itACE 17R9-1Y l4

m the priJle tCC

1 awl of liIe 7) 21) 35 ilnd Susan lt11111qill dIs rl

it Jboleonllrl Irhol tL In

Id joan B lilndes

i(lr mln Clnd

Lies l1 nineteenth-l bt1und rilgt bltween IX BaUnllI J1 n and dnn Merre l Holbcrlon hOllever revli1b a

Pori mil IIw r or othe r lxlm pltS Ilhe Ase 0 Retlul llio l 20(7)

lt1Jty Modern

nch Porlra i t around IlIId KilS 37

11845- J862 and Phaidon 1965)

1 Janet ]834) 191-2

th as Purrmits pII I)lie middots nltltionau x 20(6) and 1IIIe Ag o(lt llOillliol1 middotte(nth cenlLlry Ikelllll-CIIIIIIl Fnlllce nne M $o ussJ off (Durhill11 NC Duke frllI cl Pori rai l Rello lIl ioJl gc of Arl 20(5) and Tony lire r(l7ch nevoll tio l

1

The Revolution at Home Masculinity Domesticity and Political Identity in Family Portraiture 1789-1795

Amy Freund

In ]791 the Lecocq family commissioned a portrait from the artist Dominique Donere (Pla te 1) Its composition is typical of late eighteenth-century family portraiture small-scale figures an impression of activity and an incid ent-filled interior all in a canvas measuring 98 x 82 cm The father as head of the family presides over the group formed by his seated wife and assembled children The central drama of the portrait revolves around tile transfer of sugar cubes from Monsieur Lecocq to his small dliJdren and thence to the dog symbol of educability and familial fidelity This demonstration of benevolent fatherhOQd is framed by signs of domestic prosperity the precisely depicted wallpaper in the latest style the overdoor landscape painting the laid table and the servant bringing in a covered tureen

What di stinguishes this 1791 portrait from its pre-Revolutionary predecessors are the ways in which politics have been introduced into the comfortable and highly detailed domestic interior Lecocq apPOinted in ] 790 as a judge at the local tribunal wears the tricolor sash and medallion requjred by the Revolutionary government for holders of this new office He rests his left hand on his official plumed hat decorated with a tricolor cockade even as he reaches his right hand towmi his children At the far right an incongruous winged putto holding a red Phrygian bonnet and a laurel wreath draws a curtain closed over an aJeove in which hangs the insignia of Lecocqs former position as a cO l7sciler de rai a venal royal office The portrait consciously dramatizes the conflict between old and new regimes juxtapOSing tricolor sush and annorial Revolutionary cockade and royal robes the official abolition of privilege and the apparent maintenance of personal wealth It is hard to imagine a more immediate and explicit reaction in portraiture to the changes the Revolution was already making to the structures of French society

Donere and the Lecocq family used this portrait to propose answers to some of the fund amental questions posed by the Revolution Who was the new French citizen What role did class and gender difference play in this

i

16 TKHRTOR lO RTRIfURl AND MASCULlNl lDEN111 Y I N 1789-1914

novel category of personal identity H()w COLI ld tll E Re v()lutinnary insistence 111e pro on individu ill freedom be reconciled with the equally powerh Li des ire to forge that ever n a sense of nati oll ltll collectivity The polemi cs surrounding these questions citizens P were pDrticularly heated in the first years of the Revolution as politica l power made up shifted from the absolutist court to a constitutional monarchy and fin ally to under intt the Re publi c From 1789 onwards the success ive Revolu tionary legislatures its membeuro voted sweeping changes in the nations politica l social and culturaJ structures aClions or add resraquoi ng the problem of citi7enship and collecti ve identity from the top RevoIu ti 01

down But portraits show us thi s process from the bottom up demons trating of the indi how ordinary people and their portraitis ts reac ted to Revolutionary change century fe and hmv they ad apted their notions of self family and citizenship in response and to tht to national events Scholars intereshd in the engagement of the visual arts the imper with Revolutionary debates about masculinity and politi ca l identity have details of for the most part overlooked the evidence provided by family portraits- their mor often painted by artists working outside (sometimEs very fa r outside) the the stuff c Academy and now dispersed in provincial collections- in fa vor of his tory intimacy painting or the more polished single-figure portraits of Jacques-Louis David nev Fran and hjs most famous students However the prolife ra tion and politiciza tion Revolu of family portraits behvlen 1789 and 1794 suggests that sitters and artists ere bast saw d omestic life with its messy prolife riltioJl of people emotions and s tuffs social orc as d laboratory for ci ti zenship particuJarly male citi zenship At a moment the mode when almost everything about selfhood and family life was a matter of public people aJ deba te - the significance of blood ties in dete rmining class identity the roles and pOpl of men and women within marriage the rights and responsibiliti of parents late eight and children-family portraiture deftly conjugated public and private to authority construct specifically Revolutionary forms of masculinity and senti

The vi suill and ideological complexity of family portraits produced By the 1 during the porly years of the Hevolution - and their rol e in shaping intended m ascu li_ne identity - depended on the widesprea d and contentious debates rather (in surwunding the notion of the filmil y ilS a microcosm of socie ty and the happines cradle o f citizenship The family w as in fact the prima ry metaphor through which the Re volutionary order was conceived figuring prominen tly in legisla tive deba les po liti ca l pamphlets and cultural production It is a portraits commonplace of scholaTship tha t the Revolutionary government prom oted and spa t il tho rough ly domes ticated vision llfRcpublican femininity as a means of fingcrsm suppress ing w om ens po liti ca l ac ti vism and their claims to civil rights I But As the (I

mucll less a ttention has been paid to the positive valu-ltltion of domes ticity in hie rarchi Revolutionary concepts of ma sculinity For men the bond s of marriage and The 1780 parenthood were unde rs tood to contribute to the ir roles as active citizens tenderne rather than to replace or tllreatcn political agency f amily portraiture a growir demonstra tes th at the Re volutionary cons truction of ma sculinity began at and cost home and was nouri shed by domesticity Indeed men are often defined and Louis-IE doubled in family portriliturC by their re lationships wi th the ir young sons thedoml so th a t the ir images sugges t no t onl y the ir present virtues but also the future French e of cit izenship in a regenerated France embrace

1914 A my Frellnd J 7

inb istencl The progressive l1f the levolution from 1780 to 1794 m eant l to forge that ever morc political agency was gmnteli at leas t no bonally to indjvidu al questions citi zens As sovereignty was transferred from the king to the m en who cal (lwer made up the vo tin g public the moral charcKter of the male citizen callle finnlly to under intense scrutiny H ow could the n a ti on be assured of the probity of

its members7 The visible demonstration of patriotism be it through speech inldures cKtions or the consp icuous consumption of goods such as tricolor cockad es or

tlw lnp Revolution-thenwd h ousehold objects was encouraged and the transparency llnslrating of the individLlJI to the polity became J key tenet of civic life La te eighteenth-y change fa mil y portrait-ists attended to the d e tails of the d o mes tic inte rior 1 md to tbe em otional CQrul ections betveen s itters as a mea ns of literalizing isuU art the imperJtive of transpanmcy- thc obligation of individuals to revea l the ltity have detilils ot their private lives to their fellow citizens in o rde r to d e monst rate 1ortraits- their moral and p o liti cJ I rectitude family portrititure used sentiment and Itside) the the stuff of everyday life in equal measure to foster a sense of inul1ediacy a nd of hi story intimacy between sittcrs a nd viewers and to p resen t s itters as ci tiz ens of the uis David new Fra nce iti ci7ation Revo lutionary notions of the connection between priva te life Jnd politics IIld artis ts were bJsed on J I11l1ch o ld er idea o f domes tic re lJtions as J mctJ phor for the md lttu ffs sociJ l order Throughout the ancien regime the filmily was understood JS 1 momen t the model of and indeed the crildlc of society the kin g was the fJther of hi s r oi public people and every fa ther ruled as a kin g within hi s own family 7 The s tru cture the roles and popular perception of French family life however w as changiJlg in the of pannts late eighteenth cen tury The Illonarchys bilttl e with the church to gai n legJ I private to authority over mJrriage rites as well as tbe promotion of individual liberty

ilnd sentiment by ElllightelIDlent thinkers transformed concepts of the family produced By the 17805 m arriJge was no longer unde rstood primarily as a contract I shap ing in tended to adva nce the social imd economic interests o f its partners b11t IS deba tes rather (in its id ea l fo rm) as an emotional bond fo rmed in order to promote the i and the happiness of the s pouses and based on sen rim(mt and th ( equality of fancily r through nent ly in Family portraiture participated in thjs sh ift EJrly eighteenth-century n It is a portrJits gene rally visualized the famil y g roup as J collection of emotionally promoted and spa ti a lly independent figures bound togetber primarily by pojnting menns of fingers and a rranged in vague and obviously imaginary interiors or landscapes ghts But As the century p rogressed family p o rtraits moved away from this formal esticity in hie ra rchica l mode towards a mo rc relaxed and intima te vis ion of family life riage and The 1780s in particular sa an increasing e mphasis o n phys ica l and emotional e cit izens tenderness between m a rried couples and be tween parents and ch ildren and ortra itUJ a growing inte rest in the com nlunicative poss ibilities of m ateri a l possessions began a t and costume Arti sts such as Nico las-Bernard Lep ecie Henri Danloux and

lned and Lou is-Leopold Boilly s pcciJ li zcd in allccdotJI fnmily scenes that emphasized un g sons the domesti c vilhles of the male head of the fa mil y a nd many members of the he future French e lite from th e highest court circles to the merely w ealthy bourgeOisie

embraced this m od e of portraiture9

i

16 TKHRTOR lO RTRIfURl AND MASCULlNl lDEN111 Y I N 1789-1914

novel category of personal identity H()w COLI ld tll E Re v()lutinnary insistence 111e pro on individu ill freedom be reconciled with the equally powerh Li des ire to forge that ever n a sense of nati oll ltll collectivity The polemi cs surrounding these questions citizens P were pDrticularly heated in the first years of the Revolution as politica l power made up shifted from the absolutist court to a constitutional monarchy and fin ally to under intt the Re publi c From 1789 onwards the success ive Revolu tionary legislatures its membeuro voted sweeping changes in the nations politica l social and culturaJ structures aClions or add resraquoi ng the problem of citi7enship and collecti ve identity from the top RevoIu ti 01

down But portraits show us thi s process from the bottom up demons trating of the indi how ordinary people and their portraitis ts reac ted to Revolutionary change century fe and hmv they ad apted their notions of self family and citizenship in response and to tht to national events Scholars intereshd in the engagement of the visual arts the imper with Revolutionary debates about masculinity and politi ca l identity have details of for the most part overlooked the evidence provided by family portraits- their mor often painted by artists working outside (sometimEs very fa r outside) the the stuff c Academy and now dispersed in provincial collections- in fa vor of his tory intimacy painting or the more polished single-figure portraits of Jacques-Louis David nev Fran and hjs most famous students However the prolife ra tion and politiciza tion Revolu of family portraits behvlen 1789 and 1794 suggests that sitters and artists ere bast saw d omestic life with its messy prolife riltioJl of people emotions and s tuffs social orc as d laboratory for ci ti zenship particuJarly male citi zenship At a moment the mode when almost everything about selfhood and family life was a matter of public people aJ deba te - the significance of blood ties in dete rmining class identity the roles and pOpl of men and women within marriage the rights and responsibiliti of parents late eight and children-family portraiture deftly conjugated public and private to authority construct specifically Revolutionary forms of masculinity and senti

The vi suill and ideological complexity of family portraits produced By the 1 during the porly years of the Hevolution - and their rol e in shaping intended m ascu li_ne identity - depended on the widesprea d and contentious debates rather (in surwunding the notion of the filmil y ilS a microcosm of socie ty and the happines cradle o f citizenship The family w as in fact the prima ry metaphor through which the Re volutionary order was conceived figuring prominen tly in legisla tive deba les po liti ca l pamphlets and cultural production It is a portraits commonplace of scholaTship tha t the Revolutionary government prom oted and spa t il tho rough ly domes ticated vision llfRcpublican femininity as a means of fingcrsm suppress ing w om ens po liti ca l ac ti vism and their claims to civil rights I But As the (I

mucll less a ttention has been paid to the positive valu-ltltion of domes ticity in hie rarchi Revolutionary concepts of ma sculinity For men the bond s of marriage and The 1780 parenthood were unde rs tood to contribute to the ir roles as active citizens tenderne rather than to replace or tllreatcn political agency f amily portraiture a growir demonstra tes th at the Re volutionary cons truction of ma sculinity began at and cost home and was nouri shed by domesticity Indeed men are often defined and Louis-IE doubled in family portriliturC by their re lationships wi th the ir young sons thedoml so th a t the ir images sugges t no t onl y the ir present virtues but also the future French e of cit izenship in a regenerated France embrace

1914 A my Frellnd J 7

inb istencl The progressive l1f the levolution from 1780 to 1794 m eant l to forge that ever morc political agency was gmnteli at leas t no bonally to indjvidu al questions citi zens As sovereignty was transferred from the king to the m en who cal (lwer made up the vo tin g public the moral charcKter of the male citizen callle finnlly to under intense scrutiny H ow could the n a ti on be assured of the probity of

its members7 The visible demonstration of patriotism be it through speech inldures cKtions or the consp icuous consumption of goods such as tricolor cockad es or

tlw lnp Revolution-thenwd h ousehold objects was encouraged and the transparency llnslrating of the individLlJI to the polity became J key tenet of civic life La te eighteenth-y change fa mil y portrait-ists attended to the d e tails of the d o mes tic inte rior 1 md to tbe em otional CQrul ections betveen s itters as a mea ns of literalizing isuU art the imperJtive of transpanmcy- thc obligation of individuals to revea l the ltity have detilils ot their private lives to their fellow citizens in o rde r to d e monst rate 1ortraits- their moral and p o liti cJ I rectitude family portrititure used sentiment and Itside) the the stuff of everyday life in equal measure to foster a sense of inul1ediacy a nd of hi story intimacy between sittcrs a nd viewers and to p resen t s itters as ci tiz ens of the uis David new Fra nce iti ci7ation Revo lutionary notions of the connection between priva te life Jnd politics IIld artis ts were bJsed on J I11l1ch o ld er idea o f domes tic re lJtions as J mctJ phor for the md lttu ffs sociJ l order Throughout the ancien regime the filmily was understood JS 1 momen t the model of and indeed the crildlc of society the kin g was the fJther of hi s r oi public people and every fa ther ruled as a kin g within hi s own family 7 The s tru cture the roles and popular perception of French family life however w as changiJlg in the of pannts late eighteenth cen tury The Illonarchys bilttl e with the church to gai n legJ I private to authority over mJrriage rites as well as tbe promotion of individual liberty

ilnd sentiment by ElllightelIDlent thinkers transformed concepts of the family produced By the 17805 m arriJge was no longer unde rstood primarily as a contract I shap ing in tended to adva nce the social imd economic interests o f its partners b11t IS deba tes rather (in its id ea l fo rm) as an emotional bond fo rmed in order to promote the i and the happiness of the s pouses and based on sen rim(mt and th ( equality of fancily r through nent ly in Family portraiture participated in thjs sh ift EJrly eighteenth-century n It is a portrJits gene rally visualized the famil y g roup as J collection of emotionally promoted and spa ti a lly independent figures bound togetber primarily by pojnting menns of fingers and a rranged in vague and obviously imaginary interiors or landscapes ghts But As the century p rogressed family p o rtraits moved away from this formal esticity in hie ra rchica l mode towards a mo rc relaxed and intima te vis ion of family life riage and The 1780s in particular sa an increasing e mphasis o n phys ica l and emotional e cit izens tenderness between m a rried couples and be tween parents and ch ildren and ortra itUJ a growing inte rest in the com nlunicative poss ibilities of m ateri a l possessions began a t and costume Arti sts such as Nico las-Bernard Lep ecie Henri Danloux and

lned and Lou is-Leopold Boilly s pcciJ li zcd in allccdotJI fnmily scenes that emphasized un g sons the domesti c vilhles of the male head of the fa mil y a nd many members of the he future French e lite from th e highest court circles to the merely w ealthy bourgeOisie

embraced this m od e of portraiture9

1914 A my Frellnd J 7

inb istencl The progressive l1f the levolution from 1780 to 1794 m eant l to forge that ever morc political agency was gmnteli at leas t no bonally to indjvidu al questions citi zens As sovereignty was transferred from the king to the m en who cal (lwer made up the vo tin g public the moral charcKter of the male citizen callle finnlly to under intense scrutiny H ow could the n a ti on be assured of the probity of

its members7 The visible demonstration of patriotism be it through speech inldures cKtions or the consp icuous consumption of goods such as tricolor cockad es or

tlw lnp Revolution-thenwd h ousehold objects was encouraged and the transparency llnslrating of the individLlJI to the polity became J key tenet of civic life La te eighteenth-y change fa mil y portrait-ists attended to the d e tails of the d o mes tic inte rior 1 md to tbe em otional CQrul ections betveen s itters as a mea ns of literalizing isuU art the imperJtive of transpanmcy- thc obligation of individuals to revea l the ltity have detilils ot their private lives to their fellow citizens in o rde r to d e monst rate 1ortraits- their moral and p o liti cJ I rectitude family portrititure used sentiment and Itside) the the stuff of everyday life in equal measure to foster a sense of inul1ediacy a nd of hi story intimacy between sittcrs a nd viewers and to p resen t s itters as ci tiz ens of the uis David new Fra nce iti ci7ation Revo lutionary notions of the connection between priva te life Jnd politics IIld artis ts were bJsed on J I11l1ch o ld er idea o f domes tic re lJtions as J mctJ phor for the md lttu ffs sociJ l order Throughout the ancien regime the filmily was understood JS 1 momen t the model of and indeed the crildlc of society the kin g was the fJther of hi s r oi public people and every fa ther ruled as a kin g within hi s own family 7 The s tru cture the roles and popular perception of French family life however w as changiJlg in the of pannts late eighteenth cen tury The Illonarchys bilttl e with the church to gai n legJ I private to authority over mJrriage rites as well as tbe promotion of individual liberty

ilnd sentiment by ElllightelIDlent thinkers transformed concepts of the family produced By the 17805 m arriJge was no longer unde rstood primarily as a contract I shap ing in tended to adva nce the social imd economic interests o f its partners b11t IS deba tes rather (in its id ea l fo rm) as an emotional bond fo rmed in order to promote the i and the happiness of the s pouses and based on sen rim(mt and th ( equality of fancily r through nent ly in Family portraiture participated in thjs sh ift EJrly eighteenth-century n It is a portrJits gene rally visualized the famil y g roup as J collection of emotionally promoted and spa ti a lly independent figures bound togetber primarily by pojnting menns of fingers and a rranged in vague and obviously imaginary interiors or landscapes ghts But As the century p rogressed family p o rtraits moved away from this formal esticity in hie ra rchica l mode towards a mo rc relaxed and intima te vis ion of family life riage and The 1780s in particular sa an increasing e mphasis o n phys ica l and emotional e cit izens tenderness between m a rried couples and be tween parents and ch ildren and ortra itUJ a growing inte rest in the com nlunicative poss ibilities of m ateri a l possessions began a t and costume Arti sts such as Nico las-Bernard Lep ecie Henri Danloux and

lned and Lou is-Leopold Boilly s pcciJ li zcd in allccdotJI fnmily scenes that emphasized un g sons the domesti c vilhles of the male head of the fa mil y a nd many members of the he future French e lite from th e highest court circles to the merely w ealthy bourgeOisie

embraced this m od e of portraiture9

l

l

I

18 INTERIOR pORTRArruRE Aln MASCUUNE [JThTITY IN FRAN (h 1789- 1914

The Donere portrait of the Lecocq family draws on late ancien regime notions of the family but also gestures towa rd Revolutionary change Its stable and hierarchical composition is quite conservative emphasizing the solidity of the family unit The geometries of the room and the furniture provide a frame for the familial pyramid the vertical s of the door frame hold the bodies of Monsieur and Madame Lecocq in complementary opposition and each wall panel and piece of furniture is neatly mirrored across the midline The doorway and the towering plumes of Madame Lecocqs hat focus the viewers attention on the heads and outstretched arms of Monsieur Lecocq and his eldest son The sons head in fact is placed at the exact center of thi s domestic space H is gesture which directs his younger siblings attention toward the obedient dog echoes that of his fathe r just as the miniature National Guard uniform he wears visually and symbolically reinforces his fathers tricolor sash 1O To dress your son in a National Guard uniform was to pllt dge him and your familys future to the ideals of the liberal Revolution embodied in the Marquis de Lafayette the da shing commander of the Guard and symbol of reconciliation with the monarchy 11 In this portrait the judiciary and the military branches of the Revolutionary government arc anchored firmly in the home and in the father- son relationship The orderliness of the domestic setting and the benign exercise of masculine authority reinforce the portraits main contention that political change can be reconciled with ancien regime social structures and hiera rchies This line of argument was perfectly reasonable in 1791 when the establishment of a constitutional monarchy seemed to many people to have solved the problems that sparked the Revolution The putto with the Phrygian cap personi fication of Revolutionary change is absorbed into this otherwise traditional household like a new kind of domestic servant

Family portraiture also used the analogy between the domestic and political spheres to contest Revolutionary change Such was the case in Charles-Paul Landons portrait of the family of Pierre-Jean de Bourcet that was painted like the Lecocq portrait in 1791 (Plate 2) The Bourcet portrait is grander in scale than the Donere canvas measuring -197 x 129 cm and was executed by a more distinguished artist Landon now known primarily as an aJmiddott critic and administrator trained as a history painter with Franltois Vincent and Jean-Baptiste Regnault and won the Prix de Rome in JJ92Y Bourcet had served the royal court as the valet de cl1ll11lbre of the first dauphin Louis-Joseph The dauphin died in June 1789 at the age of 8 shortly after witnessing the opening of the Estates General the assembly that was to dismantle the monarchys monopoly on political power Bourcet continued his service to the crown in the first years of the Revolution serving as a go-between for the king and the emigre court in exile 11 Bourcets family portrait both commemorates his familys loyalty to the crown and provides a counter-Revolutionary narrative of family sentiment and the filial transmission of political virtue

The family is pictured in a windowless room less a particular space than a generalized representation of home The interior is anchored by the central bassinet and punctuated by other signs of domesticity such as the porcelain

coffee or tea servi at Madame de BOl symbolize the deat of his brother the of Louis XVI and the b righ t red tabl two white lilieamp Syl

cu rren t dauphin a 130 urcet and

w ith the m em bers of their with his arm MOl legs Bourcet drm The oval portrait ( the manuscripts I

a prominent mili painted Bourcet on the Seven Year

The decorativi iJlsepariJbility of c at far left are eche the head s of state an d her da ughter of the dauphin 01

whose costlLme e the vilvver14 The I p ain ting that we fou r parents tW( the face of ovenv continuity with tl

The portrait in the IllOnarchy p o f pa trimony fro inheritcll1ce wou dau phins eV(m tl iDl ltlgine The visl 111ak0_ it clear thi were-inseparable of the p atriarchal the royal family the oldel meimin fa ther of his peof

However the tenderness that wistful vision of

1789-1914

your fa milys be Marq lJis de

reconciliation litary branches me Jnd in the and the benign ontention that

ltlnd Q791 when the

to have th the Phrygian this othenvisc

bc Jnd political Charles-Paul

It was painted it is grander in i execu ted by a n art critic and cent and Jean-eet had served liS-Joseph TIle 19 the opening he monarchyS ) the crown in the king and lwmorates his nary narrative e lar space thim by the central the porcelain

Amy Freuld 19

coffee or tea service on lhe gUpoundlidol1 at far right and the basket of flowers at Madame de Boured s kn ee On the wall hang two frames one empty to symbolize the death of the nrst Dauphin ltlnd the other contltlining the portrait of his brother the futm e Louis XVII At the left of the composition the busts of Louis XVI ltlnd Marie-Antoinette rest OIl a kind of domes tic a ltar set off by the bright red tablecloth and the dra pery at top left In front of the busts are two white lilies symbolizing the BOLlJbon family one in a vase to represent the current dauphin and one fallen as a token of his older brother

Bourcet and hi s son are placed at the far left of the composition aligned with the representations of the king and queen and separated from the female members of their own family Bourcet is seated in front of the royal alta] wi th hi s arm around the waist of his son who stand s between his fathers legs BOLlJcet draws the chjjds a tten tion to tlle p ile of objects on the floor The OVJI portrait of a man leaning against the table the bound volumes and the manuscripts represen t the life work of Bourcets uncle who had been a prominent miljtary geogrilpheJ In 1791 at the mom ent the portrait wa painted Bourct was in the process of publishing his deceased uncles book on the Seven Years Wilr

The decorative objects lovingly depicted by Lilndon poin t to the insepilfability o f domesri c space and niltional hi s tory the royal portrait busts at fltlr left are echoed by the whi te porcelain serv ice on the far right making the heads of s ta te 1n to yet another domestic furnjshing MadJme de Bourcet and her daughters are conspicuously posed directly underneilth the portrait of the dauphin one sis ter reaching up in a gesture of affection and the other whose cos tume echoes that of the p rince making pointed eye contact with the viewer14 The Bourbons and the Bourcets are so visually intertwined in the painting that -ve are presented with what is in effect a double family portrait four parents two sets of children and a mutually reinforcing message in the face () f ovenvhdming opposjtion of patrilineal inheritance and political continuity with the ancien regime

The portrait intertwines the Bourcet familys personal history with that of the monarchy particularly emphasizing male lineage and the transmission of patrimony from father (and uncle) to son Trus assertion of the rights of inheritance would have been particularly signifjcant in 1791 when the dauphins eventual accession to the throne NaS increasingly difficult to imagine The visultll weight given to the Bourcets military and court service makes it clear th at for this aristocratic fanuly familial and political concerns were inseparable The sons military uniform makes even the youngest member of the patriarchal chain into an actor in the public sphere l5 The evocation of the royal family and the intermingling of private and public symbols recall the older meaning of the familial metaphor in which the king served as the father of hi s people and the father as the king of his family

However the BOUlmiddoteet portrait also stresses the emotional and physical tenderness that bind father and son ntis sentimental royalist family is a wistful vision of a post-1789 world in which Louis Ie Bien Aime nught have

I

I

l

l

l

20 1 1 UUOJ IORTRmIRJ A-O MASCULI-IE IOElTITY IN FRANCE ] 789- 1914

presided ClS a benevolen t fa ther over a constitu tional monu chy Indeed the Revo lutionary legislature itself imagined such a possibility In September 1791 it commissioned two portraits of Louis XVI one from Jacques-Louis David and another from Adelaide Labille-Guiard which were to depict the king demonstrating his acceptance of the new constitution to his young sonI6 This commission was never fulfilled but the idea that the kings image might be rehabilitated through a father- son portrait speaks to famjly portraitures power in the popular imagination and to the strength of the Revolutionary governments faith in benevolent fatherhood as a metaphor for political virtue Land ons portrait of the Bourcet family like Doneres portrait o f the Lecocq family and the paintings commiss ioned from David and Labille-Guiard propose that a mans place was in the home where he might instruct hi s sons how to take up the mantle of dvic duty I7

Donere and Landon and their respective clients operated under the assumption that the family portrait was an appropriate and productive site for the hashing out of Revolutionary politica l change In each painting a father acts out his own political position and ostentatiously demonstrates its transmission to his oldest son The Revolutionary leg islature was deeply concerned with these same issues of familial relations pate rnal authority and inheritance and the political rhetoric concerning the family was just as fraught with contrad ictions a the J10rtraits themselves The first years of the Revolution s w the development of a di scourse of individual liberty and equality at the expense of the authority of the father both figuratively in the body of the king and lite rally as the legal head of the famil y Indeed Lynn Hunt in her now-classic study The TOllily ROlllallce of the Frelch Revol1ltion argues that the singular pate rnal Juthority of the king -vas replaced by the preca rious fraternal rule of the band of brothers - the new political class that m ade up the successive legislatures Jnd committees between 1789 and 1794 H unt argues tha t the failuJe to recast Louis XVI as the good father and his subsequent de thronement and execution made possible an idea l fatherless child an individual liberated from familial authority and i1ble to act freely and heroicillly for the good of the nation I)

Laws passed after 1789 did indeed favor the liberty of individual famil y membe_rs pJTticulJrly women and children Jt the expense of paternal Juthority The Declaration of the Rights of Man and Citizen in August 1789 established individuJI freedom and equality as the guidjng principles of the Revolution Later family law re inforced this initiative Over the course of the spring and summer of 1790 primogeniture and the much-hated letres de cachet (often granted to male heads of families to force the confinement of wayward dependents) weIe abolished and family tribunals were establi shed to handle domestic disputes The most radiciJ I expression of this pattern of legislation was the lega liz ation of divorce in September of 1792zfI ReVOlutionary divorce laws although defended by contemporaries as promoting happier ilnd mo re fecund marriages (since loving spouses were likely to produce more children) e ffectively reinforced the liberty of the individual freeing both men and

women fwm con trol over t the ir own init

Revolution inheritance fl September 17 of m ajority w enter into rna of their fathe ability to des the equal divi At the sa me economic rigl reforms privi unit drastica

Extreme J grollJ1Li for ar regicide dq in J ulyl793 t All French cl to public bo accordaJlCe significant s suspicion the collcctiv rejected as l parental aut experi ence a

The balar portrait of a Jean-Jacque masculine d Revolutiona seemingly 0

in-law) and are pictured gazes of thE w omen and evere roorr pitcher and loeil paintir a oVall clock cen tral figu to the Leco right who

hj Indeed lh In Septem ber i Jacques-Louis r III depict Ul

lmilge 111ight II RIV(llutionJr p(llitlGIl virhJ(gt 1 nf the Lecocq I Jbill e-Guiard nstruct his sons

lted under th producti ve si te )(h painting a dem()nsb-ilte Jrc was deep ly

iuthority lt1 miJy was just 1( first yea rs of ual liberty and natively in the

Indeed Lynn lIcI eplaced by the political class ween 1789 and nd fath er and ideal fatherless Ie to act freely

ividuill fa mily rC of paternal nAugust 1789 inciples of the

L course of the Icttrc de CIIchct li t of wayward fhed to handle I of legis la tion (mary divorce pier and more lore children) oth men and

A Illy Frcf(lld 21

women from Ul1wlJ1 lld ma rital ties In theory at least husband s lust absolute control over thei r wives who could now dCI11Jnd and receive a divorce on their own initiativQ)

Revolutionary legislation concerning the age of majo rity and of inheritancl further undermined the authority of the husband and fathe r In cptcmbe rI792 at the sa me tim E as the establishment of divo rce the lega l age ()f majority was lowe red from 25 to 21 allowing young men and women to enter into marriage and other contracts at an eil rlier age without tJe COl1 sent of their filthers2 The Revolutionary government also cha llenged the fathers ability to designate a legatee passing a series of laws in 1793 that m andated the equal division of an esta te between all children legitimate or iLlegitimate2I It the same timc the leg islature even granted m a rried womcn inde pendent economic rights -a radicalmeil sure that was quickly All of these rdorms privileged individual rights over the prerogatives of the family as a unit drastically reduclng parentill and particularly pilte rnill authority 25

Extrelllc Jacobin rhe toric went so far as to present the famjJy as a breeding ground for ilnti-Republican ideals Felix Le reletie r brother of the assassinated regicide deputy proposed a plan fOI national education to the Jacobin Club in July 1793 that advocated rcmoving children trolll their families altogctllEL All French dlildren fro m the ages of 5 to ]2 (5 to 11 for girls) would be sent to public boarding schools which would mold their Dlorals and bodies in accordance with the re publican ideal26 Le Pcletiers plan is emblematic of a Significant strain of Revolutionary ideology that regarded the family with suspicion as inequitable desl-ructive of liberty and potentially d cmgerous to the collectivity o f tJle 11ation However the fact that Lc Pcletie rs plan was rejected ilS both impractical and incompatibll WitJl individual liberty and parental authority p o ints to the continuing power of the family as both lived ex pe rience and metaphor

The balcJnce between paternity and fraternity is the central problem of a portrait of an unidentified cxtended family painted ar(llU1d 1789 or 1790 by Jean-Jacqu es Hauer (Figure 11) 21 Indeed this to uchingly awkward image of masculinc domestic happiness provides the viewer with a textboo k example of Revolu tionary familial virtue T he portrait includes s ix ad ult male figures five seemingly of the same generatjon (perhilps a group o f brothers and brothers-in-Iaw) and one elderly m rm seated at far right Three of the five younger men are pictured in the uniform of the Na tional G uard The pointing hands and gazes of the younger men direct the viewe rs a ttention to the group of three women and m ore particularly to the sCilted woman nursing a baby The rather severe room in w h ich the family poses is enlivened by a small table with a s ilver pitcher and a porcelain cup a neoclassical bas-relief (or m o re ]jkely a Ir01llpe-l oeil pa inbng of a bas-relief in the style of the painter Piat-Joseph Sauvage) and a wall clock that hovers in il spatially ambiguous fashion over the heads of the central figures A smilll dog with wagging tail and protrudjJlg tongue littennate to the Lecocqs obedient pet s tares fixedly at the staJlding man furthest to the right whose red sash and gold braid m ark him as an officer in the Guard _

hj Indeed lh In Septem ber i Jacques-Louis r III depict Ul

lmilge 111ight II RIV(llutionJr p(llitlGIl virhJ(gt 1 nf the Lecocq I Jbill e-Guiard nstruct his sons

lted under th producti ve si te )(h painting a dem()nsb-ilte Jrc was deep ly

iuthority lt1 miJy was just 1( first yea rs of ual liberty and natively in the

Indeed Lynn lIcI eplaced by the political class ween 1789 and nd fath er and ideal fatherless Ie to act freely

ividuill fa mily rC of paternal nAugust 1789 inciples of the

L course of the Icttrc de CIIchct li t of wayward fhed to handle I of legis la tion (mary divorce pier and more lore children) oth men and

A Illy Frcf(lld 21

women from Ul1wlJ1 lld ma rital ties In theory at least husband s lust absolute control over thei r wives who could now dCI11Jnd and receive a divorce on their own initiativQ)

Revolutionary legislation concerning the age of majo rity and of inheritancl further undermined the authority of the husband and fathe r In cptcmbe rI792 at the sa me tim E as the establishment of divo rce the lega l age ()f majority was lowe red from 25 to 21 allowing young men and women to enter into marriage and other contracts at an eil rlier age without tJe COl1 sent of their filthers2 The Revolutionary government also cha llenged the fathers ability to designate a legatee passing a series of laws in 1793 that m andated the equal division of an esta te between all children legitimate or iLlegitimate2I It the same timc the leg islature even granted m a rried womcn inde pendent economic rights -a radicalmeil sure that was quickly All of these rdorms privileged individual rights over the prerogatives of the family as a unit drastically reduclng parentill and particularly pilte rnill authority 25

Extrelllc Jacobin rhe toric went so far as to present the famjJy as a breeding ground for ilnti-Republican ideals Felix Le reletie r brother of the assassinated regicide deputy proposed a plan fOI national education to the Jacobin Club in July 1793 that advocated rcmoving children trolll their families altogctllEL All French dlildren fro m the ages of 5 to ]2 (5 to 11 for girls) would be sent to public boarding schools which would mold their Dlorals and bodies in accordance with the re publican ideal26 Le Pcletiers plan is emblematic of a Significant strain of Revolutionary ideology that regarded the family with suspicion as inequitable desl-ructive of liberty and potentially d cmgerous to the collectivity o f tJle 11ation However the fact that Lc Pcletie rs plan was rejected ilS both impractical and incompatibll WitJl individual liberty and parental authority p o ints to the continuing power of the family as both lived ex pe rience and metaphor

The balcJnce between paternity and fraternity is the central problem of a portrait of an unidentified cxtended family painted ar(llU1d 1789 or 1790 by Jean-Jacqu es Hauer (Figure 11) 21 Indeed this to uchingly awkward image of masculinc domestic happiness provides the viewer with a textboo k example of Revolu tionary familial virtue T he portrait includes s ix ad ult male figures five seemingly of the same generatjon (perhilps a group o f brothers and brothers-in-Iaw) and one elderly m rm seated at far right Three of the five younger men are pictured in the uniform of the Na tional G uard The pointing hands and gazes of the younger men direct the viewe rs a ttention to the group of three women and m ore particularly to the sCilted woman nursing a baby The rather severe room in w h ich the family poses is enlivened by a small table with a s ilver pitcher and a porcelain cup a neoclassical bas-relief (or m o re ]jkely a Ir01llpe-l oeil pa inbng of a bas-relief in the style of the painter Piat-Joseph Sauvage) and a wall clock that hovers in il spatially ambiguous fashion over the heads of the central figures A smilll dog with wagging tail and protrudjJlg tongue littennate to the Lecocqs obedient pet s tares fixedly at the staJlding man furthest to the right whose red sash and gold braid m ark him as an officer in the Guard _

I

1l Jean-JilCques (a tt rib)

Family Portmi l will NlliLOnni Gunrd OffiCtTS ( 1789-90

22 INTERIOR IORl RAITURB A1IJ) I llpound lI)1iNHrv IN FRA1C 17R9- 1914

He is in turn jjnked to the nuring mother by the other standtng Guard sman who clasps him fraternally with one hand and points to the younges t member of the family with the other In case we m ight still be in doubt as to where to turn our attention in thi s busy scene the officer makes direct eye contact with the vievie r

u rsing mother and aged patriarch patri o tic officer and faithful dog neocl assical frieze and porcelain cup Hauer s portrait is a small poem to male civic du ty and the comforts of home from whence it springs The references to the National Guard concre ti ze the spirit of fraternity of the early years of the Revoluti on the Guard was born from the popular siege of the Basti lle and reached its apogee of po pularity during the gathering of troops from across

the na tion in Pari makes clear the (( and the literaJ re mo ther s bare bn the Doncre painti the domestic spa their tricolor unif The painting argt political theortsts perfectly compati

The Hauer fan paternity in the male identity can those who wante advisedJ y) famil and indeed fami As a 1793 pampl-of each private in general interest in familial terms The idea of the p bo th in political

Suzanne Desa Hunts Family R( to contempora l) system of corpo those on social turned to the far pa triotic citizem Frendl people I were particularl the traditional r the la te Enligh t tllat bound fam impulses necess Revolutionary f for la patrie but to and better pi the sovereign p morality that is I of a citizens vir

Perhaps the Revolution dis painting tradil Camille Desmo

1914 Amy Freu1ld 23

Jrdsman t member where to

Itact with

11flll dog to male

ryears of and

1m across

the nation in Paris for the Fete de la Federation on 14 July 1790 The portrait makes clear the connection between service in the Revolutionary civic guard md the literal regeneration of the French people The nUfsmg infant at its mothers bare breast is a homey instantiation of the Revolutionary putto in the Doncre painting The men in Hauers portrait are entirely subsumed into tile domestic space but also clearly identified with Revoluti onary politics their tricolor uniforms punch a hole in their slightly ajrless familial interior The painting argues with a confidence not entirely shared by legislators and political theorists that fraternity and the preservation of the family unit were perfectly compatible

The Hauer family portrait speaks to the desire to keep both fraternity and paternity in the picture The balance it strikes between these two kinds of male identity can be found in much of the political rhetoric of the period Even those who wanted to liberate the individual from his (I use the male pronoun advisedly) family continued to believe that the citizen belonged to a larger and indeed familial collective body in vvhich authority was communally held As a 1793 pamphlet put it the large family must outweigh the small family of each private individual otherwise private interest will soon undermille the general interest29 The Republic fa S-1711de famil1e or la patric was understood in familial terms its citizens were bound to it by love as children to a father The idea of the petite famillc as the foundation of society moreover persisted both in political rhetoric and the popular imagination

Suzanne Desans recent s tudy of family life during the RevQlution challenges Hunts Family Romance argument stressing the importance of domestic ties to contemporary notions of political identity After the dissolution of the system of corporate bodies (both those based on professional identity and those on social status) and the undermining of the church the Revolution turned to the family as a model for national unity and as a means of forming patriotic citizens If stable families were necessary for the regenerabon of the French people Desan argues the emotional bonds between family members were particularly important As Revolutionary legislation chipped away at the harutional patriarchal structure of the family the sentimental family of the la te Enlightenment took on political significance the tender emotions that bound family members together also created the stability and virruous impulses necessary for the Republic The most valuable product of this happy Revolutionary family was of course male citizens-not only sons raised up for III patrie but also adult men whose sensibilite made them more receptive to and better participants in Revolutionary fratcmite and the general will of the sovereign people30 It is this economy of domestic attachment and civic morality that is picrured in family portraits as visible and permanent evidence of a citizens virtue

Perhaps the most remarkable family portrait of the early years of the Revolution di stills this patriotic domesticity to its purest essence This painting traditionally identified as an image of journaljst and politician Camille Desmoulins his wife and their child is unsigned and undated but

1914 Amy Freu1ld 23

Jrdsman t member where to

Itact with

11flll dog to male

ryears of and

1m across

the nation in Paris for the Fete de la Federation on 14 July 1790 The portrait makes clear the connection between service in the Revolutionary civic guard md the literal regeneration of the French people The nUfsmg infant at its mothers bare breast is a homey instantiation of the Revolutionary putto in the Doncre painting The men in Hauers portrait are entirely subsumed into tile domestic space but also clearly identified with Revoluti onary politics their tricolor uniforms punch a hole in their slightly ajrless familial interior The painting argues with a confidence not entirely shared by legislators and political theorists that fraternity and the preservation of the family unit were perfectly compatible

The Hauer family portrait speaks to the desire to keep both fraternity and paternity in the picture The balance it strikes between these two kinds of male identity can be found in much of the political rhetoric of the period Even those who wanted to liberate the individual from his (I use the male pronoun advisedly) family continued to believe that the citizen belonged to a larger and indeed familial collective body in vvhich authority was communally held As a 1793 pamphlet put it the large family must outweigh the small family of each private individual otherwise private interest will soon undermille the general interest29 The Republic fa S-1711de famil1e or la patric was understood in familial terms its citizens were bound to it by love as children to a father The idea of the petite famillc as the foundation of society moreover persisted both in political rhetoric and the popular imagination

Suzanne Desans recent s tudy of family life during the RevQlution challenges Hunts Family Romance argument stressing the importance of domestic ties to contemporary notions of political identity After the dissolution of the system of corporate bodies (both those based on professional identity and those on social status) and the undermining of the church the Revolution turned to the family as a model for national unity and as a means of forming patriotic citizens If stable families were necessary for the regenerabon of the French people Desan argues the emotional bonds between family members were particularly important As Revolutionary legislation chipped away at the harutional patriarchal structure of the family the sentimental family of the la te Enlightenment took on political significance the tender emotions that bound family members together also created the stability and virruous impulses necessary for the Republic The most valuable product of this happy Revolutionary family was of course male citizens-not only sons raised up for III patrie but also adult men whose sensibilite made them more receptive to and better participants in Revolutionary fratcmite and the general will of the sovereign people30 It is this economy of domestic attachment and civic morality that is picrured in family portraits as visible and permanent evidence of a citizens virtue

Perhaps the most remarkable family portrait of the early years of the Revolution di stills this patriotic domesticity to its purest essence This painting traditionally identified as an image of journaljst and politician Camille Desmoulins his wife and their child is unsigned and undated but

24 INTliRlOR IU1UlIAlTURE om MASCU l INE lDDJTtTY IN fHANCIZ 1789-1914

appears by the costumes of the sitters to date to 1791 - 93 (Plate 3)JI II the portrait indeed represents the Desmoulins famiJy the infant depicted would be the Desmoulins son Horace vvho was born in July of] 792 The po rtrait can thus be dated more precisely to late 1792 or the first few m onths of ] 793 only a year befo re both husband and wife were guillotined in April 1794 The p ortrait once attributed to David is a close-cropped image with the two adults shown at three-quarte rs length agains t a dark neutral ground The three bodies form so tight a unit that only a s liver of negative space bordered by the fathers face the childs arm and the mothers hl11d interrupts their grouping This narrow space serves to emphasize the exchange of gestures and glances that LiJlk the figures to each other The woman looking out at the viewer is the taJlest figure of the composition her left hand supports tJle baby perched on her husbands shoulder Her touch is palpable tJw childs tlesh ripples in response to he r g rip Her right hand reaches across the composition and rests on that of her husband bUlding the three figures toge ther The husbands hand und er that of his wiic holds a quiU poised to write which in turn ti ckles the toes of the naked baby The husband turns from his writing to gaze up at the faces of his wife and chjld and the baby returns hi s gaze patting hi s father on tJ1e h ead

The portraitist has used every trick in hi s or her arsenal to impress the love and unity o f this family upon the viewer the tight arrangement of bodies the proximity of the three heads the interlaCing of limbs even the echoing of colo rs from the wifes red sash and white dress to the husbands white shirt and red lapds The color ha rmony draws another ele ment of the composition into the circle of the family the sheets of white paper on the desk The mans activity as a write r is intimately linked to hi s role as husband and faUwr His wife and child stand behind him guiding his hand and head acting out the gesture both of a muse and a genius in the iconography of inspired poe ts3 2

It is as if the woman and child are not only the source for but also the very substance of what thpound man is writing If as seem s like ly the man is Camille Desmoulins editor of the moderate Jacobin journal Lc Vic) cordelia and membe r of the Convention this portrait is a powerful argum ent for the role of the family in fo rming Revolutionary citi zens

The Desmoulins portrait which lacks the material rcferences to political change so prominent in the portraits by Donere Hauer and Landon m akes more abstract and m ore complicated reference to the rol e of the domestic in Revolutionary thought The reduced se tting of the portrait which gives Little hint of any interior space and the simplicity of the couples dress suppresses the markers of class that portraits like that of the Lecocq family highlighted it is ratl1er the unive rsality of the Desmoulins familys emotions that is (literally) fo regrOlll1ded The ecsta tic communion of this nuclea r family which pours out into the husbandfathe r s work writes Revolutionary egalite illto the family unit The Desmoulins portrait is a dream about the affective possibilities of a regenerated society in which lov ing individuals of modest means are forged into a single entity in order to effect c11ange This family with the male child at its center represents a Revolution in which public and private personae

have merged in and indeed spril so lUlmarked by Desmoulins and Imiddot

Faced with the and p olitical syste Citi zenship firmly more rad ical than H aue r and Lando importance of cor This insistence d outward-looking of the inwardly f( in 1789 of the re This is not quite t dreamed wherel Ra ther fami I) p( feeUJ1g aJld politi the homes and en Oil the principle t contaiJ1S the extel fellow citi zens an

Notes

I would like t( Univers it) ani Ga lIe ry of Art a pltlrticullrly writing this p Li ttle is know wherc he WOl

Lecocq portn a nd AIJin Ch Revolutioll fra points out th Dutch hlmily 1743-I 820 ex

2 Bordes identl Catalogue dc peints en oral XVlIIc sirec E

3 Thomas Crov IVlakillg Irisl 1995) while I rela tionship i after tile Terror

Ite 3)11 If til picllgtd wau ld e t can II 17C)3 only 1

rnrtrait Jdulbshown blldie furm father s fdce nis nClrro Ual Imk the iigu r l er h usbands pons to her )n tlMt ot her d under that he toes o j the It fa ces of h is on the head Jress the love nt of budies he echoing of s whi te shirt composi tion k The III m s xi father Hi lcting out the pi red poets also the very i1l1 is Ca mille cordelin and for the role of

S to polibcill ndon make

d()Jnestic in gives little

s ltuppresses it

t is (literally) Ich pours a u t a the family sibiliti es of a 15 me forged e male child lte personae

III71Y Ffelmil 25

have merged in which citizenship is harmonious with family a ttachmen t and indeed springs from it The naked m Cl le iJlfant so fl eshy md rea l yet so unmarked by class or fClclion embodjes the new beginning for which Desllloulins and hi s fcllow Revolutionaries yearned

Faced with the problem of reformulating masculine identity in a new socia l dnd poli tical system the Des llloulins and their portra itis t chose to ground male Citizenship firmly in the d omestic inte rior Their so lution to the problem was more radical than those p roposed in the family portraits painted by Doncre Hauer and Landon but aU thesc artists and sitters were in agreement about the importance of conjugal and pate rnal love for the form ation of political agency This insistence dem onstrates that many men imagined themselves both as outward-lookin g citizens of the Revolutionary polity and as loving members of the inwardly focused domestic wlit As Camille Desm oulins himself wrote in 1789 of the regenerated French na tion Are we not one great family 33 This is not quite the individualliberty of which some radical Revolutionaries drea med w hereby all (men) faced the polity alone and on equal footing lilther family portraiture shows us a kind of masculjnc iden tity in which feeling and po]jtical commitment were inseparable These paintings open up the homes and emoti ons of their male sitters for the inspection of the ir viewers on the prin ciple tha t private happiness guaranteed public virtue The inte rior contains the exterio r the husband and father at hOl11e is also tle brother of hi s fellow citizens and the son of In pntrie

Notes

I would like to thank Samuel H Kress foundation Southern Methodist University ltl nd the Centcr for Advlllced Study in the Visual Arts il t the National GaUery of A rt for their support while working on this resea rch CASVA provided a particularly stimulating environment of colleltlg ues during thl cri ti ca l of writing this essa y Unless o therwise indica ted all translations ire my own

Little is known of Doncres a rti s tic training hi s Cilree r w as spent mostly in Arras where he worked in several differen t genres For wll ico nog ra p hic anillysis of the Lecocq portTait see the ciltil logue en try by Philippe Bordes in Phi lippe Bordes and Alain O leva lie r des pcillhlfCS sculptures et dessil1s Musec de la R(volutiol1 jrmllaise (Viz ille Musee d e la revolution fmnltaise 1996) 71-2 Bordes points out tha t this kind of com position is bo rrowed from seventeenth-century Dutch famil y portraiture The bes t source on Donnes is Dominique DOI1C1-e 743-1820 exh cat (H nebrouck Musee Illunicipal 1989)

2 Bordes identifies the faience and the wltl llpJper in Bo rd es a nd Cheva lier Catalogue des peilltllres sClllp tllres d dessills 72 see also Geert Wisse degLes Papiers pe in ts e n J rabesques sLir Jc m ur in Lts Papiers peillis Ill arabcsqlles dc la fin dll XVJlle sireI ed Bernard Jacque (Paris Editio ns d e la Martiniere 1995)79

3 Thomas Crow focu ses almo$t xclusivcly on his to ry painling in Emulnlion Makillg Artists fo r Revoillt ionary Frallce (New lIaven Yale Un iverSity Press 1995) whil e EWJ Lajer-B urcharth discusses portraiture ill terms of the artists relJtionship with individ Lhll s itters in Necklin e The Art vJacqUl-Louis David aper the IilTvr (New Hltlven Yale University Press 1999)

I

26 INTERIOR ANI) MASCULLNE LOENTITY IN PRANCE 1789-1914

4 Bo th fe male politica l parti cipation and its condemn a tion are rellected in Press 1 visual represen ta tion (see Ma delyn Glitwirth The Tw ilight o( the a reacti Women ami Rcpresc lltillioll ill the Frell cf Rcvolu tiollary Era [N ew Brunswick Gill be Ru tgers Unive rsity Press 1992] Lynn H lint The Imagery of Radicali sm by Phil in Politics Culture (Inn Class ii the Frell ch Revolution [Berkeley University of princel Californi a Press 1984]87- 11 9 ami Joan Landes Viscmlizillg the Nation GendcI Interpl Represelltal-ioll alln Revolulion ill EighlLcllth-Cclllury French [Ithaca Cornell Conis( Uni versity Press 2001 D 10 Nicole

] These issues and their impact on Re volutionlfY portraiture arc addressed at unifor length in my dissertation Amy Freund Revolutionary Likenesses Po rtraiture frall(lli and Politics in France 1789- 1804 PhD diss (University of California Be rkeley 2(05) For the Illaterial culture of the Frcnch Revolution sec Richard Wrigley

11 Georg role in

Tile Politics of Appearance Represeilialiolis o(Drcs ill Rcvoluliililan FUlilee (Oxford LHar Berg 2002) and Leora Auslander Regeneration through the Everyday Cuarc Clothing Architecture and Furniture in Revolutionary Pari s A rt History 28 Make no 2 (Apr 2(05) 227-47 2(01)

6 Revolutionary notions of poli tical transparency ilre based in large pi][t on the 12 Gilles writings of Jean-JacquEs Roussea u who linked personal virtue emotional cxh c effusi on and political representa tion The foundational argument about transparency and the French Revo lutio n is made by Anto ine de Baecque in 13 Boure The Borly Polilic Corporeal Metaphor ill Rellolutioll(lry Frallce 1770- 1800 trans Cha rlo tte Mand ell (Stanford Stanford University Press 1997) T J Clark provides a Jllode l of how the analysis of late e ighteenth-century portraiture

anon gellcal (Mus

(or rather self-portraiture) might take into account Rousseauian concepts of transparency in Gross David with the Swoln Cheek An Essay on Self-Portraiture in Rediscovering Hislory CUIure Politics alld Psyche ed Michael S Roth (Stanfo rd Stanford University Press 1994)243-307

ache The t and 1 [Noy

7 A royal edict of 1639 for instance stated that la reverence naturelle des enfants ellvcrs leurs parents cs t Ie lien de la des sujets envers

14 The ) only

leur souve rain (qtd in Marcel Ga raud La Revolulioll frllil raise ct La fall1ill e ed 15 It is I ROllluald Szramkiewicz [Paris Presses Universitaires de Fral1ce 19781 135) the l

8 James F Trae r lvJarriaglt tlnd tllf Family ill Eighleenth-Celltury France (Ithaca Cornell University Press 1980) 16

Gual the t

9 The sparse scholarship on family portraiture in France supports the theory that families were more ilnd more like ly to demand that their portraits rellect new id eas about lo ve marriage and childrearing Louis Hautccoeur who published what remains the only serious treatment of the family portrait in France in 1945

16 This Davi 1993 Age

argues that family portraits we re produced in increasing numbers from 1750 to 17 In Je 1790 Haurecoeur par ticularly s tresses the ways in which late ei ghteenth-century sens portraits reHcct new theories of knowledge based on sensation (particularly the by p growing mate rialist school of philosophy that adopted and radicalized the early gem e ighteenth-century work of John Locke ) as we ll as the glorification of conjugal love (see Louis Hautecoeur LeeS Pcilltre de III vicfamiliale evolution dun f theme [Pa ris Editions de la Ga lerie Charpentie r 1945]) More recently Sarah Maz i has argued based on the same proliferation of visual representations of the family that the idea of the happy and loving fa mily actu ally developed in the mid-eighteenth century as a defense against Lockean ideas about individual experience ra tiona l choice and contrach1iI1 bonds between people (see S

18 Patr Frer ofp corF Jam 199

Maza The Bourgeois Family Revisited Sentimentalism and Social Class in 19 Hut Prerevolutionary French Culhlfe in Intimatc Ellcounters Love and Domesticity bet in Eightee nth-Cellturl France ed Richard Rand [Prince ton Princeton University IIJe

Jl4 Imlj Frellnd 27

Press 1997] 39-47) Whe ther the eelcbril tion of family fecling was a rlsult of or a reaction against Lockeall sensationalism it is clear that its visuill manifestation can be found in portraits of bo th noble and non-nobl e patrons A recent ar ticle by Philippe Bord05 discu sses thl adoption of sentimental family portmiture in princlly circles at court (P Bordes Portraiture in the Mode of Genre A Social

ili lr Interpretati on in French Celllc Pninting in the poundiglltee llth Celltun cd Philip Conisbce exh cat IWashington DC The Nati onal Gallery of Art 2007] 257-74)

]() Ni cole Pellegrin notes the fashi on for dressing children in NltjonaJ Guard al uniforms in Lcs Vete1l1Cllts de laliberle aJecedaire des prntiqucs vestill1tlItaires

ll lure ml1 (ai cs de ]780 111800 (Aix-en-Provence Alinea 1989) 169 -kl Iey 11 Georges Carrot analyzes the formation of the N a tional Gultnd and La Fayettes ky role in La Gardc natiol1lllc (1789-1871 ) IInc force plliJiquc I1lIlhiguf (Paris Ixford LHannattan 2001) D ale L Clifford argues that participation in the Na tional

GUilrd was legally and symbolically linked to citizenship in Can the Uniform 2( Make the GUzen 7 Paris 1789-1791 Eighteenth-Ce11tllry 34 no 3 (Spring

20(1) 363- 82 the 12 C illes Chomer avant 1815 in colieelioll dli dc Grm oJie

cxh ca t (Paris Reunion des musees na tionaux 2000)

B Bomce t service to the crown and the his tory of his fa_mily is described in an S anonymous manllscript (most like ly written by Bource t himself) eJltitledNolicc

gel(alogique et historiquc dc In ilniIe de Boured and p robably dMing to 181 8 l (Mu s8e de la R8volution franlisc Vi zille Ms 1vI20()5-J-l) 130urce t was nallled

a chevalie r of St LOllis in )Jnuary 1791 another mark of his loyalty to the king The biography of the fi rs t dauphin also Bource t (see ReynJld Seeher

cl S and Yves Jtfuril t Un Prince 1I1CCOl1l1l1 Ie dauphin LOl1is-Jostlll fils aim de LrJl1is XVI [Noyal-sur-Vilaine Editi ons RS PJ 9981)

lfants 14 The younges t children are the BouJ ce ts three dJughte rs a second son WilS born only in 1797

bull d 15 It is poss ible that this uniform like that worn by the ddest Lecocq son is that of ) the National Guard However it is missing the white or red cuffs of the National

Guard uniform Given fnmilys political leanings it seems more likely that the uniform is that of il more tradition l military llllit

16 This commission is described by Lina Propeck (David et lc portrait du rai in (W David cOlltre David ed Regis Michel 2 vols [paris La Documentation franltaise hed 1993]1293-318) and by Laura Auricchio (Ad flnide Labillc-Guiard Artist in the 194 Age of Revolution [Los Angeles The J Paul Getty Ivluseum 20091 82-3)

that

l() to 17 In June 1791 the same year his portrait was painted Bource[ demonstrated his ntury sense of civic duty in a particularly vivid and counterrevolutionary fashion the by participating in the royal filmilys flight from Paris ([Bource t] Notice eMly gCJ1(alogique as in note 13) gal lie 18 Patrice Higonnet stresses the radical commitment to individualism of the early

French Revolution whi ch motivated such major reforms as the renouncem ent of personal privileges on 4 August 1789 and the Le Chapelier law abolishing

he corporate bodies enacted in June of 1791 (P Higonne t Goodness Beyond Virt-ue Jilcoin s during the French Revoll1tion [Cambridge MA Harvard University Press 1998] 76-100)

d

n 19 Hunt points to the success of the the me of the fathe rless child in popular fiction ill between 1792 and 1794 to support her argument (L H unt ThE Famiil ROI1Jallce of sit) the Frelcil Rcvoluiol [Be rkeley University of California Press 1992] 86)

I

26 INTERIOR ANI) MASCULLNE LOENTITY IN PRANCE 1789-1914

4 Bo th fe male politica l parti cipation and its condemn a tion are rellected in Press 1 visual represen ta tion (see Ma delyn Glitwirth The Tw ilight o( the a reacti Women ami Rcpresc lltillioll ill the Frell cf Rcvolu tiollary Era [N ew Brunswick Gill be Ru tgers Unive rsity Press 1992] Lynn H lint The Imagery of Radicali sm by Phil in Politics Culture (Inn Class ii the Frell ch Revolution [Berkeley University of princel Californi a Press 1984]87- 11 9 ami Joan Landes Viscmlizillg the Nation GendcI Interpl Represelltal-ioll alln Revolulion ill EighlLcllth-Cclllury French [Ithaca Cornell Conis( Uni versity Press 2001 D 10 Nicole

] These issues and their impact on Re volutionlfY portraiture arc addressed at unifor length in my dissertation Amy Freund Revolutionary Likenesses Po rtraiture frall(lli and Politics in France 1789- 1804 PhD diss (University of California Be rkeley 2(05) For the Illaterial culture of the Frcnch Revolution sec Richard Wrigley

11 Georg role in

Tile Politics of Appearance Represeilialiolis o(Drcs ill Rcvoluliililan FUlilee (Oxford LHar Berg 2002) and Leora Auslander Regeneration through the Everyday Cuarc Clothing Architecture and Furniture in Revolutionary Pari s A rt History 28 Make no 2 (Apr 2(05) 227-47 2(01)

6 Revolutionary notions of poli tical transparency ilre based in large pi][t on the 12 Gilles writings of Jean-JacquEs Roussea u who linked personal virtue emotional cxh c effusi on and political representa tion The foundational argument about transparency and the French Revo lutio n is made by Anto ine de Baecque in 13 Boure The Borly Polilic Corporeal Metaphor ill Rellolutioll(lry Frallce 1770- 1800 trans Cha rlo tte Mand ell (Stanford Stanford University Press 1997) T J Clark provides a Jllode l of how the analysis of late e ighteenth-century portraiture

anon gellcal (Mus

(or rather self-portraiture) might take into account Rousseauian concepts of transparency in Gross David with the Swoln Cheek An Essay on Self-Portraiture in Rediscovering Hislory CUIure Politics alld Psyche ed Michael S Roth (Stanfo rd Stanford University Press 1994)243-307

ache The t and 1 [Noy

7 A royal edict of 1639 for instance stated that la reverence naturelle des enfants ellvcrs leurs parents cs t Ie lien de la des sujets envers

14 The ) only

leur souve rain (qtd in Marcel Ga raud La Revolulioll frllil raise ct La fall1ill e ed 15 It is I ROllluald Szramkiewicz [Paris Presses Universitaires de Fral1ce 19781 135) the l

8 James F Trae r lvJarriaglt tlnd tllf Family ill Eighleenth-Celltury France (Ithaca Cornell University Press 1980) 16

Gual the t

9 The sparse scholarship on family portraiture in France supports the theory that families were more ilnd more like ly to demand that their portraits rellect new id eas about lo ve marriage and childrearing Louis Hautccoeur who published what remains the only serious treatment of the family portrait in France in 1945

16 This Davi 1993 Age

argues that family portraits we re produced in increasing numbers from 1750 to 17 In Je 1790 Haurecoeur par ticularly s tresses the ways in which late ei ghteenth-century sens portraits reHcct new theories of knowledge based on sensation (particularly the by p growing mate rialist school of philosophy that adopted and radicalized the early gem e ighteenth-century work of John Locke ) as we ll as the glorification of conjugal love (see Louis Hautecoeur LeeS Pcilltre de III vicfamiliale evolution dun f theme [Pa ris Editions de la Ga lerie Charpentie r 1945]) More recently Sarah Maz i has argued based on the same proliferation of visual representations of the family that the idea of the happy and loving fa mily actu ally developed in the mid-eighteenth century as a defense against Lockean ideas about individual experience ra tiona l choice and contrach1iI1 bonds between people (see S

18 Patr Frer ofp corF Jam 199

Maza The Bourgeois Family Revisited Sentimentalism and Social Class in 19 Hut Prerevolutionary French Culhlfe in Intimatc Ellcounters Love and Domesticity bet in Eightee nth-Cellturl France ed Richard Rand [Prince ton Princeton University IIJe

Jl4 Imlj Frellnd 27

Press 1997] 39-47) Whe ther the eelcbril tion of family fecling was a rlsult of or a reaction against Lockeall sensationalism it is clear that its visuill manifestation can be found in portraits of bo th noble and non-nobl e patrons A recent ar ticle by Philippe Bord05 discu sses thl adoption of sentimental family portmiture in princlly circles at court (P Bordes Portraiture in the Mode of Genre A Social

ili lr Interpretati on in French Celllc Pninting in the poundiglltee llth Celltun cd Philip Conisbce exh cat IWashington DC The Nati onal Gallery of Art 2007] 257-74)

]() Ni cole Pellegrin notes the fashi on for dressing children in NltjonaJ Guard al uniforms in Lcs Vete1l1Cllts de laliberle aJecedaire des prntiqucs vestill1tlItaires

ll lure ml1 (ai cs de ]780 111800 (Aix-en-Provence Alinea 1989) 169 -kl Iey 11 Georges Carrot analyzes the formation of the N a tional Gultnd and La Fayettes ky role in La Gardc natiol1lllc (1789-1871 ) IInc force plliJiquc I1lIlhiguf (Paris Ixford LHannattan 2001) D ale L Clifford argues that participation in the Na tional

GUilrd was legally and symbolically linked to citizenship in Can the Uniform 2( Make the GUzen 7 Paris 1789-1791 Eighteenth-Ce11tllry 34 no 3 (Spring

20(1) 363- 82 the 12 C illes Chomer avant 1815 in colieelioll dli dc Grm oJie

cxh ca t (Paris Reunion des musees na tionaux 2000)

B Bomce t service to the crown and the his tory of his fa_mily is described in an S anonymous manllscript (most like ly written by Bource t himself) eJltitledNolicc

gel(alogique et historiquc dc In ilniIe de Boured and p robably dMing to 181 8 l (Mu s8e de la R8volution franlisc Vi zille Ms 1vI20()5-J-l) 130urce t was nallled

a chevalie r of St LOllis in )Jnuary 1791 another mark of his loyalty to the king The biography of the fi rs t dauphin also Bource t (see ReynJld Seeher

cl S and Yves Jtfuril t Un Prince 1I1CCOl1l1l1 Ie dauphin LOl1is-Jostlll fils aim de LrJl1is XVI [Noyal-sur-Vilaine Editi ons RS PJ 9981)

lfants 14 The younges t children are the BouJ ce ts three dJughte rs a second son WilS born only in 1797

bull d 15 It is poss ible that this uniform like that worn by the ddest Lecocq son is that of ) the National Guard However it is missing the white or red cuffs of the National

Guard uniform Given fnmilys political leanings it seems more likely that the uniform is that of il more tradition l military llllit

16 This commission is described by Lina Propeck (David et lc portrait du rai in (W David cOlltre David ed Regis Michel 2 vols [paris La Documentation franltaise hed 1993]1293-318) and by Laura Auricchio (Ad flnide Labillc-Guiard Artist in the 194 Age of Revolution [Los Angeles The J Paul Getty Ivluseum 20091 82-3)

that

l() to 17 In June 1791 the same year his portrait was painted Bource[ demonstrated his ntury sense of civic duty in a particularly vivid and counterrevolutionary fashion the by participating in the royal filmilys flight from Paris ([Bource t] Notice eMly gCJ1(alogique as in note 13) gal lie 18 Patrice Higonnet stresses the radical commitment to individualism of the early

French Revolution whi ch motivated such major reforms as the renouncem ent of personal privileges on 4 August 1789 and the Le Chapelier law abolishing

he corporate bodies enacted in June of 1791 (P Higonne t Goodness Beyond Virt-ue Jilcoin s during the French Revoll1tion [Cambridge MA Harvard University Press 1998] 76-100)

d

n 19 Hunt points to the success of the the me of the fathe rless child in popular fiction ill between 1792 and 1794 to support her argument (L H unt ThE Famiil ROI1Jallce of sit) the Frelcil Rcvoluiol [Be rkeley University of California Press 1992] 86)

Jl4 Imlj Frellnd 27

Press 1997] 39-47) Whe ther the eelcbril tion of family fecling was a rlsult of or a reaction against Lockeall sensationalism it is clear that its visuill manifestation can be found in portraits of bo th noble and non-nobl e patrons A recent ar ticle by Philippe Bord05 discu sses thl adoption of sentimental family portmiture in princlly circles at court (P Bordes Portraiture in the Mode of Genre A Social

ili lr Interpretati on in French Celllc Pninting in the poundiglltee llth Celltun cd Philip Conisbce exh cat IWashington DC The Nati onal Gallery of Art 2007] 257-74)

]() Ni cole Pellegrin notes the fashi on for dressing children in NltjonaJ Guard al uniforms in Lcs Vete1l1Cllts de laliberle aJecedaire des prntiqucs vestill1tlItaires

ll lure ml1 (ai cs de ]780 111800 (Aix-en-Provence Alinea 1989) 169 -kl Iey 11 Georges Carrot analyzes the formation of the N a tional Gultnd and La Fayettes ky role in La Gardc natiol1lllc (1789-1871 ) IInc force plliJiquc I1lIlhiguf (Paris Ixford LHannattan 2001) D ale L Clifford argues that participation in the Na tional

GUilrd was legally and symbolically linked to citizenship in Can the Uniform 2( Make the GUzen 7 Paris 1789-1791 Eighteenth-Ce11tllry 34 no 3 (Spring

20(1) 363- 82 the 12 C illes Chomer avant 1815 in colieelioll dli dc Grm oJie

cxh ca t (Paris Reunion des musees na tionaux 2000)

B Bomce t service to the crown and the his tory of his fa_mily is described in an S anonymous manllscript (most like ly written by Bource t himself) eJltitledNolicc

gel(alogique et historiquc dc In ilniIe de Boured and p robably dMing to 181 8 l (Mu s8e de la R8volution franlisc Vi zille Ms 1vI20()5-J-l) 130urce t was nallled

a chevalie r of St LOllis in )Jnuary 1791 another mark of his loyalty to the king The biography of the fi rs t dauphin also Bource t (see ReynJld Seeher

cl S and Yves Jtfuril t Un Prince 1I1CCOl1l1l1 Ie dauphin LOl1is-Jostlll fils aim de LrJl1is XVI [Noyal-sur-Vilaine Editi ons RS PJ 9981)

lfants 14 The younges t children are the BouJ ce ts three dJughte rs a second son WilS born only in 1797

bull d 15 It is poss ible that this uniform like that worn by the ddest Lecocq son is that of ) the National Guard However it is missing the white or red cuffs of the National

Guard uniform Given fnmilys political leanings it seems more likely that the uniform is that of il more tradition l military llllit

16 This commission is described by Lina Propeck (David et lc portrait du rai in (W David cOlltre David ed Regis Michel 2 vols [paris La Documentation franltaise hed 1993]1293-318) and by Laura Auricchio (Ad flnide Labillc-Guiard Artist in the 194 Age of Revolution [Los Angeles The J Paul Getty Ivluseum 20091 82-3)

that

l() to 17 In June 1791 the same year his portrait was painted Bource[ demonstrated his ntury sense of civic duty in a particularly vivid and counterrevolutionary fashion the by participating in the royal filmilys flight from Paris ([Bource t] Notice eMly gCJ1(alogique as in note 13) gal lie 18 Patrice Higonnet stresses the radical commitment to individualism of the early

French Revolution whi ch motivated such major reforms as the renouncem ent of personal privileges on 4 August 1789 and the Le Chapelier law abolishing

he corporate bodies enacted in June of 1791 (P Higonne t Goodness Beyond Virt-ue Jilcoin s during the French Revoll1tion [Cambridge MA Harvard University Press 1998] 76-100)

d

n 19 Hunt points to the success of the the me of the fathe rless child in popular fiction ill between 1792 and 1794 to support her argument (L H unt ThE Famiil ROI1Jallce of sit) the Frelcil Rcvoluiol [Be rkeley University of California Press 1992] 86)

28 INTERlOR PORTRATTURI AND MASCULINr IJ)CNTITI IN FRANCE 1789-1914

It is worth noting that there is no correspondin g boom in child portraiture or the depiction of children in genre or history painti ng at the same moment with the important exception of th e short-lived cult of the child mmtyrs Bara and Viala

20 Traer Marriagc IIlld tlie Flllllily 105 ] 20

21 The statistics compiled by Roderick Phillips in his case study of Revolution-era divorce in Rouen suggl st that it was women who most frequently initiated the divorce process (R Phillips Fa lllily Brcakdowli ill Latc Eighteen th-Centllry Frnnce DhlOrcc in ROIiCIi 7792-181J3[Oxford Clarendon 1980] 44- 60)

22 Phillips Falllily Breakdown 13 Traer reports that during the ancien regime the ag( of majority had blen even higher 30 for men Jnd 25 for women (Traer Nfllrrillgc alld the Falllily 91)

23 Phillips Family BreakdowlI 13 see also the chronology of Jaws relating to the family in Suzzlllne Desan 1he family on hial ill Revoilltiollary France (Berkeley University of Californiil Press 2006) 326- 7

24 Thjs brief movement in favor of womens property rights is discussed in Desan The Family 011 Trial 66

25 Jean Bart argues that Revolutionary family and property law codified the rightb of the individual CLIndividu et scs droits in LII Falllille laai etat de III Revolution au Code Civil ed Irene Thery zllld Christian Biet [Paris Centre Georges Pompidou Imprimerie nationale 1989] 351-61)

26 For a desceiption of Revolutionary educational projects see Dominique Julta LInstitution du cituyen instruction publique e t education nJtionale dans les projets de la pe riode rcvolutionnaire (1789- 1795) in LEllfant la fa III ille et III Rtvollitioll frall(lli5C cd Marie-Franltoise Levy (Paris Olivier Orban 1990) 123- 70

27 This portrait has recently been ilttributed to Hmler on stylis tic g rounds (Gerrit Walczak Low Art Popular Ima ge ry and Civic Commitment in the French Revolution Art History 30 no 2 [Apr 2007] 247- 77) Hauer was Cl portraitist ilnd genre pilinter who was trained in hi s native Germany but spent alm ost alI of his professional life in France arriving in Paris in 1774 Walcza k speculiltcs that IIauer may have spent sOllle time in Arras prior to his arrival in Paris in 1774 and may havc met Dominique ODncr( the re (Low Art Popular Imagery and Civic Commitment 250) While it is tempting to see a connection between the family portrClits produced by these two painters in the ea rly J790s th e evidence for any ClcquilintCince seems slim

28 Walczak points out thal Hauer himself was an officer in the Parisian National Guard cmd identifies the man in the blue vest and britches as a chasseur in the Guard Changing regulCitions and local improvisation account for differences in

ational Guard uniforms in the first years of the Revolution On uniforms and the civic engagement of Guard smen see Clifford Can Uniform Make the Citizen The marginaliza tion iJnd emo tional detJchment of the elderly man

at far righ t clothed much mono humbly than the rest of the family in a loose brown suit and slippers suggests that the portrait mi ght be posthumous a common ta ctic in eighteenth-century family portraiture His inclusion s trengthens the sense of generational transmission through the mal e line of the famiJy

29 Pierre Cuyomar Lr Partisnn de legnlitd Iolitiqllc cntre les indiuidu5 au IroJIhlle trcs-imporallt de Ies alite ell droits et de lillcgaLit ell fait ([Paris] Imprimerie nationale [1793])12 qtd in Dominique Godineau Quy a-t-il de commun entre vous

e t nous Enje Revolution fr de la revoilltio

30 Desan The FI

31 The evidence circllmstanti closely to km couples apar m any other i de Paris vls

32 Jacques-Lolli DeSll oulins Anne-Pierret

33 Est-ce que r Des])1Qulins

I

14 Amy Frellnd 29

or the n th iab

30

et nous Enjeux et discourlt de la difference des sexes pendant 1lt1 Revolution franaise (1789- 1793) in Thery and Bic t cds LII FlIIllillc IlIloi Ietal de la revolution 72-8-1

Desan The Family 011 h ial 67 80- 81

1I1 middotra dlhe Imet

th r

be

leSSJ1

31

32

33

The evidence pointing to the identifica tion of this family as the DesmouIins is circumstantial but convincing The figure of the man in particular conforms closely to known portraits of Ca mille Dcsmoulins and the inventory of the couples apartment made after their death includes a family portrait as well as many other images of Revolutionary notables (Bibliothcque historique de la ville de Pa ris M s 985 Res 24)

Jacques-Louis David used this convention only J few years prior to the Oesmoulins portrait in his 1788 double portrait of Antoine-Laurent and Marie-Anne-Pierre tte Lavoisier (New York Metropol itan Museum of Art)

Est-cl que nOllS ne sommes pas tOllS une grande flmille (Camille Desmoulins ReVOlltiol1s de france et de Brabal1l no 1 [November 281789] 8)

I de

liil

cl )l

tist t all o f i that 74 1I1d 1 the knee

11ill Ihl es in Jnd the III

1 a Oll S

the

e llls-11ille LIs

-1914

knife tha t of

rinizlng bloody

against ph over e gender aintin

pl bolo of l and the im p lied lining of

ogynous J Clark J l ves ted bc(veen atern al signs of

touching lm ou th ogyny in ilarat as

15 Cla rk Ning the ed ba ttle Mnrnt at the other they all working Dugh the tha t not

ilinin ity mininity [ing and the case femille

ltion of a

if we and

known Llf Third century

1 Dominique Doncre Judge Picrre-Lollis-oelh Lecocq nlld His fa lllily 1791 Oil on canvas 98 x 82 cm Vizilll Musee de la Revolution franlta ise

ulqoUlt)J up Cl0snW Cil CllqllU)Jgt slJt-xncltgtq ltl0S11lt1 LLlJ ()pound L x L6 SlIUID UO 10 16LI i[lIIlVj SIH pUV PJmiddotIwR Jp 11Id-IIVJf III IIOJ LlOpLHq IntcJ-Sltlp llLI) Z

-

3 Anonymous Portrait of Cnmille Deslllolllills (J 76()-1794J His Wife Lucile (17T1 - 1794J alld Their Son HorneI Cnlllilie (1792-1825) c 1792 Oil on canvas 100 x 123 cm Versailles Chateau de Versa illcs Reunion des musecs nationaux Art Resource NY

-1914

knife tha t of

rinizlng bloody

against ph over e gender aintin

pl bolo of l and the im p lied lining of

ogynous J Clark J l ves ted bc(veen atern al signs of

touching lm ou th ogyny in ilarat as

15 Cla rk Ning the ed ba ttle Mnrnt at the other they all working Dugh the tha t not

ilinin ity mininity [ing and the case femille

ltion of a

if we and

known Llf Third century

1 Dominique Doncre Judge Picrre-Lollis-oelh Lecocq nlld His fa lllily 1791 Oil on canvas 98 x 82 cm Vizilll Musee de la Revolution franlta ise

ulqoUlt)J up Cl0snW Cil CllqllU)Jgt slJt-xncltgtq ltl0S11lt1 LLlJ ()pound L x L6 SlIUID UO 10 16LI i[lIIlVj SIH pUV PJmiddotIwR Jp 11Id-IIVJf III IIOJ LlOpLHq IntcJ-Sltlp llLI) Z

-

3 Anonymous Portrait of Cnmille Deslllolllills (J 76()-1794J His Wife Lucile (17T1 - 1794J alld Their Son HorneI Cnlllilie (1792-1825) c 1792 Oil on canvas 100 x 123 cm Versailles Chateau de Versa illcs Reunion des musecs nationaux Art Resource NY

ulqoUlt)J up Cl0snW Cil CllqllU)Jgt slJt-xncltgtq ltl0S11lt1 LLlJ ()pound L x L6 SlIUID UO 10 16LI i[lIIlVj SIH pUV PJmiddotIwR Jp 11Id-IIVJf III IIOJ LlOpLHq IntcJ-Sltlp llLI) Z

-

3 Anonymous Portrait of Cnmille Deslllolllills (J 76()-1794J His Wife Lucile (17T1 - 1794J alld Their Son HorneI Cnlllilie (1792-1825) c 1792 Oil on canvas 100 x 123 cm Versailles Chateau de Versa illcs Reunion des musecs nationaux Art Resource NY

-

3 Anonymous Portrait of Cnmille Deslllolllills (J 76()-1794J His Wife Lucile (17T1 - 1794J alld Their Son HorneI Cnlllilie (1792-1825) c 1792 Oil on canvas 100 x 123 cm Versailles Chateau de Versa illcs Reunion des musecs nationaux Art Resource NY