Download - Chinese Parian in Late 16th Century- 02
Economic Contributions of the Chinese Parian in the late
16th century Spanish Manila
Ansam Lee
Kas 195 Prof. Ma. Serena Diokno, PhD
2
Abstract
Prior to the advent of Spanish colonization in Manila, the area and its
surrounding towns had been actively trading with the Chinese. Chinese trade relations
with the local natives had been good, and the archipelago, particularly Luzon area was
naturally within the Chinese sphere of influence. Because of this deeply rooted Chinese-
native relations as pronounced in cultural exchange like kinship ties, trade and
commerce, it is apparent that the Chinese had a strong foothold in Manila prior to the
Spanish colonization.
Then the Spanish came in around late in the sixteenth century and established a
colonial outpost in the archipelago. Establishing a colonial settlement thousand of
leagues from mother Spain was not an easy task. Colonial maintenance and survival of
the colonists in an unknown and hostile territory was not an easy challenge for the
Spanish “conquistadores”. Although in the Philippines, unlike in the Americas, the
natives were relatively peaceful and accommodating. Starting up a colonial venture in
the Philippines demanded a stable source of manpower and resources. The Spanish
sailors and colonists from the colonial expedition could not fare with themselves alone,
there must be another source of labor and much needed goods for the early settlement
to survive. Obviously it was only later in the 17th century when the Spanish colonial
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enterprise had been securely established, that the Spanish authorities could
systematically tap the native Filipino workforce. Prior to that, they had to rely on Chinese
goodwill and cooperation. From this circumstance of early Spanish colonial ventures in
the archipelago, it is encouraging to look at on how did they succeed and how did the
ethnic Chinese in Manila contributed to that. The researcher is particularly interested in
the role of the Chinese trading centers or what is historically known as the parian, in
sustaining the early Spanish colonial venture in Manila during the late 16th century.
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INTRODUCTION
What is a Parian? The name parian had many origins. The author of the book
Ciudad Murada, Jose Victor Torres, who is a historian, essayist and playwright, who
presently serves as a senior historical researcher in Intramuros Administration, claimed
that the word parian was an old Tagalog word meaning “marketplace” that appeared in
a 1619 dictionary, San Buenaventura Vocabulario de la lengua Tagala.1 In the
dictionary, the word was used as “magpaparian” meaning “to go to the market”. Torres
also cited that for Dr. Isagani Medina, a renowned writer-historian from the History
Department in UP Diliman, the name parian originated from Brunei, although no
elaboration was made regarding how it originated from the source. On the other hand, in
the compiled article by the author Alberto Santamaria, OP entitled The Chinese Parian,2
a brief discussion on the origins of the word parian was made. In the article, a writer by
the name of Ortiz Armengol cited that the parian according to some, originated from
Mexico while for others, it originated from China. As for its Chinese origin, the town may
have been originated from the Spanish concept of Chinese district as in the statement
given by governor Corcuera on the Chinese, saying “They live in a place which has
been built for them near the walls of Manila called in their language the Parian.”
However, Chinese scholars like Wu Ching-Hong and Shi Liang both denied that the 1 Jose Victor Z. Torres, Ciudad Murada: A Walk Through Historic Intramuros (Quezon City: Vibal Publishing House Inc., 2005), 7. 2Alberto Santamaria, “The Chinese Parian,” in The Chinese in the Philippines: vol.1, ed. Alfonso Felix Jr., (Ermita, Manila: Solidaridad Publishing House, 1969), 67-‐72.
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parian was of Chinese origin. For Shi Liang, the parian had another name for the
Chinese, which was Chien-nei. Similarly Wu Ching–Hong also mentioned that the
Chinese once called the parian as Jiann-nei, pronounced in Mandarin. Both Chien-nei3
and Jiann-nei mean inner stream, referring to an area along Pasig River where the
Chinese lived. He also added that parian, pronounced Pai-lin in Mandarin, Pak-lam in
Cantonese and Pa-lam in Fukinese had no Chinese meaning and was a word of
modern origin.
As regards to the word parian and its Mexican origin, Encyclopedia Espasa4 cited
parian as a market that resembled the Oriental bazaar. At the same time Dr. Edgar C.
Knowlton Jr. also mentioned the existence of the place Parian that was near Mexico in
Guadalajara City.5 Additionally, speculation on its Mexican origin was due to the
frequent usage of the word parian in Mexico, especially with the establishment of the
Manila Acapulco trade. Alberto Santamaria, a known historian-writer from the Catholic
Church religious order, Order of Preachers, also discussed the probability that the
parian was of a Tagalog origin given that the word was mentioned by governor Vera in
1589, and Bishop Salazar in 1590. The word parian was also mentioned by Father
Alonso Fernandez (1611), Father Collins (1663), and by Father Zuñiga (1803). Not to
3Ibid., 68-‐70. 4 Ibid., 68. 5 Ibid., 69.
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mention a statement made by Bishop Salazar in 1586 “That the Indians call Parian.”
Which was deemed to be an indication of a Tagalog Origin.6
Same explanations were also given on the relevance of its Tagalog origin.
Etymologically, the first explanation suggested that the word was based on “pali “ which
means to argue and “an “ which means a place that could have been the origin, hence
the word “palian” or “parian”, the place for argument or bargaining was made. Another
explanation was based on the Tagalog word “diyan” or “dian”. The word “diyan” or “dian”
means just around the corner. And to add the prefiix “pa” which means, “to go to” the
word “dian” or “diyan” we derive the word “padiyan” or “parian”.7 A second explanation
seemed to be justified by the frequent usage of the word among servants during those
times. The servant would be asked to go to the market, or to go around the corner of the
town to buy goods in a retail store. Hence the word parian became a common term to
mean buying something in the market, or retail store.
From the explanations above, the Tagalog origin of parian seems to have a
stronger basis. Later, the term parian was used in Mexican, Chinese and other origins
mentioned. In relation with the word alcaiceria, that was a designated place for the
Chinese silk. Later Spanish authorities and even historians such as Blair and
Robertson would use the term interchangeably. For instance, a certain bishop by the
name of Domingo de Salazar reported that, “Don Gonçallo Ronquillo allotted them a
6Ibid., 71. 7Ibid.
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place to live in, and to be used as silk-market (which is called here Parian),”8 The
bishop repeatedly referred to the silk market and to the Chinese place as parian in his
account, as he continued, “… The site adjoins the Parian of the Sangleys… they have
built a Parian resembling the other, although much larger and higher… This Parian was
also destroyed by fire on account of the houses being built of reeds… This Parian was
provided with doctors and apothecaries… The pond beautifies the Parian… “.9 The
interchange of term was understandable if we look at the meaning of alcaiceria.
Alcaiceria comes from the Arabic word al-gaisariya, which means a street with stores10
during the Spanish colonial period alcaiceria would mean district with stores that sell
raw silks, or just simply silk market. It also means a customs house where the silk
merchandise was taxed11. But in most cases, the term alcaiceria was termed as market
and that the words alcaiceria and parian are often used interchangeably,12 which just as
shown on how Don Gonzalo Ronquillo called the place allotted for the Chinese
residence, to be used as silk market.13 Seemingly enough, from this interchange of
usage, the word Parian was termed as a name of a place frequented with Chinese and
with a capital “P”, while silk-market or alcaiceria became a common term. But
coincidentally the silk-market or alcaiceria was located in the Parian, hence the
interchange of the words. 8Domingo de Salazar, “The Chinese and the Parian at Manila,” Emma Blair and James Robertson (comp.) The Philippine Islands, 1493-‐1898 (Cleveland, Ohio: The Arthur H. Clark Company, 1904), vol. 07, 220. The 55-‐volume compilation of primary sources by Blair and Robertson shall hereinafter be termed as “Blair and Robertson”. 9Ibid., 223-‐228. 10 Santamaria, 72. 11 Ibid. 12Domingo de Salazar, “The Chinese and the Parian at Manila,” Blair and Robertson, vol. 07, 220. 13Ibid.
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Pre-colonial Era
Even before the term parian came to be its essence had long been there. Before
the Spanish, there already existed a pre-colonial native Filipino and Chinese trade
relations. This can be attested through the documents Chu fan chi during the Sung
Dynasty around 1225 and Tao i chi lueh during the Yuan Dynasty around 1350 written
by Chao Ju Kua and Wang Ta Yuan respectively. Inside those documents were intricate
descriptions of the different topographical conditions of the Philippine archipelago as
well as descriptions of the inhabitants and their life styles. Even the way the native
inhabitants do their business with the Chinese merchants were also described. The
Ming Annals also made mention of Admiral Zheng Ho who was commissioned by
Emperor Yung Lo (1402-1424) to establish Chinese suzerainty and trade relations
among the native chiefs within Luzon area.14
Since interest on the part of the Chinese to establish trade relation among the
natives were justified by the artifacts found in the archeological sites in the Philippines
suggesting booming commercial ties within the region. Artifacts such as the porcelains,
14Milagros C. Guerrero,“The Chinese in the Philippines 1570-‐1770”, in The Chinese in the Philippines: vol. 1, ed. Alfonso Felix Jr. (Ermita, Manila: Solidaridad Publishing House, 1969), 15-‐16. Hereinafter this source shall be termed as “Guerrero, The Chinese in the Philippines”.
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jars and potteries that came from China even dated back around 9th to 10th century,
during the late Tang Dynasty to as early as 12th century during the Sung Dynasty.15
Together with the trade relations, there were also evidences which suggested
cultural relationships that already existed through intermarriages or kinship between the
Chinese and native Filipinos. Archeological studies suggested that around 3rd to 8th
centuries AD, a group of people known as the Hakka or the Burial Jar people coming
from the Fukien province of China were one of the early wave of migrants. They might
have entered the Batanes-Babuyan region and spread through the eastern region of the
Philippines even as far as the Celebes.16 They seemed to have settled in those areas
and intermarried with the local native Filipinos and hence passing on their practice and
culture of carrying the bones of their deceased loved ones in a jar.
Additionally, there was evidence that suggests that there was a mutual
recognition or relationship between the Chinese and the local natives. For example was
the official visit of Sultan Paduka of Sulu to Emperor Yung Lo of China. According to
Teresita Ang See, “Volume 323 of Ming Annals had an extensive report on Sultan
Paduka Batara of Sulu who paid tribute to Emperor Yung Lo of Beijing in 1417.”17
Together with the official visit, the unfortunate demise of the sultan was also narrated
and the memorial tombstone erected in his honor. As well as the princes who stayed to 15Dr. Robert B. Foz, “Chinese Pottery in the Philippines” in Chinese Participation in Philippine Culture and Economy, ed. Dr. Schubert S.C. Liao (Manila: University of the East, 1964), 96-‐101. 16 Dr. H. Otley Bayer, “Philippine Pre-‐Historic Contacts with Foreigners” in Chinese Participation in Philippine Culture and Economy, ed. Dr. Schubert S. C. Liao (Manila: University of the East, 1964), 03. 17Teresita Ang See, Chinese in the Philippines: vol. 03, (Manila: Kaisa Para sa Kaunlaran, Inc., 2004). 69.
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guard and care for the sultanʼs tombstone who later intermarried with the Chinese.
Although in other work, the said event was contained in volume 325 of the Ming
Annals.18
Spanish Colonial Period
The parian came to be with the establishment of the colonial Spanish settlement,
by congregating most of the scattered bargaining posts near the colonial settlement.
And by so doing, the colonial authorities were able to implement their isolation policy
over the Chinese merchants, and thereby enabling them to check Chinese activities.
Also, the supplies needed by the settlement could be obtained at armʼs reach. Not to
mention the convenience of tax collection from the proceeds of the parian as compared
to the inconvenience of collecting tributes from segregated marketplace, which were
often not within the colonyʼs sphere of influence, but the native chiefsʼ control.
During the pre-colonial era, the Chinese merchants were free to trade with the
native Filipinos and resided wherever they choose with permission of the local chiefs.
Then came the Spanish colonization of the archipelago and with it the establishment of
the colonial settlement. Together with the colonial settlement was the establishment of
the parian, at first it was nothing more than a place for the Chinese merchants to reside
and do their business trades. Later on, it became so phenomenal that parian became a
18Teresita Ang See and Go Bon Juan (ed.) Heritage: A Pictorial History of the Chinese in the Philippines, (Manila: K Kaisa Para sa Kaunlaran, Inc., 1987), 15.
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busy market place with stalls and stores in it. Offering not only Chinese products from
abroad, but local products produced by Chinese parian as well. Which include products
of finest quality made by craftsmen of Chinese parian. Also known as the Chinese
ghetto, the parian according to Teodoro Locsin was a place where the Chinese were
contained as part of the policy of segregation between Christian and non-Christian
Chinese.19 Not to mention of the Spanish distrust of the Chinese, a cannon from the fort
was situated facing directly upon the parian in case of a Chinese disturbance, which
often included a surprise attack by pirates like that of Lim Ahong who left the settlement
half destroyed, and caused the death of one of the distinguished Spanish official Martin
de Goiti. Another example was the 1603 Chinese revolt, which was due to high taxes
imposed upon the Chinese by the Spanish authority. It resulted to a bloodbath that left
thousand of Chinese in parian either dead or taken as prisoners. Then again the 1639
Chinese insurgency and the Chinese revolt on 1662, a misconstrued phantom of
Koxinga invasion,20 such Spanish fear of invasion that resulted again in the Chinese
casualties. These are just a few of the examples of the ʻChinese disturbancesʼ. This was
especially applied at the Manila parian, where a section of the wall cannons of
Intramuros were aimed at the parian. In a more subtle sense, we could say that the
Chinese were allotted a place known as the parian. It was where the Chinese could
19Teodoro Locsin, “The Chinese Problem – a Christian Solution” in The “Hua Ch’iao”(Overseas Chinese) is Never Going Home: The Emergence of the Chinese Filipinos, eds. Graciano L. Wee and Lily T. Chua (Quezon City: Committee on Research and Publication), 164. 20Guerrero, The Chinese in the Philippines, 32. Victor Purcell, “Part VII: The Chinese in the Philippines” in The Chinese in Southeast Asia, 2nd ed., (Oxford, England: Oxford University Press, 1965), 494.
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freely do their business as well as their trades as craftsmen. And at the same time the
Spanish authorities could be able to watch over them and have ease in collecting taxes
from the parian.21
Generally, every colonial settlement a Chinese parian was established within or
close to its proximity. The Spaniards made such decision due to the immediate need for
supplies and provisions, not to mention services that the Chinese could offer the
colonial settlement.22 At the same time, the colonial government could be assured of
the easy book keeping and collection of taxes, as well as convenience in procuring
necessary items and supplies. And to add up to that, was that the colonial authorities
could be able to watch over the Chinese activities and easily mobilize colonial troops in
case of unwanted incidence. This was the case in Manila parian.
In the early parts of the Spanish colonial settlement, trade relations between the
Spanish colonial society and the Chinese merchants were lukewarm relationships.
Merchandise brought in by the Chinese traders were bought and then sold by the
Spaniards to the Americas that made Spanish trades profitable.23 And with the
introduction of the Manila-Acapulco galleon trade, Chinese merchants served as an
21Patricio N. Abinales and Donna J. Amoroso, State and Society in the Philippines (Pasig City: Anvil Publishing, Inc., 2005), 65. 22Gregorio F. Zaide, “Contribution of the Aliens to the Philippine Economy”, in Chinese Participation to Philippine Culture and Economy, ed. Shubert S.C. Liao, PhD (Manila: University of the East, 1964), 152. 23Chen Ching-‐Ho, The Chinese Community in the Sixteenth Century, (Tokyo, Japan: The Centre for East Asian Cultural Studies, 1968), 119.
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adjunct by providing the Spaniards with the luxury items they required.24 The Manila
Acapulco trade was apparently dependent upon the Chinese. Not only upon the
services the Chinese provided but also on the merchandises they brought into the
colonial society which were widely accepted. And profits from the Chinese trade
transactions were used to supply the demand of the colonial society for its economic
ventures.
The Chinese in the parian were economic contributors to the colonial society by
transforming the parian into an economic center of the colonial settlement. They were
self-sufficient and did not need Spanish assistance.25 Although many of the Chinese
were traders at first, eventually the products they offered extended from produce from
China to local produce made by them, as well as different kinds of skilled services that
they offered the colonial settlement, such as bakers, tailors, carpenters, masons, and
others. Often such craftsmanship was at par with the quality in China and Spain and at
a cheaper cost, as ascertained by Fray Ramon Prat and Bishop Domingo de Salazar26.
The Chinese were one of the major contributors to the colonial treasury through the
taxes they paid. These came from the 3% tariffs on imported goods which was first
mandated by governor Gonzalo Ronquillo, by 1603 the 3% was raised to 6% tariffs for
the imported goods; the five reales collected from the Chinese as annual tribute, then
24Renato Constantino, The Philippines: A Past Revisited vol.1 (Manila: Twentieth Printing, 1975), 59. 25 Guerrero, The Chinese in the Philippines, 27. 26 Ibid. Domingo de Salazar, “The Chinese and the Parian at Manila,” Blair and Robertson, vol. 07, 221, 225
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the two reales for temporary residency or temporarily be permitted to stay,27 these are
just to mention a few.
With the ensuing transactions made between the colonial society and the
Chinese, laws and decrees as well as ordinances were promulgated to protect not only
the interest of the colonial society, but also to ensure that fair and just treatment were
given to the Chinese traders.28 These laws protecting the Chinese traders from ill
treatment or molestations were enacted due to the misgivings of the colonial authorities
responsible. These acts came upon the kingʼs knowledge when King Felipe II stated, “I
have been informed that wrongs are inflicted on the heathen Chinese Indians who go to
trade with the said islands, both in permitting the guards stationed by my royal officials
on their vessels to take bribes… and in the conduct of those who register the vessels,
who seize and take from them the best merchandise, and leave them only the worst.”29
On the other hand, laws were enacted in support of the interest of the colonial
government. These laws included the three percent anchorage fee collected from
merchants upon docking at the port, the stall rentals in parian, and the taxes and
tributes from the Chinese. These revenues collected were used to fund the colonial
expenses, such as building of infrastructure. One example was shown in the letter sent
27Dr. Schubert S.. C. Liao “How the Chinese Lived in the Philippines from 1570 to 1898”, in Chinese Participation in Philippine Culture and Economy, ed. Dr. Schubert S.C. Liao (Manila: University of the East, 1964), 24. 28King Felipe II, “Laws Regarding the Sangleys,” Blair and Robertson, vol. 22, 151-‐153. 29King Felipe II, “Instructions to Tello,” Blair and Robertson, vol. 09, 252.
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by governor Dasmariñas to Felipe II, informing the king that he increased the import
duty to sustain the building of the fort and wall infrastructure.30
On the other hand, stringent laws were made to allegedly protect the colonial
society and the interest of its inhabitants. Some of these include the ordinance against
the use and production of counterfeit coins or money,31 the ordinance against the selling
of stolen goods or what is presently known as the anti fencing law.32A decree was also
made against huckster or retailer of certain products such as eggs, rice, wines, fowls,
swine, cows, coconuts, bananas. This anti huckster act was made due to the increase
of prices of certain commodities.33 Meanwhile prohibition of native Filipinos from
wearing Chinese silk clothes 34 or silk skirts was made because as Spanish authorities
claimed that wearing ready to wear silk clothes made the native Filipinos indolent. This
was said so, because most native Filipinos patronizing the Chinese ready made silk
cloth, seldom go back to their old ways of weaving their own clothes just as they did
during the pre-Spanish time.35 And other local natives would rather go the easy way, by
serving their Spanish masters and use their wages to procure for the ready made silk
30Gomez Perez Dasmariñas, “Three Letters from Governor Dasmariñas to Felipe II,” Blair and Robertson, vol. 08, 271. 31Audiencia of Manila. “Ordinances Enacted by the Audiencia of Manila: Ordinances and Laws for the Sangleys,” Blair and Robertson, vol. 11, 57. 32Ibid., 57-‐58. 33Audencia of Manila, “Ordinances Enacted by the Audencia of Manila,” Blair and Robertson, vol. 10, 296. 34 Gomez Perez Dasmariñas,“Ordinance Forbidding the Indians to Wear Chinese Stuffs,” Blair and Robertson, vol. 08, 78. 35Gomez Perez Dasmariñas,“Ordinance Forbidding the Indians to Wear Chinese Stuffs,” Blair and Robertson, vol.. 08, 91.
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they needed.36 On the other hand, some Spaniards claimed that too much patronage of
the Chinese silk products would make them dependent upon the Chinese for their basic
clothing. Apparently in fear of silver going out of the colonial treasury went to the
Chinese coffers. Another decree regarding commerce was made in favor of the colonyʼs
inhabitants, wherein the residents were given the trade rights with China for a period of
six years. This decree stated,” …that the citizens of the said islands alone be allowed to
buy and export to the said Nueva España domestic and foreign products… I grant that,
for the present, they alone and no others – whether of Nueva España, or any other part
of the Indias – may trade in China, and export, take, or sell to the said Nueva España
the merchandise and articles thus traded for in both the kingdoms and in the said
islands, for the time and space of six years.”37 These were just to mention a few of the
laws enacted.
In so far as the Chinese traders and the parian were concerned, the colonial
government made it a point to assure them that fair treatment will be given to the
Chinese and that all measures acted upon them and their merchandise shall be carried
out with gentleness. This was prompted by the grievances of Chinese merchants
ascertained by Bishop Domingo de Salazar in his letter to King Felipe II, “… I soon cast
my eyes upon them, and took precautions that they be well treated, for in that way they
would become attached to our religion – as I was aware this was your Majestyʼs desire.
Considering that, wherever Spaniards are to be found, there will always be unruly ones,
36 Ibid., 81. 37King Felipe II, “Royal Decree Regulating Commerce in the Philippines,” Blair and Robertson, vol. 07, 263-‐264.
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who, forgetting the good examples they ought to give these infidels, ill-treat them at
times, I began on this account to protect and to assist the Chinese, reproaching those
who maltreated them. I took care to have their grievances removed so as to give them
freedom to attend to their mercantile interests, and to sell their goods.”38 At the same
time an assurance was given that justice will be given to all those who molested them
with their merchandise and properties. These provisions were stipulated in Laws III, IX
and X issued by King Felipe II. Law IX was issued as a reminder to Chinese traders who
frequently come to the colony to trade that certain procedures should be followed. Such
as the pancada system, whereby deputized Spanish officials set the price of the
merchandises brought in by the Chinese traders and at the same time, these
merchandises were sold at a fixed price to merchants in the settlement. And depending
on the amount of their investment, the system gives the merchants in the colony equal
chances to procure the merchandises for them to sell. In actuality, this system is a
safeguard made by the colony to isolate and contain Chinese merchants within the
vicinity of their merchant ships, thus avoiding any possible contact with the colonyʼs
native inhabitants and possible business transactions with them, not to mention Chinese
merchants losing themselves around the parian area39 and thereby becoming an illegal
immigrant. However according to the author Benito Legarda Jr., it was due to the
problems encountered during the bargaining of imported Chinese goods that the
38Domingo de Salazar, “The Chinese and the Parian at Manila,” Blair and Robertson, vol. 07, 220-‐221. 39Milagros C. Guerrero, “The Political Background,” The Chinese in the Philippines: vol. 02, ed. Alfonso Felix Jr., (Ermita, Manila: Solidaridad Publishing House, 1969), 3. Guerrero, The Chinese in the Philippines, p.24. Purcell, 517.
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pancada system was proposed, whereby the representatives of the colonial merchants
negotiate with the Chinese importers for a fixed price of each cargo of goods being
sold.40 The procedure in implementing this system will be done justly and without injury
on the Chinese traders, and that prices shall be set on the luxury and fine product items
only. This law was served as a notification to avoid misunderstandings between the
Chinese traders and the colonial officials. In connection with Law IX41, this law or Law X
was enacted to inform the governor general that measures must be taken against
injuries and harm as well as molestations done on the Chinese traders and their
merchandises and properties.42 Such molestations and injuries often took the form of
bribes forcibly taken from the traders, the seizing of prime quality products of the
officials upon registration of the merchandise and the setting of these items at a low
price wherein profits were deemed impossible. Added to that was the forcible taking of
the light masts from the Chinese ships just to be traded with the heavy cumbersome
ones that resulted to most shipwrecks.
Law III was truly a unique one, since this law involved the church and the state.
This law was decreed in connection with the bishopʼs imposition of the prohibition to
Christian Chinese from going back to China. This resulted into a dilemma, which
became one of the governorʼs concerns since the prohibition hindered the conversion of
other Chinese into the Catholic fold. With the Law III enacted, the governor general was 40Benito J. Legarda Jr., “The Galleon Trade” in After the Galleons, (Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila University Press, 1999), 34-‐35. 41 Purcell, 517. 42 Ibid.
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tasked to see to it that the Christian Chinese will be given due consideration upon the
application of their travel permit and that upon approval, the fee for the permit shall be
waived.
During the late sixteenth century, especially in the early parts of the colonial
settlement, the society was organized into class – race. The Spanish, the native
Filipinos (Indios) and finally the Chinese in parian, with each of their own distinct
culture.43 And as the Chinese tried to assimilate into the society, together with their
continuous economic trade with the colony and its residents, the mestizos were formed.
The mestizos were a distinct race of their own, a product of inter marriages between the
Chinese and Spanish or between Chinese and native Filipinos. The mestizos occupy a
distinct social class order in the colonial society, and by eighteenth century, they were
said to be occupying the status of social elites of the colonial society.
The Chinese parian allegedly tried to permeate itself into the system of the
colonial society, by trading with the Spanish authorities and church clergies, and by
supplying their needs. At one point, the governor general Perez Dasmariñas drafted a
list he submitted to King Felipe II, stating lists of cargoes or shipment including names
of the consignees.44 Names included were that of some government officials, members
of the Audiencia, the bishop and the clergy, who were alleged by the governor general
as those who profited from the Manila Acapulco Trade vis-à-vis cheap high quality 43 Renato Constantino, The Philippines: A Past Revisited: vol. 01 of 02, (Manila: Twentieth Printing, 1975), 59. 44Chen Ching-‐Ho, The Chinese Community in the Sixteenth Century, (Tokyo, Japan: The Centre for East Asian Cultural Studies, 1968), 117-‐119.
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supplies from Chinese merchants, by favoring the Chinese merchants.45 With the list
names of the silent partners, the regulating agencies had done a “closed eye” inspection
or “hands off” procedure upon the importation and exportation of the merchandises.
All economic activities revolve almost around the parian which was also
seconded by the author Jose A. Quirino who did mention that the parian was the
“economic nerve center” of the country or the colony. He cited the letter of the Bishop
Domingo de Salazar to the king and also his description of the daily activities in the
parian as bases for his claim. In a letter of Bishop Salazar dated June 24, 1590, he
related to the king his amazement in his observation of the parian. In it, he stated, “The
Parian so adorned the city that I do not hesitate to affirm to your majesty that no other
known city in España or in these regions possesses anything so well worth seeing at
this.”46 Allegedly what the bishop was commenting was the ingenuity of the Chinese by
transforming a marshy place allotted to them into a bustling elegant city adorned with
stone structures that are equal to cities of the known European world during that time.
Meanwhile in describing the daily activities in parian, Jose Quirino wrote “ In the
daytime, the drawbridge of the Parian gate was lowered and the city residents marched
in exodus into the Chinese marketplace. Here were sold all kinds of goods which came
from China and which were manufactured locally by the Sangleys (Chinese). Chinese
bakers sold the best bread made from the wheat and fine flour they brought from their
native country. Here too, were silken ware and porcelain, fans… By 9 pm. curfew 45Ibid., 119. 46Jose A. Quirino, “The Parian,” The Pacific Review, (July 1955): 43. Hereinafter this source shall be termed as “Quirino, The Parian”.
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started. The drawbridge by this time had been raised and all the Parian customers were
within the cityʼs wall.”47 Again the author reiterated such description by stating “… when
the drawbridge of the Parian was lowered, hundreds of the city residents marched in
exodus into the Chinese marketplace. The Spaniards bartered Castilian goods for
Chinese confectioneries, fans, embroidered goods and silken wares, drugs and
porcelain. The Filipinos traded native goods.”48 It seems from the description, that the
Chinese contributed much in the daily activities of the residents in the colonial society,
by providing them with the needed supplies or goods, as well as luxury items. Not to
mention the chance to amaze the local residents of the beauty of the ambience in the
Parian, one particular site was the pond,49 and the multitude of items and services the
Chinese had to offer.
Not only was the parian self sufficient, but it has proven itself as an important
economic sector of the colonial society as well as supplier of different kinds of
merchandises that the colonial society badly needed. Even the cannons which are
among the necessities of the colonyʼs defense were sold at a cheaper price. Almost all
kinds of merchandise were being sold in the parian at a lower cost, these also includes
the fine quality silks being offered in abundance. Aside from the merchandises, the
Chinese, especially skilled craftsmen like the carpenters, masons, artisans and others,
also contributed to the building of churches, forts, hospitals and most especially the
47Quirino, The Parian, 43. 48Jose A. Quirino, “The Parian Circa 1581: The First Chinese Settlement in the Philippines,” Sunday Times Magazine, (March 15, 1964): 54. Note: hereinafter the source shall be termed as “Quirino, Parian 1581”. 49 Quirino, The Parian, 46.
22
building of stone houses, through their cheap labor and materials.50 Generally, all
economic activities of the colonial society revolved around the parian itself. To illustrate
this point, after the massacre of Chinese on 1603, basic commodities as food and
shoes commonly supplied by the parian were hard to come by.51 Dr. Morga, who
believed that the Chinese were vital suppliers of the colonial society, personally
witnessed this.52 It would seem clearly that not only Spaniards but also native Filipinos
were dependent upon the Chinese in the parian for their needed supplies.53 Even prior
to the 1603 incident, a Spanish missionary by the name of Fr. Hernando de los Rios
Coronel, was convinced of the importance of the goods and services supplied by the
Chinese in the parian and cautioned the colonial government that the Chinese in the
parian be treated well, as they were an important factor for the survival of the colony.54
The Chinese parian with all its trade, as well as craftsmanship had become not
only an important part but also had made a deep impact in the minds of the colonial
society. For the native Filipinos and the Spaniards, they served as important middlemen
50 Bishop Domingo de Salazar, “Early Eyewitness Accounts: A. Bishop Salazar’s Report to the King” in The Chinese in the Philippines: vol. 01, ed. Alfonso Felix Jr. (Ermita, Manila: Solidaridad Publishing House, 1966), 127. Domingo de Salazar, “The Chinese and the Parian at Manila,” Blair and Robertson, vol. 07, 228. Lourdes Diaz-‐Trechuelo, “The Role of the Chinese in the Philippine Domestic Economy: 1570-‐1770”, in The Chinese in the Philippines: vol. 1, ed. Alfonso Felix Jr. (Ermita, Manila: Solidaridad Publishing House, 1966), 179. Hereinafter this source shall be termed as “Diaz-‐Trechuelo, Role of Chinese in Philippine Economy”. 50Zaide, Contributions, 153. 51Diaz-‐Trechuelo, Role of Chinese in Philippine Economy, 183. 52Zaide, Contributions, 153. 53Ibid., 153-‐154. 54 Ibid., 153.
23
or intermediaries between Spaniards and the local native Filipinos by trading or by
buying provisions and items from one party to sell to the other. They were also great
and skillful artisans whom both Jesuit Ramon Prat and Bishop Domingo Salazar agreed
that the Chinese were best in their fields of craftsmanship. Examples of these were
carpenters, masons, and others whose workmanships were at par and sometimes even
better than those found in China and Spain. Even Chinese apprentice were able to
surpass their mentors that when they opened shops, their mentors would no sooner be
running out of their business, such was the case of the bookbinder and his apprentice.
Not only skillful, they are also excellent workers, that the Spaniards saw a potential
workforce on them, comparable to that of the natives. They had food stalls that bake
bread and foodstuffs that were allegedly frequented by native Filipinos and Spanish
officials alike. Their affordable Chinese silk clothes were at one time highly demanded
by the native Filipinos that it almost threatened the influx of silver to the colonial
treasury.55 Even their innovative ways of credit system, which was very popular among
colonial officials to compensate their short allowances, as was the case of the Chinese
bakers in Parian, “… they make good bread and sell it at low cost… They are so
accommodating that when one has no money to pay for the bread, they give him credit
and mark it on a tally. It happens that many soldiers get food this way all through the
year, and the bakers never fail to provide them with all the bread they need.”56
55 Domingo de Salazar, “The Chinese and the Parian at Manila,”, 80. 56 Domingo de Salazar, “The Chinese and the Parian at Manila,” Blair and Robertson, vol. 07, 227.
24
Chinese parian was able to produce a particular consciousness during the late
sixteenth century. This consciousness made them realize that they were an important
aspect on the development of the colonial economy as well as an important contributor
to the economic ventures of the colonial government. Such consciousness began when
the colonial authorities inevitably depended upon the Chinese merchants and the parian
for their needs, realizing that they would gain less profit from native Filipinosʼ local
agricultural economy which were being practiced during pre-Spanish times. This led to
low encouragement or little effort in permitting local agriculture, producing a vacuum in
the local economic structure of the colony.57 Meanwhile the Chinese in the parian took
this opportunity to fill the vacuum in the local economic structure by providing the
needed supplies and services at a cheaper cost. And with the application of stringent
laws and increase in taxes, it became evident of the colonial authoritiesʼ concerns over
the outflow of silver and into the coffers of the Chinese parian. Yet, it was through the
collection of these taxes from the Chinese parian that the colonial society were able to
subsist itself.
By eighteenth century this consciousness had pervasively made its way into the
socio-cultural aspect of the colonial society. The Chinese mestizos had proven
themselves a class of their own. With the backing of their capital and the privilege to
enter Spanish schools, they started to become well-accomplished citizens of the
colonial society. And in time they shall prove to be indispensable members of the
society, at the top of the economy as well as social hierarchy. Together with the 57 Constantino, 59.
25
emergence of the Chinese mestizos, were the rise of infrastructures such as the
Binondo Church founded in 1596, which was a product of Chinese labors as well as the
proliferation of Chinese-inspired craftsmanship and works of arts.
The Chinese parian had made its mark in the economic sector of the colonial
society during the late sixteenth century. Through the sampan trade, which had already
been in existent even before the Spanish colonial era, the Chinese merchants were able
to bring in supplies that were needed by the colony. Hence an increase in influx of the
sampan trade which was so successful that Chinese traders not only profited from it but
it also attracted the attention of other European states.58 With the introduction of the
galleons, the Chinese merchants acted as consignee by bringing in products from their
homeland. Much gain was made between the colony and the Chinese through the
sampan and the galleon trade with the Parian as commercial complex. Along with it
were the different goods and services offered by the Chinese at a cheaper cost. This
economic condition developed a consciousness unique among the Chinese parian and
inevitably extended within the colonial society. While the socio-cultural aspect may have
started to make itself felt during the seventeenth century, it was not until the eighteenth
century that it made itself evident.
After the British invasion, the parian came to an end with the lifting of isolation
policy and an introduction of the policy of attraction by the colonial authorities.59
58Legarda Jr., 37. 59Quirino, Parian 1581, 55.
26
Thereby allowing the Chinese, most especially the reputable ones, to come in contact
and mingle with the local residents (Spaniards and native Filipinos) of the colony. It
gave opportunity for the Chinese to advance their social positions through
acquaintances with Spanish authorities as well as intermarriage with the local residents.
Through inter-marriages, the Chinese mestizos were introduced and were themselves
important individuals who made their mark into the higher social order of the society.
And through associations with the colonial inhabitants, a definite Chinese-mestizo
culture was introduced into the colonial societyʼs way of life. An example of which were
cuisine of Chinese origin that had been accepted as well as adjusted to suit the taste of
the Filipino people.
Although the parian had already ceased to exist, it can never be denied that its
economic contributions as previously discussed, had helped sustain the needs of the
colonial society. Through hard work and ingenuity, the Chinese parian, made it possible
for the parian (especially the Manila Parian), to transform from a backwater marshland
into a bustling economic district of the colony that was a center of business trade of the
colonial society. Similar to the present-day Singapore and Hong Kong, most of the
imports and exports of the colony passed through the Parian. Being self-sufficient, the
parian was able to sustain itself as well as contribute to the colonial authorities through
taxes paid. The parian also became one of the supply sources of the colony, especially
during the colonyʼs infant stage. And by the time the Spaniards had firmly established
themselves, the parian became not only just a source of supply, but rather, the parian
27
became an important business district that most business transactions revolve. The
parian came to an end with the lifting of the isolation policy by the Spanish authorities.
Hence, what was left was the shadow past of what was once a flourishing district. But in
exchange, the influx of Chinese residents in Parian had transformed the once forbidden
Intramuros, especially Manila, into a bustling commercial city district. A larger version of
what was once Parian.
In Retrospect
Today, the Manila parian may no longer be existed, but the nostalgic feeling of
how it once existed was still there. The hustle bustle economic activities going around at
Divisoria, which includes the Divisoria Mall, 168 and Meisic Mall that had stalls that sells
different kinds of items, from school supplies to kitchen wares, are reflection of the area
of Binondo four hundred years ago. Just like during the late sixteenth century, they
supply us with cheap and affordable items and materials that are just right to fit our tight
budget. Roaming around Chinatown at the Street of Ongpin, we can even sample a
taste of Chinese foods at a low cost, as well as experience retail stores that give credit
to their clients, especially their “suki”. These retail stores in Chinatown sell a wide
variety of services and products at low cost. And the products they market ranges from
the original ones to China-made and local-made that are sometimes at par with the
28
original brands but at a cheaper price. This is especially true on auto parts as well as
electronic and computer gadgets.
And in relation to economic contributions, Chinatown district is said to be one of
the major contributors to the city of Manila through tax returns. The Chinese, through
their social awareness, became more proactive by assisting local governments and
doing charity works. Examples of which was the formation of Chinese volunteer fire
brigade, the scholarship grants given by some Chinese philanthropists like Lucio Tan,
as well as giving of donations for the renovation and building structures of public
institutions, and organizing of medical missions through business clubs and other
organizations. Through their growing social consciousness, the Chinese living in
Chinatown, would perhaps someday not only just be a passive contributor, but an active
partner of the local government of Manila, and someday transform the already bustling
district into something even more, that it can be showcased to the world as not only as a
tourist spot, but one of Manilaʼs pride.
29
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