August 11,1956

Social Effects of Industrialization

IN discussions of economic g r o w t h perhaps most a t ten t ion is paid

to measurable quanti t ies, and the problem, quite r i g h t l y , is t reated as one of crea t ing more of the ma te r i a l means of sa t i s fy ing human wants . The great a i m of programmes of indus t r i a l development is to provide more and more of the goods and the good things of l i fe . Whi l e this a im is quite proper, in f ac t essential to na t iona l wel l -being and social s tab i l ­i t y in the modern w o r l d , the process of indus t r ia l i za t ion has side-effects, by-products wh ich change the whole tenor o f l i fe and thought . I n d u s t r i a l society is Inevi tab ly different f r o m pre- indus t r ia l society, and the differ­ences are not merely differences in the quanti t ies and kinds of goods and services available. The citizens of an industr ia l ized communi ty w i l l have different values, different ways of thought , and different ways of l i v i n g their everyday lives.

Generally, these non-economic effects of development cannot be me­asured in a meaningful way, a l though it is possible tha t some aspects or frends can be measured, such as the number of people in a new social class, the disappearance of an o ld group in the society, or the number of people l i v i n g permanent ly in an area other than the area in w h i c h they were born. I t is not possible, however, to a t t ach quanti t ies to new modes of thought, or new at t i tudes t o w a r d the f ami ly , yet such changes are of the greatest importance to the people involved and can give in the w e s t have given—rise to tensions and conflict.

Often Regretted These changes in the ways of life

a n d though t are of ten unforeseen and as often regret ted. People who were bo rn and bred in a different atmosp­here w i l l never be completely happy In a changed society, and there is much h a r k i n g back to the ' g o o d old days". In i ts extreme f o r m this h a r k i n g back takes the f o r m of r oman t i c i z ing the past u n t i l the, re­ac t ionary picture of the "good old days' ' w o u l d never be recognized by those w h o l ived them, A danger to , a n d a measure of the success of, p lanned i n d u s t r i a l development is the society's a b i l i t y to adjust to and ac-cept the qua l i t a t ive changes w h i c h f o l l o w i t the wake of a new economic sys t em and to r e l i eve and con t ro l

the tensions and conflicts w h i c h arise because of these changes.

The wor ld ' s experience of indus­t r i a l i z a t i o n has been ra the r l imi ted , and so one hesitates to read the past of Chr i s t i an Europe in to the fu ture of c iv i l iza t ions rest ing upon a very different past. There are enough differences between the societies of the U n i t e d States, Great B r i t a i n , and Germany to warn us tha t an indus­t r ia l ized I n d i a w i l l look very differ­ent f rom an industr ia l ized B r i ­t a in . However, despite our ex­pectat ion t h a t the process of indus t r ia l i za t ion w i l l affect different societies different ly, one can perceive in the process certain essential ele­ments wh ich must have s imi la r effects, no ma t t e r w h a t the social context in wh ich they operate.

Way of Thinking These common effects w i l l stem

f r o m the scientific and mechanist ic character of indus t r i a l operations, f r o m the technical requirements of organiza t iona l techniques used to keep an indus t r i a l society runn ing .

L e t us take first, the effect, of i n ­dus t r i a l development on the way of t h i n k i n g . The i ndus t r i a l process is mechanical , and the t h i n k i n g needed to set up and manage a fac tory is scientific. It has been said tha t the man who works in an indus t r i a l establishment lives in a " w o r l d of mat te r -o f - fac t " or of cause and effect. H i s dai ly ac t iv i ty , whether on a f a i r l y simple level of manua l operations or on a much higher level of design and organizat ion, puts h i m face to face at a l l times w i t h the results of his actions. Frequently a lmost no t ime elapses between the t a k i n g of an action and the result. Even when the t ime lapse is appreci­able, there are not l ike ly to be m a n y extraneous circumstances in te r rup t ­ing the process. This constant re­a l iza t ion t h a t certain actions lead inev i t ab ly to par t icular results, and t h a t pa r t i cu la r results cannot be achieved except by specific actions creates a habit of though t w h i c h can be cal led scientific, mechanist ic , or mat ter-of-fact , and this h a b i t of thought is na tu r a l l y car r ied over to­other spheres of l i f e . In fact, the m a n who has run a die press or set up a produc t ion l ine w i l l never t h i n k in the same manner aga in .

The po in t can be made by compar­i n g the i ndus t r i a l process w i t h the

k i n d of life led by men engaged in agr icu l tura l pursuits . Whereas the cycle of events in a f a c to ry m a y take only moments, the cycle of events in the countryside takes at least a sea­son, and in some respects extends over the years. In the f ac to ry m o s t elements of the productive process are di rect ly under the cont ro l of the people w o r k i n g in the fac tory . In f a r m i n g very few of the processed are completely control led by the f a r ­mer. The g r o w t h of plants is a bo t ­anical mat te r . The farmer can help nature along, bu t m u c h of the burden is hers, no t his. Fur thermore , m a n y events can intervene to upset expect­ations. In I n d i a the quan t i ty and t i m i n g of r a i n f a l l is extremely im-por tant . Other elements, such as the f e r t i l i t y of the soil, are pa r t l y under' the cont ro l of the farmer, but the period over wh ich f e r t i l i t y deter iora t ­es may be so long tha t cause ana effect are never b rough t home to the farmer . I t is easy to unders tand why the indus t r i a l man says t h a t " this causes t h a t " whi le the f a rmer regards events as the w i l l of God.

Industrial Worker Vs Rural Craftsman

One may ask w h y the a t t i tude of the indus t r i a l w o r k e r is not also the a t t i tude of the r u r a l craf tsman, and to an extent they no doubt have something in common. The craf ts­m a n knows his mater ia l s and con­t ro ls them direct ly , so t h a t he knows whem he s tar ts the product w h i c h he w i l l have when he is finished. Never­theless, i t remains t rue t h a t the c ra f t sman is no t made so f u l l y con­scious of the cause a n d effect cha­racter of his w o r k . The craf ts ­m a n goes t h r o u g h a series of operations w h i c h could make h i m look at the w o r l d as a l l cause and effect bu t for two facets of his l i f e . On the one hand he lives among a vas t m a j o r i t y w h i c h do not have the immedia te mat te r -o f - fac t experience of control led product ion—and neigh­bour's thoughts are our thoughts, and on the other hand his c ra f t is apt to be t r a d i t i o n a l and h igh ly stable. This s t ab i l i t y means tha t he does no t have to w o r r y about w h a t he does; he knows a l l about i t to begin w i t h . But the i n d u s t r i a l worke r is constant* ly seeing changes in the product ive process t a k i n g place. Th i s used to be done w i t h such-and-such results. N o w a new process is introduced, a n d

THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY

Walter C Neale

August 11,1956 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY

August 11, 1956 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY

the results are somewhat different, or he is cal led upon to do a some­w h a t different job . In consequence he is made aware t h a t the wor ld-of -mat te r -o f - fac t can be changed and directed. Of course, if he is a technologist much of, his effort is devoted to jus t this problem of scientific cont ro l and change.

Matter-of-fact Attitude In pre- indus t r ia l society the do­

m i n a n t mode of thought is t h a t of the agr icu l tu r i s t a w o r l d in wh ich prayer m a y seem as efficacious as fencing, and' in some years more efficacious, in w h i c h the cycle of the seasons and the mysteries of nature are a lways before h i m . In indus t r i a l society the dominan t mode of thought is t ha t of the technologist—a w o r l d in w h i c h prayer is obviously less effective than lubr ica t ion and tensile s t rength ; in which each day is much l ike any other and in wh ich there are far fewer mysteries and he knows how to manage them.

Now, this mode of mat ter-of-fact thought carries over in to the rest of the indus t r ia l workers l i fe . He is apt to become un-religious. By this I do not mean that he becomes i r re l igious . Rather he no longer re­gards religious observances as i m ­por t an t in m a n y of the th ings he undertakes. He develops in the social sphere at t i tudes of doubt and inqu i ry which are satisfied only by a mechanist ic answer. As he shapes a. par t w i t h his machine, so he be­gins to feel t ha t he can shape bis l i fe . As he asks " w h y " about the amount of power used for an indus­t r i a l operat ion, so he asks w h y about the rest of his l i fe : why should he support his ne'er-do-well brother, or why should he not smoke. Answers l ike du ty and m o r a l ob l iga t ion ca r ry less weight , unless he can be shown t h a t there is a p rac t ica l ad­vantage, or t h a t his acts of omis­sion or commission w i l l have effects he does not wan t . A n d the break­down of the old standards comes when he says to himself t ha t he doesn't care about tha t brother, and doesn't in the least m i n d the results of his o w n w i t h h o l d i n g of help.

Class and family Structure The technical requirements of i n ­

dus t ry also affect the class and f a m i l y s t ructure of a pre- indus t r ia l society. In each b r anch and in each Job i ndus t ry requires technical com­petence. There is no subst i tute fo r k n o w i n g how to do your Job w e l l . T h i s means t h a t there i s constant pressure on the managers of indus­

t r i a l establishments t o f i n d the r i g h t m a n f o r the job regardless o f h i s status in society. In I n d i a today there is s t i l l a s t rong tendency to h i re a m a n of ones own f a m i l y or caste, and one would h a r d l y expect the t r a d i t i o n a l values to break down and disappear as soon as factories are erected. However, there mus t be constant pressure on managers to pass over brothers- in- law who k n o w n o t h i n g of the technology in f avou r of s trangers who ran get the job done properly, and one expects t h a t these pressures w i l l become more acute as the need for technical competence be­comes increasingly clear.

The size and complexity of f ac to ry establishments also tend to break down the lines of f a m i l y and caste. When on ly a few people are needed, i t is a f a i r l y simple ma t t e r to keep the establishment in the hands of the " in-group", but when hundreds are needed it becomes increasingly diff i ­cul t . In indus t r i a l establishments

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the m a r g i n between efficiency a n d efficiency is and the extra

cost of maintaining traditional standards does n o t seem w o r t h w h i l e . The indus t r ia l manager w h o wants to hire only members of his o w n com-munity may f ind t h a t there are not

enough of them to m a n his p lan t , and so perforce the old values pass. Once the break is made it becomes di f f icul t to re-establish the old forms.

Demarcation Blurred In a f a i r l y stable society clear

lines of demarcat ion can be d r a w n between various functions, and these functions assigned to specific social groups. In indus t r ia l society the lines are not so clear; the content of jobs fluctuates; new functions arise unci o ld ones disappear. If the pro­cess takes long enough the class s t ructure can adapt, but it is com­m o n l y the case in an indus t r i a l so­ciety tha t the changes take place too rapidly to a l low for such adjustment . Locomotive firemen are displaced by diesels; a i r l ine hostesses and chemi­cal engineers suddenly arise; a decade or two can e l iminate the whee lwr igh t . Jur i sd ic t ional disputes among unions in the west, m a y be in pa r t efforts to ma in t a in s tab i l i ty in the s t ructure ol the w o r k force ("they are cer ta in ly efforts to gain monopoly re tu rns ) , but. no union has main ta ined its character against changes in pro­ductive techniques.

Perhaps the most impor tan t or­ganizat ional technique, so far as this discussion is concerned, is the pay­ment of wages. Regular payment of wages in cash can be expected to have definite effects in b r eak ing down the t r ad i t i ona l f a m i l y s tructure. I t is not t h a t twelve chips a week makes a man more selfish, or causes h i m to love his mother less. Rather, i t is that i t gives h i m new oppor tun i ­ties to be independent. In a closely k n i t ag r i cu l t u r a l society the son is dependent upon the father, the bro­thers upon each other. The women of the f a m i l y have no means of sup­por t except in the cooperative venture of the f a m i l y . But wages end these dependencies. The son is as capable of earning a l i v i n g as the father; the sister as the brother . An unmar r i ed or childless w o m a n can leave home to w o r k if she doesn't l ike the home atmosphere. The obverse of the

coin is t h a t the f a m i l y dependent up-on earnings in indus t ry is no more secure than i ts i nd iv idua l members. On an a g r i c u l t u r a l ho ld ing there is, b a r r i n g disasters, a lways w o r k and food for the f a m i l y , bu t i f f a the r loses his j ob at the m i l l , the f ami ly ' s

August 11, 1956

THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY

means of support is gone a n d the. f a m i l y w i l l very l i k e l y look w i t h f a v o u r on those of i ts members w h o decide to move out. and off.

Greater Mobility An indus t r ia l .society requires

greater mobi l i ty , bo th occupat ional and .spatial. As people move up ana down and across the frame of occu­pations and .skills, the lines de­m a r c a t i n g caste or c o m m u n i t y begin to go. I t becomes harder and bar-der to keep t r a ck of a man's social posi t ion. Fu r the rmore , the social posi t ion begins to correspond less and less w i t h a man's income and his i m ­portance in the economy. As incomes and economic status become scram­bled, it becomes increasingly difficult to take seriously the ancestral posi­t i on of the citizens of the indus t r i a l w o r l d .

When movement f rom place to place is slow or infrequent, the so­ciety can keep t r ack of each person's t r a d i t i o n a l position, bid when move­ment is r ap id and widespread the fine grada t ions tend to disappear. In I n d i a today in the large cities the caste postion of each person is s t i l l definitely recognized, but I have the definite impression that the caste blocks in the cities are far larger and more inclusive than they are in the villages, and the importance of sub-castes much less. In addi t ion, the castes are to a large extent local . The process of indus t r i a l i za t ion j u m ­bles castes f r o m different, localities together' .so that it is not easy to establish the essential hierarchy among them. When it is impossible to establish the h ierarchica l re la t ion­ships among the castes one of their ma jo r functions in o rgan iz ing the social relationships between people ceases, and there is tha t much less purpose in m a i n t a i n i n g the dist inc­t ions.

Smaller Family Unit It can also be. seen tha t movement

about the country w i l l tend to break down the larger f ami ly units . W i t h each man l i v i n g in a different locality a n d receiving his own pay packet, the n a t u r a l unit becomes the biolo­g i c a l f a m i l y of man. woman, and m i n o r chi ldren . By no means does th is i m p l y t ha t that there wi l l be any lessening of the bonds of love be­tween parents and chuden and bro thers and sisters (perhaps i t w i l l be easier to love, domestic tensions be ing less), nor t h a t m u t u a l support and a id w i l l die out . When I say t h a t it is l ike ly tha t the la rger f a m i l y w i l l break down, I mean t h a t w i t h separate

means of maintenance a n d separate households the da i l y and in fact most of the major decisions w i l l come to be taken in the smaller households of man and wife . Cer ta inly today one can see this happening in the cities among professional and busi­ness people whose parents ' and grand parents' families were not so broken up in to smaller units.

The policy of the Government of India is to e l imina te the differentials

based upon hered i ta ry caste, so t h a t i t i s encouraging to feel t h a t the movement towards an indus t r i a l so­ciety w i l l of its own accord move in step w i t h the policy of the govern­ment. It is not so clear chat the other effects of indus t r ia l iza t ion upon the attitudes! and ways of l i v i n g w i l l be so widely welcomed. B u t changes of the kinds o u t l i n e d above seem l ike ly to occur s imply as a result of the creation of an indus t r i a l society.