the monolingual framing of international education in australia
TRANSCRIPT
The monolingual framing of international education in Australia
Anthony J. Liddicoat & Jonathan Crichton
Research Centre for Languages and Cultures, University of South Australia
Abstract
The concept of international education in Australia is moving from a discourse of attracting
students from other countries to one of concern with internationalising curriculum and pedagogy.
This internationalisation is motivated by a reconsideration of the appropriateness of curricula to
prepare students for the globalised world of work. If one examines universities’ approaches to
internationalisation, however, it becomes clear that the dominant ideology of internationalisation is
framed from a English-speaking perspective in which English-language monolingualism is
constructed as both the basis for and the content of teaching and learning. The monolingual mindset
is characterised by: an emphasis on knowledge created in and communicated through English; little
attention to the linguistic and cultural context in which knowledge will be used; neglect of the “non-
English” competences and capacities of learners and construction of learners’ English second
language as a deficit and of English language learning as remediation; the “invisibility” of the
linguistic and cultural context of English; perceptions that education offered in the first language of
students is suspect (easy options, low standards of teaching, etc.); and little consideration of
knowledge and discipline practices as culturally and linguistically contexted. These characteristics
demonstrate that internationalisation is discursively constructed as an English language
phenomenon and the valued dimensions of international education are located within the value
structures of English which determines the flow of knowledge, learning purposes and practices,
academic values and the attribution of value to knowledge as a commodity.
Introduction
International education in Australia faces a discursive dilemma. The dilemma arises in part
from the multiple ways in which international education is understood. Liddicoat (2004) has
identified three ways of internationalising education in Australian universities’ policies:
internationalisation of the student body through recruitment, internationalisation of student
experiences through exchanges and internationalisation of the curriculum. These construct the
international in very different ways, without acknowledging that such differences exist. They focus
on different participants and have different goals and underlying assumptions. Nonetheless, the
discourse attempts to resolve these into one overarching institutional endeavour called international
education. The result is tension between the national and international, the monolingual and the
plurilingual, the monocultural and the pluricultural which is resolved largely through ignoring the
potential conflicts and disconnections which underlie international education. The basis for ignoring
such tensions lies in an institutionalised monolingual mindset (Clyne, 2005, 2007) or monolingual
habitus (monolinguale Habitus) (Gogolin, 1994) which is capable of ignoring linguistic and cultural
aspects of diversity as salient phenomena.
Clyne (2005, 2007) has identified a monolingual mindset as a pervasive feature of Australian
society in spite of a long history of multicultural policy. In the Australian monolingual mindset, the
assumed realities of social practices around language are treated as self-explanatory and are
undiscussed and unproblematised. This mindset is transposed into the academic setting in which it
manifests itself in particular ways (c.f. Bourdieu, 1979). While the basic features identified by
Clyne permeate academic culture, there are further elements of the institutional habitus which have
particular relevance for the current study. The institutional manifestation of the monolingual
mindset privileges a single language (English) within what is in reality a plurilingual context. This
privileging of one language denies the legitimacy of the plurilingual reality or its relevance to
institutional practice. This privileging grows out of a habit of min which views monolingualism as
the natural state in which people operate (Ellis, 2006) to the extent that it renders invisible the
culturally contexted nature the privileged language and the linguistic practices of its speakers. Not
only is this state considered normal but it becomes normalised through the institutional value
system which allocates symbolic power only to the privileged language through a system of rewards
for competence in this language and a corresponding denial, devaluing or problematising of
competence in other languages (Bourdieu, 1982). This allocation of symbolic power to a single
privileged language not only ignores of devalues competence in other languages but is also applied
to intellectual products produced and communicated through those languages and the intellectual
traditions associated with them. Within the monolingual mindset there is not a habitus which
informs only a view of languages but one which informs a broader world view. It is the intersection
of constructions of languages and world view that constitutes a part of the dilemma Australian
international education faces. In international education, this mindset and its discursive
consequences become most apparent when viewed from one of the multiple perspectives outlined
above: the internationalisation of the student body.
This paper we examine how education provided for international students and the contexts in
which and the practices through which such education is provided construct an unproblematised
monolingual English version of educational and social realities. We do this by examining three
contexts in which the monolingual mindset is played out. The first of these consists of the ways in
which the linguistic repertoires and associated capabilities, practices and knowledge of plurilingual
students are constructed. The second is the conceptualisation of the factors which constitute the
employability of international students. The third context is quality assurance and the ways in which
language and culture are treated in the evaluation of transnational1 educational programs. These
three contexts provide only a partial picture of the monolingual mindset as it applies in education
because the mindset is pervasive and we would argue underlies all discourse and practice in
international education.
Language and the international student
The majority of international students in Australia are bilingual or multilingual having
completed a substantial part of their education in another country. The proportion of these students
can be inferred from Table 1.
Table 1: International students’ enrolments by country/region of origin, 2006
(Source: Australian Education International, 2005)
Country/region Enrolments Percentage
China 46,075 27%
India 25,431 15%
Malaysia 14,932 9%
Hong Kong 9,948 6%
Indonesia 8,772 5%
Singapore 7,862 5%
Other Europe 8,401 5%
Thailand 4,891 3%
South Korea 5,590 3%
Sub-Saharan Africa 5,296 3%
North America 5,458 3%
Bangla Desh 3,501 2%
Other Southern and Central Asia 3,157 2%
Vietnam 2,618 2%
Japan 3,413 2%
Taiwan 3,854 2%
North Africa and Middle East 3,901 2%
Sri Lanka 2,491 1%
Other South East Asia 1,633 1%
Latin America 2,046 1%
UK and Ireland 2,084 1%
Other North East Asia 206 0%
Oceania 642 0%
Total 172,202 100%
In selecting these students, Australian institutions consider two factors – the successful
completion of secondary schooling and an English language proficiency test – that is, Australian
universities want evidence of academic preparation and English language proficiency. What is less
widely acknowledged is that for the majority of international students, these two things are
independent. Academic preparation has been undertaken in another language, and more importantly
in another academic culture, while English has been taken as a school subject, often with additional
intensive study. The students have been socialised into one system of education and have begun to
enter a community of practice around academic literacy and language use. These capabilities have
not been developed through English, and often not through text-types and educational practices
which have ready equivalents in English-speaking educational traditions (Liddicoat, Scrimgeour
and Chen, in press). The prior evaluation of these students has been conducted through their normal
school language, while their English language experience has tended not to involve academic
language.
On arrival in Australia, their previous academic experience becomes in many ways irrelevant
and their performance and abilities are evaluated only through their command of the English
language and the valued text types of English-speaking academia. Their identity as bilingual or
multilingual people who have previously been highly successful in education is not taken into
consideration within the context of their education in Australia. Rather, it is only their capabilities
expressed through their additional language which have any merit or which are subject to any
consideration.
What emerges is a discourse of inadequacy around international students, who are frequently
perceived as less capable students than their monolingual English counterparts and their language
abilities are understood primarily as a deficit in English. The students themselves often experience
shock because, although they have met the university’s entrance criteria and have been previously
considered good students, in Australia they are considered unsatisfactory and are at risk of failing
(Coley, 1999). Associated with this discourse of inadequacy are a range of problematic behaviours
which have been noted as typical of international students. The most common allegations
concerning teaching and learning are that international students are reluctant to participate in
classroom discussions; they are unwilling to give responses; they do not ask questions; they are
superficial learners; they are passive and over-dependent on the teacher (Chalmers & Volet, 1997;
Cortazzi & Jin, 1996; Ho, Peng, & Chan, 2001; Liu & Littlewood, 1997; Tsui, 1996). In addition,
there is an extensive discourse on the predisposition of such students to plagiarise. A typical claim
is that Asian writers practice unintentional plagiarism – that is reproducing plagiarism because of
lack of awareness of what plagiarism is or how it was to be avoided, or that that plagiarism is in
some ways acceptable in their writing. (Hayes & Introna, 2005; Holmes, 2004). These behaviours
are constructed as a cultural property of students which makes them difficult to educate or as simply
an inability to participate in expected ways (for an alternative account see Cheng, 2000). Devos
(2003) notes, also in the Australian context, international students may be subject to contempt and
resentment because of their inadequacy in English and viewed as a corrupting influence on
academic standards. What is not present in the discourses around international students is the
consideration of their effectiveness as students in another language. Academic staff frequently do
not know what discipline or other knowledge students bring to their classrooms, what text types
they control, how they understand the relationships and processes of the classroom, or what their
previous educational experience – and successes – have been. Moreover, most academic staff are
not in a position to be able to access this information.
This discourse of inadequacy, based as it is on a monolingual view of bilingual abilities, is
associated with a discourse of remediation (McKay, 1981). Universities frequently establish English
language programs for international students which are located outside the academic work of the
university and which are typically located together with study skills. This constructs the English
language proficiency as a lack, more importantly as a lack of a basic skill, rather than as the
successful, although incomplete, acquisition of another language. English language learning is not a
part of the learning program provided by universities – the knowledge of English is considered a
pre-requisite for learning not an element of and focus for education itself. It is English language
support not English language education (see for example Burrell & Kim, 1998; Cownie & Addison,
1996). In such programs the division between knowing and speaking English continues to be
maintained as the program develops language skills rather than the ability to express knowledge
through a language. In this way, English language programs have come to be part of a “helping
profession”.2 This is further reinforced by the location of English language programs outside
academic work in most universities – English is commonly grouped with “study skills” and taught
by “non-academic” staff in programs which are not credit bearing.
At all points, what the learner knows or can come to know through his/her first language does
not enter into the equation and the first language remains in the background as irrelevant to the task
at hand rather than as a resource for learning. For example, university libraries do not provide
materials in the first language of the learners to support their learning from English language
materials and lecturers do not make available or assist students in locating support materials in their
own language. In the discourses around international students, the first language and culture are
constructed more as a problem than a resource: the language creates the writing problems which
have to be overcome (see for example Connor, 1996); the culture creates the difference which
hampers their participation (see for example Cortazzi & Jin, 1996; Jin & Cortazzi, 1993).
In this way, the linguistic market place of the tertiary institution allocates value to English; in
fact as Gogolin (1994) argues, it constitutes English as a value in its own right. In such a context,
other languages are attributed low value (or non at all) and control of these languages confers little
on the individual (Bourdieu, 1981). It is through English and its symbolic value that international
students are viewed. To the extent that they demonstrate competence in English, they are perceived
as having intellectual legitimacy within the institutional context. The monolingual mindset requires
that multilingual students function as if they were monolingual students and constructs their
multilingualism in deficit ways. This situation however does not simply limit itself to the academic
context, but rather spills over into assessments of their human capital potential beyond the
educational context.
Language, content knowledge and “employability”
In late 2006 a report on the English language levels of international students contributed to the
development of a discourse about the employability of international students. The report (Birrell,
2006) showed that of students applying for permanent residence visas in Australia do not have the
necessary level of English to be employable in Australia. This finding became the topic of
considerable media discussion focusing around Australian employers’ evaluations of international
students:
Managers at a Sydney recruitment agency told the [Higher education Supplement] that
foreign graduates’ English was “appalling” (O'Keefe & Illing, 2007)
I’ve done a lot of interviews with employers, and we’ve all reached the same
conclusion: no matter what their work ethic, (the students) are not equipped for
professional-level work in Australia. (Morton & Alexander, 2007)
The delay was likely to result in another jump in the number of overseas students who
graduate from Australian universities but cannot communicate in a professional
workplace, an immigration expert said yesterday. (Hart, Edwards, & Illing, 2007)
The issue being raised here is one of genuine importance and concern as it is highly
problematic if students’ education in Australian institutions does not meet required levels of
language proficiency to function in their areas of work. What is of interest in the discourse around
questions of employability is the construction of Australian education institutions’ concern with
employability in Australia. The Australian workforce is constructed as the natural site of future
employment for graduates and English language is the expected language as work. Such a
construction is, however, based on a disputable assumption. It is indeed the case that many, if not
the majority of, international students undertake education in another country intending to return to
their home country and to develop their professional lives in and through multiple languages.
However, the discursive construction of vocationally oriented education programs is as vocationally
oriented education for the English-speaking world.
The discourse around issues of employability reveals a silence in Australian approaches to
international education in that there is a concern for employability only within the Australian
context. The question of employability of Australian graduates in other countries is not even raised
as an issue. In addressing issues of employability there are actually a number of considerations
which need to be addressed:
disciplinary knowledge
general workplace communication abilities
discipline specific language knowledge
Of these three domains, disciplinary knowledge and discipline specific language knowledge
are not considered as issues for employability raised in the media coverage or in universities’
discussion around this: it is only the general communication abilities which are so treated. No
reference is made to discipline specific language or even to disciplinary knowledge, although
Birrell’s (2006) original report does question how well students do in fact control discipline
knowledge given their problems of language proficiency. The privileged discursive construction of
international students emerging is in terms of their (in)adequacy as English-speaking professionals
in English-speaking workplaces, with the (in)adequacy being constructed in terms of something that
such students should have (English-language knowledge) rather than something that universities
should provide (discipline knowledge and discipline specific language). The solutions proposed, are
to tighten or improve language assessment practices or to raise required levels of English for
admission to Australian institutions – locating the deficiency in students’ preparation for study
rather than students’ preparation for work.
If the question of employability is moved outside of the monolingual and monocultural
working context constructed in this discourse, the nature of the problems begins to look different.
This can be seen clearly in the features of business courses offered by Australian universities –
courses which currently attract significant numbers of students from outside Australia.
In the case of disciplinary knowledge, there is a clear focus on the Australian context in many
courses. For example, common textbooks used for accounting courses at Australian universities,
such as Accounting Handbook (CPA Australia, 2006, and other editions), Australian Financial
Accounting (Deegan, 2007), Accounting (Marshall et al., 2007) are centrally and usually overtly
designed for the Australian context and marketed for Australian students. These texts focus on
Australian accounting legislation and practice and are oriented to the requirements of Australian
accrediting bodies. The same texts seem to be used in both general accounting courses and those
included in programs labels as “international business” or “international finance”. The Australian
focus is found also in business law texts: Law in Commerce, (Sweeney & O'Reilly, 2004),
Australian Business Law, (Latimer, 2007), Australian Commercial Law (Turner, 2006) and
Business Law of Australia, (Vermeesch & Lindgren, 2005) Even where textbooks are explicitly
international, the framing of international is English-based. For example, the textbook International
Macroeconomics (Makin, 2002) claims that it is not country specific in that it has case-studies
drawing on examples from the UK, USA, Canada, Australia and New Zealand, International
Finance (Moosa, 2004) is Australia-focused, while Fundamentals of Multinational Finance
(Moffett, Stonehill, & Eiteman, 2005) is a American textbook with American case studies.
This survey of textbooks indicates that the disciplinary knowledge provided by Australian
institutions is heavily biased towards Australia and where the focus is international towards the
English-speaking world. Opportunities for students to study the accounting laws and practices of
their own countries are limited and few text books even include examples drawn from the home
countries of international students in Australia. Taken collectively, these textbooks presume that the
education being given in English-speaking contexts is going to be applied in English-speaking
contexts. The international focus is an English-speaking one and the knowledge which will be used
is knowledge of the English-speaking world created in and communicated through English.
Similarly the opportunities to develop the discipline specific language of home country
professionals are very limited. Few universities offer courses to students which equip them for the
linguistic demands of exercising their professions in their own first languages or outside the
English-speaking world. Students wishing to qualify as CPAs in their own countries must pass a
CPA examination. Most countries require that the CPA examination be conducted in the languages
of that country. For example, the English language information of the Japanese Institute for CPAs
explicitly states that the examination, which consists of both multiple choice questions and an essay,
is conducted only in Japanese (JICPA, 2007a).3 For some international students in Australia, such
as those from India, Malaysia or the Philippines, taking the examination in English is one
possibility, but for the majority they require a mastery of the professional discourse of accountancy
in their own language. Moreover, this is not simply a question of passing an examination, but also
in working as a professional, as records and reports are required in the language of the society in
which they will be used. Currently, Australia institutions do not provide opportunities for
international or domestic students to develop the professional discourse in any language other than
in English.
This brief review of the practices of business education courses in Australia show that
universities’ concerns about employability do not consider the full range of possible employment
contexts for their students. What is not being considered in the Australian context is the extent to
which Australian education prepares international students for employment in their home countries.
It fails to do this in two main ways. The first is in the area of content with a focus only on laws and
case studies of Australia or other English-speaking countries. The second is the neglect of the
learners’ own language and the language of their future employment in the preparation of graduates
to enter the world of work. Employability has been reduced to a simple equation with the level of
English language proficiency. For bilingual and multilingual students, proficiency in English is only
one dimension of employability and may not even be the most significant dimension for those
students who return to their country of origin.
Linguistic and cultural context in quality assurance
The internationalisation of education raises issues for quality assurance which have yet to be
fully recognised in the Australian context. These issues centre on the need to move from a
monolingual model of education which tacitly assumes English language and culture as the measure
of quality in teaching, learning and assessment, towards an understanding that international
education necessarily involves the interplay of multiple languages and cultures. Currently in
Australia, this interplay is perceived to refer only the extent to which the ‘English language skills’
of international students are sufficient to undertake courses in English. As noted above, this
perception casts students’ first languages as a problem which needs to be overcome if genuine
learning is to occur, rather than a measure of students’ expertise in studying and working in
internationalised contexts.
In relation to quality assurance, this monolingual mindset has been reflected in an assumption
that the maintenance of standards of teaching, learning, assessment and course content depend on
their being conducted in English. The assumption that quality depends on English has been coupled
with a lack of acknowledgment of the ways in which language mediates teaching, learning and
assessment. The consequence is that the languages and associated cultures of international students
do not figure in the assessment of quality, except to the extent that they are perceived to reduce the
students’ capacity to learn in English; and the linguistic and cultural context of English itself is not
recognised as mediating the process and substance of education. It is as if the perceived
‘naturalness’ of English as the language of teaching, learning and assessment has rendered invisible
the fact that English, like any language, is not only a structural code but a means of communication
between people, reflecting at every point of use their particular understanding of the linguist and
cultural context.
That language in this sense is not recognised in the quality assurance literature is highlighted
in a recent report (Scarino, Crichton & Papadmetre, 2005) in which the authors explain that “hardly
represented in the internationalisation literature on quality policy or practice is the language (i.e. the
medium) or culture of instruction except in relation to the (English) language proficiency of
International students” (p. 5). And in these cases the literature addresses only the context of
studying at the English speaking provider campus, not in programs delivered from English speaking
countries to the students’ own country (for example, Tootell, 1999). Further ways in which
references to languages are dependent on English include the learning of additional languages by
English speaking students (Knight, 2003) and references to the language policies of countries in
which English speaking educational institutions might deliver programs (see, for example,
Marginson & McBurnie, 2004). The emphasis on English and lack of attention to the interplay of
languages is also seen in reports on quality assurance such as James (2004) on quality assurance in
Australia, and the Australian Department of Education, Science and Training (2005) on the need to
develop a national Australian quality framework for transnational education.
The need to recognise in quality assurance policy and practice that international education in
all its forms per force involves the interplay of multiple languages and cultures is becoming more
pressing as Australia enters what Gallagher (2002) has termed the “third phase” of international
education. According to Gallagher, the first phase “was mainly individually driven by academics
and students seeking to expand their knowledge and networks through exchange of scholarship” (p.
1). The focus of the second phase has been the recruitment of students internationally to study in
Australia, and to a lesser extent the development of distance modes of course delivery and the
movement of teachers and educational providers overseas. Gallagher argues that in the third phase
the provision of education overseas will become increasingly important, bringing quality assurance
issues to the fore.
The challenges for quality assurance posed by delivering higher education programs
internationally underscore the reality that international education represents, whether it occurs
‘locally’ or ‘offshore’, a global contact zone (Singh & Doherty, 2002) of linguistic, cultural and
educational diversity, innovation and change, involving “an interrelated and complex mix of student
culture, host institution culture, international education-related culture, professional academic
culture, and national culture” (Kramsch & Sullivan, 1996:202). Martin (2003) in an analysis of the
2002 Australian University Quality Audit (AUQA) reports has identified this linguistic and cultural
complexity as a challenge for quality assurance, in particular the issue of teaching involving
languages other than English as “likely to be a risk management sleeper in the system” (p. 26).
Quality assurance practice is however yet to attend to the interplay of multiple languages, and
to recognise that all languages, including English, mediate according to their particular linguistic
and cultural contexts the experience of teaching, learning and assessment (Scarino, Crichton &
Papadmetre, 2005); in other words, to recognise that knowledge and disciplinary practices are
linguistically and culturally contexted.
Contributing to the ‘invisibility’ of language in this sense is an approach to quality assurance
which focuses on procedural questions – rather than the substance of teaching, learning and
assessment in particular discipline areas and the linguistic and cultural context in which these occur.
In the Australian context, this approach is exemplified by the AUQA processes for assessing the
quality of university programs. These aim to evaluate the extent to which policies and procedures
comply with a university’s own claims – in other words they are both procedurally focussed and
self-referential. The external audit seeks evidence to substantiate claims made by the institution
itself, not in relation to an external reference which invokes at any point the linguistic and cultural
context of disciplinary practice. Without such a reference the issue of what ‘standard’ to invoke in
establishing quality becomes problematic in international education, in which more than one
language, each with its “own interpretative bent” (Sadler, 1995:9), is involved. In contrast to this monolingual emphasis, there are strong precedents beyond current
Australian quality assurance practices for recognising the linguistically and culturally contexted
nature of educational practice and disciplinary knowledge. Assessment is a good example.
Assessment is a crucially area because it is in the assessment process that standards are set, applied
and become accountable – where the quality of teaching and learning is at stake for students and
universities. The substantial part of the literature on international assessment focuses on tests
conducted internationally to compare the academic performance of students across disciplines. This
literature consistently emphasises that the linguistic and cultural context of assessment is a key
consideration in establishing and maintaining validity, and therefore needs to be considered in
interpreting and comparing test results. In relation to the monolingual emphasis in quality
assurance, the key messages in this literature are that the linguistic and cultural context of test
development and administration affects all aspects of assessment including how tests are understood
by students, how construct equivalence is established, the level of students’ performance, and in
what terms ‘levels’ of performance are to be understood (see, for example, van de Vijver &
Poortinga, 2005; R.K. Hambleton & de Jong, 2003; Sireci, 2005). A related issue raised in this
literature is that the ‘literal’ translation of tests does not offer a way of addressing these
complexities (R.K Hambleton, 2005). In a point that is supported by the literature on translation
more generally (Venuti, 2000)(see for example, Venuti, 2000), the literature on international
assessment emphasises that quality in the development of tests – and by implication in the ‘content’
of all learning materials – for students of different languages and cultures needs to involve detailed
and sensitive attention to the linguistic and cultural contexts of the relevant languages and
languages users.
This emphasis on linguistic and cultural considerations in the international assessment
literature, and the lack of attention to this in quality assurance in Australian higher education,
supports the overarching argument of this paper that the monolingual mindset in international
education does a disservice to both students and universities. In particular, it highlights the need to
recognise that languages other than English are resources for all students, rather than problems, and
that disciplinary knowledge and practice are at all points linguistically and culturally contexted.
Conclusion
The term “international education” like all terms is subject to definition and its defining is a
linguistically and culturally located process. The contexts examined above point towards a paradox
in the ways in which the located process of definition is played out in Australian educational
discourse. For many, the term “international” itself would seem to preclude any monistic
construction as it implies diversity at a fundamental level – the interaction between nations.
However, the construction of the international in Australia is one which sets at least part of this
diversity aside – it sees diversity through the monolingual mindset as outlined in the introduction to
this paper and in so doing normalises the monolingual and evaluates diversity with reference to this
monolingual norm. The result is a monolingual, monocultural form of international education
(Eisenchlas, Trevaskes, & Liddicoat, 2004).
Such an internationalism is paradoxical because even though it is monolingual and
monocultural it still frames the consequences of linguistic and cultural diversity. It does this by
constructing diversity as a core problem of international education: it is diversity of language and
culture which produces problems for teaching and learning, for employability and for quality
assurance. The monolingual mindset can allow only for diversity as problem because diversity itself
conflicts with the conceptualisation of monolingualism as normal and normative. The educational
response is therefore aimed at solving diversity (e.g. through language learning as remediation,
raising English proficiency levels required for acceptance into courses, evaluating the “translation
equivalence” of courses and programs, etc.) not engaging with it. International education which
engages with diversity implies problematising monolingualism and monoculturalism and calls
existing institutional resources and imperatives based on them into question. In fact, such a
problematising involves reconstructing the plurilingualism of the other as an asset and the
monolingualism of the self as a deficiency (c.f. Ellis, 2006) – a lack of capacity or resources
required to live and work within the diversity implied by the word “international”.
The construction of diversity as problem does not remove the dilemma at the heart of the
international education endeavour; it simply provides a rationale for responding to the diversity of
others. In particular, for international education in Australia, it requires that knowledge created,
communicated and used in English must be privileged and other knowledge marginalised or
rendered suspect. It is only through this privileging of English that participation in international
education can be justified within the monolingual mindset. The result is, however, that international
education becomes a one-way process of knowledge exchange – a form of intellectual imperialism
in which only one language and its associated practices and applications is valued. Its imperialism
lies within the establishment of a value system in which those outside the English-language
intellectual tradition are complicit in maintaining the value system. The value allocated to the
language, its intellectual tradition and its contexts of application submerges, devalues and silences
other languages. As Gogolin (2002:133) notes the monolingual mindset “is built and secured by the
traditions of the educational system itself; the less conscious the individual teacher is about its
existence, the more effectively it operates”. In this way, the monolingual mindset itself becomes the
knowledge which international education reproduces and transmits, neutralising its own discursive
dilemma.
Moving beyond monolingualism in international education involves developing new
understandings of learners and their life worlds, of disciplines and of how quality is understood and
evaluated in education. This would involve institutes and educators in a reflective process of:
recognising, ascertaining and connecting with students’ previous knowledge,
experiences and academic practices and languages;
recognising, ascertaining and responding to students’ goals and aspirations and the
ways in which these interact with disciplines and languages;
accepting the need for and role of discipline specific literacy practices in the languages
in students’ linguistic repertoires and developing educational responses to these;
developing strategies for resourcing students as disciplinary specialists in the
languages in their linguistic repertoires;
recognising disciplines as inherently linguistically and culturally contexted and that
this has implications for educational practices; and
recognising teaching and learning as inherently linguistically and culturally contexted
and reflecting this in processes, practices and agendas of quality assurance.
Such activities imply a perception of education as being situated with complex patterns of linguistic
and cultural diversity in which issues of language and culture are always present and must always
be addressed. Such a perspective is not relevant only in the context of “international education”,
however this is understood, but is fundamental to any educational work which responds to the
diversity of student populations.
Notes
1. “Transnational” is used in this paper in the sense of programs delivered by an Australian
university in another country, either in English or in the language of the country concerned.
2. Within the discourses of English for Academic Purposes, the term “multilingual” itself has
often come to signify students with English language difficulties (for example, Canagarajah,
2002; Sowden, 2005 ) – that is multilingualism denotes a diminished competence in English
which needs remediation rather than seeing multilingualism as adding to the linguistic
repertoire. “Multilingual” is used specifically for those students who have English language
difficulties, and is not applied to other possible groups of students with more than one
language, such as English native speakers with additional languages.
3. The question of language is not raised at all in the Japanese language information on the
same test – this advise is given only to those who access the information in English (see
JICPA, 2007b).
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