theoretical studies in the Corpus Rubenianum Ludwig Burchard, has kindly drawn my attention to a reference to herms and to the Hermathena in thle The'orie de la figure humaine, considerie dans ses principes, soit en repos ou en mouvement. Ouvrage traduit du latin de Pierre-Paul Rubens, avec XLIV Planches grave'es par Pierre Aveline, d'apris les desseins de ce ciltbre Artiste, published at Paris by C.-A. Jombert in 1773. The relevant passages (PP. 34 and 42-43) are translated from Rubens's original Latin as recorded in the MS de Ganay, a late seventeenth-century copy of material from Rubens's so-called 'pocketbook'. (For this manuscript see M. Jaffe, Van Dyck's Antwerp Sketchbook, London 1966, esp. pp. 32-42 and 89-91.) Rubens describes herms (p. 34) as busts on square bases, either short or full length - often pedestals on which the heads could be changed but normally depicting Mercury himself (hence the name) [cf. n. 53 above]; he also associates them with tombs. Then, following some observations on different aspects of ancient iconography, he introduces (p. 42) the Hermathena: citing Cicero (ad Atticum, I, 4, 3: cf. n. 51I above), he relates Hermathenae to other herms ('des piedestaux ... dont les tites pouvoient se changer'), and defines them as heads of Mercury and of Minerva joined together, the word Hermathena deriving from their Greek names. Whether Rubens ever intended to expand on and publish his theory is, therefore, still unclear. Moreover, in the MS Johnson, now in the Courtauld Institute, which also preserves part of the artist's lost notes (cf.

Jaff6, op. cit., esp. pp. 16-26 and 77-80) several pages appear to be copies after Rubens of fanciful double busts of the type recorded in the drawings in the British Museum (Pl. 67b-d). Fol. 12or has a bearded and an elderly bald man, identified, I think wrongly, by Maurice Johnson, the manuscript's eighteenth-century owner (see Jaff6, op. cit., p. 78, n. 3), as 'Hercules' and 'Mercury' [i.e. a Hermeracles]; fol. 12 Ir shows 'Democritus' and 'Heraclitus' (this time with inscriptions evidently copied from Rubens, including the instruction that Democritus's forehead should look rather like that of Silenus: 'praeferat aliquot ut [?] sileno'); fol. 122r illustrates a 'Venus' and 'Mercurius leno' ('Mercury the pimp') with the face of an old woman ('facies anilis') [i.e. a playful Hermaphrodite]; and fol. 123' joins masks of 'Comedia' and 'Tragedia'. On fol. 120" is a note, connected with the drawing on the recto, on the idea of combining black and white heads (cf. n. 46 above) in an image of ebony and ivory (the black one having ivory teeth and eyes), with reference to statues of electrum described by Pausanias [v, xii, 7: making it clear that by electrum Rubens means amber rather than the alloy of gold and silver]. Arnout Balis, to whom I am also indebted for the MS Johnson references, believes that these pages were not copied from the 'pocketbook' itself but were added by Johnson from other Rubens material he had acquired. Thus the question about the function of Rubens's own amusing variations on the Hermathena theme (P1. 67b-d) is likewise still open.

ELIZABETH MCGRATH WARBURG INSTITUTE

Nymphas stare novem pedibus) - which caught on as a mnemonic for schoolchildren. See A. Tooke, The Pan- theon, representing the Fabulous Histories of the Heathen Gods ..., edn London 1783, p. I89. 88 In discussing the Hermathena of Cicero Puteanus (as in n. 7, P. I5) simply talks of how the ancients made Mercury accompany Minerva: 'Mercurium antiquitus Minerva admisit, et HERMATHENA facta.' To justify his combination of Minerva and the Muse(s) he mentions (p. I6) an image, a coin sent to him by Pignoria which shows an owl on top of a lyre; but this is evidently not seen as an illustration of any ancient Musathena.

REMBRANDT'S WOMAN TAKEN IN AD ULTERY

REMBRANDT'S Woman taken in Adultery (P1. 71) is exceptional in the exactness and lucidity

with which it presents the central episode, despite all its affinities with his biblical scenes and other comparably scaled pictures of the

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~--'On not leaving a house unfinished'

(PP.24?of)

ii ::iii:l:ii:i:i ..... : :: : . : : ..::::::- :..,:_::i-iiii-iiiiiiiiii-::-- : ii-ii--i-i -iiii ... : _ :i:-::----:: ::-. :::_--:?::__ .

ESTiiii NVLLA V(TA t-- yi i

O SiCiAi- .: : : :_:- :- ..:.:i N Li:iiiiiii:: ii ii

.. . .i i:iiiiiiiii-iiiiiii~iiiiiii :: :::..:: : ::- ::: :: ::.:..::-:,----_-: _-

i-iiiiiiiiiiii - : : : . . . :- : : :: iii iiiiiiiiiiiii iiii-ii i~iiiiii

iiiiiiiiiiii i i: : : : -:--:ii-i - i -- -:-:- -- ii-i~i:i-i-i iiiiiiii : :. i i -i-ii,

ii- - -:

c--'Home life is best and happiest' (p. 24i1)

a-c: From Bocchi, Symbolicae Quaestiones, edn Bologna I574

CI) CI)



a-F. Zuccari, Hermathena. Caprarola, Palazzo Farnese (p. 241) Photo GFN, Rome

a--F. Zuccari, Hermathena. Caprarola, Palazzo Farnese (p. 24r) b-A. Sadeler after H. van Aachen, Hermathena (p. 242)

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70 RUBENS'S MUSA THENA

i-,- i iiiii'ii :- :----;i::ii-----:-

a-Hermathena from Orsini, Imagines, Rome 1570 (p. 242)

b

b-Illustration to a thesis from the Accademia degli Ermatenaici, Milan I1624 (p.242)

c-Rubens, Design for printer's mark ofJoannes Meursius. Antwerp, Plantin-Moretus Museum (p. 244)

d-Medal ofJoannes Woverius, from Van Loon, Histoire Metallique, II, The Hague 1732 (pp. 243f)

Copyright Plantin-Moretus Museum, Antwer

e-C. Galle?, print with d Hermathena (pp. 243f)

