89
Chapter III Clans among Koragas and Sociological Features
Koraga community is not studied elaborate enough and specific enough to establish the
intercommunity sociological features. The community is identified generally based on the traits
identified by the earlier researchers and the folklore descriptions. The specific and interesting
sociological features of the community is seldom forgotten or neglected. The clans and the
sociological characteristics of it among all the tribes are very important to understand the finer
community traits. Among koragas the clans have an important role to play. Even though the
general community and the researchers have not identified the clans among koragas specifically,
the koraga community has a very strong feeling and established social patterns among them
based on the sub clans.
Among koragas three major sub clans have been identified .The community elders and the
leaders make clear statement regarding the clans and their attributes .The current study has made
an effort to identify various sociological attributes with respect to each clan and the comparative
evaluation of various aspects of economical and political variables .The findings of this analysis
has been recorded to support the tribal identity of the koraga community.
Table 3.1 showing the sociological features of clans of Koragas
Name of the Sub clan
Clan Frequency Percent Valid Percent Cumulative Percent
Onti Koraga 308 61.6 61.6 61.6
Tappu Koraga 142 28.4 28.4 90.0
Kuntu Koraga 50 10.0 10.0 100.0
Total 500 100.0 100.0
The table shows that the Koragas have three different clans as identified by the
respondents of the study. In the study 61.6% of the respondents belong to the onti koraga clan
thus the Onti koraga is the major clan among koragas, Tappu koragas are 28.4% and Kuntu
korags are 10% of the total families studied.
It is important to examine the following aspects with respect to the clans to understand
the characteristics of the clan. The following description by an elderly koraga leader Mr.Sundar
Beluvai describes the specific attributes of the clans.
90
Table 3.2 shows the characteristics of different Clans among Koragas
Criteria Onti/Nadsalu Tappu/Moodayi Kuntu/Tenkayee Meaning of name Wears ear ring Wears leaves Wears cloth Placement Near village Near western Ghats Near dense forest Dress More modern Traditional Traditional Main food Use cows meat often for all
social occasions
Use Cows meat Rarely use cows meat
Worship Koraga taniya Neecha
Havli and Ajjyya(koragajja)
Koraga taniya
Language Tulu based koraga language Kannada based koraga language Tulu Feeling of hierarchy Consider higher Consider civilized first Consider part of forest Matrilineal Practiced Practiced Patriarchy Occupation Agricultural and sanitary
workers Traditional Traditional
Agriculture Few families Few families No families Food collection Collect Very few collect Never collects Hunting Occasional Often Occasional Isolation from other communities
Maximum and untouchability Moderate and less untouchability Totally isolated
Participation in activities of village
Ajal based servitude More on remunerative basis Very rare
Number of Bali 4 6 4 Marriage Traditional traditional No traditional marriages now
The clans are many a time confusing social identities among koragas’ since clear
definition and sociological classification of it is not evident among many families, however the
traditional leaders have a clear idea of the division. Inter clan relationships are clearly defined by
marriage prohibition among the clans. The above discussion with the traditional leader of the
community yields the following specific conclusions regarding the clans.
I. Three major clans Namely Onti /Nadsalu korags,Taappu /Moodayi korags,Kuntu koraga
koraga are identified by the community leaders and all the respondents of the study.
II. The marriage prohibition among the clans is the main sociological condition for separated
existence of the clans.
III. Onti Koragas have developed a habitat and social practice of living near the village hence
have necessarily experienced more caste based social prohibitions and pollution based
social interactions and roles in the village, compared to the tappu and kuntu koragas who
have either maintained a payment based service or have kept a social distance from other
communities even though the relationship is untouchability based not submitted them to
servitude as that of onti Koragas.
91 IV. In the food habits the onti/Nadsalu korags have been using the cow meat more often and
occasionally compared to other clans’. The kuntu koragas use cow meat very rarely. Onti
koragas use cow meat for the marriage and all social occasions of life cycle.
V. Onti korags speak Tulu based koraga language and the tappu koragas speak koraga
language with more kannada words, kuntu koragas speak more Tulu in a different accent.
This difference is due to the influence of habitat. Their accent of Tulu language is
entirely different from the other Tulu speakers of the district.
VI. Among the clans each clan members feel and express superiority on another based on
their own reasons , The onti koragas claim that all other clans are out casted due to inter
Bali marriages but no evidence of it is available. tappu koragas claim superiority based
on their state of civilization and association with the modern /caste society.
VII. Currently the onti and tappu koragas are more matrilineal and matrilocal where as the
kuntu koragas have moved more towards the patriarchal systems and have stopped
traditional marriage systems and ceremonies due to inconvenience to practice it.
VIII. Compared to other clans onti korags have been found involved in agriculture and
agricultural based activities more.
IX. Onti koragas invoved in food collection from the households of caste Hindus compared
to the tappu and kuntu koragas.
X. Onti koragas are untouchables for Hindus where as the kuntu korags have minimum
interaction with the caste groups.
XI. Onti koragas are subjected to a system of servitude based on religious and social
sanctions and prohibitions, where as the tappu koragas have more remuneration based
services. Kuntu korgas are never involved in the village activities.
XII. The Bali which is a consaguanal group is unique identity of all communities of coastal
district. Koragas have the following Bali among the various sub clans.
92
Table3.3 shows the names of Bali among Different clans among Koragas Bali Onti koragas Tappu koragas Tappu koragas of Kundapura and North
canara Kuntu Korags
1 Kunddannya Bijittar Kuttar Maanyader 2 Salettannaya/tadpennyaa Munkattar Elkijiyar Baader 3 Munkannar Bajeltaar Gujigar Kurumber 4 Bangerannya Kurnittaar Hantaar Mundaana 5 Kundannaar Harkajettar 6 Kunddannya Mulettar
Bali or the Consgauos groups are believed to be the people originated from the same
matrilineal origin. They claim a common origin for their family and identify a common decedent.
Main sociological importance of the Bali is that it is purely exogamous as that of other
communities of Coastal Karnataka. Marriages with in Bali are totally prohibited and the violation
of it is punished with expulsion from the family and the Bali.
As there is complete prohibition of endogamy in the Bali the marriages between the clans
were also not encouraged. This is not due to any sociological reason rather due to mere physical
distance between the clans. No punitive measures have been named for the exogamous marriages
between the clans, but an intolerance and aversion towards these marriages are seen which is
vanishing now due to the close interaction between the clans.
The prohibition of marriage among the clans is also an important reason for depleting
population among Koragas.
93
Table 3 4.Taluk wise distribution of Families selected for study from clans
Taluk Name of the Sub clan Total
Onti Koraga Tappu Koraga Kuntu Koraga
Karkala Count 33 42 0 75
% within Name of the Sub
clan
10.7% 29.6% .0% 15.0%
Udupi Count 125 0 0 125
% within Name of the Sub
clan
40.6% .0% .0% 25.0%
Kundapura Count 0 100 0 100
% within Name of the Sub
clan
.0% 70.4% .0% 20.0%
Mangalore Count 125 0 0 125
% within Name of the Sub
clan
40.6% .0% .0% 25.0%
Bantwala Count 25 0 0 25
% within Name of the Sub
clan
8.1% .0% .0% 5.0%
Puttur Count 0 0 25 25
% within Name of the Sub
clan
.0% .0% 50.0% 5.0%
Sullya Count 0 0 25 25
% within Name of the Sub
clan
.0% .0% 50.0% 5.0%
Total Count 308 142 50 500
% within Name of the Sub
clan
100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0%
From the above table it can be found that 25% families each from Udupi and Kundapura
taluks and 20% from Mangalore and 5%each from Sullya and Bantwala and Puttur Taluks and
15% families from Karkala Taluk have been selected for study.
Among the three clans onti korgas are been inhabited in Udupi, Mangalore and Karkala
Taluks. Tappu koragas are found in Karkala and Kundapura Taluks. Kuntu Koragas are found in
the southern part of the district in Puttur and Sullya Taluks.
94
Table 3.5 showing the self identity of Koraga families among Different Clans
Self Identity * Name of the Sub clan Cross tabulation
Self Identity Name of the Sub clan Total
Onti Koraga Tappu
Koraga
Kuntu
Koraga
Tribal Count 48 27 17 92
% within Self Identity 52.2% 29.3% 18.5% 100.0%
% within Name of the Sub
clan
15.6% 19.0% 34.0% 18.4%
Caste Count 259 115 29 403
% within Self Identity 64.3% 28.5% 7.2% 100.0%
% within Name of the Sub
clan
84.1% 81.0% 58.0% 80.6%
Dot know Count 1 0 4 5
% within Self Identity 20.0% .0% 80.0% 100.0%
% within Name of the Sub
clan
.3% .0% 8.0% 1.0%
Total Count 308 142 50 500
% within Self Identity 61.6% 28.4% 10.0% 100.0%
% within Name of the Sub
clan
100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0%
The table shows the self identity perceived by the respondents of different clans. Out of 500
respondents 18.4% of the respondents feel that they are tribal, where as 80.6% of the respondents
feel that their identity is caste, and 1% of the population do not know their identity. The
variations in opinion have to be understood based on the following facts,
I. The caste identity is been legally identified by the government system of British.
II. The government of India declared the Koragas as primitive tribes in 1986.
III. Books by Edgar Thurston and the senses report of 1901 term korags as a separate
indigenous people with distinctive characteristics such as language and living condition
and anthropometric measures.
IV. The caste influence and the interactions have created a confusing sense of identity among
the koragas that has direct effect on the sociological and cultural dynamics of the tribe.
Among onti koragas 15.6% of respondents identify themselves as tribes and 84.1% identify
themselves as caste and 0.3 % reported that they do not know their identity. Among Tappu
95 korags 19% identify themselves as tribes and 81% identify themselves as caste. Among kuntu
koragas 34% identify themselves as tribes, 58% identify themselves as caste and 8% have
confusion regarding their identity.
Tribal identity is been accorded by different clan differ considerably as we can note 15.6% of
onti koragas and 19% tappu koragas and 34 % of kuntu koragas identify themselves as tribal this
increasing order of percentage shows that the tribal identity is more strong among the kuntu
koragas who have less interactions with the caste society and the relationship of servitude.
Caste identity is 84% among onti koragas, 81% among tappu koragas and Only 58% among
the kuntu koragas.
The onti korags have strong caste identity Tappu koragas have comparatively less and
kuntu koragas have very less caste identity .On the contrary Tribal identity is strong among
Kuntu Koragas and comparatively weaker among Tappu and Onti koragas in a decreasing Order.
The phenomena of confusing identity may have different effects on the communities’ social,
economical and political aspects.
Table 3.6 showing the comparison of self identity with various community traits.
Variables Test Value Inference
Identity v/s Education Correlation -.183 Tribal identity has negative correlation with education
Identity v/s Occupation Chi square .143 Tribal identity has association with choice traditional occupation
Identity v/s Choice of occupation Chi square 0.705 Tribal identity has positive correlation with choice of occupation
Identity v/s Age of Marriage of
female
Chi square 0.376 Tribals identity has positive association with age of marriage of females
Identity v/s Collect dried food Correlation -.276 Tribal identity has negative correlation with collecting dried food
Identiy v/s Opinion regarding
Koraga language
Correlation 0.381 Tribal identity has positive correlation regarding positive opinion regarding
language
Identity v/s Accepting Dhana for
relief of curse
Correlation -.346 Tribal identity has negative correlation with accepting dhana
The above table demonstrates that the tribal identity has positive association with positive
social image. Tribal identity has negative correlation of 346 for accepting dhana of higher caste
96 which is offered on a belief to transfer the curse and negative forces creating disease to the
koraga family especially to the female. The families with tribal identity have negative inclination
towards it .It suggests that the system of offering daana and Koraga families become the
acceptors is the result of interaction of the tribal with caste communities.
It can also be observed from the above table that the respondents who opine that they are
tribal have a positive opinion regarding the Koraga language. The act of collecting foiled food
from the public places and function also is associated with self identity the tribal identity has
negative correlation with the habit of collecting and using foiled food.
The age of marriage of girl has a positive association with the tribal identity that is the practice of
getting the girl married early is the part of tribal identity.
Table 3.7 showing the comparison of names of the respondents with the clan of the respondents.
Name of the Sub clan Name of Respondent Total
Tribal Caste
based
Modern
Onti Koraga Count 164 46 98 308
% within Name of the Sub
clan
53.2% 14.9% 31.8% 100.0%
% within Name of
Respondent
55.8% 82.1% 65.3% 61.6%
% of Total 32.8% 9.2% 19.6% 61.6%
Tappu Koraga Count 93 5 44 142
% within Name of the Sub
clan
65.5% 3.5% 31.0% 100.0%
% within Name of
Respondent
31.6% 8.9% 29.3% 28.4%
% of Total 18.6% 1.0% 8.8% 28.4%
Kuntu Koraga Count 37 5 8 50
% within Name of the Sub
clan
74.0% 10.0% 16.0% 100.0%
% within Name of
Respondent
12.6% 8.9% 5.3% 10.0%
% of Total 7.4% 1.0% 1.6% 10.0%
Total Count 294 56 150 500
% within Name of the Sub
clan
58.8% 11.2% 30.0% 100.0%
% within Name of
Respondent
100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0%
% of Total 58.8% 11.2% 30.0% 100.0%
97
The above table demonstrates the type of name of the respondent with the clan. The clans
which have closer village and modern orientation are expected to have moved away from having
the tribal names. But the naming of the respondents have been done at least minimum of 30 years
back the cross tabulation of name and clan demonstrates a phenomena half century back.
Among onti koragas out of 308 respondents 53.2 % of the respondents have tribal names,
where as 14.9% have caste based names and 31.8% have Modern names. This indicates that onti
koragas had a greater inclination to adopt modern names compared to the caste based names
Tribal names were kept for more than 50% of the respondents.
Among tappu koraagas 65.5% of the respondents have tribal names and 3.5% have caste
based names and 31% have modern names .It can be observed that even among tappu koragas
majority of the respondents have tribal names and others have modern names they do not have a
inclination towards the caste based names.
Among kuntu koragas 74% of them have tribal names, 10% have caste based names and
16% have Modern names. Even among kuntu Koragas the tribal names are prominent and then
the modern names it is evident that the koraga tribe had a inclination to modern names when they
have to shift from the tribal name. A comparison of all the clans clearly indicates that in the last
four decades the koragas had a tribal name and later they started to shift to modern names rather
than the caste names even though they had close association with the caste groups in the village.
Among three clans kuntu koragas have least inclination towards the caste names hence we can
conclude that the kuntu koragas had very less association with the caste communities and hence
a small segment of them had shown a tendency to name themselves with caste names.
Thus it can be concluded that the koraga tribal had a strong inclination of naming
themselves with the tribal names and then they had a strong desire to shift to the modern names
rather than the caste based names. This indirectly suggests their tendency to avoid identification
with caste even though many of the respondents have identified themselves as caste.
98 Table 3.8 showing the type of the family studied according to the clan of the respondents.
Name of the Sub clan Type of Family Total
Nuclear Family Joint Family
Onti Koraga Count 288 20 308
% within Name of the Sub clan 93.5% 6.5% 100.0%
% within Type of Family 61.0% 71.4% 61.6%
Tappu Koraga Count 134 8 142
% within Name of the Sub clan 94.4% 5.6% 100.0%
% within Type of Family 28.4% 28.6% 28.4%
Kuntu Koraga Count 50 0 50
% within Name of the Sub clan 100.0% .0% 100.0%
% within Type of Family 10.6% .0% 10.0%
Total Count 472 28 500
% within Name of the Sub clan 94.4% 5.6% 100.0%
% within Type of Family 100.0% 100.0% 100.0%
The above table demonstrates the family type among the different sub clans. Over all it is
found that the all the sub clans have nuclear families .94.4% of the families selected for study are
nuclear and only 5.6% of the families are joint families. Among the clans onti koragas have93.5-
% of nuclear families and 6.5% of joint families where as, among tappu koragas 94.4 % of them
are nuclear families and 5.6% are Joint families. Among kuntu koragas all the families are
nuclear families. This indicates that the transformation of Joint families in to nuclear families is
very fast among koraga clans and the kuntu koragas who are although isolated from the village
have ventured to go for nuclear families .Other clans also have a greater affinity towards nuclear
family. It is common among the koraga tribes to establish nuclear families soon after the
marriage.
99
Table 3.9 shows the number of females among the families studied across the clans.
Number of Females in Family Name of the Sub clan Total
Onti Koraga Tappu Koraga Kuntu Koraga
No Females Count 3 1 0 4
% within Name of the Sub clan 1.0% .7% .0% .8%
% of Total .6% .2% .0% .8%
One Female Count 47 26 17 90
% within Name of the Sub clan 15.3% 18.3% 34.0% 18.0%
% of Total 9.4% 5.2% 3.4% 18.0%
Two Females Count 107 43 19 169
% within Name of the Sub clan 34.7% 30.3% 38.0% 33.8%
% of Total 21.4% 8.6% 3.8% 33.8%
Three Females Count 65 41 9 115
% within Name of the Sub clan 21.1% 28.9% 18.0% 23.0%
% of Total 13.0% 8.2% 1.8% 23.0%
Four Females Count 51 16 4 71
% within Name of the Sub clan 16.6% 11.3% 8.0% 14.2%
% of Total 10.2% 3.2% .8% 14.2%
Five Females Count 18 10 1 29
% within Name of the Sub clan 5.8% 7.0% 2.0% 5.8%
% of Total 3.6% 2.0% .2% 5.8%
Six Females Count 5 4 0 9
% within Name of the Sub clan 1.6% 2.8% .0% 1.8%
% of Total 1.0% .8% .0% 1.8%
Seven Females Count 6 1 0 7
% within Name of the Sub clan 1.9% .7% .0% 1.4%
% of Total 1.2% .2% .0% 1.4%
Nine Females Count 4 0 0 4
% within Name of the Sub clan 1.3% .0% .0% .8%
% of Total .8% .0% .0% .8%
Ten Females Count 1 0 0 1
% within Name of the Sub clan .3% .0% .0% .2%
% of Total .2% .0% .0% .2%
Eleven Females Count 1 0 0 1
% within Name of the Sub clan .3% .0% .0% .2%
% of Total .2% .0% .0% .2%
The above table shows the number of females in the families selected for study in the
clans. A total of 8% families do not have any females among them 6% of the families are of onti
100 koragas. 18% Families have one female member in the family among them 9.2% belong to onti
koraga and 5.2% belong to tappu koraga and 3.4% belong to kuntu koragas.23% of families have
three female members and among them 13% are from onti koraga clan 8.2% are from tappu
koragas and 1.2% are from kuntu korgas. A total of 14.2 % families have four female members
among them 10.2 % are from onti koragas and 3.2% of the families are of tappu koragas, and 8
% of the families are of kuntu koragas.
Over all it is found that about 50% of the families have two to four female members. The
number of females in the onti korag families is comparatively more. This phenomena has to be
explained based on the sex preference of the families.
101
Table 3.10 shows the educational standard of family among Koraga Clans.
Highest Education in Family * Name of the Sub clan Crosstabulation Highest Education in Family
Name of the Sub clan Total
Onti
Koraga
Tappu
Koraga
Kuntu
Koraga
Illiterate Count 10 1 6 17
% within Highest
Education in Family
58.8% 5.9% 35.3% 100.0%
% within Name of the
Sub clan
3.2% .7% 12.0% 3.4%
% of Total 2.0% .2% 1.2% 3.4%
Primary Education Count 235 111 38 384
% within Heighest
Education in Family
61.2% 28.9% 9.9% 100.0%
% within Name of the
Sub clan
76.3% 78.2% 76.0% 76.8%
% of Total 47.0% 22.2% 7.6% 76.8%
High school Completed Count 47 20 5 72
% within Heighest
Education in Family
65.3% 27.8% 6.9% 100.0%
% within Name of the
Sub clan
15.3% 14.1% 10.0% 14.4%
% of Total 9.4% 4.0% 1.0% 14.4%
Pre University
Completed
Count 14 7 1 22
% within Heighest
Education in Family
63.6% 31.8% 4.5% 100.0%
% within Name of the
Sub clan
4.5% 4.9% 2.0% 4.4%
% of Total 2.8% 1.4% .2% 4.4%
College Count 2 3 0 5
% within Heighest
Education in Family
40.0% 60.0% .0% 100.0%
% within Name of the
Sub clan
.6% 2.1% .0% 1.0%
% of Total .4% .6% .0% 1.0%
The above table explains the educational standard of the different clans of koraga
families studied. It can be observed that among 3.4 % illiterate families, 2% families are of onti
korags and 1.2% of them are of kuntu koragas, only 0.2% is from tappu koragas. It suggests that
102 the illiteracy among onti and kuntu koragas are more and it is very less among the tappu koragas.
This has to be explained further with the caste and social orientation of koraga families. It is
observed from the earlier tables that the onti koragas have the negative social identity and the
kuntu koragas are most isolated from the society. Thus illiteracy among them is more compared
to tappu koragas who have a paid servant status in the village and have not subjected to
servitude. Hence the relationship of servitude is detrimental for education.
76% of the families have minimum primary education among them 47.0% are of onti
koragas and 22.2 % are tappu koragas and 7.6% are kuntu koragas. The fact indicates that the
primary education among onti koragas is strong compared to other clans and it is very weak
among kuntu koragas.
A total of 14% of the families have high school education among them 9.4% are onti
koragas and 4% are tappu koragas and 1% are kuntu koragas .the secondary education is also
better among onti koragas compared to tappu korags and kuntu koragas.
Only 4.4%of the families have the pre university level of education among them 2.8% are
onti koragas and 1.4% of the families are tappu koragas and only 0.2% of the families are kuntu
koragas again the fact that the onti korgag have tried to get in to the higher educational stream
and the tappu koragas are also making their entry in to the educational process and the kuntu
korags since they have the tendency of staying away from the mainstream society experience
more hindrance to get in to the educational process.
The percentage of the families who have college education is only 1% and among them
60% of the families are of tapu koraga and 40% of the families are of onti koragas and kuntu
korags do not have the collegiate education at all.
103
Table 3.11 shows the occupational status of various clans of Koragas
Main Occupation Of Family * Name of the Sub clan Crosstabulation Main Occupation Of Family Name of the Sub clan Total
Onti koraga Tappu Koraga Kuntu Koraga
Basket
Making
Count 124 28 49 201
% within Main Occupation 61.7% 13.9% 24.4% 100.0%
% within Name of the Sub clan 40.3% 19.7% 98.0% 40.2%
% of Total 24.8% 5.6% 9.8% 40.2%
Cooly Work Count 157 110 1 268
% within Main Occupation Of 58.6% 41.0% .4% 100.0%
% within Name of the Sub clan 51.0% 77.5% 2.0% 53.6%
% of Total 31.4% 22.0% .2% 53.6%
Sanitary
Work
Count 19 1 0 20
% within Main Occupation Of 95.0% 5.0% .0% 100.0%
% within Name of the Sub clan 6.2% .7% .0% 4.0%
% of Total 3.8% .2% .0% 4.0%
Government
Job
Count 7 2 0 9
% within Main Occupation Of 77.8% 22.2% .0% 100.0%
% within Name of the Sub clan 2.3% 1.4% .0% 1.8%
% of Total 1.4% .4% .0% 1.8%
Self
Employment
Count 1 1 0 2
% within Main Occupation Of 50.0% 50.0% .0% 100.0%
% within Name of the Sub clan .3% .7% .0% .4%
% of Total .2% .2% .0% .4%
Total
% within Main Occupation Of
% within Name of the Sub clan
% of Total
308 142 50 500
61.6% 28.4% 10.0% 100.0%
100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0%
61.6% 28.4% 10.0% 100.0%
The table demonstrates the occupational pattern among the families of different clans. It
can be found from the table that 40.3% of the onti koragas are involve in traditional occupation
as their main occupation where as 19.7% of tappu koragas and 98% of the kuntu koragas are
involved in traditional occupation of Basket making. And over all 42.2 % of the families are
involved in traditional occupation.
104
58.6% of onti korags and 41% of tappu koragas are involved in Cooly work as main
occupation and only 0.4% of tapu koragas are involved in Cooly work.
6.2% of onti korags are involved in sanitary work and 0.7% of the tappu koragas are
involved in sanitary work where as no families of kuntu koragas are involved in sanitary work
that have strong sense of tribal identity and a quite distance from the general social caste system.
2.3% of onti koragas and 1.4% of tappu koragas are in government jobs and no families of kuntu
koragas are in government job. Self employment is rare phenomena among koragas only 0.4 %
of onti koragas and 0.7% of tappu koragas are self employed and no kuntu koragas are self
employed.The employment pattern among onti koragas is traditional occupation and Cooly
work, where as among tappu koragas it is Cooly work and traditional occupation .But among the
kuntu koragas it is traditional occupation, and cooly work is a very lean matter. The occupational
mobility among the koragas is very minimal and the families have stagnated employment growth
and hence the inability to adapt to the changing economic systems and structure.
105
Table 3.12 Name of the Sub clan * Choice of Occupation Cross tabulation
Choice of Occupation Total
Traditional Cooly Sanitary Government
Name of the Sub
clan
Onti
Koraga
Count 35 170 59 44 308
% within Name of
the Sub clan
11.4% 55.2% 19.2% 14.3% 100.0%
% within Choice of
Occupation
51.5% 53.8% 98.3% 78.6% 61.6%
% of Total 7.0% 34.0% 11.8% 8.8% 61.6%
Tappu
Koraga
Count 9 120 1 12 142
% within Name of
the Sub clan
6.3% 84.5% .7% 8.5% 100.0%
% within Choice of
Occupation
13.2% 38.0% 1.7% 21.4% 28.4%
% of Total 1.8% 24.0% .2% 2.4% 28.4%
Kuntu
Koraga
Count 24 26 0 0 50
% within Name of
the Sub clan
48.0% 52.0% .0% .0% 100.0%
% within Choice of
Occupation
35.3% 8.2% .0% .0% 10.0%
% of Total 4.8% 5.2% .0% .0% 10.0%
Total Count 68 316 60 56 500
% within Name of
the Sub clan
13.6% 63.2% 12.0% 11.2% 100.0%
% within Choice of
Occupation
100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0%
% of Total 13.6% 63.2% 12.0% 11.2% 100.0%
The above table explains the choice of occupation of the respondents for their family and
taught for the future generation. The choice of occupation is dependent upon many factors
among one important factor being the clan. The clans have a distinctive impact on the choice of
occupation. From the above table we can find that over all a total of 13.6% of the respondents
have chosen traditional occupation as their choice for next generation, where as 63.2% of them
as chosen Cooly work as possible choice of occupation. 12.0% of the respondents suggest and
aspire for the sanitary work as the future employment and 11.2% of the respondents have
selected government job as the possible occupation for the next generation.
106
It can be concluded that the choice of occupation has to be correlated with the other
factors such as sex, education and other sociological factors.
The clan wise description of the choice of occupation shows community dynamics of
aspirations regarding the occupation and the clear influence of the major characteristics of the
clans in influencing the choice of occupation.
Among Onti koragas 11.4% of them have chosen traditional occupation as their future
occupation where as 55.2% of them have chosen cooly work as their future occupation and
19.2% of the respondents have chosen sanitary work as their occupation for future and 14.2% of
them have chosen Government job as their future occupation. From the above fact it is evident
that onti koragas have lost faith on their traditional occupation and are showing a inclination
toward the cooly work, The shift of occupation from the traditional occupation to sanitary work
is a clear indication of the occupational mobility of onti koragas towards the city based servitude
from the rural servitude. Since the attitude of servitude among onti koragas is more the
inclination towards the sanitary occupation is influenced greatly by this in the clan.
Among Tappu koragas 6.3% of the respondents have chosen traditional occupation as
their future occupation and 84.5% of them have chosen cooly work as their future occupation
and only 7% of them have chosen sanitary work as occupation and 8.5% have chosen
government job as their occupation. It is found that Tappu koragas have lost their interest in the
traditional occupation and are more dependent on the cooly work for their future, it is interesting
to note that very few among Tappu korgas have chosen sanitary work .This is because the tappu
korgas have less influence of servitude on the community hence have les inclination towards the
sanitary occupation. The choice of government job is also less since the educational standard of
the community is very low.
Among kuntu korags 48% of them have chosen the traditional occupation and 52% of
them have chosen cooly work as their occupation where as no respondents have chosen Sanitary
work and government jobs. The neglect of the community towards the sanitary work is clear
indication of tribal entity of the community and the members of kuntu koraga clan have not
chosen the government job as their choice for the want of education.
107
A comparison of the choice of occupation of the different clans shows clearly that kuntu
korags have chosen traditional occupation as the main occupation where as only 6.3% among
onti koragas and 11.4% of tappu koragas have chosen the traditional occupation.
It can be observed that 52% of kuntu koragas and 84.5% tappu korags and 55.2% of onti
koragas have chosen the cooly work as their occupation. Among all the clans cooly work become
a viable and alternative possibility of occupation. It is found that the community is shifting to
cooly work from the traditional occupation. This factor is true when compared to the general
phenomena of tribal in Karnataka state and the country as a whole.
The many studies have noted that the employment and educational mobility among tribes
is very slow. Majority of primitive tribes engaged in the collection of minor forest produce. Their
basic disability is rooted in their physical isolation and associated psychological insulation.
(Dube, 1977)
The social structure of the tribal society continues to stagnate; it has no inherent
capacity of change; and its members have no occupational mobility even under conditions of
fast-changing production relations (Bardhan-1973).
The tribes’ folk of Kerala were food gatherers and hunters, shifting cultivators, farm
laborers, and agriculturists (Mathur, 1977). At present, most of them are agricultural
laborers. The proportions of tribes’ folk in all other occupations are small. Their work
opportunities, even in the agriculture field, are shrinking.
In the light of above discussions by various authors in various studies it is evident that the
occupational shift among koragas is in tune with the general phenomena of occupational shift
among the tribal communities in the country. It is noteworthy that irrespective of the clans
among koragas they are losing the scope for traditional occupation and shifting to cooly work
which they may not be able to sustain since the agricultural occupational opportunities are been
reducing and partly are been refused to koragas since they are untouchables.
108
Table 3.13 Name of the Sub clan * Age of Marriage of Eldest Male in Family Cross tabulation
Age of Marriage of Eldest Male in Family
Total
Not
Married
13-15
Years
16-18
Years
18-25
Years
Above 25
Years
Name of the Sub
clan
Onti Koraga Count 12 19 88 162 27 308
% within Name of the
Sub clan
3.9% 6.2% 28.6% 52.6% 8.8% 100.0%
% within Age of
Marriage of Eldest
Male in Family
66.7% 41.3% 63.3% 63.8% 62.8% 61.6%
% of Total 2.4% 3.8% 17.6% 32.4% 5.4% 61.6%
Tappu
Koraga
Count 6 16 37 71 12 142
% within Name of the
Sub clan
4.2% 11.3% 26.1% 50.0% 8.5% 100.0%
% within Age of
Marriage of Eldest
Male in Family
33.3% 34.8% 26.6% 28.0% 27.9% 28.4%
% of Total 1.2% 3.2% 7.4% 14.2% 2.4% 28.4%
Kuntu
Koraga
Count 0 11 14 21 4 50
% within Name of the
Sub clan
.0% 22.0% 28.0% 42.0% 8.0% 100.0%
% within Age of
Marriage of Eldest
Male in Family
.0% 23.9% 10.1% 8.3% 9.3% 10.0%
% of Total .0% 2.2% 2.8% 4.2% .8% 10.0%
Total Count 18 46 139 254 43 500
% within Name of the
Sub clan
3.6% 9.2% 27.8% 50.8% 8.6% 100.0%
% within Age of
Marriage of Eldest
Male in Family
100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0%
% of Total 3.6% 9.2% 27.8% 50.8% 8.6% 100.0%
The above table demonstrates the age of the marriage of the eldest member in the family.
This would explain the age of marriage of different clans. It is hypotheses that the tribal youth
marry at an early age. Different studies conducted by different authors clearly indicate the above
fact.
109
It can be found from the table that the age of marriage of male members among koraga
families as a whole is that 3.6% of the families’ male members are not married. 9.2% of the
families eldest male members are married at the age of 13 to 15 year and 27.2% of the male
members have married at the age of 16to 18 year. This makes a total of 36.4% have married
before the age of 18 years. It is found that 50% of the eldest male members have married
between the age of 18 year and 25 year. 18.5% of the eldest male members have married after 25
year old.
In the study on clans it is observed that among Onti koragas, 3.6% of the family’s male
members are not married, 6.2% of the families male members have got married at the age of 13
to 15 years.
28.6% of the males of onti koragas have married at the age of 16 to 18 years which is
high compared to the total average among koragas.52.6% of the onti koraga male members have
married at the age of 18 to 25 years and 8.8% of the eldest male members among the onti koraga
families have married at the age of above 25 years.
Among tappu koragas 4.2% of the family’s male members are not married, 11.3% of the
elder male members have married at the age of 13 to 15 years among tappu koragas and 26.1%
of the male members have got married at the age of 15 to 18 years and 50 % of the male
members have got married in the age group of 18 to 25 years and only 8.5 % of the male
members have got married at the age group of above 25 years.
Among kuntu koragas all the families have elder male members married, 22% of the
elder male members have got married at the age o f13 to 18 and 28% of them have got married at
the age of 18 to 25 years and 42% of them have got married at the age of 18 to 25 years and 8%
of them have got married after the age of 25.
From the above discussion it can be concluded that the kuntu koragas have been
influenced less compared to the other clan with respect to the minimum and maximum age of
marriage .The number of males got married at the early age is more among kuntu korags
followed by onti korags and tappu korags. The trend of getting married between the age of 18
and 25 years is a common practice among all the clans. More than 25% of the males get married
in this age among all the clans.
110
As expected on the basis of data of marriage among the tribal in India and Karnataka the early
marriage and the child marriage is not found among koraga families. But most of the koraga
male members get married in the age group of 18 to 25 years which is early compared to the
other communities in the district and the state.
Table 3.14 Age of female members in the family according to the clan
clan Age of Marriage of Eldest Female in Family Total
Clan Not
Married
9-12
Years
13-15
Years
16-18
Years
18-25
Years
Above 25
Years
Onti Koraga 1.9% 3.2% 21.4% 50.6% 20.5% 2.3% 100.0%
Tappu Koraga 1.4% 2.1% 22.5% 35.9% 37.3% .7% 100.0%
Kuntu Koraga .0% .0% 24.0% 54.0% 22.0% .0% 100.0%
Total 1.6% 2.6% 22.0% 46.8% 25.4% 1.6% 100.0%
The above table explains the age of marriage of the elder female member in the family in
different clans of koraga families selected for study. A total of 1.6% of the females among the families is
unmarried. 2.6% of the females are found to be married at the age of 9 to 12 years, 22% of elder female
member of the family is found to be married at the age of 13 to 15 years and 46.8% of female have been
found got married at the age of 16 to 18 years and 25.4% of the female have been found married at the
age of 18 to 25 years and 1.6 % of female have been found to be married at the age of above 25 years.
Among onti koragas 1.95 of the families have the female members not married and in the
remaining families 3.2% of the families have the elder female members married at the age of 9 to12 years
and 21.4% of the families female members are married at the age of 13 to 15 year and 50.6% of the
families of onti koragas female members are married at the age group of 16 to 18 year. In 20.5% of the
families female members are married at an age group of 18 to 25 year and 2.3% of the families of onti
koragas females are been found married after the age of 25 year.
Among tappu korags 1.4% of the families have the females not married, 2.1 % of the families
found that the females are married at the age of 9 to 12 years where as in 22.5 % of the family’s females
are married at the age of 13 to 16 year and among 35.9% of the families the elder female members marry
at the age of 16 to 18 year and 37.55 of the families female members have been found married at the age
of 18 to 25 years and only 2.3 % of the families females have been found married after the age of 25
years.
Among kuntu koragas who are isolated from the mainstream comparatively, we find a different
phenomena of age of marriage of females and no females have been found to be married at the age of 9 to
111 13 year and 24 % of female are married at the age of 13 to 15 year and 54% of females have been found
married at the age of 16 to 18 year and 22% of the females have been found married between the age of
18 to 25 and no females have been found to be married after the age of 25 year.
Comparative research of data of marriage of female members among the clans leads to following
conclusions
The age of marriage among the clans of females is between 13 to 18.
Among Tappu koragas the age of marriage of females in the age group of 18 to 25 years is
comparatively more to other two clans.
Among kuntu koragas marriage after the age of 25 among girls is not found.
Age of marriage above the age of 25 years is prominently found among the onti koragas
compared to other two clans.
Table 3.15 shows the comparison of the age of marriage of males and females among three clans
Age of Marriage of Eldest Male in Family Total
Clan Not
Married
13-15
Years
16-18 Years 18-25 Years Above 25 Years
Onti Koraga 3.9% 6.2% 28.6% 52.6% 8.8% 100.0%
Tappu Koraga 4.2% 11.3% 26.1% 50.0% 8.5% 100.0%
Kuntu Koraga .0% 22.0% 28.0% 42.0% 8.0% 100.0%
Toatal 3.6% 9.2% 27.8% 50.8% 8.6% 100.0%
Age of Marriage of Eldest Female in Family Total
Clan Not
Married
9-12
Years
13-15 Years 16-18 Years 18-25 Years Above 25
Years
Onti Koraga 1.9% 3.2% 21.4% 50.6% 20.5% 2.3% 100.0%
Tappu Koraga 1.4% 2.1% 22.5% 35.9% 37.3% .7% 100.0%
Kuntu Koraga .0% .0% 24.0% 54.0% 22.0% .0% 100.0%
Total 1.6% 2.6% 22.0% 46.8% 25.4% 1.6% 100.0%
A comparison of age of marriage of female and males across the different clans gives the following
insights
The highest average age of males is 18 to 25 years and that of females is 16 to 18 years.
Around 25% of females and males get married between the age of 13 and 15 years and 16
and 18 years in the case of females and males respectively.
112
Al the clans have different dynamics of marriage for female and male members and the
child marriage practice and early marriage practices are changing to adult marriage
pattern and this phenomena is in tune with the legal standards prescribed for marriage.
Among the clans the females and males married after the age of 25 is very minimum
especially among the kuntu koragas it is very less.
Table 3.16 shows the annual income of three clans of koragas.
Name of the Sub clan * Annual income of Family Cross tabulation
Annual income of Family
Total
5000-
7000
7000-
10000
11000-
15000
15000-
20000
Name of the Sub
clan
Onti Koraga Count 61 202 32 13 308
% within Name of the
Sub clan
19.8% 65.6% 10.4% 4.2% 100.0%
% of Total 12.2% 40.4% 6.4% 2.6% 61.6%
Tappu
Koraga
Count 0 133 9 0 142
% within Name of the
Sub clan
.0% 93.7% 6.3% .0% 100.0%
% of Total .0% 26.6% 1.8% .0% 28.4%
Kuntu Koraga Count 0 50 0 0 50
% within Name of the
Sub clan
.0% 100.0% .0% .0% 100.0%
% of Total .0% 10.0% .0% .0% 10.0%
Total Count 61 385 41 13 500
% within Name of the
Sub clan
12.2% 77.0% 8.2% 2.6% 100.0%
% of Total 12.2% 77.0% 8.2% 2.6% 100.0%
The above table intends to examine the annual income of the different clans of koragas. It
is found that 12.2% of the families as a whole belong to the income group of 5000 to 7000
Rupees per annum and 77% of the families have a income of 7000to 10000 per annum and only
8.2% of the koraga families have an income of Rs 11000 to 15000 per annum and 2.6% of the
families have income of 15000to 20000 per annum.
Among Onti koragas 40.4 % of the families belong to an income group of 7000to 10000
per anam and 2.6% of families have income of 11000too 20000 per annum.
113
Among Tappu korags 93.7% of the families have income of Rs 7000to 10000 per annum
and there are no families with an income of Rs 11000 and above.
Among Kuntu korgas all the families belong to the 7000 to 10000 income group. Hence
following conclusions and inferences regarding the economic attribute among the clans of
koragas can be observed.
The variation of income among onti koragas is more compared to other clans this could
be because of the variation in the occupational pattern among them.
The tappu korags and kuntu kragas have les income compared to onti koragas this may be
also because of the geographical placement of the families as onti koragas stay more near
to the villages and city where as the tappu and kuntu korags stay away from market and
city hence getting less prize for their products and labour.
Over all the economic condition of all clans of korags is stagnant and low increasing the
vulnerability of poverty among koragas.
Table 3.17 Housing Condition * Name of the Sub clan Cross tabulation
Name of the Sub clan
Total Onti Koraga Tappu Koraga Kuntu Koraga
Housing Condition Good Count 54 27 9 90
% within Housing Condition 60.0% 30.0% 10.0% 100.0%
% of Total 10.8% 5.4% 1.8% 18.0%
Need Repair Count 227 100 41 368
% within Housing Condition 61.7% 27.2% 11.1% 100.0%
% of Total 45.4% 20.0% 8.2% 73.6%
Delapidated Count 27 15 0 42
% within Housing Condition 64.3% 35.7% .0% 100.0%
% of Total 5.4% 3.0% .0% 8.4%
Total Count 308 142 50 500
% within Housing Condition 61.6% 28.4% 10.0% 100.0%
% of Total 61.6% 28.4% 10.0% 100.0%
The above table is intended to examine the housing condition of the different clans of
korags. Good housing condition is found among 10.8% of onti koragas , 5.4% of tappu koragas
and 1.8% of kuntu koragas .45.4% of the houses of onit korags need to be repaired and 20% of
the houses of tappu koragas and 8.2% of kuntu koragas houses need repair over all 73.6%of the
114 houses need repair. Among onti koragas 5.4% of the families have dilapidated houses and 3% of
the families of tappu koragas have dilapidated house.
From the above facts it is found that majority of koraga families irrespective of the clans
they belong to have bad housing condition. Onti korags have more number of dilapidated houses
compared to tappu and kuntu koragas.
Table 3.18 Quality of Drinking Water * Name of the Sub clan Cross tabulation
Name of the Sub clan
Total Onti Koraga Tappu Koraga Kuntu Koraga
Quality of Drinking Water Good Count 247 103 35 385
% within Quality of
Drinking Water
64.2% 26.8% 9.1% 100.0%
% of Total 49.4% 20.6% 7.0% 77.0%
Bad Count 61 39 15 115
% within Quality of
Drinking Water
53.0% 33.9% 13.0% 100.0%
% of Total 12.2% 7.8% 3.0% 23.0%
Total Count 308 142 50 500
% within Quality of
Drinking Water
61.6% 28.4% 10.0% 100.0%
% of Total 61.6% 28.4% 10.0% 100.0%
The above table explains the quality of drinking water
among the families of different clans of koragas. It is observed that among 77% of families who
have good drinking water 49.4% of the families are onti koragas and 20.6 % of the families are
tappu koragas and 7.0% of the families are of kuntu koragas. The families who have Bad
drinking water are 23% among them 12.2% of them are onti koragas and 7.8% of them are tappu
koragas and 3.0% of them are kuntu koragas. From the above table we can conclude that the
drinking water facility to different clans of korags is given without and disparity and the
proportion of the families of the different clans who have the good drinking water and the bad
drinking water among koraga families are same among all the clans.
115
Table 3.19 Name of the Sub clan * Extent of Land In the Family Cross tabulation
Extent of Land In the Family
Total Landless
10-20
Cents
20-50
Cents
50 cents -
1 acre
1-2
Acre
More than
2 Acre
Name of the
Sub clan
Onti
Koraga
Count 248 18 25 0 8 9 308
% within Name of
the Sub clan
80.5% 5.8% 8.1% .0% 2.6% 2.9% 100.0%
% of Total 49.6% 3.6% 5.0% .0% 1.6% 1.8% 61.6%
Tappu
Koraga
Count 85 2 4 1 45 5 142
% within Name of
the Sub clan
59.9% 1.4% 2.8% .7% 31.7% 3.5% 100.0%
% of Total 17.0% .4% .8% .2% 9.0% 1.0% 28.4%
Kuntu
Koraga
Count 35 1 2 0 5 7 50
% within Name of
the Sub clan
70.0% 2.0% 4.0% .0% 10.0% 14.0% 100.0%
% of Total 7.0% .2% .4% .0% 1.0% 1.4% 10.0%
Total Count 368 21 31 1 58 21 500
% within Name of
the Sub clan
73.6% 4.2% 6.2% .2% 11.6% 4.2% 100.0%
% of Total 73.6% 4.2% 6.2% .2% 11.6% 4.2% 100.0%
The above table demonstrates the extent of land possessed by the different clans of the
koraga community. Out of 10% of families of kuntu korgas 7% are land less and 0.2% have 0-5
cents of land and 0.4% have 20 to 50 cents of land and 1% have 1 to 2 acres of land and 1.4% of
the families have more than 2 acres of land.
Among tappu koragas who make 28.4% of the total population studied, 17% are land less
and 0.4% has 5 cents to 10 cents of land and 0.8% have 10 cents to 20 cents of land and 9% of
families have 1 to 2 acres of land and 1% of the families have more than2 acres of land.
Among Onti koragas who make 61.6% of the total population 49.6% of the families are
landless and 3.6% of the families have 5 to 10 cents of land and 5% of families have 10 to 20
cents of land a1.6% of families have 1 to 2 acres of land and 1.8% of the families have more than
2 acres of land.
116
Among onti koragas 80% of the families are land less, among tappu koragas 59.9% of the
families are landless and among kuntu koragas 70% of the families are land less. Thus land less
are more severe among onti kooragas and less severe among tappu korgas.
The families who have more than 2 acres of land are 2.9% among onti koragas and 3.5 % among
tappu koragas and 14% among kuntu koragas.
Thus the possession of land among different clans of koragas is very less among clans the
Onti koragas have more deprivation from land compared to Tappu korags. Over all the
positioowin of Tappu koragas with respect to possession of land is better compared to Onti and
Kuntu korags.
Table 3.20 Name of the Sub clan * Wet Toilet Cross tabulation
Wet Toilet
Total Yes No
Name of the Sub clan Onti Koraga Count 154 154 308
% within Name of the Sub clan 50.0% 50.0% 100.0%
% within Wet Toilet 70.3% 54.8% 61.6%
% of Total 30.8% 30.8% 61.6%
Tappu Koraga Count 17 125 142
% within Name of the Sub clan 12.0% 88.0% 100.0%
% within Wet Toilet 7.8% 44.5% 28.4%
% of Total 3.4% 25.0% 28.4%
Kuntu Koraga Count 48 2 50
% within Name of the Sub clan 96.0% 4.0% 100.0%
% within Wet Toilet 21.9% .7% 10.0%
% of Total 9.6% .4% 10.0%
Total Count 219 281 500
% within Name of the Sub clan 43.8% 56.2% 100.0%
% within Wet Toilet 100.0% 100.0% 100.0%
% of Total 43.8% 56.2% 100.0%
The above table narrates the availability of toilet among different clan of koraga families
among Onti koraga s50% of the families have toilets and rest do not have toilets. Among Tappu
koragas only 12% have toilets and 88% of the families do not have the toilet. Among Kuntu
koragas 96% of the families have toilets and only 4% of the families do not have toilets .Over all
43.2% of the families have toilets and 56 % of the families do not have toilets. Tappu koraga
117 families do not have the toilet facilities and they have less toilet facility compared to the Onti and
kuntu koraga families.
Table 3.21 Name of the Sub clan * House Electrified Cross tabulation
House Electrified Total
Yes No
Name of the Sub clan Onti Koraga Count 193 115 308
% within Name of the Sub clan 62.7% 37.3% 100.0%
% within House Electrified 72.8% 48.9% 61.6%
% of Total 38.6% 23.0% 61.6%
Tappu Koraga Count 58 84 142
% within Name of the Sub clan 40.8% 59.2% 100.0%
% within House Electrified 21.9% 35.7% 28.4%
% of Total 11.6% 16.8% 28.4%
Kuntu Koraga Count 14 36 50
% within Name of the Sub clan 28.0% 72.0% 100.0%
% within House Electrified 5.3% 15.3% 10.0%
% of Total 2.8% 7.2% 10.0%
Total Count 265 235 500
% within Name of the Sub clan 53.0% 47.0% 100.0%
% within House Electrified 100.0% 100.0% 100.0%
% of Total 53.0% 47.0% 100.0%
The table above describes the number of families of each clan got the house electrified. It
is found that overall 53% of the houses are been electrified and the 475 of the houses are been
not electrified. Among Onti koragas 62.7% of the families are electrified and 37.3% families are
not electrified. Whereas among Tappu korags 40.8% of the families are electrified and 59.2% of
the families are not electrified. Incase of Kuntu koragas 28% of the families are electrified and
72% of the families are not electrified. A comparison of electrification of the houses proves that
the Onti koraga families have a greater access to electricity when compared to Tappu and Kuntu
koragas. Among all these three groups the Kuntu korags have very less access to the provisions
of electricity in the houses.
118
Table 3.22 Name of the Sub clan * Road Facility to Colony Cross tabulation
Road Facility to Colony
Total Yes No
Name of the Sub clan Onti Koraga Count 267 41 308
% within Name of the Sub clan 86.7% 13.3% 100.0%
% of Total 53.4% 8.2% 61.6%
Tappu Koraga Count 69 73 142
% within Name of the Sub clan 48.6% 51.4% 100.0%
% of Total 13.8% 14.6% 28.4%
Kuntu Koraga Count 24 26 50
% within Name of the Sub clan 48.0% 52.0% 100.0%
% of Total 4.8% 5.2% 10.0%
Total Count 360 140 500
% within Name of the Sub clan 72.0% 28.0% 100.0%
% of Total 72.0% 28.0% 100.0%
The above table demonstrates the availability of proper road t the place of residence or
koppa of the koraga families under study. The provision of road differ in the case of different
clans based on the different factors especially the placement of the koppa. It is found from the
table that 86.7% of the Onti koraga koppa is connected with road whereas 48% of the Tappu and
kutu koraga koppa is connected by road. Compared to Onti koragas Tappu and Kuntu koraga
koppa is less connected by road. The reason being the placement of the koppa korags, and most
of the tappu and kuntu koraga koppa is situated in the remote and isolated places compared to the
onti koraga koppa.
119
Table 3.23 Name of the Sub clan * No of School going children Cross tabulation
No of School going children
Total Nill One Two Three Four 5.00
Name of the Sub
clan
Onti Koraga Count 125 61 79 37 6 0 308
% within Name of the
Sub clan
40.6% 19.8% 25.6% 12.0% 1.9% .0% 100.0%
% within No of
School going children
61.3% 61.0% 61.7% 66.1% 54.5% .0% 61.6%
% of Total 25.0% 12.2% 15.8% 7.4% 1.2% .0% 61.6%
Tappu
Koraga
Count 49 34 43 14 2 0 142
% within Name of the
Sub clan
34.5% 23.9% 30.3% 9.9% 1.4% .0% 100.0%
% within No of
School going children
24.0% 34.0% 33.6% 25.0% 18.2% .0% 28.4%
% of Total 9.8% 6.8% 8.6% 2.8% .4% .0% 28.4%
Kuntu
Koraga
Count 30 5 6 5 3 1 50
% within Name of the
Sub clan
34.5% 23.9% 30.3% 9.9% 1.4% .0% 100.0%
% within No of
School going children
14.7% 5.0% 4.7% 8.9% 27.3% 100.0% 10.0%
% of Total 6.0% 1.0% 1.2% 1.0% .6% .2% 10.0%
Total Count 204 100 128 56 11 1 500
% within Name of the
Sub clan
40.8% 20.0% 25.6% 11.2% 2.2% .2% 100.0%
% within No of
School going children
100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0%
% of Total 40.8% 20.0% 25.6% 11.2% 2.2% .2% 100.0%
The above table compares the number of school going children from different clans .It is
found that among Onti koragas 40.6% of the families do not have any school going children,
where as among Tappua koragas and Kuntu koragas 34.5 % of the families do not have any
children who go to school. It is found that among Oonti koragas the families with one child
going to school is only 19%compared to the 23.9% of the families among Tapppu and Kuntu
koragas. There are no families where more than four children go to school among any clan of
koragas.
120
Table 3.24 Name of the Sub clan * No of School dropouts Cross tabulation
Name of the Sub clan
No of School dropouts
Total
No
body one Two Three Four
Not
applicable six
Onti
Koraga
Count 131 36 61 31 30 13 6 308
% within Name of
the Sub clan
42.5% 11.7% 19.8% 10.1% 9.7% 4.2% 1.9% 100.0%
% within No of
School dropouts
63.3% 59.0% 53.5% 54.4% 73.2% 92.9% 100.0% 61.6%
% of Total 26.2% 7.2% 12.2% 6.2% 6.0% 2.6% 1.2% 61.6%
Tappu
Koraga
Count 53 16 40 22 10 1 0 142
% within Name of
the Sub clan
37.3% 11.3% 28.2% 15.5% 7.0% .7% .0% 100.0%
% within No of
School dropouts
25.6% 26.2% 35.1% 38.6% 24.4% 7.1% .0% 28.4%
% of Total 10.6% 3.2% 8.0% 4.4% 2.0% .2% .0% 28.4%
Kuntu
Koraga
Count 23 9 13 4 1 0 0 50
% within Name of
the Sub clan
46.0% 18.0% 26.0% 8.0% 2.0% .0% .0% 100.0%
% within No of
School dropouts
11.1% 14.8% 11.4% 7.0% 2.4% .0% .0% 10.0%
% of Total 4.6% 1.8% 2.6% .8% .2% .0% .0% 10.0%
Total Count 207 61 114 57 41 14 6 500
% within Name of
the Sub clan
41.4% 12.2% 22.8% 11.4% 8.2% 2.8% 1.2% 100.0%
% within No of
School dropouts
100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0%
% of Total 41.4% 12.2% 22.8% 11.4% 8.2% 2.8% 1.2% 100.0%
The above table describes the number of drop out children in the families under study.
The drop out of tribal children from the formal education system is an important phenomenon in
the educational system of tribal children. For various reasons the tribal children drop out of the
school. Among the Onti korags the number of families which have four children dropped out is
9.7% and among Tappu korgas it is 7% of the families and among Kuntu korags it is 2%. It can
be found from the data that the dropout from the school is a common problem among all clans.
Among Onti koragas in 31.5% of the families 1 to 2 children have dropped out from the school.
Among Tappu korags 40% of the families have 1 to 2 children dropped out from the school.
121 Among Kuntu koragas 40 % of the families have 1 to 2 children dropped out from the school. It
is found that the drop out of children among Kuntu koragas are more compared to other clans.
Among Onti koragas17% of the families have three to four children dropped out and
among Tappu korags 22% of families have 3to 4 children dropped out, among Kuntu koragas
this rate is only 10%.
This suggests that the dropout rate more among Onti and Tappu koragas compared to Kuntu koragas.
Table 3.25 Name of the Sub clan * Education is possible Cross tabulation
Education is possible
Total
Possible for Our
children
Not possible for
our Children
Name of the Sub clan Onti Koraga Count 62 246 308
% within Name of the Sub
clan
20.1% 79.9% 100.0%
% within Education is possible 53.4% 64.1% 61.6%
% of Total 12.4% 49.2% 61.6%
Tappu Koraga Count 38 104 142
% within Name of the Sub
clan
26.8% 73.2% 100.0%
% within Education is possible 32.8% 27.1% 28.4%
% of Total 7.6% 20.8% 28.4%
Kuntu Koraga Count 16 34 50
% within Name of the Sub
clan
32.0% 68.0% 100.0%
% within Education is possible 13.8% 8.9% 10.0%
% of Total 3.2% 6.8% 10.0%
Total Count 116 384 500
% within Name of the Sub
clan
23.2% 76.8% 100.0%
% within Education is possible 100.0% 100.0% 100.0%
% of Total 23.2% 76.8% 100.0%
The table explains the opinion of the clan regarding the families of the different clans of
the koragas regarding the possibility of their children to achieve success in education. The
122 opinion of the elders of the clan has great importance because the elders of each clan make a
specific contribution in making the children participate in the educational process.
It is observed from the above table that overall 23.2% of the respondents have opined that
it is possible for their children to cope up with the educational system where as 76.8 % of the
respondent have opined that they do not subscribe to the possibilities of their children excelling
in the education.Among onti koragas the Number of respondents who opined that the education
for their children is possible is only 20.1% and 79.9% of the respondents of onti koraga clan feel
that education of their children is not possible.Among Tappu koragas 26.2% of the respondents
feel that education is possible for their children and 74.2% of the respondents feel that education
is not possible for their children.
Among Kuntu koragas 32% of the respondents feel that the education for their children is
possible whereas 78% of the respondents feel that the education is not an area where their
children can succeed. A comparison of the opinion of the different clans regarding the education
suggests that the fear of inability of their children to get success in the education is more among
the Onti korags followed by Tappu korgas and Kuntu korags.
Table 3.26 Family Members Anemic * Name of the Sub clan Cross tabulation
Name of the Sub clan
Total Onti Koraga Tappu Koraga Kuntu Koraga
Family Members Anemic Yes Count 301 132 50 483
% within Family Members
Anemic
62.3% 27.3% 10.4% 100.0%
% within Name of the Sub clan 97.7% 93.0% 100.0% 96.6%
% of Total 60.2% 26.4% 10.0% 96.6%
No Count 7 10 0 17
% within Family Members
Anemic
41.2% 58.8% .0% 100.0%
% within Name of the Sub clan 2.3% 7.0% .0% 3.4%
% of Total 1.4% 2.0% .0% 3.4%
Total Count 308 142 50 500
% within Family Members
Anemic
61.6% 28.4% 10.0% 100.0%
% within Name of the Sub clan 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0%
% of Total 61.6% 28.4% 10.0% 100.0%
123
The above table demonstrates the percentage of families’ with the female members have
blood deficiency being identified by the researcher based on the following symptoms.
Complaint of giddiness while getting up and early morning
Complaint of getting fatigue
Complaint of identified as blood deficient based on the hb count tested in the hospitals
It is found that from the table above a total of 96.6% of the families have been found to be
having blood deficiency. And only 3.4 % of the families do not have blood deficiency among the
female members of the family.
Among Onti koragas 97.7% of the families have blood deficiency and only 2.3% of the
families do not have blood deficiency, where as among Tappu korags 93% of the women have
been found to be blood deficient and only 7% families have been found not to be having blood
deficiency. Among Kuntu korag s all the families have been found to be blood deficiency.
The problem of blood deficiency among women in India is a common problem as per the
following studies. But the severity of the blood deficiency among the koraga women is alarming
and many studies have suggested close association of blood deficiency with child and maternal
health. The normal ability of women is to function as normal house maker. The vulnerability of
the women to various disabilities increase as the blood deficiency increase.
124
The above chart demonstrates the number of families with tuberculosis. It is found that
overall 21% of the families have tuberculosis. It found that the among Onti koraga s 25.6% of
the families have Tuber culosis and among Tappu koragas 11.3% of the families have the
tuberculosis and among Kuntu koraga 20% of the families have tuberculosis. The tuberculosis
among most of the koraga families is resistant TB the families with tuberculosis among Onti
koragas is more compared to other clans this could because of the Onti koragas have the
tendency of collecting foiled food and using it during the rainy season.
The figures of the people having the tuberculosis are a very alarming situation in the
community. Most of the cases reported are the cases of drug resistant tuberculosis which has
created a dangerous situation in the community; especially the Onti koragas are more vulnerable
to it.
But it is observed that prevalence of tuberculosis among Tapu koragas and Kuntu koragas
is also very high compared to the prevalence of cases of tuberculosis in the general community.
125 The treatment and the regular and methodical treatment of tuberculosis patients among korags
are not found since lack of awareness regarding the treatment procedure and treatment support.
Table 3.27 Name of the Sub clan * Women With Phobia Cross tabulation
Women With Phobia
Total Yes No
Name of the Sub clan Onti Koraga Count 229 79 308
% within Name of the Sub clan 74.4% 25.6% 100.0%
% within Women With Phobia 77.1% 38.9% 61.6%
% of Total 45.8% 15.8% 61.6%
Tappu Koraga Count 57 85 142
% within Name of the Sub clan 40.1% 59.9% 100.0%
% within Women With Phobia 19.2% 41.9% 28.4%
% of Total 11.4% 17.0% 28.4%
Kuntu Koraga Count 11 39 50
% within Name of the Sub clan 22.0% 78.0% 100.0%
% within Women With Phobia 3.7% 19.2% 10.0%
% of Total 2.2% 7.8% 10.0%
The above table explains the Phobia among the women members of the family. Phobia is
a type of fear expressed by koraga women when they are exposed to a sudden sound or suddenly
to an unknown person or event. They shout and repeat some words continuously and lose control
on themselves and try to attack or run away from the scene for a few minutes. There are
instances where some women get frightened and chase other people and sometimes try to attack
the person with them violently. This is called in Tulu language “Bolchel”. This is a serious
psychological fear which impediments the women’s work. There need to be more research on
this aspect by the psychologists to find the reason and remedy for the problem. Among the
various clans we find that a total of 59.4% of the women have the tendency of this abnormal fear.
Among clans 74% of women of Onti koraga clan and 40.1% of tappu koragas and 22% of Kuntu
koragas have the abnormal fear .Over all among all the persons have fear Onti koragas
constitute45.8%and Tappu koragas 19.2% and Kuntu koragas constitute 3.7%. The data clearly
indicate that the phobia is maximum among Onti koragas followed by the Tappu korags and
kuntu koragas. The difference of phobia among the clans can be explained based on various
factors such as the strength of servitude, the severity of untouchability, education of women, ajal
126 , involvement in the village activities ,provisions and sanctions on women with in the family etc
these factors will be examined in detail later.
Table 3.28 Name of the Sub clan * Skin disease Cross tabulation
Skin disease
Total Yes No
Name of the Sub clan Onti Koraga Count 190 118 308
% within Name of the Sub clan 61.7% 38.3% 100.0%
% within Skin disease 81.2% 44.4% 61.6%
% of Total 38.0% 23.6% 61.6%
Tappu Koraga Count 39 103 142
% within Name of the Sub clan 27.5% 72.5% 100.0%
% within Skin disease 16.7% 38.7% 28.4%
% of Total 7.8% 20.6% 28.4%
Kuntu Koraga Count 5 45 50
% within Name of the Sub clan 10.0% 90.0% 100.0%
% within Skin disease 2.1% 16.9% 10.0%
% of Total 1.0% 9.0% 10.0%
Total Count 234 266 500
% within Name of the Sub clan 46.8% 53.2% 100.0%
% within Skin disease 100.0% 100.0% 100.0%
% of Total 46.8% 53.2% 100.0%
The table above explains the prevalence of skin problems among at least one family
member .The skin problem usually found are scabies and other skin problems including white
patches. The number of people suffering from skin problem is a big challenge in the community.
Among the clans it is found that the Onti koragas have maximum number of skin problems in
their families the percentage of families with skin problem among Onti koraga is 61.7% and
among Tappu koragas it is 27.5% and among Kuntu koragas it is 10%.Among the families with
skin problem Onti koragas have share of 81.2% and 16.7% and Kuntu korags it is 2.1%.Thus the
incidences of skin problems are more among Onti koragas are very severe.
127
Table 3.29 Name of the Sub clan * Other Infections Cross tabulation Name of the Sub clan
Other Infections Total
Yes No
Onti Koraga Count 175 133 308
% within Name of the Sub clan 56.8% 43.2% 100.0%
% within Other Infections 76.1% 49.3% 61.6%
% of Total 35.0% 26.6% 61.6%
Tappu Koraga Count 46 96 142
% within Name of the Sub clan 32.4% 67.6% 100.0%
% within Other Infections 20.0% 35.6% 28.4%
% of Total 9.2% 19.2% 28.4%
Kuntu Koraga Count 9 41 50
% within Name of the Sub clan 18.0% 82.0% 100.0%
% within Other Infections 3.9% 15.2% 10.0%
% of Total 1.8% 8.2% 10.0%
Total Count 230 270 500
% within Name of the Sub clan 46.0% 54.0% 100.0%
% within Other Infections 100.0% 100.0% 100.0%
% of Total 46.0% 54.0% 100.0%
The above table demonstrates the presence of other infections among atleast one family
member of the families studied across the clans. It is found that among the Onti koraga families
56.8% of the families have reported that they have people suffering from infections in the family
and 43.2% of the families do not have any member in the family who has infections. Among
Tapppu koragas the percentage of people who have infections are 32.4% and the families
without any infections are 67.6%. Among Kuntu koragas the families having infections are only
18% and remaining 82% of the people do not have any infections. The comparison of the above
data demonstrates that the infections are more among the Onti koragas compared to Tappu and
Kuntu Koragas.
The tendency among the Onti korags to have more infections compared to other clans of
koraga community has to be examined with respect to the various socio economic conditions of
the Onti koragas including the social interactions and food habit. This requires a separate and
elaborate study on health systems of the koraga tribe.
128
Table 3.30 Name of the Sub clan * Member of Panchayath Cross tabulation
Member of Panchayath Total
Yes No
Name of the Sub clan Onti Koraga Count 5 303 308
% within Name of the Sub clan 1.6% 98.4% 100.0%
% within Member of Panchyath 50.0% 61.8% 61.6%
% of Total 1.0% 60.6% 61.6%
Tappu Koraga Count 3 139 142
% within Name of the Sub clan 2.1% 97.9% 100.0%
% within Member of Panchyath 30.0% 28.4% 28.4%
% of Total .6% 27.8% 28.4%
Kuntu Koraga Count 2 48 50
% within Name of the Sub clan 4.0% 96.0% 100.0%
% within Member of Panchyath 20.0% 9.8% 10.0%
% of Total .4% 9.6% 10.0%
Total Count 10 490 500
% within Name of the Sub clan 2.0% 98.0% 100.0%
% within Member of Panchyath 100.0% 100.0% 100.0%
% of Total 2.0% 98.0% 100.0%
The table of political participation of korags hen examined with respect to the clan wise
participation, it is found that overall 2% of the families of koraga tribe have the political
participation as the members of the panchyath. Among them 1 % of are Onti koragas, 0.6% of
them are Tappu koragas and 0.4% of the families are of Kuntu koragas.
Among the sub clans the political participation of the Onti koraga families are 1.6% and
among Tapu koraga, it is 2.1 % and among kuntu koragas, it is 4.0%. From the above data it can
be seen that the political participation decreases in the order of 4.0%, 2.1% and 1.6% from Kuntu
koragas to tappu koraga and to onti koragas. The comparative decreased political participation of
koragas has to be explained by the study of other social interaction and social distance factors
prevalent among koragas has to be studied. These factors may also change the political
participation of the koragas in future.
129
Table 3.31 Name of the Sub clan * Member in Cooperative Cross tabulation
Member in Cooperatve
Total Yes No
Name of the Sub clan Onti Koraga Count 50 258 308
% within Name of the Sub clan 16.2% 83.8% 100.0%
% within Member in Cooperatve 56.8% 62.6% 61.6%
% of Total 10.0% 51.6% 61.6%
Tappu Koraga Count 26 116 142
% within Name of the Sub clan 18.3% 81.7% 100.0%
% within Member in Cooperatve 29.5% 28.2% 28.4%
% of Total 5.2% 23.2% 28.4%
Kuntu Koraga Count 12 38 50
% within Name of the Sub clan 24.0% 76.0% 100.0%
% within Member in Cooperatve 13.6% 9.2% 10.0%
% of Total 2.4% 7.6% 10.0%
Total Count 88 412 500
% within Name of the Sub clan 17.6% 82.4% 100.0%
% within Member in Cooperatve 100.0% 100.0% 100.0%
% of Total 17.6% 82.4% 100.0%
The above table provides an insight regarding the membership of the koraga families in
the cooperatives. Majority of the cooperatives are the cooperatives formed by the koraga
federation for the marketing of the traditional products. The membership in the cooperative
societies is the first economic participation of koraga families in a systematic way since the
koraga economy is a daily economy and the participation in the microenterprises is totally a new
enterprise for koraga families.
It is found that the percentage of koraga families who are the part of cooperative
movement is 17.6% and 83.4% of them are not members of the cooperative movement. Among
Tappu koragas 18.3% of them are the members of cooperatives and among Kuntu koragas24%
of the families are the members of the cooperative societies.
Over all among the koragas 17.4% of the families are associated with the cooperatives
among them 10% of the families are of Onti koragas, 5.2% of the families are of Tappu koragas
and 2.4% of the families are of Kuntu Koragas.
It is again proved that the Kuntu koragas have ventured to have more number of families
to have membership in the cooperative societies compared to Tappu and Onti koragas.
130
The above table demonstrates the number of families who are the members of SHG. It is
found that 27.9 of the families of onti koragas and 29.6% of Tappu koraga families and 24% of
Kntu koraga families are the members of self help groups. The data demonstrates that in the
participation in the self help groups all the clans have almost equal number of families become
the members of self help group.
131
Table 3.32 Name of the Sub clan * Member in Social Organization Cross tabulation
Member in Social Organization
Total Yes No
Name of the Sub clan Onti Koraga Count 112 196 308
% within Name of the Sub clan 36.4% 63.6% 100.0%
% within Member in Social
Organisation
71.3% 57.1% 61.6%
% of Total 22.4% 39.2% 61.6%
Tappu Koraga Count 29 113 142
% within Name of the Sub clan 20.4% 79.6% 100.0%
% within Member in Social
Organisation
18.5% 32.9% 28.4%
% of Total 5.8% 22.6% 28.4%
Kuntu Koraga Count 16 34 50
% within Name of the Sub clan 32.0% 68.0% 100.0%
% within Member in Social
Organisation
10.2% 9.9% 10.0%
% of Total 3.2% 6.8% 10.0%
Total Count 157 343 500
% within Name of the Sub clan 31.4% 68.6% 100.0%
% within Member in Social
Organisation
100.0% 100.0% 100.0%
% of Total 31.4% 68.6% 100.0%
The above table shows the number of families who are the members of the social
organization. The main social organization is koraga federations organized by the NGO. No
koraga families are found to be members in the other organizations’ other than the koraga
organizations.
Among Onti koragas 36.4% of the families are associated to social organization, among
Tappu koragas 20.4% of the families are members of social organization and among Kuntu
koragas 32% of the families are the members of the social organization.
It can be concluded that the participation of Onti koragas and Kuntu koragas is
comparatively more in the social organization compared to the Tappu koragas. The reason for
the disparity in participation could be explained based on many factors including the location of
132 the families which are been approached by the NGOs to make them the active part of the social
organizations.
Over all it is found that even after the continuous effort of the social workers the
members of the koraga community are still hesitant to become the members of the organizations
which show the social apathy of the koraga community towards the social movement and the
participation in the social organization. The reasons should be become both intrinsic and the
factors of social prohibitions and fear experienced by the koraga community.
Graph showing Bank account among Clans
The graph shows the clan wise distribution of members of the families of koragas who
have a bank account. Having a bank account is the indicator of shift of koraga family to have
association with the main stream economy and also a change of attitude regarding the economic
activity and the shift from the tribal way of working for the food of the day to the economy of
saving and preserving for the next day.
133
It is found from the above table that the account holders among Onti koragas are 19.5%
and 80.5% do not have any account in the bank. Among Tappu koragas 15.5% of the families
have account in the bank and 84.5% of the families do not have any account in the bank. Among
Kuntu koragas 34% of the families have account in the bank and 66% of the families do not have
any account in the Bank.
Comparison of the data shows that over all the account holders in the bank are very less
and among the account holder Onti koragas constitute 12.2% and Tappu koragas constitute 4.4%
and Kuntu koragas constitute 3.4% of the total account holders among korags.
A comparative analysis shows that the Kuntu koragas are better among the three clans in
possessing the bank account followed by Onti koragas and Tappu koragas.
Table 3.33 Name of the Sub clan * Alcoholism in the family Cross tabulation
Alcoholism in the family Total
Yes No
Name of the Sub clan Onti Koraga Count 288 20 308
% within Name of the Sub clan 93.5% 6.5% 100.0%
% within Alcoholism in the
family
61.0% 71.4% 61.6%
% of Total 57.6% 4.0% 61.6%
Tappu Koraga Count 136 6 142
% within Name of the Sub clan 95.8% 4.2% 100.0%
% within Alcoholism in the
family
28.8% 21.4% 28.4%
% of Total 27.2% 1.2% 28.4%
Kuntu Koraga Count 48 2 50
% within Name of the Sub clan 96.0% 4.0% 100.0%
% within Alcoholism in the
family
10.2% 7.1% 10.0%
% of Total 9.6% .4% 10.0%
Total Count 472 28 500
% within Name of the Sub clan 94.4% 5.6% 100.0%
% within Alcoholism in the
family
100.0% 100.0% 100.0%
% of Total 94.4% 5.6% 100.0%
The above table demonstrates the severity of use of Alcohol in the koraga families. It is
found that the koraga tribe which was using toddy earlier has shifted to use of ethyl alcohol
134 supplied by the government and the illicit liquor providers. In villages their identity and work is
associated with liquor.
The data of alcohol use among the sub clans shows that all the sub clans of the koraga
tribe have become prey for the use of alcohol. Among Onti koragas 93.5% of the families have at
least one person using alcohol. Among Tappu koragas 95.8% of the families have at least one
person using alcohol. Among Kuntu koragas 96% of the families have at least one member using
alcohol.
It can be concluded that irrespective of the differences in the place of residence and clan
the korags have fell prey to the use of alcohol.
Table 3.34 Name of the Sub clan * Dried collected food Cross tabulation
Dried collected food Total
Yes No
Name of the Sub clan Onti Koraga Count 236 72 308
% within Name of the Sub clan 76.6% 23.4% 100.0%
% within Dried collected food 100.0% 27.3% 61.6%
% of Total 47.2% 14.4% 61.6%
Tappu Koraga Count 0 142 142
% within Name of the Sub clan .0% 100.0% 100.0%
% within Dried collected food .0% 53.8% 28.4%
% of Total .0% 28.4% 28.4%
Kuntu Koraga Count 0 50 50
% within Name of the Sub clan .0% 100.0% 100.0%
% within Dried collected food .0% 18.9% 10.0%
% of Total .0% 10.0% 10.0%
Total Count 236 264 500
% within Name of the Sub clan 47.2% 52.8% 100.0%
% within Dried collected food 100.0% 100.0% 100.0%
% of Total 47.2% 52.8% 100.0%
The above table demonstrates that the use of collection of leftover food and collection of
food by begging and using them during the rainy season. This food is called Nona in the koraga
language. The practice is highly unhygienic and has lead to a negative opinion about the whole
tribe. But this practice is found only among the koragas of Nadusalu or Onti koragas .The group
of koragas subjected to servitude. From the above table it is demonstrated that 47.2% of the
135 koraga families among the Onti koragas have the habit of using the dried food collected from the
leftover in the function.
The overall percentage of use of foiled food during the rainy season and even during
other seasons is serious phenomena leading to a severe untoucheability, negation of the self
identity of the community and even to the extent of a feeling of self worthless among the people.
The health hazards of this practice have to be studied separately.
Table 3.35 Name of the Sub clan * Use cows Meat Cross tabulation
Use cows Meat
Total Yes No
Name of the Sub clan Onti Koraga Count 301 7 308
% within Name of the Sub clan 97.7% 2.3% 100.0%
% within Use cows Meat 67.0% 13.7% 61.6%
% of Total 60.2% 1.4% 61.6%
Tappu Koraga Count 132 10 142
% within Name of the Sub clan 93.0% 7.0% 100.0%
% within Use cows Meat 29.4% 19.6% 28.4%
% of Total 26.4% 2.0% 28.4%
Kuntu Koraga Count 16 34 50
% within Name of the Sub clan 32.0% 68.0% 100.0%
% within Use cows Meat 3.6% 66.7% 10.0%
% of Total 3.2% 6.8% 10.0%
Total Count 449 51 500
% within Name of the Sub clan 89.8% 10.2% 100.0%
% within Use cows Meat 100.0% 100.0% 100.0%
% of Total 89.8% 10.2% 100.0%
The table demonstrates the use of beef in the food and special occasions of the different
clans of koragas. It is found that all the clans of the koraga families use beef. The use of beef as
one of the major characteristic of the community was identified by Buchanan, Ayyappan and
Thurstone.
Use of Beef as important source of food for koraga is also agreed upon by all the
community leaders of the community. It was observed in the villages that the carcasses of dead
cattle was given to the koraga families in the village which they use to make use of for flesh and
136 getting the skin used for the drum. The koraga families have a practice of removing the skin of
the dead cattle and dry it till it can be tanned and used for the drum .They make the drum using
the skin of both cow and oxen.
The above table shows that among Onti koragas 97.7% of the families use beef. 93%
Tappu koragas and among Kuntu koragas 32% families use beef.
Thus it can be concluded that the use of beef is getting reduced among koragas it is doing
so very fast among Kuntu koragas followed by Tappu koragas and Onti koragas. Still they
consider the use of beef as the important part of their special occasions especially the marriage.
The koragas call it Chammayee in the koraga language which means meat.
Table 3.36 Name of the Sub clan * Hunting of Tortoise Cross tabulation
Hunting of Tortoise Total
Yes No
Name of the Sub clan Onti Koraga Count 274 34 308
% within Name of the Sub clan 89.0% 11.0% 100.0%
% within Hunting of Tortoise 65.9% 40.5% 61.6%
% of Total 54.8% 6.8% 61.6%
Tappu Koraga Count 135 7 142
% within Name of the Sub clan 95.1% 4.9% 100.0%
% within Hunting of Tortoise 32.5% 8.3% 28.4%
% of Total 27.0% 1.4% 28.4%
Kuntu Koraga Count 7 43 50
% within Name of the Sub clan 14.0% 86.0% 100.0%
% within Hunting of Tortoise 1.7% 51.2% 10.0%
% of Total 1.4% 8.6% 10.0%
Total Count 416 84 500
% within Name of the Sub clan 83.2% 16.8% 100.0%
% within Hunting of Tortoise 100.0% 100.0% 100.0%
% of Total 83.2% 16.8% 100.0%
The above table compares the number of families goes for catching tortoise which is an
important dish for koragas. The tortoise hunting is also the part of the celebrations and special
occasions of korga tribe. It is found that among Onti koragas 89% of the families go for hunting
and among Tappu koragas 95% of the families say they are involved in hunting of tortoise. And
among Kuntu koragas only 14% of the families go for tortoise hunting.
137
It is found that the tortoise hunting is a strong practice among Onti and Tappu koragas
and among Kutu koragas the practice is weak.
Table 3.37 Name of the Sub clan * Language at Home Cross tabulation Name of the Sub clan
Language at Home Total
Koraga
Language
Tulu Kannada
Onti Koraga Count 178 130 0 308
% within Name of the
Sub clan
57.8% 42.2% .0% 100.0%
% within Language at
Home
61.6% 78.8% .0% 61.6%
% of Total 35.6% 26.0% .0% 61.6%
Tappu
Koraga
Count 96 0 46 142
% within Name of the
Sub clan
67.6% .0% 32.4% 100.0%
% within Language at
Home
33.2% .0% 100.0% 28.4%
% of Total 19.2% .0% 9.2% 28.4%
Kuntu
Koraga
Count 15 35 0 50
% within Name of the
Sub clan
30.0% 70.0% .0% 100.0%
% within Language at
Home
5.2% 21.2% .0% 10.0%
% of Total 3.0% 7.0% .0% 10.0%
Total Count 289 165 46 500
% within Name of the
Sub clan
57.8% 33.0% 9.2% 100.0%
% within Language at
Home
100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0%
% of Total 57.8% 33.0% 9.2% 100.0%
The use of korga language is a indicator of the tribal distinctive identity of the tribe. The
koraga tribe has always hidden the language from the main stream society. As the senses report
of India 1901 describes it that the koraga language is spoken only among the koraga tribe in
solitude.
The current situation of koraga language with respect to the number of families across the
different clans speak it at home is been examined .It is found that among onti koragas 57.8% of
the families speak koraga language and 42.2% of the families speak Tulu at home. Among tappu
138 koragas 67.6% of the families speak koraga language and 32.4% of the families speak kannada
Languge. Among kuntu koragas 30% of the families speak koraga language and 70% of the
families speak Tulu language from the above explanation it is found that the families using
koraga language at home as their primary language of communication is reducing in number and
the koraga language is been replaced by Tulu and Kannada Language.
Table 3.38 Name of the Sub clan * Fear regarding other Caste Cross tabulation
Name of the Sub clan
Fear regarding other Caste
Total All other Caste Brahmins
Brahmins and
Bunts
Onti Koraga Count 306 1 1 308
% within Fear regarding
other Caste
61.4% 100.0% 100.0% 61.6%
% of Total 61.2% .2% .2% 61.6%
Tappu Koraga Count 142 0 0 142
% within Fear regarding
other Caste
28.5% .0% .0% 28.4%
% of Total 28.4% .0% .0% 28.4%
Kuntu Koraga Count 50 0 0 50
% within Fear regarding
other Caste
10.0% .0% .0% 10.0%
% of Total 10.0% .0% .0% 10.0%
Total Count 498 1 1 500
% within Fear regarding
other Caste
100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0%
% of Total 99.6% .2% .2% 100.0%
The above table examines the fear of the various clans of koragas regarding the other
communities. It is very evident fact that the koraga community has strong fear regarding the
other communities in the district including the scheduled caste population.
Among the fear experienced, the fear regarding the selected caste and community is very
less and the fear regarding all other castes in the district is seen as a strong fear among koragas. It
is found that among onti koragas except one family each who have selective fear regarding the
Brahmins and bunts all the other families have fear regarding the all other communities.
139
Among tappu koragas all the respondents have excessive fear regarding all the other caste
rather than having a selective fear of the strong communities of the district like Brahmins and
Bunts.
Among kuntu koragas also, all the families have the fear regarding all the other caste and
event among them also selective fear is not found.
From the above data it is clear that the koraga community has a generalized fear towards
all the other communities in the district. This fear of other communities has leaded the clans of
the tribe to become domicile and mild and has prevented the possibilities of any type of social
growth and change of the community.
140
Table 3.39 Name of the Sub clan * Strongest social Fear Cross tabulation
Strongest social Fear
Total
Fear of
Curse By
God
Fear of
expulsion
from
Village
Fear of
Physical
assault
Fear of
loss of
occupation
in the
village
All the
above
Name of the
Sub clan
Onti
Koraga
Count 130 72 10 5 91 308
% within Name of
the Sub clan
42.2% 23.4% 3.2% 1.6% 29.5% 100.0%
% within
Strongest social
Fear
94.2% 40.2% 100.0% 50.0% 55.8% 61.6%
% of Total 26.0% 14.4% 2.0% 1.0% 18.2% 61.6%
Tappu
Koraga
Count 7 59 0 4 72 142
% within Name of
the Sub clan
4.9% 41.5% .0% 2.8% 50.7% 100.0%
% within
Strongest social
Fear
5.1% 33.0% .0% 40.0% 44.2% 28.4%
% of Total 1.4% 11.8% .0% .8% 14.4% 28.4%
Kuntu
Koraga
Count 1 48 0 1 0 50
% within Name of
the Sub clan
2.0% 96.0% .0% 2.0% .0% 100.0%
% within
Strongest social
Fear
.7% 26.8% .0% 10.0% .0% 10.0%
% of Total .2% 9.6% .0% .2% .0% 10.0%
Total Count 138 179 10 10 163 500
% within Name of
the Sub clan
27.6% 35.8% 2.0% 2.0% 32.6% 100.0%
% within
Strongest social
Fear
100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0%
% of Total 27.6% 35.8% 2.0% 2.0% 32.6% 100.0%
The table no 3.39 examines the fear among the koraga families about the other
communities and issues. The koraga community being a slavery group has strong fear regarding
other communities and the fear is the result and the reason for the complete alienation and social
141 exclusion of the community. Koaraga community is the only one which has such an excessive
fear regarding the other communities in the district. Even after the civilized sociopolitical and
democratic process and lot of legal provisions for the community they have the same magnitude
of social fear. The community has a great amount of inferiority feeling due to this and they
cannot perform the normal social functions with ease. The manipulation of the fear has affected
many socio economic and political system of the community and the normal abilities of the
community.
A careful examination of the fear among the different clans of the koraga community
reveals the following aspects. Among onti Koragas 42.2% of the families have a fear regarding
the curse of god for not performing the assigned duties in the village. 23.4% of them have a fear
regarding the expulsion from the village. 3.2% of them fear physical assault. 1.6% of the onti
koags have the fear of the loss of occupational amenities in the village including the right to
collect the raw materials for the traditional occupation and 29.5 % of the onti koags have all the
above mentioned fears.
Among tappu koragas 4.9% have fear regarding the curse by the God, 41.5% have a fear
regarding the expulsion from the village and 2.8% have fear regarding the loss of employment
opportunities in the village and 50.7% of them have all the fears. A comparison with the onti
koragas shows that the fear of all the punishments are more among tappu koragas compared to
onti koragas. The fear of God is less among the tappu koragas compared to onti koragas. The
fear of los of occupation is also significant among the tappu koragas.
Among kuntu koragas 96% of them have a fear regarding the expulsion or the exclusion
from the village activities. Other forms of fear are less among kuntu koragas compared to onti
and tappu koragas.
142
Table 3.40 Name of the Sub clan * Drum service at the place of Death Cross tabulation
Drum service at the place of Death
Total Yes No
Name of the Sub clan Onti Koraga Count 254 54 308
% within Name of the Sub
clan
82.5% 17.5% 100.0%
% within Drum service at the
place of Death
67.7% 43.2% 61.6%
% of Total 50.8% 10.8% 61.6%
Tappu Koraga Count 121 21 142
% within Name of the Sub
clan
85.2% 14.8% 100.0%
% within Drum service at the
place of Death
32.3% 16.8% 28.4%
% of Total 24.2% 4.2% 28.4%
Kuntu Koraga Count 0 50 50
% within Name of the Sub
clan
.0% 100.0% 100.0%
% within Drum service at the
place of Death
.0% 40.0% 10.0%
% of Total .0% 10.0% 10.0%
Total Count 375 125 500
% within Name of the Sub
clan
75.0% 25.0% 100.0%
% within Drum service at the
place of Death
100.0% 100.0% 100.0%
% of Total 75.0% 25.0% 100.0%
The table demonstrates the detail of the koraga families beating drum at the time of the
death of an upper caste in the village. Among onti koragas 82.5% of the families have the duty of
beating drum during the death of upper caste especially of Bunts and Billawas in the village.
Among tappu koragas 85.2% have the obligation of beating the drum at the death place and
14.8% do not have the obligation of doing so. Among kuntu korgas no families are involved in
the task of drum beating. From the above table it is found that the oonti korgas and tappu koragas
have the obligation of beating drum at the death of an upper caste people. The task of beating
drum in the houses of caste Hindus is a part of ajal services made mandatory for the koraga
143 community in the village. The task of beating drum is been made mandatory for koraga families
to make use of the services of the village and to exist in the village. It is found that most of the
families have a fear of forceful expulsion from the village for not obeying the traditional roles
assigned to the koraga families.
Table 3.41 Name of the Sub clan * Fear of Public Places Cross tabulation
Name of the Sub clan
Fear of Public Places
Total
All Public
Places
Public
Gatherings
Religious
Places
Onti Koraga Count 276 3 29 308
% within Name of the Sub
clan
89.6% 1.0% 9.4% 100.0%
% within Fear of Public
Places
59.0% 100.0% 100.0% 61.6%
% of Total 55.2% .6% 5.8% 61.6%
Tappu Koraga Count 142 0 0 142
% within Name of the Sub
clan
100.0% .0% .0% 100.0%
% within Fear of Public
Places
30.3% .0% .0% 28.4%
% of Total 28.4% .0% .0% 28.4%
Kuntu Koraga Count 50 0 0 50
% within Name of the Sub
clan
100.0% .0% .0% 100.0%
% within Fear of Public
Places
10.7% .0% .0% 10.0%
% of Total 10.0% .0% .0% 10.0%
Total Count 468 3 29 500
% within Name of the Sub
clan
93.6% .6% 5.8% 100.0%
% within Fear of Public
Places
100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0%
% of Total 93.6% .6% 5.8% 100.0%
The above table explains the specific fear regarding the different areas for the different
clans of koragas. Among Onti koragas the majority of the families have fear regarding all the
public places and 1% has fear regarding the public gathering and 9.4% have the fear regarding
the religious places.
144
Among tappu korags all the families have fear regarding all the public places and even
among the kuntu koragas also all the families have fear regarding the all the public places. It
shows that the fear of koraga families regarding the public places is a universal phenomena and it
is found among all the clans of koragas.
The above graph explains the Number of families among different clans where children have
reported the experience of untouchable at school either from the class mates or teacher in terms
of keeping them away or denying access to them in the schools for various facilities or
sometimes using derogatory language against the children. It is noted that among ontikoragas
23.4% of the families have reported that their children have made reference of untouchability at
school and 76.6% of the families have reported that the children have not made any reference of
this kind. Among tappu koragas14.8% of the families have reported that the children have
reported the experience of untouchability and 85.2% families have reported that the children
145 have not reported the incidence of untouchability at school. Among kuntu koragas 8.0% of the
families have reported the incidence of untouchable and 92.0% of the families neither have nor
reported the incidence of untouchability. The comparison provides an insight that among onti
koragas the incidence of untouchability at school is still prevalent and the children have reported
the incidence at home, compared to tappu and kuntu koragas. The reason for poor performance
of children in schools can also be attributed to the factor of untouchability. It is necessary to
further investigate the reasons for variation in untouchability among the various clans.
Table 3.42 Name of the Sub clan * Drum service at the place of Death Cross tabulation
Drum service at the place of Death
Total Yes No
Name of the Sub clan Onti Koraga Count 254 54 308
% within Name of the Sub clan 82.5% 17.5% 100.0%
% within Drum service at the
place of Death
67.7% 43.2% 61.6%
% of Total 50.8% 10.8% 61.6%
Tappu Koraga Count 121 21 142
% within Name of the Sub clan 85.2% 14.8% 100.0%
% within Drum service at the
place of Death
32.3% 16.8% 28.4%
% of Total 24.2% 4.2% 28.4%
Kuntu Koraga Count 0 50 50
% within Name of the Sub clan .0% 100.0% 100.0%
% within Drum service at the
place of Death
.0% 40.0% 10.0%
% of Total .0% 10.0% 10.0%
Total Count 375 125 500
% within Name of the Sub clan 75.0% 25.0% 100.0%
% within Drum service at the
place of Death
100.0% 100.0% 100.0%
% of Total 75.0% 25.0% 100.0%
146 The above table demonstrates the number of koraga families which think that the drum beating at
the place of death of the upper caste is their duty and they do it. Among onti koragas 82.5% of the
respondents have agreed that the drum beating at the place of death and during the ceremony
followed by the death is mandatory and they report being the part of the ceremony. 17.5% of the
families have reported that it is not their duty and they do not go for the task. Among tappu
koragas85.2% of the families have feeling of being the part of the death ceremony in the village
and 14.8% of the families do not agree with the opinion of that they want to be the part of death
ceremony of the upper caste in the village and they are not participating in the activity of death
dholu. Among kuntu koragas. 0% of the families subscribe to the opinion of the part of the death
ceremony of the upper caste in the village and all the families believe that they are not the part of
the death ceremony of the other cast. The comparison of the families shows that the practice of
participating in the death ceremony of the upper caste people as the drum beaters is found among
only onti and tappu koragas and the kuntu koragas are not engaged and do not feel associated to
the task of drum beating in the death of the upper caste .
Table 3.43 Name of the Sub clan * Accepting ‘Dhana’, for curse Cross tabulation
Accepting Dhana for curse
Total Yes No
Name of the Sub clan Onti Koraga Count 256 52 308
% within Name of the Sub clan 83.1% 16.9% 100.0%
% within Accepting Dhana for
curse
69.6% 39.4% 61.6%
% of Total 51.2% 10.4% 61.6%
Tappu Koraga Count 112 30 142
% within Name of the Sub clan 78.9% 21.1% 100.0%
% within Accepting Dhana for
curse
30.4% 22.7% 28.4%
% of Total 22.4% 6.0% 28.4%
Kuntu Koraga Count 0 50 50
% within Name of the Sub clan .0% 100.0% 100.0%
% within Accepting Dhana for
curse
.0% 37.9% 10.0%
% of Total .0% 10.0% 10.0%
Total Count 368 132 500
% within Name of the Sub clan 73.6% 26.4% 100.0%
% within Accepting Dhana for
curse
100.0% 100.0% 100.0%
147 The above table demonstrates the number of koraga families which think that the drum beating at
the place of death of the upper caste is their duty and they do it. Among onti koragas 82.5% of the
respondents have agreed that the drum beating at the place of death and during the ceremony
followed by the death is mandatory and they report being the part of the ceremony. 17.5% of the
families have reported that it is not their duty and they do not go for the task. Among tappu
koragas85.2% of the families have feeling of being the part of the death ceremony in the village
and 14.8% of the families do not agree with the opinion of that they want to be the part of death
ceremony of the upper caste in the village and they are not participating in the activity of death
dholu. Among kuntu koragas. 0% of the families subscribe to the opinion of the part of the death
ceremony of the upper caste in the village and all the families believe that they are not the part of
the death ceremony of the other cast. The comparison of the families shows that the practice of
participating in the death ceremony of the upper caste people as the drum beaters is found among
only onti and tappu koragas and the kuntu koragas are not engaged and do not feel associated to
the task of drum beating in the death of the upper caste .
Table 3.43 Name of the Sub clan * Accepting ‘Dhana’, for curse Cross tabulation
Accepting Dhana for curse
Total Yes No
Name of the Sub clan Onti Koraga Count 256 52 308
% within Name of the Sub clan 83.1% 16.9% 100.0%
% within Accepting Dhana for
curse
69.6% 39.4% 61.6%
% of Total 51.2% 10.4% 61.6%
Tappu Koraga Count 112 30 142
% within Name of the Sub clan 78.9% 21.1% 100.0%
% within Accepting Dhana for
curse
30.4% 22.7% 28.4%
% of Total 22.4% 6.0% 28.4%
Kuntu Koraga Count 0 50 50
% within Name of the Sub clan .0% 100.0% 100.0%
% within Accepting Dhana for
curse
.0% 37.9% 10.0%
% of Total .0% 10.0% 10.0%
Total Count 368 132 500
% within Name of the Sub clan 73.6% 26.4% 100.0%
% within Accepting Dhana for
curse
100.0% 100.0% 100.0%
% of Total 73.6% 26.4% 100.0%
148
The table explains peculiar social phenomena among the koraga community. The women
of the koraga community are expected to accept the Offerings called ‘Daana’, by the upper caste
for the removal of their so called bad luck and disease caused by bad omen. Among onti koragas
83.1 % of the families opine that they have the habit of collecting ‘daana’, offered by the upper
caste on the occasion of the relieving them from the disease and bad omens .Among Tappu
koragas the percentage of families accepting ‘daana’, is 78.9, and among kuntu koragas no
families accept ‘dhana’. This suggests that the practice of accepting ‘daana’, is prevalent only
among the onti koraga and tappu koragas and not among the kuntu koragas suggesting the caste
origin of the practice and the reason of severe shortage of food among the koraga families have
led to yet another origin of practice of collecting the foiled food and accepting ‘daana’, from the
other communities.
Table 3.43 Name of the Sub clan * Opinion regarding Ajalu Crosstabulation
Opinion regarding Ajalu
Total Should Continue Should End
Name of the Sub clan Onti Koraga Count 230 78 308
% within Name of the Sub clan 74.7% 25.3% 100.0%
% within Opinion regarding
Ajalu
71.2% 44.1% 61.6%
% of Total 46.0% 15.6% 61.6%
Tappu Koraga Count 93 49 142
% within Name of the Sub clan 65.5% 34.5% 100.0%
% within Opinion regarding
Ajalu
28.8% 27.7% 28.4%
% of Total 18.6% 9.8% 28.4%
Kuntu Koraga Count 0 50 50
% within Name of the Sub clan .0% 100.0% 100.0%
% within Opinion regarding
Ajalu
.0% 28.2% 10.0%
% of Total .0% 10.0% 10.0%
Total Count 323 177 500
% within Name of the Sub clan 64.6% 35.4% 100.0%
% within Opinion regarding
Ajalu
100.0% 100.0% 100.0%
% of Total 64.6% 35.4% 100.0%
149
The ajalu is a peculiar social institution among koragas where in a specific set of social
and religious duties are assigned to the koragas on the basis of non remunerative servitude
managed and maintained by the feudal lords of the village guided by the religious beliefs and
restrictions. Among onti koragas 74.7% of the families desire to continue the ajal practice and
25.3% of the families have reported that they do not want to be the part of ajal duties anymore
and they would prefer the duties and the role being stopped and an alternative respectful roles are
been given to them. Among tappu koragas 65.5% of the families feel that ajal need to be
continued and 34.5% of the families feel that the role of ajal need to be ended. Among the kuntu
koragas no families feel that the ajal need to be continued rather they have never been a part of
the ajal system in the village.
Thus it is found the ajal duties are more mandatory among onti and tappu koragas and
among kuntu koragas the concept of mandatory duty towards the village and the religious
institutions are very fragile. The reason for the onti and tappu koragas to become the part of the
ajal system has to investigated further especially by a processes of the involvement of the
koragas in the village duties and the amount of social and religious pressure on the koragas.
Table 3.44 Name of the Sub clan * Treat menstrual cycle as polluted Cross tabulation
Treat menstrual cycle as
polluted
Total Yes
Name of the Sub clan Onti Koraga 308 308
Tappu Koraga 142 142
Kuntu Koraga 50 50
Total 500 500
The above table explains the feeling of pollution regarding the menstrual cycle and
menstrual discharge among the koraga families of different clans. It is found that all the families
of all the clans have the same feeling of pollution regarding the menstrual cycle and discharge.
They have a practice of keeping the lady away from the main systems in the families like the
food and they are restricted to take part in the important aspects related to the Bootha and other
sacred functions including the marriage and visiting the temple. The uniform presence of the
feeling of pollution among the tribal clans without any difference suggests that the feeling of
150 pollution and impurity are the basic characteristics of the community and not the effect of the
interaction with the caste communities.
Table 3.46 Name of the Sub clan * Gurikara Engages the marriage Cross tabulation
Gurikara Engages the marriage
Total Yes No
Name of the Sub clan Onti Koraga 307 1 308
Tappu Koraga 142 0 142
Kuntu Koraga 46 4 50
Total 495 5 500
The above table examines the conviction about koraga families regarding the need for the
traditional head of the family to engage and solemnize the marriage. Among onti koragas, except
one family all other families have reported that the marriage should be carried out by the head of
the family. And among the tappu koragas all the families have reported the need for
solemnization of marriage and engagement by the head of the family. Among kuntu koragas four
families differ in the opinion of marriage and the engagement should be solemnized by the head
of the family. It suggests that the koragas have firm belief in the matter of marriage regarding the
role of head of the family irrespective of the clan they belong to, thus it can be concluded that the
system of marriage managed by the head of the family is the main feature among koraga tribe.
Traditionally, it is believed that the head of the family use to arrange for the engagement and the
girl was being brought by marriage to the family not to the man .The head of the family use to
perform symbolically the act of tying the ‘manisara’ or ‘mangalya’, the important symbol of
marriage among korags. The traditional system of marriage is not practiced much now a days but
the families still believe that the traditional system of marriage is the right form of marriage even
though the marked changes have been observed in the opinions regarding the social and
economical systems, in the matters of social institutions like marriage, still the community has a
rigid and unchanged opinion.
151
Table 3.47 Name of the Sub clan * Marriage solemnized traditionally Cross tabulation
Marriage solemnized traditionally
Total Yes No
Name of the Sub clan Onti Koraga 304 4 308
Tappu Koraga 142 0 142
Kuntu Koraga 45 5 50
Total 491 9 500
The above table demonstrates the marriage ceremony of the respondent or the married
member s of the family being conducted traditionally. The traditional marriage is an arranged
marriage in the leadership of the head of the two families by observing not to break the rule of
marriage with in the same ‘bali’ or clan. The system traditional marriage is been followed strictly
to a great extent by all the clans. It is found that among onti koragas except four families all the
other families have been married according to the traditional system of marriage. Among tappu
koragas all the families have been married according to the traditional system of marriage
solemnization and no families are found to be having any other form of marriage. Among kuntu
koragas only 5 families out of 50 have found to be married not traditionally. A comparative
deviation of the clans from the traditional marriage system can be understood as minimum since
the standard deviation is 0.13308 which is negligible deviation from the standard behavior of
conforming to get marriage solemnized traditionally.
152
Table 3.48 Name of the Sub clan * Seemantha at first Pregnancy Cross tabulation
Seemantha at first Pregnancy
Total Yes No
Name of the Sub clan Onti Koraga Count 307 1 308
% within Name of the Sub clan 99.7% .3% 100.0%
% within Seemantha at first
Pregnency
62.1% 16.7% 61.6%
% of Total 61.4% .2% 61.6%
Std. Residual .2 -1.4
Tappu Koraga Count 142 0 142
% within Name of the Sub clan 100.0% .0% 100.0%
% within Seemantha at first
Pregnency
28.7% .0% 28.4%
% of Total 28.4% .0% 28.4%
Std. Residual .1 -1.3
Kuntu Koraga Count 45 5 50
% within Name of the Sub clan 90.0% 10.0% 100.0%
% within Seemantha at first
Pregnency
9.1% 83.3% 10.0%
% of Total 9.0% 1.0% 10.0%
Std. Residual -.6 5.7
Total Count 494 6 500
% within Name of the Sub clan 98.8% 1.2% 100.0%
% within Seemantha at first
Pregnency
100.0% 100.0% 100.0%
% of Total 98.8% 1.2% 100.0%
The table shows the customary ceremony conducted for the lady when she completes the
seventh month of the pregnancy which is a common practice among all the communities in the
district. It is found that among onti koragas 99.7% of the families have reported that in the first
pregnancy the custom of ‘Seemantha’. And among tappu koragas all the families have the
practice of conducting ‘Bayake’ or ‘Seemantha’, as it is called in local language. Among kuntu
koragas 90% of the families have the custom of ‘bayake’ for the first child delivery and only
10% of the families have answered that they do not have the compulsion of ceremony of the
‘bayake’ for the first delivery.
153
Naming the child on the day of ritual of giving a child a name, among koragas, is the
right of the maternal uncle and the effect of the various caste and modern systems on the social
life of the koaga tribe have not made significant changes. Among onti koragas 90.9% of the
families reported that the naming ceremony is by the maternal uncle and 9.1% of the families
have reported that it is not by the maternal uncle but by somebody else. Among tappu koragas
93.7% of the families have reported that the naming ceremony is by the maternal uncle and 6.3%
of the families have reported that the naming is by somebody else. Among kuntu koragas 90.0%
of the families have reported that the naming ceremony is by the maternal uncle and 10.0% of
the families have reported that the naming ceremony is by somebody else.
The above discussion is relevant to show that the traditional system naming the child by
the maternal uncle has not changed among the koragas and there is no significance change
among the different clans regarding the naming ceremony by the maternal uncle.
154
Table 3.49 Name of the Sub clan * Social prohibition after death in Family Cross tabulation
Social prohibition after death in
Family
Total Yes No
Name of the Sub clan Onti Koraga Count 308 0 308
% within Name of the Sub
clan
100.0% .0% 100.0%
% within Social prohibition
after death in Family
62.2% .0% 61.6%
% of Total 61.6% .0% 61.6%
Tappu Koraga Count 142 0 142
% within Name of the Sub
clan
100.0% .0% 100.0%
% within Social prohibition
after death in Family
28.7% .0% 28.4%
% of Total 28.4% .0% 28.4%
Kuntu Koraga Count 45 5 50
% within Name of the Sub
clan
90.0% 10.0% 100.0%
% within Social prohibition
after death in Family
9.1% 100.0% 10.0%
% of Total 9.0% 1.0% 10.0%
Total Count 495 5 500
% within Name of the Sub
clan
99.0% 1.0% 100.0%
% within Social prohibition
after death in Family
100.0% 100.0% 100.0%
% of Total 99.0% 1.0% 100.0%
After death of a family member, eleven days are considered to be the period of pollution
where the family members are not permitted to attend any auspicious occasion, including the
religious functions. The practice of pollution is called ‘soothika’ or ‘soothaka’ among koraga as
well as Tulu languagers. Among all the clans of the Koraga families it is a common practice of
‘soothaka’ after death and the social idea of pollution after death is found uniformly among all
the clans in Onti and tappu koragas. All the families do have the practice of attributing pollution
to the members of family. Among Kuntu koragas 10% of the families have reported that they do
not observe pollution but that is a negligible number .The practice of attributing pollution among
155 the family members is a common practice among other communities of the district. Koragas
being the primitive tribal group of the district also has the practice of the pollution but among the
other communities the practice is limited to a ceremonial symbol and a few communities have
left the practice. But koragas have maintained the practice strongly until today. The social
change among the Koraga families is slow compared to the other communities in the district.
The graph demonstrates the koraga families’ traditional method of inviting the soul of the
dead person into the family by a ceremony after the thirteen days. The tradition is a part of all the
communities of the district and the koragas too practice of doing so. From the above graph it is
found that among onti and tappu koragas all the families have reported that the traditional
practice is done without any failure where as among the kuntu korags 10% of the families have
reported that they do not observe the practice of inviting the ‘atma’ (soul) of diseased into the
family at the end of 13th day. The practice is strong among all the clans of the koragas.
156
Table 3.50 Name of the Sub clan * Widow Remarriage Cross tabulation
Widow Remarriage
Total
Permitted and
agree
Not permitted
and disagree
Name of the Sub clan Onti Koraga Count 305 3 308
% within Name of the Sub
clan
99.0% 1.0% 100.0%
% within Widow Remarriage 61.6% 60.0% 61.6%
% of Total 61.0% .6% 61.6%
Tappu Koraga Count 142 0 142
% within Name of the Sub
clan
100.0% .0% 100.0%
% within Widow Remarriage 28.7% .0% 28.4%
% of Total 28.4% .0% 28.4%
Kuntu Koraga Count 48 2 50
% within Name of the Sub
clan
96.0% 4.0% 100.0%
% within Widow Remarriage 9.7% 40.0% 10.0%
% of Total 9.6% .4% 10.0%
Total Count 495 5 500
% within Name of the Sub
clan
99.0% 1.0% 100.0%
% within Widow Remarriage 100.0% 100.0% 100.0%
% of Total 99.0% 1.0% 100.0%
The widow remarriage is permitted among the koraga tribes and the modern education
and social changes have not altered the system. It is found that among all the clans the practice of
widow remarriage is accepted as a common practice and all the families of onti and tappu
koragas have affirmed the fact that the widow remarriage is permitted where as only 0.4% of the
families among kuntu koragas have said that the widow remarriage is not permitted. The data
shows that the practice of widow remarriage is still strong among the koragas and the practice is
uniform among all the clans irrespective of the social condition and differences.
157
Koraga community has a strong prohibition regarding the premarital sexual relationships.
It is found from the above table that all the clans have a strong opposition regarding this. 3.9% of
onti koragas and 4% of the kuntu korags have opined that the premarital sexual relationship is
not a crime. Tappu koragas have a strong feeling against the premarital relationship. The change
in the opinion of a few families of onti koraga and kuntu koraga may be the personal bias and
only the opinions rather than a systematic impact of any sociological interactions.
158
Table 3.51 Name of the Sub clan * Extramarital relationship Cross tabulation
Extramarital relationship
Total Punished Not Punished
Name of the Sub clan Onti Koraga Count 294 14 308
% within Name of the Sub clan 95.5% 4.5% 100.0%
% within Extramarital
relationship
61.4% 66.7% 61.6%
% of Total 58.8% 2.8% 61.6%
Tappu Koraga Count 142 0 142
% within Name of the Sub clan 100.0% .0% 100.0%
% within Extramarital
relationship
29.6% .0% 28.4%
% of Total 28.4% .0% 28.4%
Kuntu Koraga Count 43 7 50
% within Name of the Sub clan 86.0% 14.0% 100.0%
% within Extramarital
relationship
9.0% 33.3% 10.0%
% of Total 8.6% 1.4% 10.0%
Total Count 479 21 500
% within Name of the Sub clan 95.8% 4.2% 100.0%
% within Extramarital
relationship
100.0% 100.0% 100.0%
% of Total 95.8% 4.2% 100.0%
Like the premarital relationship the extra marital sexual relationship of both males and
females is viewed as offence among korga community. The extra marital relationship is viewed
an offence among all the clans of koraga community. Among onti koragas 95.5% of the families
have opined that the extramarital relationship is offence and among tappu koraga all the families
have opined that the extra marital relationship is offence and among kuntu koragas 86% of the
families and 14% of the families have reported that the extra marital relationship is not punished.
The above discussion proves that the social rule of ban on the extra marital relationship is strictly
observed by the community irrespective of the sub clan to which the community belong to and
among the kuntu koragas the feeling of lack of community action against extra marital
relationship is strong and followed by onti koragas where as among tappu koragas the
community leaders have the practice of punishing the extra marital relationship.
159
Table 3.52 Name of the Sub clan * Prohibitions in marriage in same Bali Cross tabulation
Prohibitions in marriage in same Bali
Total Yes No
Name of the Sub clan Onti Koraga Count 300 8 308
% within Name of the Sub clan 97.4% 2.6% 100.0%
% within Prohibitions in
marriage in same Bali
61.9% 53.3% 61.6%
% of Total 60.0% 1.6% 61.6%
Tappu Koraga Count 140 2 142
% within Name of the Sub clan 98.6% 1.4% 100.0%
% within Prohibitions in
marriage in same Bali
28.9% 13.3% 28.4%
% of Total 28.0% .4% 28.4%
Kuntu Koraga Count 45 5 50
% within Name of the Sub clan 90.0% 10.0% 100.0%
% within Prohibitions in
marriage in same Bali
9.3% 33.3% 10.0%
% of Total 9.0% 1.0% 10.0%
Total Count 485 15 500
% within Name of the Sub clan 97.0% 3.0% 100.0%
% within Prohibitions in
marriage in same Bali
100.0% 100.0% 100.0%
% of Total 97.0% 3.0% 100.0%
Prohibition of marriage in the same bali is the very strong social rule among all the
koraga families the violation of which would lead to expulsion from the community. The
marriage rules of marrying outside once own bali is practiced among all the clans of koraga
community. From the above table it is found that 97.4% of the families among the onti koragas
and 98.6% o of the families among tappu koragas and 90% of the families among kuntu koragas
have clear objection against the marriages in the same bali. The number of families who do not
have objection against the marriages in the same bali is negligible among all the clans. The
objection regarding the marriages in the same bali is little less among kuntu koragas.
160
Table 3.53 Name of the Sub clan * Prohibition for marriage in same clan Cross tabulation
Prohibition for marriage in same clan
Total Yes No
Name of the Sub clan Onti Koraga Count 45 263 308
% within Name of the Sub clan 14.6% 85.4% 100.0%
% within Prohibition for
marriage in same clan
86.5% 58.7% 61.6%
% of Total 9.0% 52.6% 61.6%
Tappu Koraga Count 6 136 142
% within Name of the Sub clan 4.2% 95.8% 100.0%
% within Prohibition for
marriage in same clan
11.5% 30.4% 28.4%
% of Total 1.2% 27.2% 28.4%
Kuntu Koraga Count 1 49 50
% within Name of the Sub clan 2.0% 98.0% 100.0%
% within Prohibition for
marriage in same clan
1.9% 10.9% 10.0%
% of Total .2% 9.8% 10.0%
Total Count 52 448 500
% within Name of the Sub clan 10.4% 89.6% 100.0%
% within Prohibition for
marriage in same clan
100.0% 100.0% 100.0%
% of Total 10.4% 89.6% 100.0%
The above table examines the objection among the different clans to marry outside the
clan that says no objection to marry within the clan. Most of the families have an opinion of
marrying within the clan where as the objection regarding the marriage outside the clan is also
not strong. Among onti koragas 14% of the families have objection for marriage with in the clan
and agreement to marry outside the clan. Among the tappu koragas 95.85 of the families have an
opinion of marrying within the clan and only 4.2% of the families have objection regarding the
marriage in same clan, and among kuntu koragas 98% of the families have given the provisions
of marrying within the same clan and 2% of the families have objected to marry within the clan.
Thus it can be concluded that the koraga community has a prohibition against the marriage
outside the clan and they have the practice of marrying within the clan.
161
Table 3.54 Name of the Sub clan * Sex Preference Cross tabulation
Sex Preference
Total Female Male
Name of the Sub clan Onti Koraga Count 261 47 308
% within Name of the Sub clan 84.7% 15.3% 100.0%
% within Sex Preference 60.4% 69.1% 61.6%
% of Total 52.2% 9.4% 61.6%
Tappu Koraga Count 141 1 142
% within Name of the Sub clan 99.3% .7% 100.0%
% within Sex Preference 32.6% 1.5% 28.4%
% of Total 28.2% .2% 28.4%
Kuntu Koraga Count 30 20 50
% within Name of the Sub clan 60.0% 40.0% 100.0%
% within Sex Preference 6.9% 29.4% 10.0%
% of Total 6.0% 4.0% 10.0%
Total Count 432 68 500
% within Name of the Sub clan 86.4% 13.6% 100.0%
% within Sex Preference 100.0% 100.0% 100.0%
% of Total 86.4% 13.6% 100.0%
The above table demonstrates the sex preference among the different clans of the koraga
community. Since koagas are the matrilineal community they usually prefer to have female
children. The above table shows that among the onti koragas 84.7% of the families have chosen
the female baby as their preference where as 15.3% of the families have chosen male baby as
their preference. Among tappu koragas 93.3% of the families have female child preference and
only 0.7% families have chosen male baby as their preference. Among kuntu koragas 60% of the
families have female baby preference and 40% the families have male baby as preference. The
above discussion shows that overall 86.4% of the families have female child preference and
13.6% of the families have male child preference. The comparison with other communities have
clearly shown that the koraga community still has the value of the female preference as per the
traditional aspiration of the matrilineal society, even in the changing modern context the sex
preference of the clans of koragas have been not affected much .But among the clans the kuntu
koragas have more male preference compared to other clans.
162
Table 3.55 Name of the Sub clan * Origin of the Family Cross tabulation
Origin of the Family
Total
Mother's Family
source
Father's Family
Source
Name of the Sub clan Onti Koraga Count 302 6 308
% within Name of the Sub clan 98.1% 1.9% 100.0%
% within Origin of the Family 63.6% 24.0% 61.6%
% of Total 60.4% 1.2% 61.6%
Tappu Koraga Count 141 1 142
% within Name of the Sub clan 99.3% .7% 100.0%
% within Origin of the Family 29.7% 4.0% 28.4%
% of Total 28.2% .2% 28.4%
Kuntu Koraga Count 32 18 50
% within Name of the Sub clan 64.0% 36.0% 100.0%
% within Origin of the Family 6.7% 72.0% 10.0%
% of Total 6.4% 3.6% 10.0%
Total Count 475 25 500
% within Name of the Sub clan 95.0% 5.0% 100.0%
% within Origin of the Family 100.0% 100.0% 100.0%
% of Total 95.0% 5.0% 100.0%
The koragas are matrilineal in nature and the table above examines the opinion regarding
the origin. Among onti koragas 98.1% of the families believe that their origin is from the
mothers family, and among tappu koragas 99.3% families claim their origin from the mother and
among kuntu koragas 64% of the families believe their origin from mother’s family and 40%
believe the origin from father. A comparison of the above data suggests that among the onti
koragas and tappu koragas the family origin is associated to mother and among the kuntu
koragas the origin of family is associated to father in the recent time. This indicates that the onti
and tappu koragas have strong belief in the matrilineal origin and continue to be the followers of
matrilineal system where as kuntu koragas are deviating from the matrilineal system towards
more of a patrilenial system.
163
Table 3.56 Name of the Sub clan * Leader of community is selected by Cross tabulation
Leader of community is selected by
Total Father to son
Maternal uncle
to nephew
Selected by
Bootha
Name of the Sub clan Onti Koraga Count 13 49 246 308
% within Name of the Sub
clan
4.2% 15.9% 79.9% 100.0%
% within Leader of
community is selected by
41.9% 41.5% 70.1% 61.6%
% of Total 2.6% 9.8% 49.2% 61.6%
Tappu Koraga Count 0 37 105 142
% within Name of the Sub
clan
.0% 26.1% 73.9% 100.0%
% within Leader of
community is selected by
.0% 31.4% 29.9% 28.4%
% of Total .0% 7.4% 21.0% 28.4%
Kuntu Koraga Count 18 32 0 50
% within Name of the Sub
clan
36.0% 64.0% .0% 100.0%
% within Leader of
community is selected by
58.1% 27.1% .0% 10.0%
% of Total 3.6% 6.4% .0% 10.0%
Total Count 31 118 351 500
% within Name of the Sub
clan
6.2% 23.6% 70.2% 100.0%
% within Leader of
community is selected by
100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0%
% of Total 6.2% 23.6% 70.2% 100.0%
The above table demonstrates the selection of leader of the community among different
clans of koragas. It is found that among onti koragas 4.2% of the families the leadership is
passed on to the son from the father and among 15.9% the families the leadership is passed on
the nephew from the maternal uncle and in 79.9% of the families the leadership decided by the
special process of the decision by the bootha after a possession by the leader and the bootha
orders for the new leader. Among tappu koragas .0%of the families have the practice of choosing
the leader by the father to son and 26.1% families the leadership is passed on to the nephew from
the Maternal uncle and 73.9% of the families the leader is selected by the possession of the
164 bootha on the leader and the new leader is been suggested by the bootha. Among kuntu koragas
36.0%of the families the leadership is passed on to the son by the father and 64.0% of the
families it is passed on the nephew by the maternal uncle the choice of leaders by the bootha is
not found among the kuntu koragas. From the discussion it can be concluded that choice of
leader ship among koragas is done by variety of process, the majority of the leaders are selected
among onti and tappu korags by the possession of the bootha and the order of the bootha,
followed by the leadership passed on to the nephew by the maternal uncle a small percentage of
families the leadership is passed on to the son by the father, but among the kuntu kioragas the
process of selection of leader by bootha is absent and the selection is by the father to son and the
maternal uncle to the nephew.
The political system among the koraga is not developed in to the differentiation of the
roles and the selection process is not rigidly defined in the most of the cases the selection is left
to the religious process. All the clans of koraga community have the same political status and the
selection procedure is not controlled by any rigid rules of selection.
165
The above Bar Chart explains the role in taking important decisions in the family among
various clans, among onti koragas 0.6% the families the decision is taken by the mother and
14.3% of the families the decision is being taken by the father and 85.1% families the decision is
taken by the maternal uncle. Among tappu koragas all the important decisions are taken the
maternal uncle. Among kuntu koragas almost 0% of the families the decision is taken by the
mother and among 40.0% of the families the decision is taken by father. In 60.0% the families
the decision is taken by the maternal uncle. The above discussion indicates the major decision
making process among the different clans of koragas ,it is found that the majority of the families
the decision is taken by the maternal uncle and the father too have important role in the
important aspects of the families where as the mother/s has/have negligible role while taking
decisions among all the clans of the koragas, even though the koraga tribe is matrilineal and
matrilocal where the mother do not has any part in the important aspects of the family
166
Table 3.57 Name of the Sub clan * Religion Cross tabulation
Religion
Total Hindu Tribal Christian
Name of the Sub clan Onti Koraga Count 282 26 0 308
% within Name of the Sub
clan
91.6% 8.4% .0% 100.0%
% within Religion 62.0% 63.4% .0% 61.6%
% of Total 56.4% 5.2% .0% 61.6%
Tappu Koraga Count 128 14 0 142
% within Name of the Sub
clan
90.1% 9.9% .0% 100.0%
% within Religion 28.1% 34.1% .0% 28.4%
% of Total 25.6% 2.8% .0% 28.4%
Kuntu Koraga Count 45 1 4 50
% within Name of the Sub
clan
90.0% 2.0% 8.0% 100.0%
% within Religion 9.9% 2.4% 100.0% 10.0%
% of Total 9.0% .2% .8% 10.0%
Total Count 455 41 4 500
% within Name of the Sub
clan
91.0% 8.2% .8% 100.0%
% within Religion 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0%
% of Total 91.0% 8.2% .8% 100.0%
The above table explains the concept of religion among the various sub clans of koraga
families. The religion of the koragas are been generally termed as Hindu but still there are
diverse opinion regarding the religion among the various clans of the koraga community. Among
Onti Koragas 91.6% of the families believe that they are of Hindu religion and 8.4% of the
families claim their religion to be tribal and no families of chritians are found among the onti
korgas even though there are few families among koragas converted to Christianity they were not
covered by the present study. Among tappu koaragas 90.1% of the families opined that they
belong to Hindu religion and 9.9% of the families have reported that they belong to Tribal
religion and even among tappu koragas also no families of Christian religion is been found.
Among kuntu koragas 90.0% of the families have reported that they belong to Hindu religion and
2.0% of the families have told that they belong to tribal religion and 8.0% of the families have
reported that they belong to the religion Christianity. This diversity in religion is because of the
167 fact that a few koraga families have been converted to Christianity during the British rule but still
they do not show much difference in their practices from other koraga families. The tribal
religion is a new concept evolved among korga families who have close association with the new
movements regarding the tribal identity which is of recent origin. The Hindu religion is also a matter of
belief accepted by koragas based n the negation of other religions.