the lifeworld – enriching qualitative evidence
TRANSCRIPT
The lifeworld – enriching qualitative evidence
This is a draft of a paper due to appear in Qualitative Research in
Psychology. Please quote from the published version.
Abstract
The focus of research of phenomenological psychology is
experience – made up of the object to which consciousness
refers, plus a mode of consciousness (perception, judgement,
remembering, etc). But the objects of experience are not ‘free
floating’. Any experience is inevitably interwoven with the
rest of the individual’s lifeworld. In this paper I argue that
there are necessary aspects (‘fractions’) of any lifeworld
whatsoever: selfhood, sociality, embodiment, temporality,
spatiality, project, discourse and moodedness. Since these are
always implicated in the experience, it is certainly no risk to
the integrity of the collection or analysis of qualitative
data – in fact it enriches the description of the experience –
to actively investigate these fractions, whatever the precise
research topic might be. This is true of all qualitative
research that aims to speak in first-person terms of the
individual’s involvement in their lived environment.
Keywords
lifeworld, phenomenological psychology, experience,
interviewing, qualitative data analysis, epochē.
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1. Phenomenological psychology and the realm of experience
For phenomenological psychology, the person is not viewed as
part of the chain of objective mechanisms of the natural
world. Phenomenological psychology does not aim to discover
the conditions under which human behaviour is caused. It sets
these questions aside and, instead, turns its attention to the
taken-for-granted meanings by which our experience is
constituted. The ‘findings’ of a piece of research would
answer the question, What is it (or what would it be) like for me (or someone
else) to experience this? So a description is developed of the
conditions that make the experience what it is.
The details of an experience are no means always explicitly
known by the experiencer. They are usually simply lived through in
the process of carrying out some activity. In everyday life
attention is not paid to the experience itself – the features
experienced are just ‘used’ to fulfill the activity of the
moment. So in research, consideration has to be carefully
given to the lived-through meanings of an experience. These
are to be brought to light and built into the description.
For example, when giving a gift (Ashworth, 2013) what are the
meanings involved for the giver and the recipient? What
constitutes ‘giving a gift’? When and where can gift-giving
occur? I will draw on the phenomenology of gifting below for
examples.
In psychological research of this kind, aiming at describing
the taken-for-granted meanings which constitute an experience,
it becomes plain that any experience is inevitably interwoven
with the rest of the individual’s ‘lifeworld’. I aim in this
paper to put the case for the fruitfulness to qualitative
research of having a particular awareness of the lifeworld –
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that is, the whole subjective situation in which the
individual is engaged while they are experiencing the specific
event or phenomenon with which the research is concerned.
Without such an awareness in the collection of qualitative
material and its analysis, the researcher could well miss
significant aspects of the experience.
With such a focus, the paper does not attempt to provide a
detailed discussion of the phenomenology of the lifeworld is
general, nor the history of the concept, nor is it possible to
provide a phenomenology of each of the elements or ‘fractions’
which I argue are constituents of the lifeworld – that would
be attempting something which several volumes of close
reasoning would fail to do. So the account here is quite
‘broadbrush’; the paper has the practical aim of encouraging
qualitative researchers to be aware of the lifeworld and to
interrogate the event or phenomenon with which they are
concerned with an eye to the ‘fractions’ of the lifeworld.
1.1 Bracketing presuppositions: avoiding the ‘psychologist’s
fallacy’
How are descriptions of experience, of the quality required
for a phenomenological psychological account, to be developed?
Husserl (e.g. 1983 / 1913) insisted that, if the researcher is
to investigate an experience purely and simply as experience,
it is necessary to set aside or bracket away the assumptions
which the researcher already has regarding the experience.
This ‘setting aside’ is known as the epochē, the means by which
we come afresh to experiences in order to describe them.
William James (1950 / 1890) pointed out how easily a
researcher can unintentionally impose their own meanings onto
research participants’ experiences. (James dubbed this the
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psychologists’ fallacy, see Ashworth, 2009). Following Giorgi (2009),
I regard it as definitive of phenomenological psychology that
it adopt the discipline of the epochē.
It is true that the epochē can never be complete. For instance,
the researcher cannot but start trying to understand an
experience by using their own categories of thought. Also,
cultural assumptions are built into the very communication
between researcher and researched. Be this as it may, the
researcher must continually, self-critically question their
understanding, to minimize the danger that the research fails
to capture the actual experience.
For example, as part of the epochē, in research investigating
giving a gift, the scholarly literature had to be bracketed. That
literature (e.g. Mauss, 1990/1925, and Derrida, 1992/1991)
almost unanimously argues that the recipient of a gift
experiences an implicit obligation to reciprocate. Gifting is
thereby reduced to the structure of economic exchange: a gift
is repayment, or a repayment in the future is expected. That
assumption – that the obligation to reciprocate is part of the
experience – must be subjected to the epochē. The way must be
cleared for asking the question, What is the experience itself like?
Of course things bracketed in the epochē may re-appear in the
findings. It may indeed be that gifts are found to evoke a
sense of obligation. But expectations like this must not be
imposed on the description of the experience.
The difficulty of performing the epochē, and maintaining a focus
on experience, has led some qualitative researchers to
downplay its importance and to emphasize the role of
researcher interpretation (e.g. Smith, Flowers & Larkin,
2009). The danger of this move is that one could easily
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succumb to the psychologist’s fallacy. There is an ongoing and
complex debate about the roles of description and
interpretation, and about the related roles of epochē and
reflexivity (see Giorgi, 1992; Langdridge, 2008). It remains
the case that interpretation is justifiable if the research
plainly remains within the phenomenological realm – that is,
the realm of experience.
1.2 The basic structure of experience: intentionality
Taking an experience as it is in itself, ‘appearance in its
appearing’, setting aside concerns such as whether the
experience is of something real or not, phenomenological
psychology knows no difference between what is and what seems to
the person to be.
But all experience has a common structure. Any experience is
an inextricable amalgam of (a) a mode of consciousness, which
may be perception, imagination, memory, judgement, etc – and
mixtures of these – and (b) a ‘content’ - the thing perceived,
the event imagined, what is apparently remembered, and so on.
These two constituents of an experience are termed in the
philosophical literature the noesis and the noema, and the
amalgam is called intentionality (see Husserl, 1983 / 1913, §36, p 73, and also see Moran, 2000, pp 155-161 for a discussion of
intentionality and its structure).
The amalgam of a mode of consciousness and its ‘intentional
object’ is basic to any experience at all. There are other
features of experience beside intentionality that, even though
they have been bracketed, cannot but appear in the structure
of experience. Thus, Heidegger developed the theory of
intentionality to say that when something is perceived,
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remembered, imagined, etc., one cannot experience it without
it being apprehended in terms of a meaningful world or lifeworld.
(See Heidegger, 1988 / 1927: §15(c), 170 – for him, world and
lifeworld are synonyms.) The objects and events of experience
are never free-standing but depend for their meaning on their
context in the lifeworld.
The investigation of any experience must take that experience
to lie within the system of implications, associations –
meanings – that constitute the lifeworld. For instance, giving
a gift is bound up with the giver’s understanding of
themselves in relation to the recipient, their project (roughly
here project means purpose) in giving the gift, their –
probably not deeply considered – feeling that the right time
and place has been chosen, and many other features which are
part of that mesh of taken-for-granteds that place giving
within the lifeworld.
1.3 The lifeworld
For Heidegger (1962 / 1927) all experience whatsoever is
‘within a world’, and – though there is debate – Husserl (1970
/ 1954) followed him in introducing the closely-parallel
concept of lifeworld. This is for each of us ‘my real,
subjective world’. But what is a personal world for me shares
with everyone else’s world certain ever-present
characteristics.
The classic authors do not provide a detailed account of the
phenomenology of the lifeworld. However, partial accounts of
the essential features of the lifeworld are found in the
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philosophical work of (for example) Husserl (1970 / 1954),
Heidegger (1962 / 1927), Merleau-Ponty (1962 / 1945), and
Sartre (1956 / 1943). Many writers on phenomenological
psychology such as Pollio et al. (1997), Spinelli (2005),
Dahlberg, Dahlberg and Nyström (2008); Langdridge (2008); and
van Manen (1990), Valle and Halling (1989), and van den Berg
(1972) stress the centrality of the notion of lifeworld, and
each mention a selection of features. The person nearest to
enumerating a set akin to those treated in this paper is
Medard Boss (1979), basing his account on Heidegger (1962 /
1927). I stress, therefore, that the concept is well-
established and ‘at hand’ for qualitative research, and it is
somewhat surprising that it is not a routine element in our
methodological armoury.
The general point of the paper, then, is that any study of the
lifeworld can be enriched by analysis in terms of the
‘fractions’ of the lifeworld – self, sociality, embodiment,
temporality (with its events), spatiality (with its objects),
project, discourse and moodedness. Indeed, they can be
regarded as a basic structure for the elucidation of the
lifeworld. It is more than likely to be fruitful for a
phenomenological psychological study of a given phenomenon for
it to be considered within the context of the lifeworld. If
lifeworld has essential features and is a human universal,
then it is through the evocation of this structure that the
specific lifeworld of a person can be described, and such-and-
such a phenomenon can be seen immersed in this lifeworld.
2 The ‘fractions’
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It is worth taking stock at this point. I have laid some
weight on importance of the phenomenological epochē, in which
the researcher brackets what knowledge they assume they have
of the experience under investigation in order to make the
participant’s experience absolutely central to the
investigation. Yet now I am drawing attention to the need to
pay attention to the lifeworld in which that experience is
immersed and from which it derives much of its meaning. The
presupposition of a lifeworld seems to go against the
bracketing procedure of the epochē. However, the lifeworld is a
necessary exception. Were we to bracket it, it would
inevitably re-appear as soon as an experience was opened up
for description. This is indeed an implication of Heidegger’s
(1962 / 1927) early claim, when he names beings of the human
kind ‘being-in-the-world’: we cannot but be immersed in a
lifeworld. So the exclusion of the lifeworld from the
consideration of an experience is not possible, and all
intentional objects are necessarily immersed in the lifeworld.
The lifeworld (Ashworth, 2003, 2006a, 2006b) has certain
essential elements that cannot but be expected to show
themselves. Such elements I have termed ‘fractions’ because
these are not independent categories or parameters or
perspectives, but are mutually entailed, with overlapping or
interpenetrating meanings. The oddity, the uncouthness, of the
term ‘fraction’ in this context is intended to avoid the user
slipping into an easy assumption that lifeworld fractions are
strictly distinguishable categories. It gets away from any
kind of modelling of the lifeworld in terms of constituent
dimensions in a quasi-quantitative way. (Because of the
distinct use of the term in phenomenological philosophy, I
hesitate to employ the word ‘horizon’ here, but each fraction
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is, in a certain sense, a lifeworldly horizon of the
phenomenon under study.)
Each fraction is there for any phenomenon whatsoever, though
some fractions may be weightier for the meaning of a given
phenomenon than others. Part of the practice of the epochē is
so-called equalisation – avoiding assuming before there is
evidence that one aspect of a phenomenon is more significant
than others. In the case of the lifeworld, the assumption must
be bracketed that a certain fraction or set of fractions will
be dominant in the lifeworld context of the particular
phenomenon under investigation. Usually it does turn out that
certain fractions have special relevance to a particular
phenomenon while others remain in the background (so selfhood
and sociality are salient in the case of gift-giving, while
the others are essential to giving a gift but are less
salient). But priorities must not be assumed ahead of
investigation.
Each fraction imposes, as it were, its own ‘aura’ or theme on
the lifeworld without being detached from the other fractions.
The whole lifeworld is mine, just as the whole lifeworld gains
its meaning from my sociality; the whole lifeworld is relative
to my embodiment; the whole lifeworld is temporal and spatial;
the whole lifeworld has its priorities and saliences which
mark out the individual’s cares and concerns, their projects;
the whole lifeworld bears the marks of the categories and
grammatical dispositions of the culture and language, and the
whole lifeworld, as it is lived through, is experienced
affectively in terms of the moods which the entities
(entities-for-me) disclose. Each fraction is essential, and
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each melds in with the others. Yet we can think each one
separately, and view the lifeworld in its light.
The criterion for inclusion of a ‘candidate-fraction’ within
the set of fractions of the lifeworld is that it can be seen
as an inevitable feature of any experience whatsoever. The
judgement is that it is self-evident or apodictic – a standard
test of phenomenological philosophy. My judgement is not
sacrosanct: the reader may question the set presented here and
may propose others. At the end of this paper I mention others
that have been suggested. The question to be put to a proposed
fraction is whether it is self-evidently constitutive of any
imaginable lifeworld. The meaning of an experience for the
experiencer will then be partly due to that fraction and the
researcher will find that the description of the experience is
illuminated by reference to that fraction.
A final preliminary comment on the set of fractions: Each one
is of enormous complexity, as one would expect of an item
which is part of the constitution of a person’s lifeworld (so
that such-and-such a fraction can contribute to the particular
meaning of any experience). In what follows, then, I have
necessarily adopted a very broad-brush approach. To do
otherwise would demand a phenomenological dissertation for
each of the different fractions. In any case, such detail
would run counter to the practical aim of this paper. The
mention of each fraction is intended simply to encourage
qualitative researchers to interrogate the phenomenon or event
that they are investigating with reference to the fractions.
So, for instance, one might ask, Is there a temporal aspect to
this? I do not want to suggest the forms in which temporality
might be encountered, despite the fact that the literature on
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each fraction is enormous. The specific role of temporality in
a particular context needs to be teased out carefully without
reference to some normative account.
In what follows, the main philosophical source is Merleau-
Ponty’s (1962 / 1945) Phenomenology of Perception.
2.1 Selfhood
Heidegger (1962 / 1927) insisted that we have no access to
ourselves except through the lifeworld:
[The individual] never finds itself otherwise than in
the things themselves, and in fact in those things that
daily surround it. It finds itself primarily and constantly
in things because, tending them, distressed by them, it
always somehow rests in things. Each of us is what he
pursues and cares for. In everyday terms, we understand
ourselves and our existence by way of the activities we
pursue and the things we take care of. (Heidegger, 1988 /
1975: §15, p 159)
The self as a fraction of the lifeworld is not the self in the
sense of the ego to which intentional objects are presented,
the subject of consciousness. As Merleau-Ponty (1962 / 1945: xi)
puts it, ‘…There is no inner person, the person is in the
world and only in the world do they know themselves” (1962 /
1945: xi). For phenomenology, there is no access to any inner
self. Rather, the self as a fraction of the lifeworld is the
manner in which my world speaks of my interests, concerns,
choices and priorities, and the way in which my actions and
their effects are open to awareness. The things ignored or
forgotten or not done, as well as the things attended to or
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remembered or carried out, all point to my selfhood. The
coherence, or maybe several different lines of coherence of my
lifeworld can be regarded as indicative of self. (For a clear
discussion of the phenomenology of the self, see Zahavi,
2005.)
As a fraction of the lifeworld, selfhood is a continual
background meaning of my thoughts, feelings and behaviour. If
I am to describe myself, then, I do not ‘look inside’. It is
my experiential world that speaks of me. We find our selves in
the subjective world to which our thought and activity is
directed. Experience is embedded in a world which already
speaks of the individual perspective of the experiencer.
In phenomenological psychological research, then, we may
address a particular experience in terms of its meaning for
the self. How does the lifeworld speak to us of social
identity; our sense of agency, and a person’s feeling of their
own presence and voice in the situation? (For example,
powerlessness might be a feature of the psychological
situation for the individual.)
The lifeworld in general speaks of my self in the sense I have
outlined, and it is often explicitly (and always implicitly)
the case that my selfhood or identity is bound up with my
relationships with others. So, to return to the case of the
gift relationship, both being a giver and being a recipient
entail issues of identity and selfhood in relationships. In
the following example, giving is unfulfilled. This is because
the circumstances are such that it is presuming too much to
claim that one has a right to offer a gift – as if the
relationship were firm:
It was a gift of money, by cheque, from [a relation]. This
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was unfamiliar as very little contact had occurred for
over 6 years. On visiting [them] … [they] wrote a cheque
as a gift
I had not told [them] I had changed my surname. I was in a
dilemma, as [they] wanted to do something nice but I
wasn’t ready to tell [them] I’d changed my name. Having a
very short moment to decide, I explained that I had
changed my name. [They] didn’t really listen and said,
“I’ll leave it blank.” I accepted the cheque and thanked
[them].
I haven’t cashed it yet. It sat on the shelf tied up in
that moment. I think I feel some guilt at not telling
[them] sooner about my name change. I’m also disappointed
that it happened as it did. [They] wanted to do something
nice but for me it was the wrong time. I’d rather not have
the money and would have preferred more time to get to
know [them] again. … (Ashworth, 2013: 11,12)
The ‘right’ to be a donor or recipient may be problematical.
Sometimes offering a gift is inappropriate because it implies
an identity that the other may not be willing to affirm. In
the account above, the pretence is that a gift is being
exchanged between one family member and another in
affectionate recognition of a relationship. Actually the
relationship is merely formal; in terms of feeling, the
relationship is insufficiently well established for the
identities of giver and recipient to be comfortably claimed
and acknowledged.
The self is not ‘internal’ but is to be seen in the nature of
one’s concerns within one’s world. Many of these concerns
entail relationships with others and we depend on the other
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person to acknowledge and confirm our identity-claim. In
general, in experiencing my world, I implicitly see in its
priorities and foci, my own projects, cares and concerns. My
world is laid out in terms of the objects and events that
matter to me. I see my self in the experienced lifeworld.
2.2 Sociality: relationships with others
Other people are a central part of our lifeworld especially
because of their impact on our selfhood. We have seen that
selfhood takes place in a lifeworld in which it can often be
affirmed or undermined by others. Our identity links us to
others and is provided by interaction with others.
Other people are different from the inanimate things of our
lifeworld. In the fifth of Husserl’s Cartesian Meditations (1973 /
1950), we have what amounts to a description of the essence of
the phenomenon of understanding that the other is a person.
Among the essential characteristics of understanding another
to be a ‘person’ are:
The other is a subject in the world, a minded being like
myself. This is the assumption of the other as an alter ego.
The world is, for both of us, an intersubjective one – there for
everyone. So, for example, I and the other can share the
same object of attention.
There is reciprocity of perspectives such that, standing in my
position (and analogously, sharing my biographical
standpoint) the other can take my mental perspective – and I
can take theirs.
Though these are apparently taken-for-granted base
assumptions, it can be that the phenomenology of personhood of
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the other is challenged in some distressing circumstances such
as the later stages of Alzheimer’s disease (Ashworth and
Ashworth, 2003). But studies in which extreme instances of
problematical personhood occur are by no means the only ones
in which attention should be paid to others. In addressing the
lifeworld in the context of a phenomenological psychological
study of a particular phenomenon, we ought always to concern
ourselves with the relevance of others and of relations with
other people. How are others implicated in an experience, and
does the situation affect relations with others?
In the context of the phenomenology of the gift relationship,
Adam Smith, as early as 1790, noted thow sensitive to
interpersonal nuances giving is:
[W]henever in any action, supposed to proceed from
benevolent affections, some other motive had been
discovered, our sense of the merit of this action was
just so far diminished as this motive was believed to
have influenced it. If an action, supposed to proceed
from gratitude, should be discovered to have arisen from
an expectation of some new favour, or if what was
apprehended to proceed from public spirit, should be
found out to have taken its origin from the hope of a
pecuniary reward, such a discovery would entirely destroy
all notion of merit or praise-worthiness in either of
these actions. (Adam Smith, 2006 / 1790: 301)
Plainly also, issues of power must be considered in the
context of interpersonal relations.
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2.3 Embodiment
For a valuable collection of studies on the phenomenology of
the body, see Welton (1998). In research into any experience
it is appropriate to consider the way this fraction of the
lifeworld is expressed or perceived or responded to by others.
How does the situation relate to feelings about one’s own
body, including gender, ‘disabilities’ and emotions?
In the case of the phenomenological psychology of the gift
relationship, embodiment tends not to be expressed directly in
the empirical data. However, as Merleau-Ponty (1962 / 1945:
82) points out, it is through the body that we are able to
pursue our projects. By ‘project’ here is meant purpose (but
see 2.6 below). Thus illness – though bodily, and often
thought about in close-to-material terms – may well be most
felt as illness because of the way in which our projects
(including giving) are thwarted. In general, as Douglas (1990)
remarks, there can be a kind of moral inequity between giver
and recipient (the giver having higher ‘moral status’). If the
recipient is unable to reciprocate maybe due to illness, gifts
can be resented – reflected in such phrases as ‘cold charity’
– and individuals can try to avoid entering the recipient
role.
2.4 Temporality and its events
Of course, all experience is lived through and has a temporal
flow (Husserl, 1991 / 1893-1917; Zahavi, 2005). As regards
temporality as a fraction of the lifeworld, the flow of events
almost inevitably requires investigation. For instance, when
is the starting point of the experience and what is its
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conclusion (if it has one)? A given experience is also bound
up with the sedimented history of past experiences which the
person construes, or unreflectively lives, as somehow
relevant. So a particular, occasioned instance resonates with
the individual’s past:
[E]ach present reasserts the presence of the whole past
which it supplants, and anticipates that of all that is
to come, and by definition the present is not shut up
within itself, but transcends itself towards a future and
a past. (Merleau-Ponty, 1962 / 1945: 420)
Temporality opens up a number of lines of inquiry. For Schutz
(Schutz & Luckman, 1973, 1975) interest focused on such things
as the historical flow within an organisation from predecessor
to contemporary to successor. This plainly relates to the idea
of ‘career’. In some contexts, not all, this would indeed be
an important way in which this fraction of the lifeworld had a
bearing on the experience. In general, in any study, we ought
to ask how time, duration, or biography bears on the nature of
the experience.
In the gift relationship, a distinction is often made between
occasions on which it is expected that a gift will be given,
and occasions when there is no expectation, so any gift is
spontaneous. This is a distinction is the cultural meaning of
the particular moment of time – it is an occasion for giving
or it is one in which no gift is expected, though a
spontaneous gift might carry special weight. One account (by a
person whose first language was not English) makes this point
specifically:
... We have the point where an object or item stands out
to us which we can relate to a friend or family member
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liking. It can be a strong feeling in assuming that they
would be delighted to receive such an item. ...
This may show why some people find gift buying at
Christmas a bore. People being forced to show kindness.
Spontaneous gift giving can be the kindest and most
emotional of gift giving and receiving. (Ashworth, 2013:
15)
Gifts are occasioned by definite events (birthdays, Christmas,
and the marking of life events such as transitions – job
changes, marriage...) But it can be that it just seems right
to spontaneously present someone with a gift. The person
quoted above feels that the ceremonial occasions on which
presents are required can lack some of the spirit of giving.
2.5 Spatiality and its things
The lifelong work of David Seamon (e.g. 2012) has been
concerned with the spatial fraction of the lifeworld. How is
space laid out? Dyck (1995) has provided a telling
phenomenology of the spatial as it relates to a patient with
multiple sclerosis, and this illustrates exactly the
importance of this fraction of the lifeworld. How is the
person’s picture of the geography of the places they need to
go to and act within affected by the situation? (Frustrations?
Possibilities?) Moreover, this ‘geography’ will not merely be
physical; rather there will be social norms and a host of
other meanings associated with places.
Of course this interacts with our embodied nature, and with
discursive features of the situation. Consider how the
stylised map of a city’s subway system can for many be a major
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aspect of their experience of the geography of that place.
In the gift relationship, spatiality can affect the meaning of
a gift. One systematic problem that givers usually have is
gauging the recipient’s gratitude:
However, three days on, the items were still lying on the
table in the lounge and had not been moved to the
upstairs. A week later they were still there. Everyday
that I saw them, my heart sank as I had not managed to
get him something he wanted enough to get excited about.
(Ashworth, 2013: 22)
2.6 Project
Sartre (1956 / 1943) used the notion of project in a pivotal
way in his analyses of individual people. We are all said to
have a fundamental project, in terms of which our activities
can be understood. But I want to dissociate my use of the term
from Sartre’s, which is too all-encompassing, almost working
as a substitute for personality. Rather we may ask, How does
the situation relate to the person’s ability to carry out the
activities they are committed to and which they regard as
central? (The emotions of regret and pride, among others may
relate to such pursuance of projects.) All the things and
events of the lifeworld may be related to the notion of
project. Heidegger (1962 / 1927) has a cognate concept, care,
which refers to the fact that there are aspects of the
lifeworld to which we have some commitment, whereas some
things are at the periphery of our care, since they do not
have much bearing on activities to which we are committed.
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The activities and entities of our lifeworld have a meaning in
terms of the projects with which they are associated. In every
instance of gift-giving a project can be seen which makes
sense of the situation – often it is merely the fulfilment of
a cultural norm, of course, but other projects are frequently
obvious. Consider this blatant piece of attempted
manipulation:
This was a gift to an acquaintance who I was attempting
to influence in that he would come and play for a
[sports] team that I help run. He has a liking for JD
whiskey and it had been his birthday so I used this as an
excuse to present him with this gift for his birthday
whilst strategically trying to have him obligated to
me. ... (Ashworth, 2013: 16)
More usually, the giver has the simple project of cementing
affectionate relationships with the recipient.
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2.7 Discourse
Phenomenology is sometimes thought to devolve to discourse. We
have a number of substantial arguments in favour of the
primacy of discourse. One is Wittgenstein's claim that 'the
limits of my language are the limits of my world' and his
argument against the possibility of a private language.
Heidegger's remarks about 'language as the house of Being' are
also weighty. And Derrida's critique of Husserl’s work as a
so-called 'philosophy of presence' also points in this
direction. The argument is that experiences cannot but be
shaped by our discursive constructions. So qualitative
psychology does not reveal a lived world or even a system of
personal constructs which relate the individual to reality,
but charts a matrix of meaning elements, each receiving its
meaning purely and simply from its position within system of
elements as a whole.
However, even though discourse is a powerful factor in the
lifeworld, phenomenological psychologists would argue that
discourse is used and transcended by individuals, rather than
being determinative. Phenomenological psychology retains
emphatically the place of the conscious agent, and this agent
is intentionally related to the lifeworld of experience,
rather than a world of constructed discourse.
Speech is, therefore, that paradoxical operation through
which, by using words of a given sense and already
available meanings, we try to follow up an intention
which necessarily outstrips, modifies and itself, in the
last analysis, stabilizes the meanings of the words which
translate it. (Merleau-Ponty, 1962 / 1945: 389)
To return to the place of discourse as a fraction of the
21
lifeworld, then, we must ask in a phenomenological
psychological investigation, What sort of terms are employed
to describe the experience in which we are interested? Also,
what other cultural forms surround the experience?
Plainly the gift relationship is a cultural entity in which
each giver and recipient participates. But, as Merleau-Ponty
asserts, it is freshly lived in each situation in a distinct
key, with modifications, unique interpretations, and enriched
meanings. The gift relationship is very often emperilled by
the fact that there are customary elements to it, which the
giver and recipient implicitly assess as to their weightiness.
The expression and perception of gratitude is one important
example. The fact that there are established expressions of
gratitude can make it seem that the recipient has merely
fulfilled a conventional routine and that the emotion is not
heartfelt. We have seen that leaving a gift in the place where
it was received rather than taking it away as a treasured
possession or making use of it, subverts any words of
gratitude that may have been expressed. Here is a further
example, where the recipient is unsure how to make clear the
truthfulness of the depth of his gratitude for the generous
gift of the cost of a degree course.
… It has put pressure on my current situation as I want
to make the ‘giver’ proud that they gave me the gift,
this is good pressure though as it gives me more
motivation to succeed. I hope to ‘prove’ to the giver how
grateful I am by being successful. ... (Ashworth, 2013:
23)
The recipient wishes to express gratitude to his benefactor by
being successful through the opportunity that the gift has
22
provided.
2.8 Moodedness – ‘mood as atosphere’
Experience is in the context of a flow of affect. Henry
(1973 / 1963) has, in a lengthy series of publications, made
the case for the self-awareness of consciousness (ipseity) and an
associated ongoing pathos or emotional tone, as foundational to
all human experience. Be that as it may, we can draw from
Henry the principle that there is an affective tone to all
experience, and its specific nature ought to be a topic in any
particular phenomenological psychological investigation.
This aspect of the lifeworld remains under-researched. The locus
classicus is Heidegger (1962 / 1927, §29) where he describes
‘Being-there [i.e. the individual in their lifeworld] as a
state of mind’ (p 172). There is an ongoing sequence of
fluctuating moods.
We need to be careful. ‘Having a mood’ and similar expressions
involve presuppositions about source or cause which should be
set aside. The experiencer is mistakenly assumed to be the
sole source of the mood. Using the phrase ‘mood as atmosphere’
reminds us that a feeling-tone is an essential element of any
situation for us. It is an experiential part of the total
lifeworldly situation, precisely in the way we have seen that
intentionality involes, inextricably, the thing experienced
and the mode in which it is experienced. Mood as the
atmosphere of an experience should be considered explicitly in
coming to a description of the experience.
Each instance of the gift relationship has its own emotional
tone, linked with the other fractions of the lifeworld
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especially selfhood, relationship with others, and project.
Take this emotionally-rich account in which a gift was
gratefully received but the donor was detested:
I was a child. ... A man was drowning puppies in a bucket
of water (he was a farmer) and I came upon him as I was
out walking / playing. ... Tears began rolling down my
face. I felt sadness, I felt pain. ... The man saw me. He
bent down and plucked one of the puppies out of the water
and handed it to me. Me and the man looked at each other,
we did not speak. I took the puppy. I felt overwhelmed
with love for the puppy. ... I hated the man, but felt
grateful to him too. I don’t know why but I never felt
afraid of him. ... (Ashworth, 2013: 30)
It is worth noting in this account that the gift is deficient,
partly because the donor did not appear to mean the puppy as a
gift but as an alternative form of disposal. Most importantly,
the gift is not the cementing of a relationship. A central
feature of the moodedness of a successful gift relationship is
to do with the cementing of the personal relationship
signalled by the exchange of a gift.
3 The safety of the fractions
I have argued in the paper that data collection by means of
interviews or otherwise and their subsequent analysis can be
strengthened and enriched by the recognition that the
lifeworld has certain characteristics that can be expected to
show themselves without hazarding the epochē. Because the
lifeworld is universally present, and because these fractions
are inevitable structures of the lifeworld — part of its
essence, if you will — their recognition within the research
24
does not introduce arbitrary presuppositions. Even wildly
imaginary scenarios, e.g. biblical ones such as the apocalypse
of St John and his vision of the New Jerusalem, can be seen to
entail the fractions of the lifeworld.
Darren Langdridge (2007: 103-104) has registered some disquiet
the absence of ‘being towards death’ as a fraction of the
lifeworld despite the fact that Heidegger (1962 / 1927: §§41-
44, 191-226) gives considerable weight to this, linked as it
is to temporality and care (project). But there is no reason
why the fractions of the lifeworld in this paper should be
taken as exhaustive. Being towards death and other candidates
may well have a justifiable claim for inclusion as fractions
of the lifeworld. It is important, however, not to distort
qualitative data collection and analysis by presupposing
fractions that do not actually appear. My belief is that the
eight fractions that I have mentioned do inevitably appear in
any lifeworld whatsoever. Other pervasive features of the
lifeworld may be added, were it to become clear that they are
of the same status as those mentioned. The epochē has no other
purpose as a method than to allow the researcher to get as
close as possible to the experience which is under scrutiny.
If ‘false fractions’ were to slip in, as it were, and subvert
the epochē, then the work would no longer be phenomenological.
Better to have too poor a conception of the fractions of the
lifeworld than to allow spurious features to enter into the
description of the phenomenon.
I hardly need stress that the sketches of the eight fractions
of the lifeworld given above are not intended to be
definitive, but to indicate the general direction that
research might proceed in order to enrich a description of
25
such-and-such a phenomenon or experience through noting the
way in which it is embedded in the lifeworld.
Among the qualitative disciplines, it is within
phenomenological psychology that the lifeworld has primarily
received attention, but surely a methodological concept akin
to it has a place in any qualitative research that aims to
speak in first-person terms of the individual’s involvement in
their lived environment. Lifeworld is a concept that is of
general application to empirical qualitative research in
psychology.
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