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Chapter – 3
WOMEN IN VARIOUS ROLES IN SOCIETY DURING THE SULTANATE PERIOD
Women have always played an affective and important role in the social and
cultural life of any country. It is women who have the most important task of taking
care of their family. A family is the primary unit of the society and many families
combine to make society, so it becomes clearly understood that it is women who takes
care of every one surviving in society. What was the place of women in the society
during the Sultanate is the main concern of this chapter. What role women played in
her household and how she performed her duties in society is also discussed in this
chapter. It was not that she was only homemaker but she has other responsibilities too.
Beside dancers, musicians and slaves she had appeared in the sources of the Sultanate
as a shop keeper, spies, scavenger, guards etc. The sources which are consulted in this
chapter and which depict her in various forms are Ziauddin Barani’s Tarikh-i-
Firozshahi, Ijaz-i-Khusravi and Nuh Siphir of Amir Khusrau, The Travels of Ibn
Battuta, travellouge of Ibn Battuta, Masalik-al-Absar-fi-Mamalik-al-Amsar of Shihab-
al-Din-al Umari, Fawaid-ul-Fuad of Amir Hasan Sijzi.
Amir Khusrau advices women to be loyal observe purdah and involve
themselves in weaving and spinning. Tells them the way to domestic peace and amity
and winds with an invective against women of loose character.1
Isami stressed that the place of women was the home. Instead of wearing
crown she should take interest in spinning and weaving. In spite of the obligations in
Islam, like purdah, women actively participated in playing music and dance. They
also ran shops, worked as maids in household of upper aristocracy and helped their
husbands in fields where they specially looked after the cattle.2 The Sufis employed
female slaves in their Khanqahs.3
1 Mohammad Wahid Mirza, The Life and Works of Amir Khusrau, Idarah-i-Adabiyat-i-Delli, Delhi,
1974, p. 195. 2 K.M. Ashraf, Life and Conditions of the People of Hindustan, Munshiram Manoharlal, New Delhi
1969, p. 144. 3 A. Rashid, Society and Culture in Medieval India, Firma K. L. Mukhopadhyay, Calcutta, 1969, p.
140.
84
The harem was guarded inside by female daroghas, and eunuchs. There was a
separate accounts office inside the harem managed by female clerks.4
Ibn Battuta informs us that the Sultans of the Sultanate employed slave girls
who acted as spies on nobles. They informed the Sultan about the minutest detail of
everyday development of the Sultanate.5
The Sultan also appointed female scavengers who entered the harem without
permission and to them the slave girls communicated information. The female
scavengers conveyed this information to the chief of the secret intelligence services,
who informs the Sultan accordingly.
The poet Amir Khusrau informs that a wet nurse was paid ten tankas for
suckling a child.6 To our surprise female thugs where also present in the society
during the Lodi period, we find and anecdote in Waqiat-e-Mushtaqui which describes
how a traveller was robbed by a woman. No women painters were found in Sultanate
and further till seventeenth century.7
Music and Dance
In spite of the controversial prohibition of dance and music in Islam the
Muslim rulers in the Sultanate period involved themselves in this sort of amusement.
Dancing and singing were quite popular and the presence of dancing and singing girls
was supposed to enhance the glory of the royal court. It was a regular feature of the
court life of the Sultans of Delhi. The Sultan and their nobles enjoyed the court
musicians and dancers. The official historians like Ziauddin Barani in Tarikh-i-
Firozshahi and Amir Khusrau in his works has beautifully described the music and
dance of the Sultanate period. Amir Khusrau’s Nuh Siphir, Deval Rani Khizr Khan
and Ijaz-i-Khusravi deal with music, dance, female dancers and different musical
instrument and depicts these means of entertainment in its real sense.
4 Abdul Halim, History of the Lodi Sultans of Delhi and Agra, Idarah-i-Adabiyat-i-Delli, Delhi,
1974, p. 229. 5 Ibn Battuta, Rehla, Eng. Tr., Mahdi Husain, Gaekwad’s Oriental Series, Baroda, 1976, p. 105. 6 Life and Conditions of the People of Hindustan, p. 156. 7 Urmi Kesar, ‘Women and Women Painters’ in Kiran Pawar ed., Women in Indian History, Vision
and Venture, Patiala and New Delhi, 1996, p. 134.
85
Music and dance was the main source of recreation at the court. References
are found in the chronicles where Sultan along with courtiers is enjoying majlis
(social gathering) and at certain places common folk is depicted as rejoicing the
marriage ceremonies of princes, birth of heir apparent of the Sultan etc, where music
and dance dominated the environment.
Ziauddin Barani informs about one such gathering at the court of Sultan
Jalaluddin Khilji, where musicians played musical instruments and female singers
added melody in the court environment by their melodious voice. He writes that,
among the musicians of the majlis was Muhammad Shah the Changi, who played the
Chang (musical instrument) while Futuha, the daughter of Fiqai and Nusrat Khatun
sang the song and played the Sarood. Barani, exaggeratingly says that the sweetness
of their voice brought down birds from the air and listeners lost their sense.8
Mentioning about the dancing women he names Dukhtar Khasa, Nusrat Bibi and
Meher Afroz 9. He further adds that their beauty and charm captivated the hearts of
the audience. Their movements were so graceful that the onlookers felt like
sacrificing their lives for them, and never raised their eyes off from the captivating
movements of their feet.10
Amir Khusrau, talks about Turmati Khatoon, a remarkable singer, entrusted
with duties of Amir-i-Murtanin,11 sang and played the Chang so lively that the birds
of paradise sang for her. She was admitted to the royal court by the assistance of Amir
Khusrau.12 Another singer of the Sultanate period was Dilaram13 she always
accompanied to king Bahram, in his hunting trips.14 Prior to Jalaluddin Khilji, Balban
did not allow the singers and even jesters in his court.15 With the accession of Sultan
Kaiqubad, grandson of Balban, musicians, singers, beautiful girls, jesters and jokers
arrived from different parts of the kingdom to Kaiqubad’s court.16 The king tried to
8 Ziauddin Barani, Tarikh-i-Firozshahi, ed., Shaikh Abdur Rashid, Aligarh, 1957, Vol. II, p. 27. 9 Ibid. 10 Ibid. 11 Society and Culture in Medieval India , op. cit., p. 114; see also Jamila Brijbhushan, Sultan
Raziya – Her Life and Times, Manohar Publications, New Delhi, 1990, p. 67. 12 The Life and Works of Amir Khusrau, op. cit., p. 218. 13 Amir Khusrau, Hasht Bihisht, ed., Syed Sulaiman Ashraf, Aligarh Institute Press, Aligarh, 1918, p.
32. 14 Ibid. 15 Society and Culture in Medieval India, op. cit., p. 89. 16 Ibid.
86
resist himself from this temptation but could not succeed and became a prey to the
‘killing’ eyes of beautiful dancers.17
Barani’s account leaves the impression that music and dance accompanied
with wine drinking at the court proved to be harmful for the ruling class and ruined
many lives of that age. Beautiful women were deep drunk in wine18. Important and
distinguished persons had no work, but to take wine and to join the majlis, listen to
the music and ignore the affairs of the state. These assemblies of the Sultan were
filled with beautiful women and singers.19
Amir Khusrau, the celebrated courtier was not only famous for his poems but
also for his accomplishments in music. Amir Khusrau has made many references to
music in his works like Qiran - us - Sadain and Nuh Siphir 20. Ijaz-i-Khusravi gives a
vivid description of musical instrument like Sarood21, Chang22, Dholak23 Rabaab24,
Damdama25, Tambura26, Shahnai27, Dhol-i-ghazi28,Dastnai29, Dhol-i-zan and Dastak-
i-qawwal 30etc.
He was chief courtier of the Sultan’s majlis, brought new ghazals every day in
praise of moon faced young boys and heart enchanting beauties, and these were
recited along with the drink served to the courtiers amidst the music and blandishment
of graceful beauties and the dancing of the fair girls.31 This was the extent of music
and dance as the form of amusement.
Deval Rani Khizr Khan a masnavi of Amir Khusrau describes the marriage
ceremony of Prince Khizr Khan. Description of beautiful girls playing a kind of
17 The Life and Works of Amir Khusrau, op. cit., p. 74. 18 Society and Culture in Medieval India, op. cit., p. 89. 19 Ibid. 20 Ibid., p. 111. 21 Amir Khusrau, Ijaz-i-Khusravi, Naval Kishore, Lucknow, 1876, Vol. II, p. 282. 22 Ibid. 23 Ibid. 24 Ibid. 25 Ibid. 26 Ibid. 27 Ibid. 28 Ibid. 29 Ibid. 30 Ibid. 31 M. Habib, K. A. Nizami, ed., Politics and Society During Early Medieval Period, People’s
Publishing House, Delhi, 1981, Vol. II, p. 351.
87
musical instrument (taal) with their fingers is found in the poetical work of Khusrau.
He describes that these songstresses enchanted the surroundings with their melodious
singing.32
Remarkable is the patronage to musician by the fourteenth century Delhi
Court. Ibn Battuta informs of a select class of musicians for whom a separate area
with forty pavilions called Tarabad (city of music) was laid out where the musicians
both male and female, used to live. They had there a market which was one of the
largest in the world. Also a congregational mosque in which the imam recited the
tarawih prayer during the month of ramzan and female singers living there followed
the imam in the congregational prayer in the mosque.33 This seems to have been a
different cultural establishment, with women artist enjoying like their male
counterparts and taking part in the tarawih prayers led by imams.34
Ibn Battuta described Tarabad at Daulatabad as a separate establishment
where the singers and the songstress reside. It had numerous shops and every shop
had a door which led into the house of its proprietor. Inner apartment had a cradle on
which sat or lay the female singer decked out in all kinds of finery, while her female
attendants swung the cradle, these markets had large cupola lavishly carpeted in
which sat the Amir-ul-Murtibin (head musician). After the asr prayer in the presence
of his servants and slaves, female singers came in successive batches and performed.
By this way they paid respect to the head musician. This was a regular practice every
Thursday.35
The Deccan had been a noted seat of music since the Hindu period.
Muhammad bin Tughlaq’s transfer of capital to Daulatabad and establishment of
Tarabad added momentum to the tradition of music and dance.36
According of Al Umri’s description of slave musician, Muhammad Tughlaq
had 1200 musicians beside his slave musicians, numbering one thousand especially
32 Amir Khusrau, Deval Rani Khizr Khan, Silsilah Kulliyat-i-Khusrau, Aligarh, 1916, p. 39. 33 Ibn Battuta, The Travels of Ibn Battuta, Eng. Tr., H. A. R. Gibb, Munshiram Manoharlal, New
Delhi, 1993, p.625. 34 Ibid. 35 S.A.A Rizvi, Tughlaq Kaleen Bharat, Rajkamal Prakashan, New Delhi, 2008, Vol. I, p. 272. 36 S.N. Rizvi, ‘Music in Muslim India’, Islamic Culture, Vol. XV, January 1941, p. 335.
88
for the purpose of teaching music.37 These female slave musicians excelled in music
and can play musical instruments like flute.38 Barani calls Muizuddin Kaiqubad as a
pleasure loving king and we are told by Barani that beautiful slave girls were taught
court etiquette and the art of singing in order to entertain the Sultan.39
Beside music, dance however in the early Sultanate history was seem as a
performance for enhancing seductive pleasures and delight.40 Isami provides the
account of the skills and activities of dancers that lured the commander of the Sultan’s
army. The dancers were described as:41
………….. Dancing girls of rosy cheeks who snatch away openly the hearts of
men; they are delicate in body, like flower buds, but smart enough to make thousand
graceful jumps in each round of dance. In privacy, they are comforts for hearts of
pleasure-seekers on open stage they are enchanters of discerners.42
During Sultan Mohammad Tughlaq’s reign, Ibn Battuta informs us of the Eid
celebrated at the court of the Sultan, attended by singers and dancers. He writes that
first of all, daughters of rajas captured during the course of the year, came, sing and
dance. Thereafter they are bestowed upon amirs and important foreigners. The Sultan
gave them to his brothers, relatives, sons of maliks etc. On the second day the darbar
is held in a similar fashion after asr. Female singers are brought out and the Sultan
distributes them among the mamluk amirs.43
Firoz Tughlaq who is considered as the orthodox ruler among the Delhi
Sultans, did not discourage music. During his reign, on every Friday musicians and
dancers used to gather in the hall popularly known as Chhajai-Choubin 44 and
entertained the Sultan throughout the day and received rewards at the time of their
departure. Afif, informs us about Eid celebration at Firozshah Tughlaq’s court. He
37 Shihabuddin Al-Umri, Masalik- al- Absar Fi Mamalik-al-Amsar, Eng. Tr., Ottospies, S.A. Rashid
and S.M. Haque, Aligarh, 1943, p. 32. 38 Ibid., p. 46. 39 Ziauddin Barani, Tarikh-i-Firozshahi, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 180. 40 Shadab Bano, ‘Women Performers and Prostitutes in Medieval India’, Studies in History, Sage
Publications, 2011, p. 42 41 Ibid. 42 Futuh-us-Salatin, Cf, Shadab Bano, ‘Women Performers and Prostitutes in Medieval India’, p. 42 43 The Travels of Ibn Battuta, op. cit., Vol. II , p. 667. 44 Shams Siraj Afif, Tarikh-i-Firozshahi, ed., Maulvi Vilayat Husain, Asiatic Society of Bengal,
Calcutta, 1891, p. 367.
89
used to hear performances of musicians both male and female, and also enjoyed the
performances of dancers.45
About the interest taken by the Lodis we have little information 46 Sultan
Sikandar Lodi gave encouragement to the musicians and singers. His reign witnessed
a huge influx of eminent musicians and singers.47 He also had a troupe of dancing
girls at his court.48 Different types of dances were also popular. In the view of I. H.
Siddiqui, with the arrival of foreign artist, especially in the form of slave girls trained
in the dances of the land of their origin, new forms seem to have been suggested to the
traditional Indian classical dances. Foreign as well as Indian sources bear testimony to
the fact that a slave girl trained in the classical dances fetched a higher price.49 In
fifteenth century A.D, merchants moved from one metropolitan city to another with
dancing girls for sale.50
Both Sultan and their nobles have been reported to have maintained troupes of
well trained dancers at their court. Amongst the Lodi nobles, Khan-i-Azam Ahmad
Khan Lodi Sarang Khani, the governor (muqta) of Jaunpur, had a dance hall built and
named the Talim Khana, where he and his associates were entertained by music and
dance. In particular, the akhara, a group dance in which a group of dancing girls,
decked with jewels, clad in embroidered silken cloth, would dance with quickening
movements holding lit earthen lamps in their palms, held a profound fascination for
Khan-i-Azam.51
Amir Khusrau in Nuh Siphir has given vivid details about the dancing girls.
Writing about them the poet says that mostly the dancing girls had pleasant
personalities. Their long black hair often touched the floor. Big eyes beautiful lips,
charming personality and sweet voice all added charm to their beauty.52 These women
wore costly dress and too many ornaments added to their beauty. Their clothes were
45 Shams Siraj Afif, Tarikh-i-Firozshahi, op. cit., p. 365. 46 ‘Music in Muslim India’, op. cit., p. 336. 47 I. H. Siddiqui, ‘Life and Culture under Lodi Sultans’ in I. H. Siddiqui ed., Composite Culture
under the Sultanate of Delhi, Primus Books, Delhi, 2012, p. 83. 48 K. A. Nizami, Royalty in Medieval India, Munshiram Manoharlal, New Delhi, 1997, p. 68. 49 ‘Life and Culture under the Lodi Sultans’, op. cit., p. 84. 50 Ibid. 51 Ibid. 52 Amir Khusrau, Nuh Siphir, MS, Habibganj Collection, 50/16, Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh
Muslim University, Aligarh, folios. 45-47.
90
generally tight and transparent.53 They wrapped silk dupatta. Betel leaves helped
them to redden their lips, while a black spot on their cheeks was placed in the belief
that it would protect them from evil.54
Musk was used by them on their face and armpits as perfume.55 They also
wore earnings and took pleasure in drinking wine.56
These dancing girls were often called by the Sultan on the ceremonial
occasions.57 In these occasions audience from every class was invited irrespective of
social status or class distinction.58
One of such occasion mentioned by Ibn Battuta is marriage ceremony of
Sultan Mohammad Tughlaq’s sister. In two audience halls a pavilion was erected. The
halls were furnished with fine carpets. Shams-al-Din-Tabrizi, who was the head of the
musicians brought with him male and female singers and dancers. All of them were
Sultan’s slave.
At another instance, he describes a ceremony on his return from a journey. In
the city wooden pavilions were built having several stories high and covered with silk
clothes and in each story there were singing girls wearing the most beautiful dresses
and ornaments, among them were also dancing girls.59 At, one more instance when
Sultan’s entry into the capital is expected wooden pavilions were built covered with
silk curtains and singing girls were found sitting inside it.60 Similar, public
entertainments were also organized on the occasion of the birth and marriage
ceremonies of the royal princes.61
Mubarak Shah Khilji son and successor of Alauddin Khilji also a pleasure
loving king celebrated the birth of his son with great pomp and show. At his instance
Amir Khusrau wrote his masnavi, Nuh Siphir. It has beautiful description of the birth
53 Nuh Siphir, MS, op. cit., folio. 45-47. 54 Ibid. 55 Ibid. 56 Ibid. 57 Society and Culture in Medieval India, op. cit., p. 107. 58 Life and Conditions of the People of Hindustan, op. cit., p. 244. 59 The Travels of Ibn Battuta, op. cit., Vol. III, p. 686 60 Ibid., p. 744. 61 Society and Culture in Medieval India, op. cit., p. 107.
91
ceremony of the King’s son. It is in this jashn that beautiful Iranian and Indian
dancing girls displayed their skills. Pavilions were erected and decorated with velvet
and brocade curtains. The royal band played at the top of the arch. Persian and Indian
musicians and dancers performed in the function.62
In case of female artist the practice of dancing and singing were confined only
to the woman who appeared openly at the court. Amir Khusrau informs that dancing
and playing of musical instruments by the upper and middle class Muslim women
were tabooed.63
Prostitutes
India, which is justly claimed to be one of the most ancient civilizations of the
world, presents an extensive account of the institution of prostitution in its historical
records. Sachindra Kumar Maity views prostitution as essentially an urban
phenomenon. The beginning of urbanization led to the emergence of a class of
alienated women who took to this profession for their subsistence.64
According to Shihabuddin Al Umri prostitution was prevalent in the Sultanate
and they were found in every town of India.65
The prostitutes and courtesans were an important source of entertainment. The
class of courtesans clearly stood apart from the common prostitute.66 The prostitution
in India was inseparably associated with professional entertainers. As far as medieval
India is concerned, the women employed in this profession combined it with a large
numbers of other skills, such as dancing, singing etc.
Though public women were looked down in the society, yet they were
considered to be the main source of entertaining the youth. Ordinary prostitutes were
mainly around to provide sexual service, Ferishta writes about them as ‘they cause
62 Society and Culture in Medieval India, op. cit., p. 107.; see also Life and Conditions of the People
of Hindustan, op. cit., pp. 230-231 foot note; see also‘ Music in Muslim India’, op. cit., p. 334. 63 Society and Culture in Medieval India, p. 137. 64 Sachindra Kumar Maity, A.L. Basham – My Guruji and Problems and Perspectives of Ancient
Indian History and Culture, New Delhi, Abhinav Publications, New Delhi,1997, p. 316. 65 Shihab al din al Umri, Masalikul Absar Fi Mumalik al Amsar, Tr., I. H. Siddiqui, Qazi Mohammad
Ahmad, A Fourteenth Century Arab Account of India under Muhammad bin Tughlaq, Siddiqui Publishing House, Aligarh, 1971, p.67.
66 Shadab Bano, ‘Women Performers and Prostitutes in Medieval India’, op. cit., p. 41.
92
ruin of soldiers and so many youth’. Still prostitutes might have lured their clients
with singing and dancing to heighten pleasure, in the same way as professional
dancers and singers might bestow sexual favours along with providing cultural
entertainment. These categories seemingly combined together, but the contemporary
accounts also state the differences.67
The prostitutes’ houses in the Sultanate are seen as separate establishments.
The state regulated this profession and earned the revenues. In Alauddin’s reign, as a
result of a joke cracked by a noble, the rates of the prostitutes were fixed and they
were classified as first, second and third, in order to provide to different classes of
men.68 In absence of any restriction imposed by the state the number of these women
suddenly increased by the reign of Alauddin Khilji as if their population will
explode.69
Amir Khusrau writes that during Alauddin Khilji’s reign he made a measure to
stop this offensive profession and prostitutes had appropriately been married.70
Syed Nuruddin Mubarak Ghaznavi71 a saint at the time of Iltutmish opined
that absence of public women would lead to perverted men to encroach upon the
pious women. It was probably due to this reason that he considered it inappropriate to
abolish the institution of prostitution completely and wanted that these women should
carry on their profession in a quite subservient manner.72
Balban is reported to be seriously concerned about men’s sexual nature as men
want to pounce on other men’s wives, and therefore, prostitution was regarded as a
defensive against the passions of uncontrollable men.73
67 ‘Women Performers and Prostitutes in Medieval India’, op. cit., p. 42. 68 Mohammad Qasim Ferishta, Tarikh-i-Ferishta, Naval Kishore, Lucknow, 1323 Hijri, Vol. I, p.
114. 69 S.M. Jaffar, Some Cultural Aspects of Muslim Rule in India, S. Mohammad Sadiq Khan Publisher,
Peshawar, Pakistan, 1950, p. 188. 70 Amir Khusrau, khazainul Futuh, Tr., Mohammad Habib, The Campaigns of Alauddin Khilji,
Madras Diocesan Press, Vepery, 1931, p. 11. 71 S. A. A. Rizvi, A History of Sufism in India, Munshiram Manoharlal, New Delhi, 1975, Vol. I, p.
194. 72 Ziauddin Barani, Tarikh-i-Firozshahi, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 51; see also A History of Sufism in India,
op. cit.,Vol. I, p. 194. 73 ‘Women Performers and Prostitutes in Medieval India’, op. cit., p. 44.
93
Al Umri’s description of prostitution in Indian society makes a clear distinction
between prostitution practiced by families of prostitute and by individual 74 women
who might join the profession. Once they resolved to undertake this profession all
their ties with their families were cut off and they led a life devoid of family love and
emotion.75 The latter are mentioned as low in status as compared to the officially
registered prostitutes whose mothers and grandmothers were also prostitutes. The
latter could serve as witness in the court and were heard and believed in every matter
we also hear from him (Al-Umri) high praise for the professional ethics of
prostitutes.76
Najmuddin Sughra, whom Iltutmish entrusted the office of Shaikh- ul Islam,
was an arrogant and deceitful person. If he ever found any saint or scholar coming
closer to the Sultan or attracting the public eye, he resorted to mean and reprehensible
methods for pulling him down. He had the effrontery to work up a detestable charge
of adultery against Shaikh Jalaluddin Tabrizi, simply with a view to disgrace him in
the eyes of the Sultan.
When Shaikh Jalaluddin Tabrizi reached the suburbs of Delhi, Iltutmish went
out to receive him. As soon as the Shaikh came in view, he got down from his horse
and ran towards him. He brought the Shaikh to his palace with great respect and asked
Najmuddin Sughra to make arrangements for his stay.
He made arrangements for his stay in a house which was thought to be
affected by evil spirit. When the Sultan objected to this arrangement, Sughra replied
that if the guest was spiritually gifted, evil spirit would do not harm to him and it
happened so.
This was intolerable for Sughra and he entered into a dirty conspiracy with
Gauhar, a girl of Delhi who worked as a prostitute. He promised to give her five
hundred gold coins, if on being summoned to some public gathering. She charged
Shaikh Tabrizi of having committed adultery with her. Sughra even advanced half the
promised amount and deposited the other half with Ahmad Sharraf, a baqqal of Delhi.
74 A Fourteenth Century Arab Account of India under Muhammad bin Tughlaq, op. cit., p. 67. 75 Ibid. 76 ‘Women Performers and Prostitutes in Medieval India’, op. cit., p. 44.
94
She was presented before Iltutmish who convened a mahzar to investigate the
allegation. About two hundred eminent Sufi and ulema were invited. Najmuddin,
knowing of the rivalry between Shaikh Jalaluddin and Shaikh Bahauddin Zakariya,
suggested the latter to act as chairman. This recommendation was accepted by the
Sultan, as soon as Shaikh Jalaluddin Tabrizi arrived, however, Shaikh Bahauddin
Zakariya ran to receive him and carry his shoes. The Sultan said ‘such respect by a
chairman for the accused had made the mahzar useless.’ Nevertheless, the allegation
had been made and Gauhar had to be summoned. When she arrived, the galaxy of
ulema and Sufis so overwhelmed her that she admitted the charge was false and this
was corroborated by the grain merchant. Shaikh Najmuddin was dismissed by the
Sultan.77
Some sort of registration was officially done, without which these women
were forbidden to carry out their profession.78 No doubt, these women were involved
in vices but they did follow certain norms. It was the practice that once they accepted
an amount in advance from an individual they entertained that person only at the
appointed time. No matter how much more money was provided to them, they refused
to accept the proposal of another client.79
Amir Khusrau has dealt with the institution of prostitution in his Ijaz-i-
Khusravi. He narrates an incident when he placed a prostitute named Bibi Tabha on
an ass and took her round the city to investigate as to whom she belonged. He felt
surprised when no one came forth to claim her. Thus Amir Khusrau finally took her to
hakim to punish her for her undesirable acts.80 The poet failed to understand why
these immoral women could not remain satisfy with one man. Instead they claimed
themselves to be favourite of the masses.81 Ijaz-i-Khusravi mentions names of some
of the prostitutes of the period. The poet especially refers to Lang Khatoon an ill
reputed woman 82 who refused to entertain her client because she had to maintain
77 K. A. Nizami, Some Aspects of Religion and Politics India during the Thirteenth Century, Oxford
University Press, New Delhi, 2002, pp 175-176; see also A History of Sufism in India, op. cit., Vol. I, pp. 200-201.
78 A Fourteenth Century Arab Account of India under Muhammad bin Tughlaq, op. cit., p. 67. 79 Ibid. 80 Ijaz-i-Khusravi, op. cit.,Vol.V, p.152. 81 Ibid., p.151. 82 Ibid., p.130.
95
herself for other customers. It is difficult to analyze the cause for the popularity of
prostitution. The account of Amir Khusrau gives an idea about it.
Next name in the list of prostitutes given by Khusrau is Argawan Khatoon83
who was also seen in her attire decked with ornaments and jewels. There was a
necklace around her neck and a bindi on her forehead. She was fond of betel leaves.84
Another prostitute Baghachi Khatoon was devoid of physical charm yet she was
adored by sensuous men. In spite of her swollen body and large teeth, she was very
charming and much in demand.85 Gazacha Khatoon was another public woman who
attracted the poet’s attention. She was short necked, one of her shoulder was higher
than the other but she was not so popular.86 Moreover they applied various beauty
aids to add charms to their personality.
The wishes of some of these public women were strange. Garara Khatoon, a
prostitute, aged ninety years was passionately in love with a youth of eighteen years
and her earnest desire was to marry him. But whenever the boy saw her, he fled. Thus
all her hopes were shattered.87 Mushba Khatoon was fond of eating all the time. She
used to keep the seers of roasted grains in her dupatta and all the time she was busy in
eating it. Her mouth produced sound like that of a grinding machine.88
There is a satirical reference to some bad type of women of the south. One is
the Didi Miskin of Devagiri who made her black face white by coming out of the
flour mill to cast glamorous side dances on people, and the other was Uchhal the
mistress of a brothel, and a typical representative of the Nayakas of India. She and her
followers always looked youthful amongst man; her ears were like water drawing
buckets hanging down in wells, and her lips were like raised hides of a drain. On one
side of her nose a pearl was suspended from the nostril, while on the other the snot
having frozen on account of cold breeze looked like a hanging pearl. Her nose made
her much too self conscious.89
83 Ijaz-i-Khusravi, op. cit., Vol. V, pp. 127-28. 84 Ibid. 85 Ibid, p. 129. 86 Ibid 87 Ibid., Vol. V, pp. 128-29. 88 Ibid. 89 S. H. Askari, Amir Khusrau- As a Historian, Khuda Baksh Oriental Public Library, Patna, 1992,
p.57.
96
The Sufis were not silent on the issue of prostitution. The presence of
prostitute in society served the purpose of its own but their activities were to be
carried on secretly without making much publicity.90 Sayyid Nuruddin Mubarak
Ghaznavi had four principles for the protection of Islam. According to his second
principle ‘the sins, debauchery and adultery should not be openly committed in
Islamic town.’91Complete eradication of prostitution perhaps would have meant a
menace to the pious women who would be exposed to unquenchable human lust. No
doubt, it is an offensive profession, but it served to divert and satisfy lascivious men.
The aim of Sufi saints was to lead a pious and holy life but they were often
made victims of the crafty designs of men who were envious of their fame and
prestige. Such men organized to cast a slur on their fame with the help of public
women.92 The incident of Sheikh Jalaluddin Tabrizi has been narrated before. Saints
like Maulana Shams Asadi, who had acquired respectable position in religious field,
also visited the house of public women.93
Khwaja Zikrullah narrated the account of a man who went from Delhi to
Ajodhan94 to confess his sins before Baba Farid and then to start a fresh pious life. On
his way he met a woman of captivating charm who had earlier lured him on several
occasions. But the man tried his least in securing himself, while travelling on a boat
the woman deliberately sat next to him and almost succeeded in achieving her goal.
As soon as the man extended his hand towards her, a man appeared to him (in a
vision) and slapped him95. Man interfered at the right moment and warned him to
keep off from that wicked woman.96
Shaikh Nizamuddin was not reluctant even to help the prostitute, if they were
found in need. His treatment of the prostitutes casts light on his humanism. Shaikh
Muhammad Gesu Daraz tells us through the authority of the disciples of the Shaikh,
that every time when Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya went to visit the Shrine of Shaikh-
90 A History of Sufism in India, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 194. 91 Ibid. 92 A History of Sufism in India, op. cit., Vol. I p. 200. 93 Ijaz-i-Khusravi, op. cit., Vol. IV, p. 206. 94 Amir Hasan Sijzi, Fawaid-ul-Fuad, Naval Kishore, Lucknow, 1894, pp. 219- 220. 95 K. A. Nizami, The Life and Times of Shaikh Fariduddin Ganj-i-Shakar, Idarah-i-Adabiyat-i-Delli,
Delhi, 1998, p. 55. 96 Ibid., pp. 219- 220.
97
ul-Islam, Qutubuddin Bakhtiyar Kaki, he gave allowance for the prostitute who sat in
the open tents along the route.97 Once he sent someone to tell them in the summer that
the Shaikh would like to take rest under the shade if they moved aside for a while. In
the meantime, all the prostitutes came out as they waited for the Shaikh for Salam.
They stood in the middle of the road. The Shaikh fixed allowance for every one of
them and ultimately it took the form of a regular stipend. On the occasions of urs
celebration he sent for them victuals and money in addition to their stipend some of
them got two silver tankas and two varieties of victuals, while others got one silver
tanka and single variety each.98
The Sufis were also very polite towards this undesirable section of the society
and did not admonish the existence of prostitutes.
Female Slavery
Slavery was an age old institution through which a person or more than a
person were kept as the property by an individual. About its prevalence in ancient
Indian society we have ample evidence in the sources of ancient period.99 Sources of
the medieval period are also valuable in respect of providing information about
slavery in medieval India. Even Sufis in their work have discussed slavery.
Slavery was an institution which had had its roots deep penetrated in society
from ancient times till the end of the nineteenth century. Going back to the time of
Mahabharata, the epic declares that it is the law of war that the vanquished should be
the victor’s slave.100 The law continued later on. The war captives both male and
female became lawful property of the victor and served him as slaves. Females
generally constituted a significant section of the slaves since ancient times till
medieval age.
97 K. A. Nizami, The Life and Times of Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya, Idarah-i-Adabiyat-i-Delli, Delhi,
1991, p. 85. 98 Ibid. 99 Lallanji Gopal, Economic Life of Northern India, 700-1200, Motilal Banarsidas, Varanasi, 1965,
p.71, mentions the period of Mahabharata and Jatakas, references of slavery are also found in Arthashastra.
100 A. L., Basham The Wonder That Was India, Surjeet Publications, New Delhi, 2013, p. 152.
98
Beside the prisoners of war there were many ways through which females
entered slavery. Children born of slaves normally became slaves of their parents’
masters. Slaves might be bought, given away or mortgaged. A free man might sell
himself and his family into slavery in times of dire circumstances. Forcible capture
was the major means by which the slave population increased. In Alauddin Khilji’s
reign the pressure of revenue submission also compelled the farmers to sell their
children and women. Barani mentions it, the peasants (were) so submissive and
obedient to him that they sold their women and children to pay the land tax.101 There
were also immigrant slaves and slaves were imported to India. Amir Khusrau speaks
of import and fixing of prices of Turkish slave girls and Firoz Tughlaq’s wazir, Khan-
i-Jahan Maqbul had gathered 20, 000 slave girls brought from Byzantium (Rum) and
China.102 Sometimes slaves were also exported from India, Minhaj sent to his sister in
distress in Khurasan, forty slaves.103
Lekhapadatti document (A thirteenth century document of pre-Sultanate
Gujarat) shed light on various aspects of social life. Lekhapadatti document on
slavery contain deeds prepared in order to sell female slaves. According to this
document, two of the slave girls were captured in raids, the third a famine victim
harassed by the melachhas and abandoned by her family embraces slavery and the
fourth one was sold by her master.
In the accounts of Arab conquest of Sind, we find the description of how
women were captured, distributed among the army.104 Ibn Battuta speaks of the
captive girls taken from infidels. He describes these girls as cheap, dirty and unaware
of the civilized ways.105 Ferishta mentions that Qutub ud Din Aibek’s attack on
Naherwala resulted in capture of slaves which were sent to Mahmud Ghori.106
101 Irfan Habib, ‘Economic History of Medieval India’ in D. P. Chattopadhayaya ed., History of
Science, Philosophy and Culture in Indian Civilization, New Delhi, 2011, Vol. VIII, Part-1, p. 105. 102 Ibid. 103 S. A. A. Rizvi, Aadi Turk Kaleen Bharat, Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh, 1956, p.6. 104 Cf, Shadab Bano, ‘Women Slaves in Medieval India’ Indian History Congress Proceedings, 65th
Session, Barielly, 2004, p. 315. 105 The Travels of Ibn Battuta, op. cit., Vol. III. p.741. 106 Tarikh-i-Ferishta, op. cit., Vol. I, pp. 62-63.
99
Mirat-i-Ahmadi describes as how after the famine roads and bazaars were
flooded with persons to sell their children for one or two rupee.107
These war captives were sold in slave market (bazaar-i-barda). Barani
mentions about the slave market at Delhi.108 Like all commodities, slaves were also
sold at fixed price during the reign of Alauddin Khilji. The sale prices of slaves were
like this. The standard price of a working girl was fixed from 5 to 12 tankas, and that
of a good looking girl suitable of concubinage from 20 to 30 and even 40 tankas. The
price of a man slave (ghulam) usually did not exceed 10 to 15 tankas; the ugly one
could be purchased for 7 to 8 tankas. The price of a child slave (ghulam bacha) was
fixed at 7 to 8 tankas. The slaves were classified according to their looks and working
capacity.109
Irfan Habib is of the view that unluckily, we have few data about women’s
remuneration. He further says that either her work remained practically unpaid as at
home, or heavily underpaid when she worked as a labour outside her house.110 The
lowered prices of the working female slave in comparison to the working male slaves
during the reign of Alauddin Khilji shows the general underestimation of the value of
the female labour.111
The author of Masalik al Absar fi Mamalik al Amsar writes that the slave girls
are cheaper in other cities compared to the slave market at Delhi.112 There is an
exception and a female Indian slave with more refined manners and etiquette can
fetch up to 20,000 tankas or even more. He praises the beauty of pretty Indian girls
and regards them superior in beauty with females of countries like Turkey and
Qipchak.113
107 Ali Muhammad Khan, Mirat-i-Ahmadi, Eng. Tr., M.F. Lokandwala ,Oriental Institute, Baroda,
1974, p. 456. 108 Ziauddin Barani, Tarikh-i-Firozshahi, op. cit.,Vol. II, p. 145. 109 Ibid. 110 Irfan Habib, ‘Exploring Medieval Gender History’, in S. Z. H. Jafri, Recording the Progress of
Indian History-Symposia Papers of the Indian History Congress, Primus Books, Delhi, 2012, p. 264.
111 Ibid. 112 A Fourteenth Century Arab Account of India under Muhammad bin Tughlaq, op. cit., p. 51. 113 Ibid., pp. 51-52.
100
Regarding the sale price of slave girl Ibn Battuta says that no rule could be
strictly followed in special cases when the catch was very big. He says that a pretty
kaniz (slave girl) could be bought for one dinar (10 silver tankas).He purchased a
slave girl named Ashura at this price.114
Ziauddin Barani narrates the reign of Qutbuddin Mubarak Khilji. He writes
regarding the sale price of a female slave that ‘the strict regulations of Alauddin Khilji
vanished with the accession of the new Sultan. Qutbuddin and the nobles gave
themselves up to a life of luxury and debauchery. In such circumstances the demand
for beautiful slave girls made them a scarce commodity and their prices rose to 500
and sometimes even to 1000 and 2000 tankas.’115 So, in the early fourteenth century
the lowest average price of a slave mentioned by chroniclers was about eight tankas
and the highest two thousand tankas.
Female slave were of two kinds – those employed for domestic and menial
work and other who were, bought for company and pleasure. Those bought for
domestic work lacked education and skill and were often subject to all sorts of
inhuman treatment.
The Lekhapaddati document specifies the kinds of work a female slave had to
do in her master’s house. The duties may be classified into household work and field
work. Household chores included cutting, grinding, smearing the floor with cow
dung, sweeping, fetching water and the fuel, throwing away the excreta of the
master’s family, milking cattle, churning curd, cooking, cleaning the drains and water
tanks of the house, washing the hands and feet of the master and his family, bringing
grass for fodder, weeding and cutting grass.116
Field work included agriculture work sloughing, threshing, going to near and
distant places and doing other unspecified work.117
Women slaves in Sultanate period were put to a variety of tasks within the
household, such as hand milling grain, sweeping the floor118, picking the rice119, 114 Rehla, Eng. Tr., Mahdi Husain, op. cit., p. 235. 115 Ziauddin Barani, Tarikh-i-Firozshahi, op. cit., Vol. II, p. 213. 116 Pushpa Prasad ‘Female Slavery in 13th Century Gujarat : Document in Lekhapadatti’, Indian
Historical Review, Vol. XV, No 1-2, 1988, p. 269. 117 Ibid., p. 270.
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spinning and preparing food.120 Not only spinning, but cotton seed separation from
cotton as taken off the field was also a woman’s job, women not only helped the
weaver in weaving but were also engaged in dyeing, printing and embroidering
cloth.121 A female slave also had to light the fire, cook the food and lay out the meal
for the master and fetch water. Further we see that women’s work was not only
confined to domestic industry but much of the hard labour in building construction
was allotted to the women’s part. Sixteenth century working women was involved in
breaking stones or bricks, sieving lime and carrying mortar on their heads at building
sites.122
During the reign of Sultan Balban female slaves were molested by the mewatis
when they went to draw water from wells123According to Mirat-i-Ahmadi there was a
regulation from the state which mentioned that ‘if a slave or a concubine of a person
has fled away or someone has induced him or her away, the administrator of the royal
affairs should find them to their rightful owner, nothing should be taken from the
owner for this service.’124
Slave girls were also used as concubines since very early times 125 till the
medieval age. Female slaves were considered fully disposable articles of property.
Isami imagined an achievable life of pleasure, in which he could buy a female slave
keep her for a month ‘to satisfy one’s lust’, then sell her and buy another from the
market and go on doing so every month.126 Young women slaves were especially
trained for providing sexual services to the master and their prices were much higher
than ordinary slave girls, as we have seen in the price regulations of Alauddin Khilji.
These slave girls were selected by the brokers and their faces were scanned for the
beauty.127
118 Fawaid-ul –Fuad, Naval Kishore, op. cit., p. 148. 119 Rizquallah Mushtaqui, Waqiat-e-Mushtaqui, Eng. Tr., I. H. Siddiqui, ICHR, New Delhi,1993, p.
266. 120 Fawaid-ul-Fuad, Naval Kishore, op. cit., p. 118. 121 ‘Exploring Medieval Gender History’ op. cit., p. 264. 122 Ibid. 123 Ziauddin Barani, Tarikh-i-Firozshahi, op. cit., Vol. I, pp. 47- 48. 124 Ali Muhammad Khan , Mirat-i-Ahmadi, , Baptist Mission Press, Calcutta, 1928, Vol. I, p. 251. 125 Economic Life of Northern India 700-1200, op. cit., p.79, give references from Arthashastra and
Jatakas . 126 Futuh-us-Salatin Cf, ‘Economic History of Medieval India’ op. cit, p. 106. 127 Ijaz-i-Khusravi, Cf , ‘Economic History of Medieval India’, p. 107.
102
Concubines had a more honorable and sometimes a dominating position in the
household. Example of Shah Turkan can be cited here. According to Minhaj she was a
Turkish handmaid128 who rose to the status of chief queen of the Sultan’s harem by
dint of her merit and charm and was honored with the title of Khudavanda-i-Jahan.
Women slaves turned concubines could increase Muslim population by leaps
and bounds when captured in large numbers.129 Ibn Battuta had a daughter by one of
his slave.130
Barani informs us that beautiful Indian slaves and slave girls were taught court
etiquette in order to entertain the Sultan and nobles present at the court.131 Female
slaves as they entered youth were taught to play on rubab and sitar. They were
masters of gazal singing and knew the art of coquetry which could even turn away an
ascetic from the virtuous paths.132 The female slaves were also present in the house of
nobles and shouldered many household responsibilities. Sultan Firuz Tughlaq was
reputed to possess 1,80,000 slaves of whom 12,000 worked as artisans. His principal
minister Khan-i-Jahan Maqbool was very fond of women and had number of slave
girls in his harem. It is said that his agents searched for the beautiful slave girls in all
countries.133 His harem had two thousand 134 slave girls of all countries from Rum
(Byzantine) to China. Every one of these girls adorned herself with fine dresses and
ornaments.135 Sultan Ghiyasuddin of Malwa had 1600 of female slaves who used to
receive two tankas of silver and two mounds of grain everyday for their services.136
Khan-i-Azam Lad Khan a noble of Sultan Sikandar Lodi maintained a large harem
full of countless women.137 We find a beautiful description of his harem in Waqiat-e-
Mushtaqui. Jalal khan Lodi, Khan-i-Khanan Nuhani and Dilawar Khan were other
128 Minhaj-us-Siraj, Tabaqat-i-Nasiri, Eng. Tr., H. G. Raverty, Vol. I, Oriental Books, New Delhi,
1970, pp. 630-631 129 K. S. Lal, Muslim Slave System in Medieval India, Aditya Prakashan, New Delhi, 1994, pp. 150-
51. 130 The Travels of Ibn Battuta, op. cit, Vol. III, p. 741. 131 Ziauddin Barani, Tarikh-i-Firozshahi, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 157. 132 Ibid. 133 Politics and Society During Early Medieval Period, op. cit., Vol. II, p.355. 134 Ibid.; see also Habib Irfan, Medieval India: The Study of Civilization, National Book Trust, New
Delhi, 2008, p. 62. 135 Politics and Society During Early Medieval Period, Vol. II, p. 355 136 U.N. Day, Medieval Malwa, Munshiram Manoharlal, New Delhi, 1965, p. 244. 137 Rizquallah Mushtaqui , Waqiat-e-Mushtaqui, ed., I. H. Siddiqui, Rampur, 2002, p. 92
103
nobles of the Lodi period who maintained large harem.138 Dilawar khan daily
purchased flowers worth two thousand and five hundred tankas for his harem139
Ibn Battuta writes that the female slaves were generally given and accepted in
the form of gift and narrates an incident when he was gifted by ten female slaves.140
He also tells us that he presented a slave girl to the mother of Mohammad Bin
Tughlaq, who in turn gave one thousand rupees gold jewellery.141 The Delhi Sultans
considered female slaves as one of the most valuable gift given as a diplomatic means
for conciliation. On one occasion, Nasiruddin Mahmud gave forty slaves to Balban142
and similarly Mohammad Bin Tughlaq to a Chinese Emperor. 143
Since these slave girls had access to the royal court, they were well acquainted
with the etiquette of the court. Muslim slave girls knew the Quran and were good
swimmers and riders and they lived a chaste life, performed prayers and observed
fasts regularly.144 Similarly was the case with female musicians.
Sometimes these female slaves acted as spies and provided the minutest detail
to the Sultan.145 They also entertained the royal guest and often graced the occasion of
the royal reception in the court. They were treated gently and often rewarded with
precious gifts by the Sultan which comprised of gold and jewels.146
Sultan Mohammad Bin Tughlaq as a part of Eid celebration freed slaves in
great numbers. On fifth day after the celebration he emancipated female slaves and on
the next day he made arrangements to bring forth their matrimonial alliances with the
male slaves.147 It will be worth to mention here that our Prophet (PBUH) has laid
great emphasis on the treatment met to the slaves by their masters. ‘The Prophet’s
exhortation that a slave owner should feed and clothes his slave in the same way as
138 Waqiat-e-Mushtaqui, Eng. Tr., I. H. Siddiqui, op. cit., p. 87. 139 Ibid. 140 The Travels of Ibn Battuta, op. cit.,Vol. III, p. 741. 141 Ibid., pp. 740-741. 142 J.M Banerjee., History of Feerozshah Tughlaq, Munshiram Manoharlal, Delhi, 1967, p. 133. 143 The Travels of Ibn Battuta,Vol. III , p. 767. 144 Rehla, Eng. Tr., Mahdi Husain, introduction, p. xxv. 145 Ibid., p. 105. 146 Rehla, Eng. Tr., Mahdi Husain, op. cit., p. 222. 147 Ibid., p. 63; see also The Travels of Ibn Battuta, op. cit., Vol. III, p. 668.
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himself, (Bukhari Book 2, Chapter 22: Muslim Book Al-Iman, Chapter 10)148 Anil
Chandra Banerjee states that in practical way this could not be possible and writes that
it was obviously a principle a law courts could not enforce.149
These female slaves extended their unselfish and devoted services to their
masters served them with sincerity and loyalty and tried to make their life
comfortable. Apart from royalty and nobility, Sufis were also the beneficiaries of their
services. The attitude of Sufi saints towards women was kind and liberal. They
considered them as important section of society.150 Their intelligence and efficient
services often enabled them to get emancipation from slavery on various occasions.
Imam Shafai once happened to be the guest of one of his friend. The latter instructed
his female servant to prepare dishes for the dinner.151 The Imam brought about some
changes in the prescribed menu by adding a few more dishes of his liking. To his
surprise the female slave prepared those meals which were added by the Imam. When
the host enquired about the changes in menu the maid told him about the changes
made by the Imam. The female servant was highly praised by her master for her
efficiency.152 She was eventually emancipated by the Sufi.
Jamaluddin Hasnavi had a female slave; she used to carry his letters to his
master Baba Farid. She was called Umm-ul-Muminin (mother of Muslims) because of
her sincere and sweet nature. Once, Jamaluddin was employed as Khatib while he was
in Baba Farid’s discipleship. Sheikh Farid asked him to give up shughl (government
service) which was a necessary condition of his higher spiritual discipline. Maulana
Jamaluddin resigned his post and with it all his property departed. “From the time the
Khwaja has become a disciple of yours,” the same maid servant of Jamaluddin
Hasnavi informed Baba Farid “he has given up his villages, property and the office of
the Khatib. He is afflicted with starvation and sufferings.” “God be praised”, replied
Sheikh Farid, “Jamal is happy.”153
148 Syed Maqbool Hussain, Sayings of The Holy Prophet Muhammad.(PBUH), Adam Publishers,
New Delhi, 2002, p. 259. 149 Anil Chandra Banerjee, The State and Society in Northern India, K. P. Bagchi and company,
Calcutta,1982, p.207. 150 Hamid Qalandar, Khair ul-Majalis, ed., K.A.Nizami, Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh,1959, p.
219. 151 Fawaid-ul-Fuad, Naval Kishore, op. cit., p.118. 152 Ibid., p.119. 153 Some Aspects of Religion and Politics in India during the Thirteenth Century, op. cit., pp. 207-208.
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Jamal died during the lifetime of his master. His maid servant took Maulana
Burhanuddin, son of Sheikh Jamal, to him. He was of tender age at that time, but
regardless of this fact, Sheikh conferred his Khilafatnama on him and instructed him
to benefit from the company of Sheikh Nizamuddin at Delhi. The maid servant who
was taken by surprise at this generosity of the Sheikh, submitted: ‘Khwaja,
Burhanuddin bala hai’ (Burhanuddin is mere a child). Sheikh Farid promptly replied:
‘Ponun Ka Chand bhi bala hota hai.’ (The crescent is also small).154
This anecdote symbolizes the caring nature of the female slaves. They were
not mere service providers but a part of the family or a khanqahs.
A qawwal who visited the Khanqah of Sheikh Bahauddin Zakariya during the
reign of Sultan Nasiruddin Mahmud particularly noted the fact that even the slave
girls of the Sheikh were all the time busy in reciting the praises of God.155
Waqiat-e-Mushtaqui a source of Lodi period narrates that none of Khan-i-
Jahan Lodi’s servant of either sex was careless in offering prayer. Whenever a girl or
boy was bought for him from the bazaar he placed him or her under the charge of a
tutor for teaching the slave and duty was assigned to him or her when the education
was over.156
Many Muslim Kings especially Firoz Shah Tughlaq were deeply interested in
the education of slaves.157
Another episode illustrating how the wishes of a poor old working female
(who used to sweep the floor in Abul Sayeed-ul-Khair’s khanqah) were acceded to
her, by her master.158 The old woman performed her duties well and expected its
reward sometime. Once a handsome youth entered the services of the Sheikh, she
expressed her wish to the Sheikh to arrange her marriage with him.159 This was not
proper; still the Sheikh mediated and asked the youth to marry the old woman. She
also insisted that the marriage be performed, with all ceremonies, ‘Nihar, Jalwa’,
154 Some Aspects of Religion and Politics in India during the Thirteenth Century, op. cit., pp. 207-208. 155 Ibid. 156 Waqiat-e-Mushtaqui, Eng. Tr., I. H. Siddiqui , op. cit., p. 74. 157 Some Cultural Aspects of Muslim Rule in India, op. cit., p. 197. 158 Fawaid-ul-Fuad, Naval Kishore, op. cit., p. 148. 159 Ibid.
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‘ feast’. Elaborate preparations were made and the marriage solemnized. The maid
servant made the youth swear in front of the Sheikh to remain loyal to her throughout
his life.160
This is how the Sheikh fulfilled the wishes of an old maid servant and also
expressed his gratitude for the long services which she rendered in the khanqah.
The services which the female slaves generally performed for their master
consisted mostly of cooking and serving the food in the Sufi khanqahs. Almost all the
Sufi saints especially Sheikh Nizamuddin Auliya considered slavery as inhuman
institution. He appreciated the action of those disciples who set free their slaves.161
Above all, the tradition of Prophet mentioned here is enough to explain that equal
treatment is required by the master towards his or her slave. The Prophet (PBUH)
exhorted that a slave-owner should feed and clothe his slave in the same way as
himself; it was left to the individual conscience. Though it was not possible by the
rulers to act or follow the exhortation.162
Sheikh Rashid Bandet had one such female servant who carried out her duty
well. Being a merchant, Rashid Bandet was always busy in his work. The female
servant once enquired to serve food for him. Again she reminded her master to take
the meals because the food was getting cold but Rashid Bandet refused to come. After
some time, again at night she pleaded politely to have his food and she was told that
he had already eaten it. The maid was quite surprised at his answer and boldly
enquired about the time when he took the food.163 Rashid calmly told her that since he
was too busy in his work he hardly remembered the time when he had the food.164
The incident shows deep concern and sincerity of the female slaves towards
the welfare of their masters.
Thus female slavery was an important institution of the society in the medieval
times. Rulers, nobles and even Sufis were benefitted by this institution. Sufis lived a
160 Fawaid-ul-Fuad, Naval Kishore, op. cit., p. 148. 161 The Life and Times of Sheikh Nizamuddin Auliya, op. cit., p.136. 162 The State and Society in Northern India, op. cit., p. 207, See also The Sayings of The Holy Prophet
Muhammad (PBUH), op. cit., p. 259. 163 Khair-ul-Majalis, op. cit., p. 93. 164 Ibid.
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very difficult life and in very poor financial conditions they could even afford to have
a female slave165 or even more. Nizamuddin Auliya and his mother living in dire
poverty had a female slave for domestic services.166 Maulana Alauddin himself had an
old woman slave kept for domestic work; she is specifically described as meant for
milling flour in his house in the morning.167
We find that slave girls in the harem were of two categories one that were
ambitious and cunning and exercised ascendancy through beauty and tact and others
were the simple, docile and obedient. Thus the nature of female slavery varied from
the royal harem to the Sufi khanqahs. It has been observed that female slaves in
khanqahs believed in working hard and earned their living by honest means.
Concubines
Although taking concubines is prohibited in Quran (Surah. V, 5), it is
necessary to quote the translation of the verse of the Holy Quran which tells us that
keeping concubines is prohibited in Islam.
And you are permitted to marry virtuous women who are believers, and
virtuous women of those who have been given the scriptures before you, when you
have provided them their portions, living chastely with them without fornication and
not taking concubines.168 (Surah. V.5). The Delhi Sultans gave liberal patronage to
concubines.169 The Sultanate harem had large number of concubines. The practice of
keeping concubine was very common among Muslim royalty and nobility.170 There
was no legal limitation among the Muslims on the number of concubines they could
keep.171 There were thus jealousies, backbiting and much rivalry among the
concubines to win the favour and attention of the master as reported by Al-Umri.172
Among the Muslim rulers children born of concubines were considered equal to
165 Irfan Habib, ‘Slavery in Delhi Sultanate,Thirteenth and Fourteenth Centuries-Evidence from Sufic
literature’, Indian Historical Review, Vol. XV, No. 1-2. ICHR, 1991, p. 252. 166 Khair-ul Majalis, op. cit., pp. 190-91. 167 ‘Slavery in Delhi Sultanate Thirteenth and Fourteenth Centuries- Evidences from Sufic Literature’
p. 252. 168 Syed Ameer Ali, The Spirit of Islam, University Paper Backs , London, 1965, p. 247. 169 The Life and Conditions of the People of Hindustan, op. cit., p. 53. 170 K. S. Lal, Muslim Slave System in Medieval India, Aditya Prakashan, Delhi, 1994, p. 159. 171 Thomas Patrick Huges, Dictionary of Islam, Cosmo Publications, New Delhi, 1982, p. 59. 172 Cf, ‘Women Slaves in Medieval India,’ op. cit., p. 316
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children by marriage, although this is not explicitly laid down in the Quran.173 It
appears that the children born from them were deprived of various privileges and
opportunities. The fact can be well illustrated by the case of Kai Khusrau who could
not ascend to the throne in spite of Sultan Balban’s will. The nobles considered it
improper to extend support to the son of a concubine (Kai Khusrau’s mother
happened to be Sultan Balban’s concubine) and elevate the off spring of such union to
the throne of Delhi.174
Shah Turkan worked hard to gain favours for her son Ruknuddin Ibrahim.
Incident of Kai Khusrau indicates that though the concubines were accepted and
patronized, yet their progeny could not claim certain legal rights. They sometimes
received discriminative treatment in several respects.
The concubines were generally carried on horseback while the more respected
ladies of the harem were perhaps conveyed in covered carriages.175
Eunuchs
A special class of slaves was employed in the service of the royal ladies of the
harem, these were eunuchs.176 As Barani informs that, ‘handsome eunuchs’ fetched as
high prices as beautiful slave girls and served the purpose of looking after the
harem.177 In spite of the prohibition of human castration178 these were usually bought
in childhood and castrated. They were an important part of the harem during the
Sultanate period. The Muslims imported eunuchs from the neighboring countries.
The female quarters were guarded by eunuchs. These were armed eunuchs
under a chief eunuch.179 They also acted as messengers between the inmates of the
harem and the outer world. Minor household posts were given to them and they
served the Sultan as attendants in his private chamber.180
173 Muslim Slave System in Medieval India, op. cit., p. 159. 174 Lokesh Chandra Nand, Women in Delhi Sultanate, Vohra Publishers, Allahabad, 1989, p. 221. 175 ‘Women Slaves in Medieval India’, op. cit., p.316 176 Life and Conditions of the People of Hindustan, op. cit., p.103 177 ‘Economic History of Medieval India’ op. cit., p. 108. 178 I. H. Qureshi, Administration of the Sultanate of Delhi, Oriental Books, New Delhi, 1971, pp. 63-
64. 179 History of the Lodi Sultans of Delhi and Agra, op. cit., p. 229. 180 Administration of the Sultante of Delhi, p. 64.
109
After the thorough study of the sources of Sultanate periods we can conclude
that women played several roles in society which are still in practice. The female
slavery took the form of female servants found in modern household. Prostitution
been a big stigma to a society has been continuously in practice since ancient times. In
ancient India, prostitutes were protected and supervised by the court and two days
earning was collected from them as tax.181 Not any era played a role in the removal of
these institution like slavery, prostitution etc. Forbidden issues in Islam related to
women, for example keeping concubines were also practiced. Thus, we can conclude
that women had always been allotted a special place in society. They worked as slaves
in the houses of rich and poor and earned their living. There was a class of prostitutes,
female singers and dancers who earned by these means of recreation. Some references
are found were women ran shops182, acted as spies and scavengers.
181 The Wonder that Was India, op. cit., p.184 182 Al-Makki Muhammad Abdullah, Zafar ul Walih bi Muzaffar wa Alihi, Eng. Tr., M. F.
Lokendwala, University of Baroda, Baroda, Feb. 1974, Vol. II, p. 71.