the eleme phonology

GRAND ORBIT

Series Editor Prof. 0. M. Ndimele

Also in the Landmarks Series

1. AJIBOYE, OLADIPO. The Syntax & Semantics of Yoruba Nominal Expressions

2. ANYANWU, OGBONNA N. The Syntax of Causativity in Igbo: A Minimalist Account

To appear soon in the series

I. ISAAC, BARTDISHI HOPE. Aspects of the Grammar of Gokana 2. ASHIPU, K.B.C. Bette Ethnography: Theory & Practice

~

:.. Nominal

·-:ana The Eleme Phonology

Isaac Eyi Ngulube Department of English Studies

University of Port Harcourt, Nigeria

M & J Grand Orbit Communications Ltd. Port Harcourt

The Landmark Series Publications Landmarks Research Foundation Box 237 Uniport P. 0. University of Port Harcourt, Nigeria

e-mail: [email protected] Mobile Phone: 08033410255, 08052709998

Copyright© Isaac Eyi Ng11/11be 2013

All rights reversed. No part of this book may be used or reprouduced in any manner, by print, photoprint, microfilm, or any other means, without written permission from the Copyright owner except in case of brief quotations embodied in critical articles and reviews. '

ISBN 978-33527-3-08

Published by

The Linguistic Association of Nigeria (LAN)

111 (ol/ohorotinn ll'ith

l\I & .l Urand Orbit Communications Ltd No. 12/14 Njemanze Street, Mile I Diobu Port Harcourt, Nigeria

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DEDICATION

To That bright Occidental star

Prof. Richard M. Hogg Without whom

THIS would not have been poss ible

Editorial Note The Landmark Series, a research and publication unit of the Linguistic Association of Nigeria (LAN), seeks to discover outstanding doctoral disse11ations on any aspect of Nigerian linguistics, languages, literatures and cultures. Its primary goal is to encourage the circulation of ideas generated by some recently completed doctoral dissertations, especially by members of LAN both home and abroad. Dr Isaac Eyi Ngulube has responded and here is a revised version of his thesis completed at the famous University of Manchester in England.

This book presents the phonology of Eleme; it is structured into nine chapters. The first chapter provides background information - such as location, origin, occupation, religion, social and cultural beliefs - necessary for understanding the Eleme people. It also presents the linguistic pedigree of language and Optimality theory - a model used for the description. Optimality Theory has tansformed the field of linguistics more than almost any other development of the past half-century. The book re-evaluates the internal taxonomy of the Ogonoid group and suggests that Yeghe be considered a distinct language not a dialect of Kana or Gokana.

Chapter two hypothesizes that, unlike many Cross-River languages, Eleme has significant contrastive nnsalization . Secondly, it has through phonetic cxperimcntation evinccd that laJ is a central not a front vowel in Eleme. It further demonstr.ates that, vowe l harmony is an active synchronic process in Ekmi.!, not wstigial r\!lic . Chapter thrcc id1:ntilics and d<.:scribcs four very unusual phones in Eleme [Sw], [tS w], [d3w] and fpj]. It uses combined

plwnetic evidence and phonological argumentation to resolve lt1J, [d3], [kp],

[gb], [kw] and (gw] are single segments not sequences.

Chnpter four notes n significant distinction in the sylln ble structure of the \\estern Ogonoid (Ban and Elemc) and the eastern Ogonoid (Gokana, Knna. Tai and Yeghe) langunges. The western branch has only open syllables, whereas the eastern branch has close sy llables. The syllable types in Eleme are V, N, CV, CVV and CVCV. These contrast with the archetypal syllable types for Cross-River lnnguages, which arc CVC. CGC, CVN, CVVC and CVV. Chapter five discusses nasality , nasa l amity and nasal spread and the directions, constraints and conditions of application. It demonstrates that unlike most Cross-River languages, Eleme is characterised by the presence of syllabic nasals.

Chapter six analyses the phonological processes, which affect various vowe ls and consonants. It argues that these processes are very systematic rather than 'indiscriminate' (Bond 2002: 24). It argues further that the phonological processes affecting vowels highlight the functional unity of phonological rules that arc driven by the enforcement of Elcme syllabic template. Chapter seven argues that, in the Eleme verbal system, the tone pattern of verbs roots do not follow the usual dichotomy of infinitive versus

VI

systems of _ , _ neophytes, much to erfamous ly b::c of the issees • greatly we!: empirical a.: · serious st1!::._ persuasion.

I z=. -Landmarks __

Professor er~,_ Foundi ng ~,:=-

March 20_·3

; ::__inguistic c doctoral

-~ tures and ;- crated by

_rs of L AN

_ into nine - - such as

t vowel in _ synchronic - ri bcs four ;s combined

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structure of o id (Gokana, pen sy llab Jes,

_,, in Elcme are sy llable types ·c and C VV.

· e presence of

affect various ery systematic

_rth er that the onal unity of

~lcme syl lable .em, the tone

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imperative, as many Benue-Congo tone languages do (cf Cook 1985, Zee and Inkelas 1990 and Ikoro 1996), but rather on a trichotomy of infinitive, imperative and indicative moods. Chapter eight discusses language endangement and the need for detailed documentation and revitalisation of Eleme. Chapter nine summarises and concludes the book.

This is a clear, user-friendly and authoritative presentation of the sound systems of Eleme by one of its principal architects. Readers of all kinds -neophytes, linguistic-insiders, and aficionados of other languages - will find much to enthuse and entartain them . Dr. Isaac Eyi Ngulube combines his famously lucid prose style, his unobtrusive erudition, and a penetrating grasp of the issues to provide an overview of the Eleme phonology that will be greatly welcomed by advanced students and researchers alike. The remarkable empirical and theoretical breadth of the work make this essential reading for all serious students of phonetics and phonology, regardless of their theoretical persuasion.

I am strongly encouraged by the responses to the invitation to the Landmarks Series. In addition to the number of volumes already in print, there are six other submissions currently undergoing editorial scrutiny, and we hope they will be ready in print in a few months to come. I want to still use this medium to solicit more quality submissions. Please make use of this golden opportunity while the Landmarks Research Foundation ans LAN continue in their present health.

Ozo-mekuri Ndimele, PhD -Professor of Comparative Grammar Founding Editor March 2013

Vll

PRAFACE This book investigates the phonology of Eleme. It is divided into nine chapters. Chapter I gives information about where the Eleme people live, their origin, beliefs, socio-cultural background, occupations and the linguistic classification of the language. It also presents an overview of the literature on and in the language and the model used for this description. It reassesses the internal classification of the Ogonoid group and suggests that Yeghe be considered a distinct language not a dialect of Kana or Gokana. Secondly, Gokana has Bodo, Bomu, Dere and Kibangha as dialects contrary to V::ibnu (1991: 34) who identified southern, western and central. In the same vein, Kaani is also a dia lect of Kana contrary to Kobo ( 1991: 42) who recognises only Babbe, Bo 'ue, Ken-Kana, Nor-Kana, Tee and 'Yeghe ' dialects for Kana.

Chapter 2 argues that,' unlike many Cross-River languages, Eleme vowels contrast [-nasal] and [+nasal]. In other words, Eleme has significant contrastive nasalization. Nwolu-Obele ( 1998: 139) claims that [a] is a front vowel in Eleme. This study through phonetic experimentation has shown that [a] is a central not a front vowel in Eleme. Contrary to the assertion that, there is no vowel harmony in Ogonoid (cf Faraclas 1989: 388 and Ikoro 1996: 25), this study demonstrates that, vowel harmony is an active synchronic process in Elcme.

Chapter 3 identifies and describes four very unusual phones in Elerne [ S w ] • [ t S w ] , [ d3 w ] and [ pj] . It uses combined phonetic evidence and

phonological argumentation to resolw that [ tl ] , [ cfa], [ kp], [ gb], [kw] and [ gw] are single segments not sequences.

Chapter 4 notes a signilicant distindion in the syllable strudurc of the western Ogonoid (Ban and Eleme) and the eastern Ogonoid (Gokana, Kana, Tai and Yeghe) languages. The western brnnch has only open syllables, whereas the eastern branch has close syllabics. The syllable types in Eleme are V, N, CV, CVV and CVCV. These contrast with the archetypal syllable types for Cross-River languages, which are eve , e GV, CVN, CVVC and CVV.

Chapter 5 discusses nasality, nasal harmony and nasal spread. The directions, constraints and conditions of application are also discussed. It demonstrates that, unlike most Cross River languages, Eleme is characterised by the presence of syllabic nasals.

Chapter 6 analyses the phonological processes, which affect various vowels and consonants. It argues that these processes are very systematic rather than 'indiscriminate' (Bond 2002: 24). It argues further that the phonological processes affecting vowels highlight the functional unity of phonological ru les that are driven by the enforcement of the Elcmc syllable template. Chapter 7 argues that, in the Eleme verbal system, the tone pattern of verbs roots does not follow from the usual dichotomy of infinitive versus imperative, as many Benue-Congo tone languages do (cf Cook 1985, Zee and Inkelas 1990

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and lkoro 1996), but rather on a trichotomy of infinitive, imperative and indicative moods.

Chapter 8 discusses language endangerment and the need for detailed documentation and revitalisation of Eleme.

Chapter 9 summarises and concludes the work.

ix

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS When I started this project in March 2003, the original goal of the study was to provide a detailed comparative description of the phonological systems of Baan and Eleme. As the work developed, it became clear that the workload was massive. I therefore decided to narrow the work and concentrate on the phonology of Eleme without ignoring crucial comparative arguments in the larger Ogonoid.

Regarding the actual process of producing this book, my deepest thanks must go to my supervisors, Dr Gregory Anderson for accepting me as a PhD student in Phonetics and Phonology with the limited knowledge of the subject I had when I first started, and Professor Daniel L. Everett for his careful guidance, his encyclopaedic knowledge of the literature, his readiness to see me so regularly and his kindness and forbearance with my stupid ideas. He is a teacher extraordinaire and trusted friend. I appreciate his many unique qualities, he has a penetrating intelligence, but without artifice; a kindness, but without frivolousness; and as many have discovered, the ability to inspire rather than awe. Professor Richard M. Hogg deserves a book of commendation for his thorough eyes, meticulous supervision, benevolence and fatherly care in the process of this work. His patience and impartial attitude towards me are what moved me forward.

I cannot fully express my gratitude to the exceptional team at the University of Manchester, Department of Linguistics especially the members of our 'small PhD tribe' for their superb guidance and open-mindedness. Thank you especially to Prof. Nigel Vincent, Prof. William Croft and Mr Martin Barry for your advice and references. My thanks also to the initial core of early in-house supporters headed by Dr. Zoe Butterfint, Prof. Ozo-Mekuri Ndimek, Prof. Kay Williamson of blessed memory, Dr Charles Jenewari and late Chief Dada Nwolu-Obele, who cross checked the tones with me; Mr Josiah Aken Nwakaji and Mr Nelson Obo Barry as well as to the talented people of the postgraduate office Amanda Matthews and Rachel Corbishley.

To the members of my families especially Mrs Salome Owateobariokpa, Mrs Mercy Bebe of blessed memory, Mrs Yeye Osaroedee, Mr Obele Ngulube and Oehen Willie Ngulube, and members of the Command Prayer Ministries International Church Didsbury, J express my heartfelt gratitude for all the supports and prayers. -

I owe grateful tha:1ks and apologies to my children, Ebenezer Eyi Ngulube, Willie Eyi Ngulube, Tekara Eyi Ngulube, Nsisa-Obari Eyi Ngulube and Yeye Willie Eyi Ngulube who spent five of their formative years without their Dad. And finally, in a language whose culture draws so heavily on the sacred feminine, I would be remiss if I did not mention the two extraordinary women who have touched my life. First, my mother, Yeyemitiya - scribe, nurturer, musician and role model and my wife comfort - educationist, frontline preacher and without doubt the most astonishing talented woman I have ever known.

x

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x

Contents Dedication v Editorial Note vi Preface viii Acknowledgements x Map 1. Nigeria xvi Map 2. Rivers LGAs xvii

Chapter One General introduction 1

Chapter Two Vowel system 27

1.0 Exordium 1 1.1Synopsis1 1.2 The Language and its speakers 2 1.2.1 The Language 2 1.2:2 Location 2 1.2.3 Neighbours and contacts 3 1.2.4 Ethnographic background 3 1.2.4 Dialectal variations 5 1.2.5 Uses of the language 6 1.3 Linguistic pedigree 7 1.3.1 Internal classification 9 1.3.1.1 Baan [ ba~] 10

1.3.1.2 Bomu [ bo :mu: ] 11 1.3.1.3 Bodo [ bo: do :] 11 1.3.1.4 Eleme [ eleme] 11 1.3.1.5 Ken-Kana [kekan§.J 11 1.3.1.6 Nor-Kana [n6fkanci]ll 1.3.1.7 Tai [tae or tee] 12

1.3.1.8 Yeghe [ j ege] 12 1.3.2 The assumptions 12 1.3.3 Pitfalls 12 1.3.4 The data 13 1.4 Why study Eleme? 17 1.5 The model of description 18 1.6 Methodology 20 1.6.1Equipment21 1.6.2 Procedure 21 1.6.2.1 Data collection 21 1.6.2.1.1 Text collection 21 1.6.2.1.2 Elicitation 22 1.7 Previous studies on Eleme 23

2.0 Exordium 27 2.1 Vowels 27

XI

2.1.1 Features 27 2.1.1.1 The feature [ATR] 29 2.2. Vowel dispersal 31

Chapter Three Consonant system 63

2.2.1 Vowel co-occurrence pattern (CVCV) 32 2.2.2 Computational analysis of the frequencies

Of distribution 33 2.3 Evidence of vocalic contrast 40 2.4 Phonetic description of vowel phoneme 41 2.4.1 Oral vowels 41 2.4.2 Nasal vowels 46 2.4.3 [A TR] in Eleme 49 2.5 Vowel amity 52 2.5.1 Vowel amity in Niger-Congo languages 52 2.5.2 Status of vowel harmony in Eleme 53 2.5.3 Participant and non-participant morphemes 55 2.6 Summary 60

3.0 Exordium 63 3.1 Consonant inventory 63 3.2 Phonotactic 64 3.2.1 Frequency of occurrence of C2 consonants 65 3.3 Phonetic description of consonants 67 3.3.1 Nasal stops 67 3.3.2 Oral stops 68 3.3.3 Fricatives 69 3.3.4 Affricates 69 3.3.5 Approximants 69 3.3.6 Laterals 70 3.3.7 Phonemicization issues 70 3.3.7.1 Comparison of Tables 70 3.3.7.2 Organization of Table 71 3.3.7.3 Allophonic status of certain segments 72 3.4 Evidence of consonantal contrast 80 3.4.1 The distinctive consonant segments 81 3.4.2 Observed redundancy 83 3.4.3 Redundancy convention 84 3.5 The acoustic description of consonants 86 3.5.1 Articulatory and acoustic relations 87 3.5.2 Approximants 87 3.5.3 Laterals and rhotics 90 3.5.4 Nasals 94 3.5.5 Fricatives 96 3.5.6 Affricates 100 3.5.7 Stop consonants 102

XJI

r Chapter F Eleme sv

Xll

Chapter Four

3.5.8 Evidence of voice contrast 112 3.5.9 Multiply articulated stops 113 3.6 The structure of the consonant inventory 116 3.7 Summary 119

Eleme syllable structure 121

Chapter Five N asal system 153

Chapter Six

4.0 Exordium 121 4.1 The syllable 121 4.1.1Syllabification124 4.1.1.1 Nucleus 129 4.1.1.2 Onset 129 4.1.1.3 *Coda 130 4.1.1.4 *Complex 130 4.1.1.5 Margin nodes 132 4.1.1.6 Peak nodes 132 4.1.2 Syllable types 133 4.1.2.1 The V syllable 133 4.1 .2.2 The CV syllable 134 4.2 Interpretation of ambiguous items 135 4.2.1 Consonant or vowel interpretation 139 4.2.2 Unit or sequence segments 139 4.2.2.1 Analysis of [k""p] and [ g""b] 140 4.2.2.2 Analysis of [kw] and [ gw] 143

4.2.2.3 Analysis of [ tS ] and [ cf3] 145 4.2.2.4 Vowel sequences 146 4.2.2.4.1 Restraints on vowel in CVV roots 149 4.2.2.5 Analysis of long vowels 150 4.3 summary of the analysis 151

5.0 Exordium 153 5.1Nasality153 5.1.1 Nasal amity 159 5.1.2 Nasal dispersal 160 5.1.J Nasal constancy 164 5.2 Analysis of nasalized vowels 166 5.2.1 The syllabic nasal 167 5.2.Possible interp re tation of the syllabic nasal 169 5.2.3 Phonetic description of the syllabic nasal 170 5.3 Summary 171

Phonological processes 173 6.0 Exordium 173 6.1Liasion173 6.1.1 Liason and the perfective suffix 176

xiii

Chapter Seven Tonal system 201

6.1.2 Liason and the imperatives 178 6.2 Other processes 183 6.2.1 Consonant weakening 183 6.2.2 Homorganicity 185 6.2.3 Deletion 186 6.2.4 Glide formation 187 6.2.5 Elision 189 6.2.6 Contraction 193 6.2.7 Assimilation 194 6.2.7.1 Assimilation and contraction 195 6.3 Summary 200

7.0 Exordium 201 7.1 Tone languages overview 201 7.2 Tone system of Eleme 203 7.2.1 Tone rules 205 7.2.1.1 Mid tone spreading 209 7.2.1.2 Mid tone dissimilation 210 7.2.1.3 Floating tone grounding 212 7.2.1.4 Tonal metathesis 213 7.2.1.5 Metatony 214 7.2.1.6 High tone spreading 214 7.2:1.7 Tone raising 215 7.2.1.8 Tone copying 217 7.3 Tone patterns 218 7.3.1Nouns218 7.3.2 Verbs 220 7.4 Uses of tones and tone patterns 223 7.4.1 Negation 223 7.4.1.1 Tonal variations 224 7.4.:.1.1Indicativity224 7.4.1.2 Negative markers 226 7.4.1.2.1 Negation of imperative expression 227 7.4.1.2.2 Negation of hortative expression 227 7.4.1.2.3 Negation of perfective expression 228 7.4.1.2.4 Negation of unfulfilled expression 228 7.4.1.3 Negative particles 229 7.5 Tense-aspect 230 7.5.1 Imperfectivity 231 7.5.1.1 Progressive 231 7.5.1.2 Factitivity 233 7.5.1.3 Habituality 235 7.5.1.4 Continuativity 236 7.5.1.5 Past 237 7.5.1.6 Past progressive 238

XIV

Chap ter Et_ Orthogra?h~

Appe:-,~ Ap?e:-.:: -Appe:-., -Refe!'e- -

XIV

Chapter Eight

7.5.1,7 Futurity 238 7.5.2 Perfectivity 242 7.5.2.1 Perfective present 242 7.5.2.2 Perfective past 243 7.5.2.3 Perfective future 244 7.6 Tonal interchange in noun relations 244 7.7 Prefixal tone 248 7.8 Summary 250

Orthography and the literary situation in Eleme 251 8.0 Exordium 251

Chapter Nine

8.1 Language policy and planning 251 8.1.1 Language planning 251 8.1.1.1 Reasons for language planning 251 8.1.1.2 The use of language planning 252 8.1.2 Language policy 252 8.1.2.1 Formulation of policy 253 8.1.2.2 Requirements for a policy 254 8.1.2.3 Indigenous language policy 258 8.2 Indigenous languages in education 258 8.2.1 Literacy situation in Eleme 262 8.3 Relevance of phonology to literacy 264 8.4 Implications for Eleme orthography 266 8.5 Summary 275

Summary and conclusion 277 9.0 Exordium 277 9.1 Summary 278 9.2 Conclusion 279 9.3 Topics for future research 281

Appendix 1: Sample texts 283 Appendix 2: English - Eleme wordlist 293 Appendix 3: Basic elements of Eleme Grammar 299 References 327

xv

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5. lkwere 11. Akuku-Toru 17. Okrika 23 . Opobo/Nkoro 6. Etche 12. Degema 18. Ogo-Bolo

1.0 Exorclium

. CHAPTER ONE GENERAL INTRODUCTION

This introductory chapter presents a survey of the language and its speakers. !he historical background. the geographical location of Eleme and the linguistic classification. The purpose of study and the method of data collection are discussed. It examines existing literature on and in the language and the model used for this description. Furthermore, It also presents an overview of the remainder of the subject matters that will be discussed throughout this thesis.

1.1 Synopsis The second and third chapters focus on the vowel and consonant

systems. This is followed up by an attempt at phonetic measurements of the segments described. In particular, I have provided for this book valid, reliable and significant acoustic support (in PRAAT) for the claims about vowel and consonant quality. Contrary to Faraclas (1989: 388) and Ikoro (1996: 25) who posited that there is no vowel harmony in Ogonoid there is a tendency to vowel harmony in Eleme. Sequences of vowels are widespread. As a matter-ofcourse the labial-velar k"p and gb occur frequently .

Chapter four discusses the sy liable and uses combined phonetic evidence and phonologica l argumentation to resolve the phonemic status of the problematic segments. Reduplication is evident; its phonological implication is discussed in section 4.1.1. The fifth chapter focuses on nasality. Nasality is distinctive in Eleme and applies automatically when the structural conditions are Ideal. The directions, constraints and conditions of application are also discussed.

Chapter six analyses the phonological processes, which affect various vowels and consonants; and argue that these processes are very systematic rather than 'indiscriminate' (Bond 2002: 24). Chapter seven discusses tone, tonal patterns, tonal rules and tonal alternations in nouns, verbs and negation. Stress is insignificant whereas tone has a high functional load in Eleme. Chapter eight, which subdivides into three sections, examines the literacy situation in Eleme. The first section focuses on the factors that are responsible for the literacy situation in Eleme as a necessary precursor to the second section, which discusses the relevance of phonology to literacy and the final section that considers the implications of this study for Eleme orthography.

Finally, chapter nine summarises the various aspects of the phonology of Eleme and concludes with some of the salient points of the study. The issue of whether there are further lines of enquiry that follows directly from this study is also examined in this chapter. This study recommends a common literacy programme that will save cost, whilst making for unity and conflict resolution

1

Eleme Phonology

1.2 The language and its speakers 1.2.1 The language

The language under study is Eleme [(Heme]. This language belongs to the Ogonoid group spoken to the east of Port Harcourt, the capital of Rivers State in southeastern Nigeria. The languages of the group are known as Baan, Eleme, Gokana, Kana and Tai. They are the speech forms of the people of Eleme, Gokana, Kana and Tai Local Government Areas of Rivers State, Nigeria.

1.2.2 Location The Eleme people live in some 10 towns, which lie between 7° 10 ' and

7° 15 ' E and 4 ° 3 5 ' and 4 ° 60 'N. The Eleme-speaking area is some 23 kilometres to the east of Port Harcourt. The maps attached show the location of Eleme in relation to their neighbours. On Map I, Rivers State with Port Harcourt is located on the eastern part of the Niger Delta; other state boundaries are not indicated. Map 2, on the other hand, indicates Local Government Areas (LGAs) and their boundaries within Rivers State. Eleme LGA is number fifteen on the map. In Nigeria, the Eleme people form a Local Government Area (ELGA), with headquarters in Nchia ( ntS fa), which is situated in a larger administrative unit called Rivers State. The ELGA is made up of two administrative districts Ne hi a [ ntS ia] and Odido [ odi.d6]. Nchia is

situated towards the western area while Odido the eastern and southern areas.

The Nchia area has the following towns: Agbonchia [ ag'ho-ntS fa), Aleto

[alet6o), Alesa [alesa], Alode [al:Sde], Akpajo [akpaci3o), and

Ogale [ ogale] while the Odido area is made up of Ekporo ( ekpor6),

Onne [onf~), Eteo [ete?6] and Ebubu [ebubu]. The Eleme-speaking area covers an area of about 140,000 square

kilometres with a populatkn of 58,000 speakers (Gordon 2005), whereas the Nigerian Government places the population of the ELGA at 51, 228 (Nigerian Congress Online). This disparity might be as a result of the influx of migrant workers supervening the recent establishment of a number of industries in the area. In 1958, oil was discovered in the Niger Delta, with the siting of the two oil refineries, National Fertilizer Company and the Petrochemical Industry in Eleme as an aftermath. A large number of native Eleme speakers and nonnative Eleme speakers work in these industries. The environment is ecologically damaged through oil spillages; air and water pollution are evident. These combined with depleted soil fertility has occasioned a shift in the ccnnomic security of the region. It is reported that about 67% of the Nigerian budget depends on oil exportation which earns over 96% of the nations foreign exchange (CIA 2006). Ergo, migrant workers flooding into the Eleme area is on tht: increase with bizarre consequences on the society. The inundation of this migrant population has the potential to impinge negatively on the social and

2

- 10 ' and

ome 23

!' : eme area is lion of this

·-e social and

2

General Introduction

cultural identity of Eleme people, threatening to obliterate cultural practices and the language use in the long run (for detailed discussions see section 8.2.1 ).

The accustomed occupation of the Eleme people is subsistence farming and fishing. Their vital food crops consist of yams, cassava, cocoyam, oil palms and vegetables. Other food crops such as banana, plantain and corn are also grown for home consumption. Conventional crafts such as weaving and pottery also exist. A significant number of people are also involved in other careers. Most of them are civil servants, teachers, clergymen, engineers, medical practitioners, businessmen, carpenters, masons, cobblers, etc. Christianity is the prevalent religion; the churches are mostly Protestant and Pentecostal in nature. This co-exits with some traditional religious institutions and some time-honoured ceremonies in Eleme include Agbaonura [ agbaonura] festival, the New Yam festival (ogboncf3a) and the

masquerade festival Okoriowu ( ok6 r i owu).

1.2.3 Neighbours and contacts The Eleme area borders a number of different ethnic and linguistic

groups. Eleme neighbours Obio/Akpor and Oyigbo to the north, Tai to the east, Ogu-Bolo to the south, and Okrika to the southwest. Port Harcourt is sited due west of Eleme. In these areas a number of different languages are spoken, either wholly within the area or across several areas. By way of illustration, although Eleme does not have a common border with Ikwerre, Ikwerre speaking villages (e.g. Elelenwo in Obio/Akpor) are directly contiguous to Eleme speaking ones (see Map 2). - Linguistically, neighbours, some of who speak more distantly related langi:iages (ljoid on -the west; lgboid to the north and Cross River languages to the south and east) and others who speak closely related languages, hedge in the Eleme people. They (the Eleme people) refer to their immediate eastern neighbours as oku tai. who speak the t££ language, to their northern

neighbours as oku 6ylgbo and oku ndokl who speak the Oyigbo and Ndoki

dialects of lgbo respectiveiy, to their western neighbours as oku elelewo who speak the Ikwerre language and to their southern neighbours as oku 8k w a who speak the Okrika language.

The Baan, Tai, Gokana and Kana amongst other neighbours have the same historical origin and their languages are more closely related. There are hardly any cultural differences, and they belong to the same political entity called Ogoni. These languages are related to Eleme, but considerably different from Eleme and each other therefore called separate languages (Wolff I 959b, 1964, Williamson 1985).

1. 2 . .f Ethnographic background The origin of many African societies is shrouded in mystery because of

the lack of proper documentation on migrations and settlements. This problem

3

/:'/cm,• l'lw110/ogv

also confronts the Eleme society. There is no authentic information on the beginning of Eleme or of the initial mother country. The subject of starting place of Eleme has been the concern of the Eleme people. Numerous speculations based on oral tradition and linguistic evidence abounds on the source of Eleme.

Williamson (1989), using linguistic evidence, hypothesizes that the Ogoni and Eleme people almost certainly dwelt together in a densely populated area about 2000 years ago. She argues that the Eleme and Ogoni most likely sojourned together and spoke a common language with the speakers of the present day Efik, Ibibio and Obolo in the neighbourhood of the Benue-Congo confluence, which is regarded as the likely primordial homeland of the presentday Benue-Congo speakers, before relocating to the area, which they presently occupy. Williamson further claims that the languages (Baan, Eleme, Kana, Gokana, Tai and Yeghe) exhibit high degree of similarities with these other languages (Efik, lbibio and Obolo), which strongly advocates the likelihood of a common origin. These languages are all classified as 'Cross River'.

Ngulube (2011: 39) asserts that oral tradition has it that the primordial homeland of the Eleme people is located around the Nigerian-Cameroun border a place called Nama (nama). But, the craving for farmland and other sources of livelihood necessitated a total movement of the people from this primeval homeland. The first migrants from this place settled near the Benue-Plateau region, but The Hausa-Fulani warriors constantly raiding their settlements triggered the need to move again. This led to the second wave of movement. The second place of settlement is near the Efik and Ibibio area. It is from this stopgap place the people launched the final wave of movement to cross the Imo River into a place called Jian. Eleme, the mythical progenitor of the Eleme people, led this last movement. With a measured expansion from Jian over time, the other villages sprang up and today the Eleme Kingdom has ten mega clans.

Isaac (2003: 6) and lkoro ( 1996: I) surmise that Eleme has a shared ethnography and linguistic history with Baan, Gokana, Kana, Tai and Yeghe, but Bond (2006: 28) argues that the Eleme people have never considered themselves as having the same historical origin or belonging to the political entity called Ogoni. Ngulube (2011: 39) asserts that Eleme, historically, traditionally. socially and even religiously, does not form part of Ogoniland, the socio-political home of the Ogoni people. More so, there is no such cultural affinity, which might lead people to believe the argument that Eleme originated from Gokana. The Elemes see the Kana and Gokana as people as distinct people and refer to them as oku llkara and okli okokora respectively. In the same vein, both the Gokana and Kana :dentify the Eleme people as different and refer to them as pa neme, which means people from Eleme a corruption of Nama.

Although few basic words are similar they could be as a result of prolonged

4

·..,,. - that the .. • populated

_ • -:est likely _ _ - ers of the

• .::.s a shared and Yeghe,

- onsidered • e pol itical

istorically, = niland, the _.ch cultural

4


interaction/neighbourliness. This may be why Eleme chiefs refused to sign the Ogoni Bill of Rights.

Its neighbours and all colonial records refer to the Eleme area as Mbolli (from mba oli dichi) meaning 'one country that is different', not Ogoni. Kay Williamson (personal discussion) said that when she first arrived on the Nigerian scene, the 'Eleme people were known as Mbolli, not Ogoni' [emphasis hers]. Talbot (1959: 96) says: 'the only other tribes in the division are Abua and Mbolli. The Mbolli, or Eleme, or Nchia as they are known among themselves, some 20,000 strong, dwell to the extreme east near Okrika'. But this situation has since changed over the years. This is because in 1940, Eleme people resolved at a meeting of the Self Denial Society (SDS) to change all official references to them from Mbolli to Eleme after their mythical progenitor. Ikoro (1989: 1) observes 'the Eleme people have never considered themselves as having the same historical origin or belonging to the political entity called Ogoni'. Nwolu-Obele (1998: 21) supposes that the founder of Ogoni had no intention of including the Elemes among the people, which it incorporates. He asserts that the Eleme people arc 'a distinct tribe with a divergent language '. This may be why Eleme chiefs refused to s ign the Ogoni Bill of Rights. The Eleme elites see the claim of the present. Ogoni people to Eleme being part of Ogoni Kingdom as gi111111ick aimed at achieving political power in the Nigurian nation . This political game dates back to the days of the old Ogoni division and reinforced during the movement for the survival of Ogoni people (MOSOP).

1. 2. 5 Dialectal variation There are two dialects of Eleme: the Nchia and Odido. 30, 201 people

speak the Nchia dialect while 21 , 027 people speak the Odido dialect. Nchia

has [f's J, [ Jl] and [ h] which Odido lack. Odido uses [ !]., i] that does not

occur in Nchia and also [v, z] in place ofNchia [w, s] respectively. This is

due to the influence of Tai-speakers in Eyaa [ £j aa] and Ejamaa [ £cf3amaa] settlements, located in Ebubu and Onne. As the data in (Ex.1 .1) below illustrates there are processes found in Nchia which do not occur in Odido:

Ex 1.1 Odido I g'"'b~ + acf3 6 I-+ [ g'"'b§.§.cf3 6 ]

1 de + ncf3a/ - [ dencf3a. J

Nchia

[ gbaaacf30) pluck palm fruit

[ deend3a] eat food

111 the Nchia dialect of Eleme as example (Ex./ . /) illustrates, an epenthetic vowel (with a mid tone) depending on the verb root is inserted, which results

intn nnvd lengthening. This prnt:css docs not occur in the Odido dialect. Nevertheless, Odido retains the nasalization , which is lost in Nchia. A number of other processes, which occur in the Nchia dialect, arc liaison, elision, aphacresis, syncope, apocope, vowel hiatus and lenition. The opposite, fortition is not attested in either of the dialects (detailed discussion in chapter six).

5

Eleme Phonology

Secondly, roots of the structure 2 + v weakens to a single vowel as in (2) u 'die' (Nwolu-Obele 1998: 76 and Bond 2006: 62). There are also lexical differences such as in (Ex.1.2) below.

Ex.1.2 Odido ojiijaa do owe ate nd3a obao amee do re

ebaabere ' , !'-ereni gbere ct3Ie rcf3oc) nsf c:f3una d3ure ci3Ie nsisci kukdne mb6ri m2i2a.

.... ( ,, ; m2i2oro nwuru

Nchia ojaajaa 11iaog"'bere otoo nc:f3a obaa emee tere enaabere ' , ~ ereri gbfff d3aa nsi d3ona d36re _(' ' ' a3ue nsisa kpuk'Pdr<l mbi1a. i2a. f ,, " i2oro ' ' ' mmuru

pawpaw farewell kitchen you (pl)

who

cook

they have

now

because of

precede

meet

succeed, follow

be merciful to

instead of

leprosy

new

white, clean

shame

These slight variations do ' not impede mutua I in tel I igibi I ity, but indigenous language teachers need be aware of it. Secondly, these variations are adequate to enable native speakers to locate the place of origin of particular speakers.

1.2.6 Uses of the language Eleme is the mother tongue and/or first language, extensively used as a means of wider communication in the area. It is the main language used in every social circle and most economic activities in the locality. It is also the language of local politics thus used for all ceremonial village meetings. It is used in churches, and is the means of expression in the home.

Eleme is not recognised as a major language in Rivers State. Consequently, it is not used for broadcasting or in any other sector of the media system. It is however used as a medium of instruction and taught as a school subject in the first three years of the primary school system, in accordance with the language provision in the National Policy on Education (NP E), formulated in I 977, amended in 1981 and subsequently improved in 1998.

6

so lexical

ind igcnous _ are adequate

akers.

as a means • ;:sed in every

the language I is used in

6


'The medium of instruction in the primary school shall be the . language of the environment for the first three years. During this period, English shall be taught as a subject. From the fourth year, English shall progressively be used as a medium of instruction and the language of the immediate environment and French shall be taught as subjects' (NPE 1998: 14).

A significant setback to the use of Eleme as a medium of instruction is the lack of instructional materials. Apart from the reader N.sa ika Eleme 1 developed by

the Rivers Readers Project (RRP), there is hardly any educational material at the primary school level in the language. What is more, a paltry dog's chance is given to integrate the study of Eleme into the day's schoolwork for the pupils (for detailed discussions see section 8.2. l ).

1.3 Linguistic pedigree Baan, Eleme, Tee (Tai), Gokana, Kana and hereafter Yeghe make up the Ogoni group. Eleme, Gokana, Kana and Tee are spoken in substantive Local Government Areas whereas Baan is spoken in the eastern half of Eleme LGA and western section of Tai LOA. Yeghe is spoken in Ookana LOA.

Eleme is a language in the Ogoni group, which is classified as a distinct group in Central Delta (Wolff 1959). Greenberg (1966) categorised Eleme as: Niger Kordofanian; Benue Congo; Cross River 2; Ogoni group; Eleme. Faraclas ( 1989) grouped Eleme as part of the Delta-Cross subgroup of the Cross River. Williamson and Blench (2000) classified Eleme as: Benue-Congo; East Benue-Congo; Bantoid Cross; Cross River; Delta-Cross; Kegboid (Ogoni); Eleme as indicated in Figure I. I below. lkoro (I 994a: 7) has suggested that 'There are some indications from Kana, such as . the presence of numeral classifiers and locative marking that the Ogoni group may be genetically closer to Ejagham (Ekoid, Southern Bantoid) than to Cross River'. Of recent, Bond and Anderson (2005) classified Eleme as: Niger-Congo; Benue-Congo; Cross River; Delta Cross; Ogonoid; Eleme.

7

Eleme Phonology

Fig. I. I Linguistic classification a/Cross River1

Crns:i\ Rivc.'r

r····················································································· Bendi (Yakoro, Bendi, Alege Bumaji, Bokyi, etc.

i i

!C-- North-South (Koring, K ukclc, gwagwunc, etc.)

j .•••.••••••.•.••

f--

lJpj><:r l'ross

I

Lower <

Crou 1 ,----

i lklta Cross

_ ( s

r----

()gonoid

Abuan

Central

Delta Kugb<

m, Mbemcbc,

ongiyong

tral (Efik, lbibio, o, Ekit, Efai, etc. bughu, llue, Jsaghadc

Tai

Kana

, etc

1 The dotted line in Fig. I. I reflects Connel l's ( l 998) objection to the Bcndi group being

classified as Cross River.

8

- _ ~P being

8


The issue of appropriate label for the language group has given some linguists working on these languages needless concerns. Westermann and Bryan (1952) propose Ogoni, which Greenberg (1963a), Wolff (1964), Williamson (1985), Faraclas (1989) endorsed. Per contra Ikoro (1989: 1) proposes the term Kegboid, an acronym for Kana, Eleme, Gokana and Baan, to dub Ogoni; the -oid suffix evinces that the languages are related, which Williamson (1989: 18~20) said need be deployed only when there is above 40% cognation between related languages. This term is widespread among linguists working on these languages (lkoro 1990, I 994a, 1995, N.Williamson 1990, Kobo 1991, Nakagawa 1992, Williamson and Blench 2000, Ngulube 2001 and Isaac 2003).

Yobnu (2001) decries the label Kegboid and states that it denies the

people their political and ethnic identity. He for that reason propounds Ogonoid for the family, which Williamson (2004) adopts. Bond (2006: 28) posits that Eleme speakers repudiate the Ogoni nomenclature, accordingly, he supports Ogonoid label for the group following the nomenclature convention, which prohibits the use of political names as language labels (Williamson 1989: 18). His argument is that Kegboid minimizes the prestige of Tee since it is not reflected in the acronym. Secondly, it obscures the fact that there are possible other languages yet to be discovered and described. Finally the choice of Ogonoid over Kegboid is to avert tergiversation and sustain 'familiarity'. Therefore, throughout this book I will use the term Ogonoid to designate the group.

Ogonoid

West~O /\

Baan

1. 3. 1 Internal classification

Eleme

Kana

Erstwhile researches into the Ogonoid family suggest that the internal classification of the group is not cogent. For instance, Baan was missing in Wolff ( 1964) while Williamson ( 1985), rarac las ( 1989) and lkoro ( 1989) consider Tee a dialect of Kana. But, Tee has been shown to be a distinct language different from Ka na (Ladefogcd 1995, Nwi 11a ri 2002).

Following Williamson and Blench (2000) the Ogonoid group is divided into East and West subgroups. Eleme and 13aan make up the western bough even as Kana, Gokana and Tee constitute the eastern bough (see fig. 1.2). Bond (2006: 27) posits that this internal taxonomy of the language family is not clear;

9

Eleme Phonology

this might be perhaps because the taxonomy proposed so far is rooted only in phonological data. He therefore argued that:

When morphological, syntactic, and even ostensibly 'diagnostic' phonological data are considered ... the internal relationships of the Ogonoid subgroups remains an open subject, especially since structural data on Baan are yet to be collected.

This section argues that contrary to Vobnu (1991) who identified three dialects

for Gokana: southern, western and central, this categorization does not exhaust all the dialectal variations. There are the Bodo, Bomu, Dere and Kibangha dialects. Furthermore, conti'ary to Kobo ( 1991) who recognises Babbe, Bo 'ue, Ken-Kana, Nor-Kana, Tee and 'Yeghe' dialects for Kana, there is yet another dialect called Kaani, which is equally a dialect of the Kana language. Williamson (1985: 430) observes that 'Baan is not normally regarded as a separate language in the Ogoni group; the available data suggests, however, that it should be so regarded'. Ba an is currently regarded as a distinct language following Williamson's publication. Ogoi is not used in this thesis, as it is known in the literature because the language was renamed Baan by the speakers themselves at the joint conference of the Baan-Ogoi community held on 30 August 1990 (Nakagawa, 1992: 1 ). Baan now stands for the language, while Baan-Ogoi stands for the community and people. Tee has also been shown to be a distinct language diflcrcnt from Kana. In the same vein, I suggest that Yeghe be seen as a distinct language alongside Baan, Eleme, Gokana, Kana and Tai.

Yeghe is, politically ai~d administratively, assigned to Gokana as a

district and most linguists (e.g. Vobnu 2001: 16 and Isaac 2003: 6) tend to

classify Yeghe as a dialect of Gokana. This should not be the case; available data suggests that Yeghe is a distinct language. The term lect rather than language or dialect is used here following Ikoro (1989: 8). The lects selected for study are: Baan, Bodo, Eleme, Ken-kana, Nor-kana, Bomu, Tee and Yeghe. The population cited from henceforth is taken from (NPC 1992)

1.3. I. I Baan[badj Baan had in 1992 a population of 5,505 speakers and is spoken in Gberebara

[gberebara], Bontee [bontee], Kesari [kesari], Teegbaa

[teegbaa], Baraban [barabaa] and Ka-ban [kaba~] known collectively

as Daan-Ogoi [ baclgo.i]. Scattered around the Daan speaking villages are

fann settlements Tum bee [ t umbee], Nweenkova [ ue enkova], Gbake

[ g'"'bake], Ledor [ ledo], Oloko [ ?616k6], Aabue [ ?acihue], Eemuu

10

[ (') ' ' , , L E: E:Ct:.'..:

[l ekd::z. _ [boobe

e, Bo' ue, : et another

language. • _ '°'arded as a

. ever, that ~ language

_ __ ~ se lected

- e-e and Yeghe.

Gberebara Teegbaa

10

General /11trod11clion

[ '!Hmuu], Kalebue (kalebu£), Agbeta [ '!agbeta], Lekurna

[ lekdmci], Murnba [ mdmba), Ke-Nkoro [kc '!nkoro), and Boo be

[boo be] when: sett lcrs stay for fimn ing. 1 n these sdl krncnts, whose sci tiers

are mostly Gokana speaking; Gokana is the language of wider communication . Contrary to what the Elcmc people say, these settlers do not speak or understand Baan, some may speak or even understand it but the language is not given any special status in these settlements.

1.3. 1.2 8011111 { bo :mu: J Bomu had a population of 164,974 speakers, and is spoken in Bomu and Gbe.

1.3.l.3 Bodo {bo:do:']

Bodo is spoken in Bodo ( b6: do? J, Kpor [ kp6 f J, and Mogo ( mogo]. The

population is 51,869.

1.31..f Eleme {eleme] Elcrnc is spoken in Agbonchia [ag'"'bonf'Sia], i\leto [alet66], Alesa

[ alesa), A lode [ al6de], Akpajo ( ak~pad36], Ogale ( ogale], Ekporo

[ ek'"'por6], Onne ( onff ], Eteo [ etc'!6] and Ebubu ( ebubu] (for detail

see section 1.2).

1.3.1.5 Ken-Kana [ klkanJ.j Ken-kana had in 1992 a population of 55,252 speakers and is spoken in Kono [kon5], Bua [bfi~], Kwawa [kwa:wa], Bane [ba!ne], Bere [bare], Baen [bae], Lubara [lufbara], Wiiyakara [wifjafkara], Kpean

[k'"'pca), Gure [gure], Tenama [tefn~m~], Duburo [duburo], Boue

[bo?ue], Gwara [g'"'wa:ra], Sii [sf;'], Luawii [luawif], Kapnor

[ kapno :'], Eeken [ e f kc], and Kaa [ ka f J. Ken-Kana is used in the mass

media for broadcasts. It is also the lect in which most available literature in Kana has been written. In schools where Kana is studied, this is the lect that is taught.

1.3.1.6 Nor-Kana [n5 '!kan§j Nor-kana had in 1992 a population of 55,489 people, is spoken in Lueku [luekd], Nyokuru [no!kuru], Lorre [lo:re], Luebe [luebe], Kpaa

[ k'"'pa:], Okwale [ ?okwale], Sogho [ sogo], Taabaa [ta !b~], Beeri

[be:ri), Kor [k5Y], Kpong [kp5IJ), Bianu [bf~nd], Bionu [bi6nd], Bunu-Bagha [ btlmlb~IJ~], Luekue [ l uekue], Nyobe [no !be], Kalaoko

[kala?oko], Luwa [ lu f wa], and Opuoko [?opoko].

11

£/eme Phonology

l.3.J.7Tai{tai or tii] The people of Tai in 1992 were 24,488 speakers. Tai is spoken in Ueken [ ?ueke], Botem [bo !tern], Gbeneue [g'"'bene?ue ], Korokoro

[korokoro], Kpite [k'pi.!te], Okoroma [?okoroma], Chara [kira], Kpogho [ kp::) ! go], Norw a [ n5 f w~], Uedume [ ?uedftme), Kenbara

[kebara]. Bunu [bunu], Bara-Obara [bara?6bara], Sime [sfm~] and

Bara le [bar ale).

1.3.1.8 Yeghe { J cgc} Ycghc ( j cgi) and Borglwr (bo :go) combined had a population of 11,697

speakers. Though these two communities are in fact next door to Bori, the headquarters of the Kana Local Governm ent Council, they arc assigned to th e Gokana Local Government Council.

1.3.2 The assumptions My purpose is to embark on an internal sub-classification of Ogonoid languages arguing that Yeghe be considered a distinct language within the group. The approach is comparative in locus and content. The comparative method is based on two underlying assumptions - the relatedness and regularity hypotheses. The former assumes that simi larit ies in words of different languages show that such languages are related and so descendants of one proto-language, while the latter assumes that sound changes are regular such that a sound change whenever it occurs in a given language will always be the same in simi lar environments (cl' Jeffers and I ,ehistl.:, 1980: 17 cited in Barikor 1985: 90), following neo-grammarian assumptions that sound change proceeds regularly and without exception. With the above :1ssumptions in rnind, the lccts under study were examined for cognates and non-cognates.

1.3.3 Pitfalls The comparative method (a subset of which includes glottochronology or lexicostatistics) is use for 'studying word replacement in relation to sub grouping' (Blust 2007: 1) and it is also use for 'estimating the approximate date when two or more languages separated from a common parent languages using

statistics to compare similarities and differences in vocabulary' (Suarez 2007: 3). The first pitfall is that 'very little work has been done' (Blust 2007: l) to improve its efficacy. Consequently,

'The difference between a dialect and language on the one hand, and a family (composed of languages) and stock (composed of families or of very differentiated languages) on the other hand,

12

Ueken

Kenbara

_ ~s:mt] and

12


can be determined only approximately at present' (Suarez 2007: 3).

Secondly, there is no clear accepted standard used in making decisions or judgements about sub groupings within genetic group.

Most classification is based on inspection of vocabularies and 011 strnctural similarities. Although the determination of genetic relationship depends basically on coincidences that cannot be accounted for by chance or borrowing, no clear criteria have been applied in most cases -especially for sub groupings within genetic group, determined by dialect study (Suarez 2007: 3).

Third ly, in spite of the fact that lexicostatistical theory takes for granted a 'universally constant rate for the replacement of basic vocabulary, replacement rates in Austronesia languages appear to show considerable variation' (Suarez

2007: 5). This is also attested in Ogonoid languages (Williamson 1989: 3-45). She implied that Ogonoid languages specifically 'show far lower concentrations of widely distributed forms', which indicate that 'they have experienced more rapid rates of basic vocabulary replacement'. This different rate of concentrations of widely distributed forms is perhaps the Achilles heel in comparative linguistic method . Lastly, even with ostensibly diagnostic phonological cognate items and inputs from morphosyntax, other variables such as linguistic contacts might influence the results (Blust 2007, Suarez 2007). I

hasten to add though that despite these pitfalls the outcome of the analysis here rem a ins val id as borne out by sound change correspondence.

I. 3 . ../ The data The Swadesh wordlist is a standard lexicostatistic list with 400 items,

which is use for studying word replacement in relation to sub grouping. The lists of the items typically include those of body parts, terms for everyday natural phenomena (sky, w'ind, rain, sun, star, earth, stone, water, tree), basic kin terms (father, mother, child) and inserts, animals, plants, birds and some others (Williamson 1968, Nakagawa 1992 and Suarez 2007).

The questionnaire was completed w ith help of several informants for various lects. Eleme - Mr Josiah /\ken Nwakaji and Nelson Obo Barry; Bodo -Mr Tambari Nta; Bomu - Mrs J.A. Zigalo ; Tai - Miss Rachel Dumle and Mr Johnson Nnaa: >'eghc - Mr James Yagwcrea and Mr Nicolas Bani; Ken-Kana ~rnd Nor-J\.ana - Mrs Sarah Ntor-ue and Baan - Mr Samuel Deemor and Mrs Nkayan Eli Digincc. The informers arc multilingual in their respective lects,

13

Ucme Phonologv

English and Nigerian Pidgin. The informant for Baan is multilingual in Baan and Gokana.

A total of 3200 items were collected, 400 items for each lect for this purpose. These items were compared for possible cognates. The cognates identified were then counted for each lect. The number of items obtained for each lect was converted into percentages. The percentages for each lect were compared for closeness between lects. The outcome determined the subgroups. Here, I have presented the summary of the computation, and the formulae used for the computations. The lexicostatistic method adopted here is based on Williamson (1989). The lects (Baan, Bodo, Eleme, Ken-Kana, Nor-Kana, llnmu. Tni and Ycghc) nrc evaluated nnalyticnlly with n view to finding out likely cognates and non-cognates. Cognates are sets of words, which we can trace back to a common origin. After the comparisons, the number of cognates and non-cognates for each pair of lects are converted into percentages using the formula:

Cognates Cognates +Non-Cognates x

JOO -1-

A similarity matrix is then plotted where the percentages of relationship between the lects are clearly shown (fig.1.3). Here, the higher the percentage between a pair of lects the more closely related they are.

EL BN 82 TA 73 76 YE 69 66 82 KE 73 78 94 94 NO 73 78 95 94 96 BO 77 79 84 84 78 79 BM 78 82 85 85 82 84 96 Fig 1.3 Similarity nwtrix s/10wi11g percentages r~/

similarity between lects in the Ogonoid group.

The lects are then sorted into groups on the basis of the similarity coefficient using hierarchical cluster analysis. There are at least four methods of hierarchical cluster analysis: Nearest Neighbour Analysis where the simi larity between two clusters is the. greatest between any two lects, one in each c luster. Furthest Neighhour Analysis. which shows the similarity of any two clusters as at the least similarity between any two lccts, one in each cluster. Average Linkage Ana(vsis in which the similarity coefficients of a newly formed c luster ;m' eakulatcd as the mean of the cocnicicnts of two parent clusters from which it was formed with each of the other clusters. Centroid Cluster Analysis, which recalculates the similarity of a new cluster as the weighted mean of the

14

gual in Baan

_ • fee t fo r th is The cognates

obtained for

is based on a, Nor-Kana,

10 fi ndi ng out _ \ hic h we can

r of cognates ::ages using the

f relationship _ ' e percentage

. oeffi cient - ~ ethods of

luste rs as Average

ed cluster

14


similarities of the merged cluster with each of the remaining clusters. The nearest neighbour and furthest neighbour analysis are two extremes of these methods; others are intermediates. As explained by Williamson ( 1989: 30-45), 'the nearest neighbour analysis may produce clines of dialects while the furthest neighbour analysis seems most appropriate for closely related langungcs'. The furthest neighbour analysis is used. The lects with the highest percentages were merged to get the first cluster after which this cluster is compared with other Jects. Here, two different clusters, KE-NO, BO-BM, were merged first because they both share 96%. To get a complete picture of the cluster analysis, four other steps (ii-v) follow the first step of merging the initial clusters, The final analysis then gave me the dendrogram (tig.1.4).

STEP II EL BN TA

82 73 76

YE KE·NO BO-BM

69 66 82 73 78 94 94 77 79 84 84 78 EL BN TA YE KE-NO

STEP Ill EL BN KE-NO-TA-YE BO-BM

STEP IV EL-BN KE-NO-TA-YE BO-BM

STEP V

82 69 66 77 79 78 EL BN KE-NO-TA-YE

66 . 77 78

EL-BA KE-NO-TA-YE

EL-BN KE-NO-TA-YE-BO-BM 66

EL-11N

15

E/eme Phonology

Fig 1.4: Dendrogram shmvi~1g the internal relationship of the Ogonoid !eels.

Gokana

6

Gokana-Kana 78%

o,__._ __ __,

Bomu

Kana

96%

Ken-kana

64'Yo

76%

Nor-Kana

Baan-Eleme 82%

Ban

82%

Eleme

Tai Yeghe

The dendrogram shows that there are two major distinct subgroups: GokanaKana and 13aan-Elcmc. The Gokana-Kana subgroup is related to the 13aanEleme subgroup at 64%. The Baan-Eleme subgroup splits into Baan and Eleme and is related to each other at 82%. In contrast, the Gokana-Kana subgroup also splits into Gokana and Kana and is related to each other at 78%. Within Gokana, Bodo and Bomu is related to eaclJ other at 96%. Kana has two main distinct subgroups: Ken-Kana and Nor-Kana, which is related to each other at 96%, whereas Tai and Yeghe is related to each other at 82%. Ken-Kana ~NorKana subgroup is related to Tee-Yeghe subgroup at 76%. Yeghe is related to Gokana at 78% and to Kana at 76%.

Williamson (1989: 18-19) postulates that languages should be considered as related where the languages concerned share more than 40% cognates on a standard lexkostatistic list. Two lects should be considered dialects of a language where they share above 95% on such a list. Lects measuring below 95% hallmark but not below 75% are closely related languages. In spite of the merits and demerits of lexicostatistic, this appears to be the case for Ogonoid languages. Williamson (1985: 429) asserts that Eleme and Kana share more than 57% of items on such a list, while Kana and Gokana share above 70% of items. Following these parameters therefore, Yeghe fails to meet the target of 95% for dialectal variations but certainly meets the target of 75% for closely related languages. Besides, Yeghe and other Gokana dialects are not mutually intelligible nor are Yeghe and other Kana dialects mutually intelligible.

Although this sub-classification is primarily based on lexicostatistics, sound change within the group clearly supports the classification (lkoro 1989). As observed earlier, many people still do not regard Yeghe as a distinct language. It is considered either a dialect of Gokana (Isaac 2003: 6) or Kana (lkoro 1996: 6). This analysis however suggests that it should be seen as a

16

~ -: Gokana-

e target of or c losely

~ t mutually

_ · costatistics, -oro 1989).

a distinct - 6) or Kana

16

General lnlroduction

distinct language. The number of speakers, which many laymen use in determining what should be a language or dialect, is irrelevant. The people see themselves as speakers of a distinct language, not Gokana or Kana. This is support,~d by reconstruction evidence by Ikoro (1989) on the one hand and mutual intelligibility and sociological factors by Ngulube (1995) on the other.

It is pertinent here to draw attention to the dendrogram (fig 1.4) and the tree diagram (fig. I. I) from Williamson and Blench (2000: 33). The similarity between the dendrogram and the tree diagram is significant. Even though, different methods were employed in the computation and analysis the end result is strikingly similar. They recognised that Baan and Eleme are more closely related; Tai and Kana are also more closely related and that Gokana is more related to Kana and Tai than to Eleme and Baan.

1.4 Why Study Elerne? The initial impetus is the fact that a study of Eleme phonology will provide fu1ther insight into linguistic variation. It is a consensus that the inferences that can be made about the attributes of universal grammar depend on the attested characteristics of individual languages. From the known features of particular languages, we can abstract the universal properties that they share. The differences discerned in specific languages are vital for the development of an adequate explanatory linguistic theory. Ignorance of such differences will restrain the el\planatory strength of existing theories (Isaac 2003: I3). It is against this background that the need to explore the grammar of particular languages, especially ' small' languages under described, derives its theoretical validity. - This study will furnish linguists, teachers and curriculum developers in indigenous language education with a thorough description of Eleme phonology. The present study is therefore a synchronic description of the salient features of the Nchia dialect of Eleme. Secondly, this writer is interested in the evolution of Eleme as a language of education and literacy. Presently, nothing has been accomplished in this direction: Elcme is yet to have a dictionary, pedagogic grani.mars and metalanguage manuals. These plans require an exhaustive knowledge or the basic structure or Eleme, and this is just what the present undertaking hopes to provide.

Why study Eleme? It is 'perhaps because of its unique role ' in encapsulating Eleme poetry, songs, proverbs, idioms, parables, the people's endeavour and way of life. The Eleme people observe the societies around them. and are amazed by the variety of assorted languages and dialects, articulating array of world views, literatures, and ways of life. They look back at the thoughts of their predecessors, and they can see only as far as Eleme lets them sec. They look upwards, and crave to transmit signs of their intelligence, to clarify who they are, in case there is anyone there who wants to know. Besides this. there is the significance they attach to Eleme, as a means of understanding their society. and themselves and of resolving some of the

17

F:leme Phonology

problems and tensions that arise from their interaction. Every segment of their society is affected, and every one of them will benefit from the study of the linguistic circumstances, which is sometimes a barrier, and at other times a means of communication. However linguistic predicaments have no simple solutions and it is this elementary observation that has led to the present work (Crystal 1987: I).

1.5 The model of description This work is mainly descripiive. The goal is to describe Eleme phonology in a way that is accessible and useful to phonologists and other linguists regardless of their theoretical hackgrmrncl. On the other hand, \ clo draw on theories when then~ are direct theoretical impl ications from Eleme. I shall briefly examine Optimnlity theory (OT) since it offers mnny valid insights with the intention to drnw on it as the need arises in the study. As the work is geared towards an understanding of the phonology of Eleme, I will try as much as possible to avoid any of the abstraction ofthis learned theory.

The standard phonological theory during the latter part of the 201" century

\\as the rule-based dcr ivational theory la id out in SPE (Chomsky and Halle, 1968). In 1993, Prince and Smolensky proposed a non-derivational approach cnllcd Optimality Theory (OT) and this has attracted formidable following in phonology. It should be noted abinitio that it is outside the ambit of this thesis to examine concurrently d isparate phonological theories, albeit the sophistication of OT is not in doubt.

'OT is a theory of the human language capacity'; the focal tenet is that the grammar of a language is imbued with rival forces (called constraints). These forces are ubiquitous i.e. occur cross-linguistically. Languages vary predominantly in the way and manner they work out the dissensions between the clashing forces. Specific langwigcs resolve the rivalry by ordering hierarchically in draconian supremacy the various competitors. It is the strntificntion of these rival forces that cstnblish the occasion under which constraints are contravened. A typical language grammar therefore is a medium for puzzling out the friction amongst these cross-linguistic constraints. The ·surface realizations ' of grammatical structures mirror settlements ~between

these clashing forces. An output form is best if it incurs the least serious violations of a set of constraints, taking into account their hierarchical position. Yip (2002: 78) sums up the concept of optimality simply as:

The grammar that selects the optimal output consists of a set of ranked, universal constraints, which assess the desirability of each output candidate. Violations of higher-ranked constraints are fatal, and the winner is output candidate that survives the winnowing. The constraint set is the

18

_ ::o century and Halle,

approach !lowing in th is thesis lbeit the

_ o rdering l t is the

18

General /11trod11ction

same in all languages; language variation comes from the rnnking only.

A vita l notion in OT is constraint, a grammatical description that can be obeyed or infri nged upon by an output form. Kager ( 1999: xi) explains it thus:

Constraints are universal, and directly encode Markedness statements and princip les enforcing the preservation of contrasts. Languages differ in the ranking of constraints, giving priorities to some constraints over others. Such rankings are based on 'strict' domination: if one constraint outranks another, the higher-ranked constraint has priority, regardless of violations of the lower-ranked one. However, such violation must be minimal, which predicts the economy property of grammatical processes.

This worldwide (global) character of constra ints, which correctly predicts accepted cross-linguistic preferences for specific segments and category of structures is what makes OT appealing to its followers. Constraints are crosslinguistically or language specifically attested . It is because constraints are always c lashing that outputs automatically defy one constraint or the other. OT's position is that individual grammars supervise the clash and ensure that disregard for superior constraints are abstained from aggressively than defiance of lesser-ranked constraints. The primal point of OT is that 'ungrammatical structures' are not as a result of flouting of constraints neither is downright conform ity to constraints grammatical description necessary to the grammar's output. What produces the choicest grammatical result is the 'least costly'

. defiance of the constraint (Kager 1999: 3). Markedness and Faithfulness are the two categories of constraints put

forward in OT. Both constraints examine the output's grammatical 'weJIformedness ' . Markedness constraints (MCs) govern output grammaticality by ensuring that outputs meet the necessary grammatical description. Faithfulness constraints, on the other hand, demand the safeguarding of the input features in the output form. In other words, FCs insists that output forms ought to protect 'segments". ' linear order', ' shared values for voice (or other features)' and reflect it. FC therefore is bi-directional; it looks simultaneously at the underlying and the surface forms. While, MC concentrates sole ly on the output ensuring that it meets the expected grammatical description. So, no constraint c0nsiders uniquely the input form . According to Yip (2002: 79)

FC penalizes changes to the input form (insertion, deletion, or featural chan ge). If FC >>MC, where

I<)

Eleme Phonology

C 1 >> C2 means C1 outranks C2, marked segments/structures arc found . I!' MC >> FC, they are not. For example, if *DELETE>> NOCODA, coda will not be deleted, and closed syllables will be found. If NOCOD/\ >> *DELETE, codas will not surface, and all syllables must be open.

It ca11 be inl'erred, therdore, that the !'unction of' FC is to:

Protect the lexical items of a language against the 'eroding' powers of MC, thereby ... making it possible for languages to have set of formally distinct lexical items to express different meanings . .. . Second, by limiting the distance between input and output, FC restricts the shape variability of lexical items. Faithfulness thus keeps the contextual realizations of a single morpheme (called its alternant) from drifting too far apart. This enhances the one-to-one relations of meaning and form. In sum, the overall function of Faithfulness is to enhance the phonological shape of lexical forms in the output, as sort of inertness limiting the distance between outputs and their basic shapes (Kager 1999: 10).

Finally, the ·architecture ' of OT is constructed around the lexicon, which accommodates all the ' underlying forms of the morphemes' and submits same to Gc'n which is a device in the overall design of OT that spawns various output forms and in turn submits them to Eva! for assessment and the selection of the most harmonic candidate. From my explanation of the key notions of OT, it is clear that it provides the means for understanding a variety of phenomena in language. As the work is geared towards understanding of the phonology of Eleme for the production of literacy materials the approach is mainly descriptive, and where convenient or necessary I use elements of this model, particularly if it is known to provide an adequate understanding of the subject concerned.

1.6 Methodology The motivation for this section is to provide a clear and explicit statement of the methods and procedures that are used to gather the data for this study (especially the acoustic data presented in chapters two and three). This section divides into equipment and procedures.

20

·_on, which _ mits same

r " ous output ___ e~tion of the

- of OT, it is _ enomena in

= ~ .analogy of - - - is mainly

= - is model, = ~ me subject

·e'llent of the - chis study -:-his section


1. 6.1 Equipment The equipment for this fieldwork is portable cassette tape recorder, audio and videotapes, laptop with PRAA T and J Plot formant soft wares, research cards, camcorder and DVDs. These technological devices are invaluable in helping this researcher to notice sounds and patterns, which his unaided ears had missed . They help the fieldworker to check his facts and interpretations more carefully. In selecting equipment the follow ing questions are considered.

(i) Who will use the output of this equipment now nnd in the future? (ii) Is the equipment portable? (iii) Does it provide state-of-the-art accuracy , or as close to it as the fieldworker can afford'? ( iv) Will the equipment record both the grammar and its cultural matrix? (v) Does the equipment use a practical power source for the location in which it will be used (such as solar power)? (vi) Does the fieldworker's equipment include satellite-based communication equipment, for email and phone contact from any part of the world to any part of the world? (Everett 2005: 1 1 ).

The last point (vi) is the reason for the researcher's use of high-quality camcorder and Mac G4 laptop in 2005. These have the capability of accurately Rreserving and measuring the sights and sounds of the language.

1. 6. 2-Procedure I . 6. 2.1 Data collection Two v ital questions are pertinent here: ' what kind or data will the researcher collect? How will this data be processed in the field and ... after the field experience?' (Everett 2005: 12). The answers to these questions directed the entire fieldwork. A number of techniques were used while collecting data: eliciting and text collecting. The advantages of these methods is indubitable to the researcher, but caution was exercised when assessing translations provided by infonnants for structures removed from their situation of occurrence. This is why, details of situational constructs are referred to in the text were necessary.

1.6.2.1.1 Text collection The primary data (monologues, dialogues, songs, proverbs and folktales) used throughout this study is collected from the v illages of Alesa and Alode in Nchia. I embarked on two field trips one from the months of September - November 2005 and the other from the months of August - October 2006, with well over 64 hours of recordings of 17 disparate literate Eleme speakers. The speech forms of both men and women spread across different ages adequately

Flcmc l'honology

represented. A girl aged I I years was the youngest w!1iie a man aged 72 years was the eldest. The data collected are checked with multiple native speakers during the regular meetings in which we (participm1ts, informants, field assistants, and the researcher) discuss the data and metadata. This study refors to these data gathered from these provenances. Dual transcriptions are adopted in this study. In favour of tones, a phonetic transcriptbn is deployed. I have chosen a phonetic transcription for tones because of the complicated tonal alternations observed in the grammar. For segments, I have opted for a phonological transcription given that there are no evidc11t difficulties here. The glottal stop is a significant sound in Eleme, but it is optl0nally written in wordinitial positions. The nasal tilde is indicated on na:;a!ized segments in all situations.

UU.1.2 Elicitation The orthography used here is that of the Nsa eka Eleme 1 which the

language consultants are familiar with. Besides, this is 'to eliminate prejudice. Each word containing a target segment in a sentence is written six times on separate cards, making a total of 427 tokens. The Cl!rds are then thoroughly shuffled. The sentences are read with falling intonation at rate which come naturally to each speaker, the main accent occurring on the focused words. The experiment is conducted in two stages. The first ~tae_e is concerned with obtaining acoustic information during the informant's production of the text words. To achieve this, the informant is given a mic,·~phone as the cards are shown him/her; s/he produces the utterance directly i,1:0 the PRAA T software on the laptop. The second stage is to play back the recording so the informant and other native speakers are satisfied with the qualit:.1 :)f the production. The main reason for the second stage is to obtain a more a~curate recording of the sound acoustic signal. The stereo rather than the mono is ased to ensure that the original frequency modulations of the acoustic signal arc not disturbed.

Audio files are analysed using PRAA T p!10cetic software or its equipment. Acoustic measurement of the data are uhdcrtakcn to distinguish between segments, combinations of tone, intonatio:1 and stress placement. Sound files are analysed in more detail focusing on p~orndic features. Video files are studied and discussed, e.g. as to how hand gesi:Gres, facial expressions, and other features (might) correlate with grarnrnalic;i! and cultural features of the texts being told. Efforts are made to see that (a) the collected data are secured and backed up to alternate media e.g. DVDs. (b) Orthographic and phonetic transcriptions of the texts are congruent. (c) Field data are analysed. The investigation involves a detailed analysis 'Jf some acoustic and aerodynamic aspects of Eleme segments.

The researcher collecte'd and transcribed audio, v!(cu and pictorial primary data and determined the form of the notes and the rn~~<:data to be associated with the collected data in the database, e.g. name, tribe, cli<ilect, gender, age etc. He also conducted preliminary analysis of the captured data; this is because

22

hich the _ e prej udice.

t imes on _ thoroughly

·hich come . 'ords . The

- are or its distinguish placement. res. Video

express ions, features of

"! red data are

22


according to Everett (2005: 13) ' unprocessed data is almost useless away from the field situation ' . The result of all this is the acoustic analysis in chapters 2 and 3 of this study.

1.7 Previous s tud ies on Elcmc The purpose of this li terature review is to appraise materials presently available on the language with a view to fi nding out what has been done and what is left undone, thus providing necessary justification for this study.

Eleme has been li tt le stud ied when compared with Gokana and Kana. Available works tend to address Ogonoid and some aspects of Eleme but not the phonology . Eleme came to the fo re w ith the descriptive work of Hans Wolff (l 959a, 1959b, 1964). These works si mply classified and compared the morphology of Eleme, Gokana and Kana. They are the basis on which a number of recent studies on Ogonoid are predicated. Obele €t€ Nwaji (1972)

produced the The Eleme Reader designed to help Eleme-speaking children to read Eleme. W illiamson (l 973a) is the Teachers' Note intended to familiarise the teachers with the reader. Williamson ( l 973b) was written to explain the orthography, which was used in the Eleme Readers. This work discusses the lexiq!l function of tone, verbs and pronouns. Eleme pronouns were classified into 'independent pronouns - singular/plural ; subject pronouns - singular/p lural ; object pronouns - s ingular/plural ' . Although Eleme pronouns distingu ish person, possessive, reflexive, demonstrat ives, relative, interrogative and indefinite forms, these were not treated. The grammatical categories, which the pronoun system distinguishes like number, person, gender and case, were not treated. The Rivers Readers Project published these books with support from Une:>co and the Ford Foundation, situated in the school of Humanities, University of Port Harcourt.

Williamson (1985) is a reconstruction of consonants in C2 positions for Baan, Eleme, Gokana and Kana. There are two morphological! distributions for consonants, either as C 1 or C2• For instance, in the word butu 'break' the first

onset b is C 1 while the sectrnd onset is C2• Therefore, a C2 consonant is the

intervocalic onset consonant in a CVCV syl lable. Ngulube (1987) carried out a contr:istive analysis of the English and F lcme Pronouns. This work compares areas of differences and similarities both at the formal and distributional or contextual levels. The similarities and differences, according to him, will lead to error prediction, error analysis and error remedy. Pedagogically, he posits that we can predict errors that are likely to be made by native Eleme speakers of English. The errors can then be analyzed, after which effective remedies can be devised, based on the resu lts of careful analysis.

Ngofa ( 1988) presents the ancestral origin, migrations, and early settkments of Eleme people. Although some of the issues he raised are h ighly controversial and doubtful, yet the work is accepted as an authoritative source of the history of the people. Ngei (1990) compiled a word-list of the

23

Eleme Phonology

agricultural lexicon in Eleme, particularly on fanning, hunting, fishing and palm wine tapping. Ngo fa (I 994) is a vital contribution to understanding Elcmc culture and customs. Nwolu-Obele ( 1998) is a grammar of Eleme produced to help speakers of Eleme become literate in Elcmc. Ngulubc (200 I) is a comparative study of Baan and Eleme.

Anderson and Bond have undertaken n cons iderable number of pertinent studies on Eleme. Notably among these are Bond (2002), which provided an outline of the grammatical system; Bond (2003a), discuss Eleme personal inflection while Anderson and Bond (2003b) and Bond (2004a) present negation in Eleme. Furthermore, Bond (2004b, 2004c, 2006) focus on a comparative account of logophoric reference in Eleme; Bond and Anderson (2005) assess critically the 'internal classification' of the Ogonoid family: whereas Bond (2005) examines the 'applicative morphology' of Eleme. Finally, Bond (2006) analyses Eleme data using 'functional-typological' framework.

Literature on Kana is large when compared with other Ogonoid languages. Piagbo (1981), Wibe (1987), N.Williamson (1990) and Kobo ( 1991) have s~verally discussed various aspects of Kana grammar. Ikoro ( 1987, 1989, 1990, 1994a, J 994b, and 1995 are discussions on aspects of phonology, morphosyntax and numeral classifiers. Gokana also has a large corpus. Westermann ( 1952) provides word list on Gokana. Asinyirimba (1972), Arekamhe ( 1972), Ekundare ( 1972) and Okotie ( 1972) gave an overview of the phonology of Gokana. Brosnahan (1964, 1967), Hyman 1982a, 1982b, and 1983 deal with aspects of the lexicon and phonology. Hyman and Comrie ( 1981) proffered a systematic analysis of logophoric reference in Gokana even as Roberts (1985) studied serial verb constructions in the language and Wagner ( 1984) examines direct objects in Gokana. Thereafter, Hyman (1985) published two articles on Gokana, which examine nasality, syllabic length and phonological weight in Gokana. Barikor ( 1985) explained the structure of the predicate and modals in Gokana. Zua (1987) is a description of the structure of the noun phrase in Gokana while Lemon ( 1987) contended that ideophones are present in Gokana and portrayed their syntactic and semantic weight. Yobnu

(1991, 2001) examined the underlying syllable structures in Gokana. Finally, Isaac ( 1991, 1995) claimed that focus is made real in Gokana 'through cJeftsentence and pseudo-cleft sentence constructions' and posited that main component of the sentence can be focused in Gokana. The organisation of the verb and verb complementation are described in these works. In 2003, Isaac provided a complete grammar of Gokana . Ladefoged ( 1995), the first published work on Tai, discuss different facets of the phonology. Nwi Bari (2002) is the

lexicon with illustrations of verb paradigm . Baan first appeared in Williamson (1985), thereafter Ngu lube (1995, 2001) tested mutual intelligibility in Baan and Eleme.

It is obvious from the existing literature that some work has been done on Eleme especially Nwolu-Obele ( 1998) Foundation studies. This work is

24

des igne transla:ec

• ::: and palm fc'st.im<l in g r·: I c rn c

rod uced to _001) is a

.. r pertinent rovided an e personal a) present ocus on a

nderson ::'"' oid family: :::.: · of Eleme. _-typological'

-~er Ogonoid ...... ..... _,.....i ' and Kobo

oro (1987, __ ~f phonology,

- ge corpus. ba (1972),

_ erview of the l982b, and

and Comrie ·- Gokana even

:::e and Wagner ;,S-) published

- ~ length and ture of the

24


designed to provide a general guideline to readers of the New Testament translated into Eleme. To th is end, he focuses on the grammar of Eleme with some slight observations on the orthography, phonemic and distribut ional analysis of certain segments. With reference to orthography, he outlines the inconsistencies that exist in the present orthography call ing for a review and the need to standardize the orthography. With regards to the allophonic relation, he points out the need for a detailed phonemic analysis. In Nwolu-Obele 's discussion of Eleme negative markers, he observes that n -r could be undergoing a process of lenition. In spite, of these general observations, there is no detailed phonological ana lys is of Eleme. It is to fill this gap that this thesis derived its validity.

25

2.0 Exordium

CHAPTER TWO VOWEL SYSTEM

This chapter examines Eleme vowel system. It has five sections, 2.1 survey the Eleme vowel system, which divides into oral and nasal, these are phonetically described and backed up with vaJid, reliable and significant acoustic support in PRAA T for the claims about vowel quality. This section also contemplates vowels produced with expanded pharynx termed ATR. Vowel distribution is explicated, in 2.2, with the aid of statistical measurement; the motivation is to prove that the co-occurrence of vowels in CVCV or any other structure for that matter is not indiscriminate. Besides, it is further argued that vowel co-occurrence patterns can be used to validate the status of two lects as actually belonging to the same language. Moreover, that the significant correlational patterns observed between the two dialects of Eleme has pedagogical implications. The last section, 2.5, concludes with a discussion on vowe l harmony positing that contrary to the claims in some quarters that Ogonoid languages lack vowel harmony, vowel congruity operates in Eleme.

2.1 Vowels Based on an examination of Maddieson 's (1984) detailed study of the

inventory sizes of the world ' s languages, Elcme could be classified as demonstrating a 'moderately sized phoneme inventory' with a rich phonological system that exhibits vowel harmony, tonal contrast, oral/nasal contrast, a characteristic thought to be largely restricted to the Ogonoid group within the Cross River family (Faraclas 1989: 3 88). The symbols employed for transcription here have approximately the same values as those of the International Phonetic A lphabetical symbol (IPA). Non-standard Roman symbols used are [ e] for the open-mid front unrounded vowel; [ o] for the

open-mid back rounded vo"vvel and [?] to represent the glottal stop.

2. 11 Fmturcs Each of the Eleme vowel phonemes on Table 2. I below may be

specified in terms of a set of features . Phonctici:ms agree that phonetic features are limited in number and languages pick disparate combinations to set up their particular phoneme systems. Humans have similar articulatory and auditory c~)lllfKtence. i.e. the capacity to produce and usl.: speech sounds drawn from the set of features is pre-determined by our physiological constraints (Anderson l CJS.+. Katamba l 989). ;\I though Bloom field ( 1926) accepts that phonctical ly phoneme can be decomposed into more basic particles, he held the notion that the phoneme is the atomic, basic phonologically apropos particles. First, this view of phonemes is indefensible because cross-linguistic evidences evince that the 'phonological behaviour' or phonemes is attributed to

27

Ucmc l'ho110/ogy

the phonetic features, which it is composed of. Second, this percept ion of phonemes as 'unanalysable units' restricts our ability to account for assimilatory processes - specifically spreading, whereas accepting 'feature approach' licenses us to shed light on the internal structure of a sound (Katamba 1989: 35 -38). Third, from the various phonological processes observed universally, evidence abound that phonemes are not 'bundles of unordered, unstructured phonetic properties'. Distinctive features can be ordered linearly within a single morpheme.

Historically, distinctive feature theory has its provenance in the work of Trubetzkoy and Jakobson. Roman Jakobson during the Nazi$ occupation of Czechoslovakia moved to New York and later Harvard where he presented some of the ideas of the 'Prague school' (cf Trubetzkoy 1939, Jakobson, Fant and Halle 1952). Trubetzkoy focused on devising a typological means of specifying phonemic contrast. He compared the sound systems of different languages with the view of establishing that there is a limited set of features which phoneme inventories can be made of. Whereas his attention was fixed on phonological typology, Jakobson et al unswervingly investigated crosslinguistic phonological oppositions. First, Jakobson 's focal tenet is that while languages evince an almost limitless number of phonetic variation, 'the range of phonemically contrasting features is severely restricted' by universal principles. He proposed 12 acoustically elucidated distinctive features that occur universally. These exclude prosodic features (tone or stress) that are linked with the entire syllable or lexical item. The second tenet is that the presence of one opposition in a language rules out the existence of another opposition. Third, Jakobson (1952) posited that features are binary with either presence(+) or absence(-) of a specific feature. His critics accept that binarism is sufficient where two-tier opposition exists but is useless when a ternary or multivalued opposition is involved. A case study is Eleme with four degrees of vowel height /i e e: a/ and distinguishes four

places of articulation - bilabial, alveolar, palatal and velar nasal consonants /m

nJ1IJ/ . Ladefoged (1971, 1975) and Vennemann (1972) are some of those who

oppose binarism in favour of 'gradual oppositions' or 'multivalued oppositions'. Katamba ( 1989: 35-58) has argued that the dominant view -among phonologists is that of 'binary distinctive features'.

The Achilles heel of Jakobsonian features became obvious in the 1950s and 1960s. First, the modd was charged with parsimoniousity i.e. being too scanty to account for all the phonological contrasts that occur universally. Second. some of its features were ambiguous, for instance, the feature [Grave] could acoustically elucidate either labial or velar articulation.

Due to this shortfalls Chomsky and Halle (1968) in SPE proposed a rt:v is ion of the theory of dist in ct ivc feat urcs. First, acoustically elucidated phonological features were replaced \Vith articulatory correlated set of features.

28

rception of - assi milatory

approach' ba 1989: 35 un iversally, nstructured

· in a single

e of those who

iew among

_ i.e. be ing too universally.

'eatu re [Grave]

- E proposed a I e lucidated t o f features.

Yoivel System

Second, the number of binary features was increased momentously. The list of distinctive features used here is predicated on SPE in essence, but it incorporates some of the modifications put forward in African linguistic description since 1968: [±cons], [±syllabic], [±sonorant], [±coronal], [±anterior], [±labial], [±distributed], [±high] , [±low], [±back], [±velar suction], [±A TR], [±tense] , [±spread], [±constricted], [±voice], [±cont], [±lateral], [±nasal], [±strident], [±del.rel. ], [±long] and [±stress].

On Table 2.1 therefore, the features [±high], [±low], [:tround], [±ATR] and [:tnasal] a;e used here to distinguish Eleme vowel phonemes thus, High [i

u], Low [a], ATR [e o], Round [o o u] and Nasal [i ea 5 u].

Table 2.1: Distinctive feature matrix for vowels

[-Nasal] [+Nasal] i e e a 0 0 u i e a. 0 u

High + - - - - - + + - - - + Low - - - + - - - - - + - -ATR - + - - - + - - - - - -Round - - - - + + + - - - + + Nas - - - - - - - + + + + +

As Table 2.1 indicates Eleme has twelve vowel phonemes, seven [-nasal] and five [+nasal] vowels. Furthennore, Eleme contrasts a set of front and back vowels from a low central vowel /a/. The irregularity observed with the [-

nasal] mid vowels I e e o o/ and the diminished contrast between the [+nasal]

mid vowel I e 5/ is not unusual of West African languages (Williamson 1973b:

3-5). Eleme vowel segments are not subject to allophonic variation as will be demonstrated below (section 2.3). Besides, all vowels are voiced in all positions.

2.1. l. l The nature of the.feature [ATR} [ATR] is the feature used to differentiate the close-mid vowels c and o

from the open-mid vowels e and o. Eleme has no [+ATR] nasalized mid

vowe ls. A TR is the most frequently used feature to express vowel harmony of the African type, based on S.tewart's ( 1967) interpretation of Ladefoged (1964). Lindau ( 197 5) demonstrated that raising and lowering of the larynx couple with advancing or retraction of the tongue root are involved. She suggested the fea ture [expanded (pharynx)] with three values, so that a neutral position can be differentiated from an expanded and a contracted one. Expressing this in binary features means that two-paired features are required, which Williamson ( 1999) named r expanded] and r contracted]: as with other paired features, the + values are generally mismatched. These two features helps to express properly certain

l :'ft·nll' l'honolop,y

problematic relationships (Williamson (1999). Stewart (1971) asserted that [ +ATR] vowels arc marked in comparison with their [-ATR] counterparts because assimilation usually takes place from [-ATR] to [+ATR]. But he also observed that because advanced tongue root tends to push the highest part of the ton~ue upward and forward, the vowels [I u] are awkward in that high tongue

position co-occurs with retracted tongue root and that [ 3] is awkward because it combines low tongue position with advanced tongue root. As he observed, these three vowels are those, which tend to be eliminated by sound change. Since this change is a simplification rather than an assimilation, it is expected to result in the change of+ values to - ones. Williamson ( 1999: 257) asserts that this works well in the case of [ 3] merging with [a], since [+expanded] [·

c:xpandcdJ, but is dinicult with [I u] merging with [ i u] or [ e o], both of

which are commonly attested sound changes. With two features, however, she posits that it is possibk to spceif'y vowc,:ls as f(Jllows in a full harmony system:

[ i e 3 o u] [+ expanded, -contracted]

[I e a o u] [-expanded, + contracted]

An expanded vowel which merges with its non-expanded counterpart and a non-expanded vowel which merges with its expanded counterpart then both become [-expanded, -contracted], which is a simplification and a natural way of expressing a neutral vowel. A language with no vowel harmony will have its vowels characterised this way (Williamson 1999). In this thesis, the feature [ATR] rather than [expanded] is adopted following Donwa-Ifode's (1995) argument for A TR.

The feature [back] is used only when it is necessary since in Eleme all back vowels are rounded and all front vowels are nonrounded. Additionally, no existing rules turn front vowels into back, or vice versa. Because Eleme has [± round) consonants, [round) is preferred to (back] as a vowel feature. I will not give a separate description of nasalized vowels, since the only difference between them and their oral counterparts is the presence of nasality in them as the discussion in section 5.1 revealed. The phonemic status of long vowels is discussed in (section 4.2.2.5), which is simply a sequence of two idenfical vowels. The different phonemes are exemplified in Table 2.2 below.

30

- rpart and a _rt then both

__ ral way of

ill have its

30

Vowel System

Table 2.2: Vowel phonemes

Vowel /i/[i] /obi/[obi] faeces

/d3i/[d3i] steal

/e/[e] /ete/[eteJ tree

/be/ [be] fight

/c/[c] /Ebere/ [ ebere] bag

1:Jcte1e1[:Jdele] vulture

/a/[a] 1aka/[akaJ mother

/a?u/[a?uJ death

/o/[o] /6k:Jr:J/[6kor:J] okra

/eporo/[eporo] evil

/o/[o] /0?6/(0?6] leg

1n161[nl6J salt

/u/[u] 1d3u1cd3u1 come

/kd/[kd] pound

2.2 Vowel dispersal This section illustrates the dispersion of vowels according to their

occurrences in morpheme initial, medial and final positions. All examples below are phonetic and so are assumed to be in square brackets []. Table 2.3 is divided into word-initial, medial and final positions. It is further divided into [nasal] and [+nasal]. The plus (+) sign is used to indicate the presence or occurrence of a vowel while the minus (-) sign is used to show the absence or non-occurrence of a vowel.

Table 2.3: Vowel distributions Vowel Initial Medial Final

v v v r- Nasl + + + f +Nasl - + +

In Table 2.3, Eleme oral vowels occur in word-initial, medial and final positions, in contrast, nasalized vowels are restricted to occurring only in wordmedial and final positions. This constraint sums up the positional possibility of nasalized vowels in Eleme as (Ex.2.1) indicates. This restricted distribution suggests that the contrast between oral and nasal vowels is neutralized wordin itially. This is schematically represented as:*#[ +nasal] or [word [+nasal].

31

Eleme Phono/og)'

Ex.2.1

Vowel Initial :i, :f. fa coconut

i e c E a a. 0

5

0

u

u

eta cs5

act a

ob5

oloi ' ( 1 ur11

tree

song

day

n111rk,·t d:iy

la\\'

creel

Medial 01:f.lo bottle

mbi5 nose

ete'.?6 a town

cberc bag

sH economize

obad God

kparcl want

okoro okra

d35na med

eloi story

eturu iro 1111ail

bi'itu hrcak

2.2. J Vm\'e/ co-occurrence pattern (C VC V)

Final obi faeces

t'Si b6 pc

refuse

fight

fly

cm~rf chief

ada n name

bd cooking pot

cb:S ot5 mgba6 et1uu oka

h11ncll c

~ar

clog

louse

basket

Whcrens a language may not have vowel harmony, it may have some preferred co-occurrence pattern that is in the sense that some vowels frequently occur with others, e.g. as V 1 and V 2 in a CYCV word while others do not as I shall show fr0m the analysis of Table 2.4 and 2.5 below. My analysis will be based on the preferred co.occurrences of vowels in CVC V words in Eleme.

-Table 2.4: Ncf · l fi d ' {V

Colun nl 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 i i e s s a a 0 0 5 u u

i 26 9 2 0 0 6 l 0 0 0 0 0 44

i 9 7 0 0 0 l 0 0 0 0 0 0 17

e 2 0 7 0 0 l 0 0 0 0 0 0 10

s l 0 0 9 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 10

£ 2 l 0 10 3 l 0 0 0 0 0 0 17

a 14 3 4 24 0 39 0 2 l l 2 0 90

a 4 0 0 l 0 7 0 0 0 0 0 0 12

0 I 0 0 0 0 I 0 12 0 0 0 0 14

0 2 I 0 I 0 0 0 0 21 0 1 0 25

5 4 0 0 0 0 I 0 0 15 0 1 0 21

u 5 0 0 0 0 4 I 0 0 0 25 0 35

u 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 3 1 4

70 21 13 45 3 612 1437 I 32 I 299

32

, --· faeces

refuse

fi ght

fl y chief

a nnmc

ooki ng pot

hundlc

ear

dog lo use

basket

e preferred ._._ntly occur

t as I shall ill be based

3 "

: 99

32

Vowel System

Table 2.5: Odido vowel frequency dispersion of V2

Column 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 i i e 8 8 a a 0 :::> 6 u u

i 14 9 2 14 0 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 41

i 2 7 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 9 e 2 0 7 0 0 I 0 0 0 0 0 0 10

8 3 0 0 15 0 4 0 0 0 0 0 0 22 t 2 I 0 2 2 I 0 0 0 0 0 0 8 n 9 3 0 26 0 24 () 4 4 I 2 0 73

a 8 0 0 2 0 6 0 0 0 0 0 0 16

0 1 0 0 0 0 l 0 7 0 0 0 0 9

0 4 1 0 11 0 0 I 0 16 0 0 0 33

6 4 0 0 3 0 1 0 0 4 0 0 0 12

u 1 0 0 7 1 1 0 0 0 0 10 0 20

u 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 3 9 12 50 21 9 80 3 43 I 11 24 1 15 9 265

Jn Table 2.4 and 2.5 above, the number inside the boxes represent the number of words recorded with each combination of vowels. The outer numbers represent the totals of the rows and columns.

2.2.2 Computational analysis of the frequencies of distribution Here, the goal is to determine the co-occurrence pattern of V 1 and V 2 in

a CVCV word, these are the variables of this analysis, and the data values for each of the variables would be associated with each dialect of Eleme. According to Anderson, Sweeney and Williams (2007: I):

Statistics is the science of collecting, analyzing, presenting, and interpreting data. Data are the facts and figures that are collected, analyzed and summarized for presentation and interpretation. Data may be classified as either quantitative (which measure either how much or how many of something) or qualitative (which provide labels, or names, for categories of like items).

The purpose of the statistical tests used here is simply to facilitate the prc~cntation and intcrpretatic)n of my data. To achieve this intended outcome, a number of ·numerical measures' are used to sum up the data. This involves iabular and nu111cricnl su111 111ation of data. With reference to nume rical

33

F/cmc Phonology

measures for qualitative data, the most frequently used procedure is ' the proportion or percentages of the data values' (Anderson et al 2007: 4). With regards to quantitative data, 'the most commonly used numerical measures are the mean, median, mode, percenti !es, range, variance and standard deviation'.

Presently, I shall briefly examine the mean, standard deviation and chisquare with emphasis on how they function. The mean, also referred to as average. is calculated by summing up all the data values for a variable and dividing the sum by the number of data values. The arithmetic mean is 'a measure of the central location for the data' (Anderson et al 2007: 4) and is commonly used as the single value typical of a set of data. The formula for mean is x = X1 + X2 + ... xn/ n and is expressed as the sum of the numbers (l:x)

divided by n (the sample number) and abbreviated as x ::;: Ix/ n. The standard deviation (S.D), on the other hand, is:

A measure of variability (dispersion or spread) of any set of numerical values about their arithmetic mean (average; denoted by x) is the positive square root of the variance (o2

), in symbols,

o2 = l: \J(x1 - x)

2/n

Where L is a compact notation used to indicate that as the index (i) changes from I to n (the number of elements in the data set), the square of the difference between each element x1 and the mean, divided by n, is calculated and these values are added together' (Anderson, Sweeney and Williams (2007: 1).

The frequency of the expected value (fe) is the result of multiplying the sum of the row total (rt) by the sum of the column total (ct), divided by then (the grand total of samples involved). The formula is: fe =rt X ct/ n (Gamba 1987: 161 ).

An examination of Ukwuije (1994) reveals that apart from the normal probability distribution, a number of other discrete and continuous probability distributions abound. These are the geometric, the hypergeometric, and the negative binomials; other commonly used continuous distributions include the unifonn , exponential, gamma, chi-square, beta t and F. The chi-square is used here and the formula is represented as: x2 = L (fo - fe)2 /fe, where L (fo - fe) 2 is

the sum of the squared de\ ·iations of the dependent variable about its mean; and (fo - fe) ' is the square of the difference between the observed frequency (fo) :rnd the l'Xpcc!L'd frequency (fr). ~(fo -- fc) 2 is also known as 'the total sum of squares· or 'the coefficient of determination' (Ukwuije 1992: 117). Chi-square ckals with two samples fo and fe. The difference between the two sample

34

easu res are _ :e iation'.

n and chi-

_ • _ mean is 'a __ ~: 4) and is

e fo rmula for · e numbers (Lx)

The standard

. · g the sum of • --en (the grand

987 : 161).

. the normal _ JS probability -netric, and the

include the

its mean; and - _- -equency (fo)

total sum of - . C hi-square ' e two sample

.Vowel System

means, fo - fe, would be used as a point estimate of the difference between the two sample means. The sampling distribution of fo - fe would provide the basis for a confidence interval estimate of the difference between the two sample means (Anderson et al 2007: 4). With reference to the degree of freedom, Edowu (1994: 229) posits that 'any of the number of independent quantities necessary to express the values of all the variable properties of a system is its degree of freedom'. For instance, in a statistical sample distribution, if there are q variables and z constraints on the distribution, there is q - z degrees of freedom. Here, the degree of freedom is expressed as d.f. = (row - I) (column - 1). Finally, hypothesis testing is the inference that uses data from a sample to draw conclusions about a data parameter or a segment probability distribution. Initially, a tentative assumption is put forward about the data or distribution; this is called the null hypothesis and is denoted as Ho. An alternative hypothesis (denoted Ha), which is the opposite of what is stated previously in the null hypothesis, is then defined (Koshemani 1994: 49). The hypothesistesting procedure involves using sample data to determine whether or not Ho can be rejected. If Ho is rejected, the statistical conclusion is that the alternative hypothesis Ha is true. With this, I present the rest of the section. I will present the summary of the computation starting with Table 2.6, as the formulae used for the computations are already presented above.

Table 2. 6: Mean and standard deviation

Nchia 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 i i e t: f:: a a 0 ;) 5 u u

Mean 4.8 3.0 1.8 8.0 0.3 3.9 0.1 I.I 2.4 1.5 1.8 1.10 S.D. 4.02 2.0 1.0 7.8 0.64 6.95 0.3 2.3 4.8 1.7 2.0 2.98 Odido Mean 5.8 2.8 1.08 3.75 0.25 5.08 0.17 1.16 3.08 0.08 2.67 0.08 S.D. 7.16 2.0 2.14 7.010.8310.48 0.37 3.31 6.79 0.28 6.8 0.30

From Table 2.6, it can be observed that some columns have low S.D., which implies that variation from the mean is minimal, that is no great variability, is observed in the data. In other words, the distribution shows a kind of uniformity. A high S.D., on the other hand, implies that variation from the mean is huge and that there is dispersion in the data. Thus column I, 4, 6 and 9 for both dialects denote an extensive variability as indicated by the high S.D., while the low S.D. of column 5, 7, 10 and 12 signify that there is no colossal \'ariability between the observed and the expected.

To conduct a test of s ignificance using chi-square (X\ I set up the

fo llowing null hypothesis for the: co-occurTerH.:e relationship between the vowels in the dialects.

!Jeme flhonology

J-10 : There is 110 sign(fican f correlation in co-ocx11rrence pattern between the mwe/s r?fNchia and Odido.

H0 : There is a significant correlation in co-occurrence pattern between the 1·011·e/s o/Nchia mu/ Odido.

Testi ng for significance at the 5% level, the critical value of x2 for 110 d.f is

124.434. The computed x2 value for Nchia is 941.500, which is greater than the

crit ica l va lue. Simi larly, the calculated x2 value for Odido data at 5% leve l is

882.850, which is also greater than the critical value of x2 for 110 d.f, which is

equal to 124.434. Therefore I have no hes itation in rejecting the null hypothesis (Ho), which predicted no significant correlation in co.occurrence pattern between vowels of Nchia and Odido. In other words, I accept the alternative hypothesis (Ha) that predicted a significant correlation in cooccurrence pattern between the vowels of both dialects. In this way, I establish that there is a significant correlation in the co-occurrence pattern or in the distri bution of vowels in both dialects of Elcmc. This sensitizes us to the fact that co.occurrence pattern may be a strong evidence that two dialects belong to the same language. Having established that there is a relationship between the co-occurrence patterns of vowels, I now examine the nature of this relationship in the light of the preferred order of co-occurrences. For ease of comparison I will represent my computations indexically so as to have a common base for the comparison.

Mean Index = Mean o(column Mean of the base column

SD Index =SD o(column SD of base column (Base column is usually column 1)

T 1Mt• :! -

1 ·een the

110 d.f is

"% level is

.f, wh ich is •

0 the null

to the fact ~~ts belong to

tween the : ... eJationsh ip ~omparison I - base for the

36

Vowe l .~)1sfem

Toh!e 2 7: Nchio and Odido

Nchia 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 i i 8 · £ f. a a 0 0 :3 u u

Mean Index 0.3 0. 19 0.65 0.04 0.87 O.Q3 0.20 0.30 0.01 0.46 0.01 S.D. Index 0.2 0.1 ] 0.98 0.12 1.46 0.05 0.46 0.95 0.04 0.95 0.04 ()dido Mean Index 0.21 0.21 1.67 0.06 0.81 0.02 0.23 0.50 0.03 0.23 0.02 S.D. Index 0.20 0.20 1.97 0.16 1.73 0.07 0.57 1.19 0.06 0.74 0.06

/\n observation of Table 2.7 reveals that some columns have very low indices below the base ; some have indices approx imately equ al to the base, while others have indices clearly above the base index . The pairing of vowels in a disyllab ic CV 1CV2 word is said to be favoured ifthe S. D index of the column is same or approximately equal to that of the column. It is said to be highly favoured if S. D index is above the base index. Thus th e pairing of vowels of column 1, 4, 9, and 11 that is i , e, o, and u of Nchia is favoured and highly favoured with a as V 2. On the other hand, a low index implies that pairing such a vowel as V 2 in a disyllabic (CV 1CV2) word is less favoured. For instance, pairing the vowel s in columns 3, 5, 7, 10 and 12 (e, e, a, 3 and u), as V2 is less favoured. Similar deductions can be made from the column indices for Odido on the same premise. The pairing of i, e, a, o as V2 is highly favoured and pairing them

with o and u is less favoured in Odido. In order to compare the preferred co

occurrence of each vowel with the others, I will have to convert my data into percentages since the number of words involved as shown on Tables 2.4 and 2.5 are not the same. I calculate the percentages using the formula: % of x cell =

Nos of co-occurrence in cell x X 100 I grand total.

37

E/cme Phonology

Table 2.8: Nchia

Co lumn I 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 i i e c e a a 0 0 6 u u

i 9 3 1 0 () 2 0 0 () 0 0 0

i 3 7 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 e I 0 3 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 c 0 0 0 3 0 0 () 0 0 0 0 0 e I I 0 3 I 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

a 5 2 9 0 0 14 0 l 0 0 I 0 a 2 0 0 0 0 3 0 0 0 0 0 0

0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 4 0 0 0 0 0 l 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 8 0 0 0 6 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 5 0 0 0 u 2 0 0 0 0 2 0 0 0 0 9 0

u 0 0 0 () 0 0 () () 0 () I 0

Table 2. 9: Odido

Column I 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 i i e c e a a 0 0 6 u u

i 7 2 0 7 0 l 0 0 0 0 0 0

i I 3 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 e 0 0 4 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

e I 0 0 7 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

e I I 0 I I 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

a 4 3 4 12 0 11 0 2 2 1 2 0

a 4 0 0 I 0 3 0 0 0 0 0 0

0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 3 0 0 0 0

0 2 0 0 5 0 0 0 0 7 0 0 0

6 2 0 0 I 0 0 0 0 2 0 0 0

u 0 0 0 3 0 0 0 0 0 0 5 0

u 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 I 3

38

Table _ .

i. i

i. e i , c i , a i ,i

e. i e , e

e. i e. e e. a e, u e, i e. e e. e e, a a. i a. e a . e

38

- Vowel System

Table 2.10: Co-occurrence % of each vowel with the others.

Paired vowels (V1 VJ Nchia Odido Paired vowels (V1VJ Nchia Odido i. i 9 7 a. a 14 11

i. e a. a I 2

i, 8 I 7 a, o 2

i,a 2 I a, u i, i 3 a , i 2 4 e,i I a, 8 I e,e 3 a,a 3 3

8 , i 0 , 0 4 3

8' 8 3 7 o, i 2

8, a 2 o, e: 5

e:, u 0,0 8 7 e,i 1 5, i 2

e, e: 3 5, e: e, e 5, o 5 2

f,a u, i 2

a,i 5 4 u, e: 3

a,e 2 u, a 2

a, e: 9 12 u, u 9 5 u, u I

It is observed from Table 2.10 that: (i) the pairing of identical vowels is the most preferred or favoured pattern in disyllabic words. (ii) The low vowel /a/

co-occurs with the close vowel Ii u/ with no restrictions in the order in which

they occur. However, with I e e: o/ it can only occur as the first vowel of the

pair. (iii) The following pairs of vowels do not occur in Eleme in the order in wh ich they are presented Ii u/, /u o/, le al. (iv) All nasal vowels as first

vowels of a pair co-occur with Ii I but not with their oral counterparts.

Similarly, oral vowel as the first pair does not co-occur with nasal vowels. (v) The close back vowel co-occurs with Ii I as V 2• (v i) The pairing of vowels

' ith I el is restricted to Ii c al but this breaks down often. (vii) The vowel

I t: I co-occurs with Ii al with no restrictions.

In sum, from my computation and observations, both dialects exh ibit a lot more similarities than differences in their vowel dispersion in CVCV word. Sim ilarities: 1) oral and/or nasal vowels can occur as V 1 before [-nasal] vowel

39

E/eme Phonology

of the same quality. 2) The oral central vowel I al can be followed by all oral

vowels. 3) I e o I does not co-occur with I e o I in some phonological words. Differences: The major dispersal differences in CVCV word is that while in Nchia only the front vowel /i/ can occur after back vowels, the two front

vowels of Odido Ii e I can both occur before back vowels. The vowel I c I does not co-occur with Ii I in Odido but it does in Nchia without restriction.

While pairing with I c I as V2 is highly favoured in Nchia, it is only slightly preferred in Odido. Finally, the co-occurrence pattern of vowels in CVCV word in both dialects is similar, suggesting that both dialects belonged to the same language. The restrictions observed have a lot of implications concerning language-learning acquisition, preparation of literacy materials and language teaching in general. These implications will be discussed in chapter eight of this work.

2.3 Evidence of vocalic contrast The data below illustrates contrast between all twelve vowels listed in

Table 2.1. One set (Ex.2.2) shows the contrast between the [-nasal] vowels, while the other set (Ex.2. 3) shows contrast between the [+nasal] vowels. The final set (Ex.2.4) shows contrast between [±nasal] vowels. These various phonemes are represented on the vowel chart on Table 2.11 below. The data below is presented in phonemic slanting lines I I .

(Ex.2.2) Contrast between [-nasal] vowels: i e ca o o u isc marry for rlrl swing 11 bury esc fetch for kere gong le keep if a hi.re ' ' tie coconut darken pii era intestine berc lean pee bellows

ate tree kere different pe lost

etc father kcrc hang pt fly

aibe box keri jive kpc pay

aiha year kari drop kpa hit (of drum)

ate run le bi share it ?a fetch (water)

oto home lo bi remove it ?o roast

at6 weeping okpekere shield a?6 bush

ate tree ok~p6kor6 hollow o?6 leg

. abata cap kere gong ?a fetch (water)

abutu he break it kuru rake ?u die

a?i he married ·blru ,

squeeze you ira turn a?u he died bUru beat you ura draw cb6 bundle aCScrt he rub kcrc hang (cloth)

ah6 he tied aCsara bamboo kara hang (bag)

ck~pcH stalk here pocket re kill

40

~-;_- 11 ..,.-~:---

-: a~-- ;::;:._.

._J.=_;- -

...;~.::_

a=--=-

,.:-- .. ... -

- t while in e two front

·owe! I el

concerning language

_p er eight of

_ -" els listed in al] vowels,

.owels. The

·s

_,, (cloth)

_ (bag)

Vowel System

ok~pol6 lazy bor6 brother re plant

tari straight tcra my father za. go

tori stitch tor a carry zo sing

d3ar :f. buy it was a tea r ra. knock

cf3or:f. swim it wusa inj ect fU cut

ada name k5 scrape (pot) ob6 hand

od6 husband ·ko chew palm nut ob6 name

d3o follow or :f. defrost bO:f. become lean

ct3u come ur:f. boil bui read

(Ex..2.3) Contrast between [+nasal} vowels: i ea o u esa mitrnl' ek~p5 hat ck~ language

cs5 name ekpf he goat ck-d loin cloth

adt eyl) ogE knite oki egg

adu yam (type of) og5 edge okf lake

(Ex.2.4) Contrast beMeen [±nasal] vowels cmerc bell ob5 cmfrf chief/king ob6 sii tie (wrapper) okd sa filter oku

Table 2 I I· Phonemic vowel chart Front

close [-nasal] i [+nasal] i

close-mid [-nasal] e open-mid [-nasal] e

[+nasal] £: open [-nasal]

[+nasal]

2.4 Phonetic description ofvowel phoneme 2. 4. I Oral vowels

lor6. subtract lori de-worm

a market day ekpf hand, arm ekpi basket

message

Central Back u

u 0

0

3

a a

he goat

money

The description of Eleme vowel phonemes presented here assumes that the phonetic quality of a vowel is measured by its formant frequencies. First, onnants are viewed, following Hayward (2000: 146), from the point of view of

speech production as 'generating vowels spectra'. According to her vowel spectra 'show peaks and valleys, defined by increasing and decreasing amplitude of their harmonics, as one moves up and down the frequency scale'. Fomrnnts are also viewed from the point of view of speech perception 'as peaks in the spectrum', which listener hears. 'Note that a display of the complex range

Eleme Phonology

of frequencies of varying intensity, which together make up the quality of a sound, is known as the acoustic spectrum' (Donwa-I fode 1995: 11 0). She further posits that, 'the primary role of formants is to characterise input to speech production rather than to determine the output of speech production'. This study also takes for granted that the three major articulatory parameters of vowel classification - height, backness and rounding match the two parameters of acoustic classification F 1 and F2 (Hayward 2000: 151-2). The description of the vowel quality anticipated here also places emphasis on the frequencies of the vowel formants during 'the steady state of the vowel'. This is because 'the steady state is what the speaker aims for and what the listeners attends to in identifying vowels' (Hayward 2000: 146). Secondly, formants may be specified with regards to each other as high or low and therefore may be expressed in tenns of specific frequencies. Comparatively, the F1 is usually said to be the lowest.

F 1 is low if it is between 200Hz and SOOHz, high if it is above SOOHz. F2 is low if it is between 700Hz and 1200Hz and high if it is above 1800Hz (Donwa-Ifode 1995: 110).

Stevens et al {1986) notes that, as would be expected, there are certain relationships between the formants of vowels and the various shapes that the vocal tract assumes during their production and that all formants depend on three articulatory factors. Fant (1956) shows that the first is the point of maximum constriction in the vocal tract during the period of the production of the vowel. The forward and backward movement of the tongue controls this. The second is the size or cross-sectional area of this point of maximum constriction. This is controlled by the movement of the tongue towards or away from the roof of the mouth and the back of the throat. The third is the position or shape of the lips, that is, the size of the mouth opening. In terms of these parameters, one can speak of high or low formants with respect to the centre of the spectrum. F1 is low if the mouth opening is small or rounded, with constriction towards the front of the mouth. It is high if the narrow tongue constriction is near the glottis with large mouth opening. This accounts for the low first formant in i as opposed to the high first formant of a in

Figure 2.1.

Vowel i e E a 0 0 u F2 2500 2450 2340 1500 1150 900 800 F1 250 450 750 1050 600 350 300

F2 - F1 2250 2000 1590 450 550 550 500

Figure 2.1 a. A .fi.Jrmant chart showing the relation between F; and F1 in the seven [-nasal} vowels of Eleme.

42

-- co speech "---""--~~·,,·on' . This

meters of

maximum ards or away

_ - the position ~s of these

e centre of ded, with

42

. Vowel System

While figure 2.1 b is a schematic display of the first two fonnants of each vowel, figure 2.1 a is a fonnant chart showing the relationship between the first two fonnants. As can be inferred from Figure 2.1, there is always an increase in frequency of F2 as the lip orifice increases and the point of small constriction moves towards the front of the mouth away from the glottis. This is why [ i] has the highest F2 and [a] a much lower F2.

The Eleme vowels [ i e e a o o u] can be described with reference to and in

comparison with the eight primary cardinal vowels. [ i e e] are close, closemid and open-mid front unrounded vowels, very close in quality to cardinal vowels 1) [i], 2) [e] and 3) [e] respectively. [u o o] are their back rounded counterparts, identified in approximately the same areas as cardinal vowels 8) [ u], 7) [ o] and 6) [ o] respectively. The vowel [a] is an open

central vowel about mid way between cardinal vowel number 4) [a] and 5)

[ D]. Note that F 1 increases as the speaker moves from [ i] to [a] and

decreases as the speaker goes from [ o] to [ u]. F2 conversely decreases from

[ i] to [ u] and increases vice versa.

It is the considered opinion of Ladefoged (1982) and Lindau (1975) that there is a correlation between the degree of backness and the distance between the frequencies of the first imd second formants (F2 - F1). Figure 2.1 reveals

that the greater the distances between the two formants, the more front the vowd. It also evinces that the F2 - F1 is greater in the front vowels, [ i] and

[ e] being the most fronted of all the vowels and that the F2 - F 1 decreases as

one goes from [ i e e a] to (o o u]; the F2 - F1 of (a] shows that it is neither

front nor back, it is a central vowel. As figure 2.1 reveals [ o] and [u] have about

the same degree ofbackness. The fact that F2 - F1 decreases in front vowels fits

the traditional articulatory description showing [ i e e] on a slanting line like

ardinal vowels I, 2 and 3 being the most fronted.

2500 -2500 -2450

2000 -2340

1500 -1500

1000 -1050 -750

500 -450

0 -250 i e a

43

F:lemc Phonology

2500

2000

1500 r--

-1150 1000 I -900

-800 500 I -600

-350

o I -300 o · 0 u

Fig. 2.1 b: A schematic display oftheji·equencies of the first two formants in each of the seven vowels. The upper frequencies are F2, while the lower ones are F1•

The frequency of F2 decreases as a back vowel becomes more rounded, while that of F .• decreases as a front vowel becomes more rounded. The vowel [u] has the greatest degree of lip rounding, although in terms of constriction in the oral cavity [a) is said to have a large mouth opening with an F1 of about 1050 Hz

showing that [a] is an open vowel. The chart further shows that the degree of

lip rounding is higher for (o] than (o]. This is seen in the difference between

their F2s. In Eleme, therefore, all front vowels are unrounded while all back vowels are rounded.

The relationships discussed so far amongst the various vowels can clearly be seen when I plot the formant frequencies given in fig. 2.1 a along two axes as shown in fig. 2.2a. The axes have been placed in such a way that perceptually equal intervals of pitch are represented as equal distances along the scale. This way [ i ] and [ u] appear at the top left and right of the chart respectively and

[a] at the bottom, while the other vowels are in between. This arrangement

allows me to represent the vowels in the way they are normally represented in the traditional articulatory charts as in fig.2.2b. The plot is set up such that F1 frequency is on the vertical axis, rising from apex to base, and F2 frequency is on the horizontal axis, spreading from right to left, I obtain:

44

can clearly "'two axes as

-.,, perceptually e scale. This

- ·- arrangement

. -epresented in ;; _ such that F1 .:. ?.: freq uency is

F2 - 2500 2200 1900 1600 1300 l 000 700 1

e 0

u 300 400 500

:::> 700

900

a 1000 1100

------------~t

F1 Fig.2.2a Formant frequencies for the seven distinctive vowels of Eleme, pronounced by a male speaker/ram Alode. All vowels were pronounced in V1 position of disyllabic words.

. Vowel System

The significant attribute of vowel formants is the correlation between plots of the frequencies of the F1 and F2 and the conventional vowel chart (Hayward 2000; 147). This similarity has made it fot\sible to use F1 - F2 plot$ for the description of Eleme vowels.

F 1 - F2 plots is a useful tool for description, since according to Hayward (2000: I 47) it "provides an objective means of diagramming vowel qualities which does not depend on the individual researcher's judgement concerning his informant's tongue position". Secondly, she asserts that F1 - F2 plots may also have another vital function, 'Since formant frequencies are derived from acoustic signals, and since acoustic signals are input to all human speech perception, it has seemed natural to suppose that formant charts must, in some way, reveal a universal perceptual vowel space' (Hayward 2000; 147). In this connection, she argues further "drawing a formant chart for any language is like producing a map of that language's vowels in the universal vowel space. If such a vowel space exists, it could provide a means of accounting for the perception of vowels". According to her, 'two formants are sufficient to enable subjects to recognise vowels ... at least for vowels which can be specified in terms of their height, backness and rounding, but which lack secondary features such as nasalization or rhoticity' (Hayward 2000: 152). Furthermore, she explains that: 'The frequencies of spectra peaks are encoded in the auditory nerve by means of firing patterns of individual nerve fibres. Thus, it seems clear that the brain has access to information about location of spectra peaks. It should be possible to make use of such information when deciding what phonological category any particular vowel belongs to' (Hayward 2000: 152).

Ueme l'lw110/ogy

a.

Fig. 2.2b: The vowels of fig. 2.2a

u. o.

o.

plotted on a traditional Cardinal vowel figure.

From fig. 2.2a it seems that Eleme shows preference for vowels around the margin of the acoustic vowel chart, this inclination might mirror the propensity to maximise perceptual contrast (Liljencrants and Lindblom (1972, Lindblom (1986) and Hayward (2000). As would be expected, the correlation between F1

- F 2 plots and the vowel chart is optimal for [ i e e], [a] and [ u o o]. Note

also that, the correspondence between F1 - F2 plots and the vowel chart is best on the perpendicular aspect than in backness (parallel) dimension. From fig. 2.2a and fig. 2.2b, it is obvious that whereas F 1 frequency conforms to the articulatory feature of vowel height, F2 frequency varies according to backness and rounding (Hayward 2000: 150-1 ).

F 1 - F2 plots justifies my interpretation of [ i] and [ u] as vowels. It also

lay to rest the argument that [a] is a front vowel in Ogonoid group (cf

Williamson 1985, Ikoro 1989, I 994a and b, Vobnu 2001 and Isaac 2003). [a]

might be a front vowel in Baan, Gokana, Kana and Tai but from my impression and the plot of F1 and F2 above (see fig.2.2a), it is obviously a central vowel in Eleme. As regards the other dimensions of vowel classification - nasality and expanded pharynx, these are my observations.

2.4.2 Nasal vowels There are two expressed opinions about the acoustic characteristic of nasal quality. The first is that it is apparent that nasal quality has some acoustic feature devoid of 'positioning of formant frequencies', this is because it is easily recognised by non-phoneticians. The second opinion is that nasalization is not completely free of 'other. aspects of vowel quality' (cf Donwa-Jfode 1995, Ladefogcd et al 1996, Hayward 2000). Accordingly, typologically in languages, which contrast oral and nasalized vowels, some oral vowels do not have nasalized counterparts. Jn addition, there is no language that 'has more nasalized vowels than it has oral vowels' (Hayward 2000: 161 ).

As 1 have observed in section 5.1, in Eleme nasality is clearer when the vowels occur aficr nasal consonants not before. Sometimes, the vowel before the nasal is not nasalized at all. Elemc contrasts oral and nasalized vowels. The

46

_ - around the propensity

~- _, Lindblom • between F1

: _ J o o]. Note

_J hart is best _ : · n. From fig.

;-orms to the

•els. It also

"d group (cf

- _003). (a]

impression __ ~ ra l vowel in

- nasality and

_ _ "stic of nasal _ 50me acoustic

e it is easily ization is not -Ifode 1995, logically in

owels do not

_ _ rer when the _ ·owel before

owcls. The

46

Vowel System

oral vowels are [ i e e a o o u]; the nasalized vowels are [ i e a 5 u] while

[ e o] do not accept or inhibit nasality. In other words, they do not have nasal

counterparts. Eleme contrasts three-degree heights for nasalized vowels. This suggests that specifying height for nasalized vowels in phonetic terms might be a hit problematic. This is because according to Beddor (1982) nasalized vowels undergo diachronic shifts in height quality, that is, high vowels are sometimes rea lized as low while low vowels are at other times realized as high. Hayward (2000: I 62) states that these trends arc not easily elucidated in 'articulatory terms' because the site of the soft palate is, in principle, autonomous of the 'position and shaping of the tongue'. It is probable, she asserts, that nasalization could influence the way vowel quality is perceived specifically vowel height and therefore any explanation of the way nasalization is perceived should furnish some clarification for this. Therefore here, I will limit my observation to nasal vowel height as indicated on the spectrogram and the patterns in fig. 2.3 below .

Vowels are non-nasal if the velum is raised and the airstream is released through the mouth. Hayward (2000: 162) explains that lowering of the velum during the production of a vowel automatically adds a characteristic nasal resonance called 'antiformant or zero', which affects the entire pattern of the spectrum. She notes that this modification is particularly significant at low frequencies, around F1• which is observed to be broad an-d not properly delineated.

On fig.2.3 below nasalized vowels seem to be typified by a broader and relatively flatter low-frequency (F1) peak. This agrees with the first observation that nasality has different acoustic correlates, which can be elucidated without reference to vowel placement on an F 1 - F2 plot.

47

Eleme Phonology

¥ :;::: '-' ti "' c:;r ., ...

u...

sooo "I ' . . I

·I

0 I ~"~r~ ... ~r.r-, · · ~ ··"~' '" "'"~ . .,,.,~fltTI•~'' I 0 I I 2.11249 Time(3)

Start of nasalization

Fig.2.Ja: Spectrograms of the Eleme words k"tri 'conscript' mi ti 'plaster'

' ' kwi-ri 'conscript' [-nasal] mi-ri 'plaster' [+nasal]

65 F1

55

45

35

25

15

0 0

65 F1

F2 55

45

35

25

15

1500 2500 3500 4500 0 0 1500 2500 3500 4500

Fig.2.3b: Schematic representation of an FFT spectrum taken from the middle of the V2 syllable

On the spectrogram above are Eleme minimal pair kwi-ri. 'conscript' and

mI-f I 'plaster' as pronounced by a male speaker from Alesa. In Eleme, the

alveolar approximant is automatically nasalized in proximity to a nasalized vowel; therefore the intervocalic r of mi-ri is also a nasalized segment. On

this spectrogram the effect of nasality is clearly evident. On figure 2.3 are the schematic representations of the narrow-band FFT spectra of the vowels taken

48

bar on L • ~ __

vowels is'!.' abrupt

and

_ a nasalized

_ :egment. On

2.3 are the

48

J"owel System

from the middle of the V2 syllable. Figure 2.3 has two parts [-nasal] towards the left and [+nasal] towards the right. In the [-nasal], F 1 is the summit. It is narrow and evidently delineated and towers over the lower end of the spectrum. In the [+nasal], an FN, is visible to the right of Fi. creating a sloping spectrum. This gradual slope culminates in a nasal zero (ZN), which might be as a result of an abrupt plunge in the amplitude. The effects of nasalization begin to appear towards the end of the V 1• An extra shaded area can also be seen above the F 1

bar on the spectrogram above figure 2.3. Th is dissimilarity between [±nasal] vowels is also evident on the spectrogram. Furthermore note that there is an abrupt plunge in the spectrum of the [+nasal] vowels in the region of FN, this mirrors the Zn. Hawkins and Stevens (1985) have shown that available evidence suggests that a broader and flatter F1 prominence is a cue for nasality while Rosner and Pickering (1994) think that the extra peak connected with the nasal formant FN is the cue for nasality. While I agree with both opinions, it may be that listeners use other indications that correlate with upper frequency regions of the spectrum; this needs further investigation.

2.4.3 [ATR] vowels in Eleme This section is design to clarify what, in phonetic terms, A TR is in Eleme. As Table 2.12 indicates, Eleme distinguishes two sets of harmonic vowels here designated as: close-mid set I e o I and open-mid set I e f o 5 I. The disparity

between these vowels are often elucidated in phonological literature in terms of advanced tongue root vs. retracted tongue root or simply [±ATR]. This nomenclature aims to specify a phonological distinction identified at the articulatory level by a difference in the volume of the pharyngeal .cavity, moderated by advancing or retracting the tongue root. The close-mid set is [+ATR] because the pharyngeal cavity has a greater volume than the open-mid set which therefore is [-ATR]. It is explicit in literature that ATR vowels are identified with large pharyngeal cavity. Consequently, it is assumed that increasing the pharyngeal cavity will result into lowering of F 1; therefore, [+A TR] vowels will be upper most on an orthodox F 1 - F 2 plot than their nonA TR equivalents (Ladefoged and Maddieson 1996, Donwa-Ifode 1995, Hayward 2000 and Bond 2006). This is exactly what happens in Eleme (see ftg.2.4 below).

49

Eleme Phonology

r2 - r1 2500 2000 1500 1000 500 200 Hz

ll 1300 e 0 400

500 8 1600

0 700 800

a 1900

t F1

Fig. 2. ../ L'leme jiJmw111 ji-e(111e11c ies 11'/iich distinguish {+ATR] and [-ATR] vowels as

pmduced by a female speaker /i·om Alesa.

rollowing Ladefoged 's practice, F2 - F1 is plotted on the parallel axi s. [n Fig.2.4 [+A TRJ vowels are upper most on the chart because they have lower F 1

frequency (e = 450, o == 350) than their [- ATR] equivalents (e::::: 750, o =600).

Furthermore, in fig .2.4 [ +ATR] back rounded vowel occur towards the centre e.g. [ o) that is in comparison with their non-A TR counterparts (u and o ). Ladefoged and Maddieson ( 1996) think that the central positioning of this vowel in relation to their (-A TR] counterparts is evidence of A TR contrasts. Noted that the perceived central positioning off+ATR] (o) is aided through the plotting of F2 - F1 rather than F2 on the horizontal axis. A reduced F1 with a constant F2 will result into an upsurge in the distance between F1 and F2•

Mor.O'over. there is the chance that a vowel, which is transcribed as lo! may occupy centralised position in a language without ATR. Accordingly, it is uncertain that central positioning ofvowcl such as /o/ comparative to vowels

symbolised as /u/ or /o/ is cue for[± ATR] contrast (Hayward 2000: 165).

The question then is , according to Hayward, what feature in the -spectral of [+ATR] vowels contrasts them from their [-ATR] counterparts. Linguists such as Lindau et al. (I 990), Gottfried et al. (1993), Hess (1992) and Fulop (1996) that have investigated A TR languages state that the [±ATR] vowels display unique voice quality contrast, [+ATR] vowel resonate 'hollow' or 'breathy' in comparison with the [-A TR] counterpart. For instance, Hess ( 1992) asserts that the distinction between [±ATR] in Kwamu vowels is in the bandwidth of F1,

which is broader for the [-ATR] vowels. Similar studies on Degema (Fulop 1996) stress the intensity of F 1 and F2 as the distinguishing mark between [±A TR] vowels. Fu lop suggests thnt the amplitude of F 1 and F2 are nearer in the [-ATR] than in the (+ATR] vowels. Fig. 2.4 exemplifies the disparity between [±A TR] in Eleme.

50

axis. In ave lower F 1

- = -50, 0 =600).

• e spectral of Linguists such

- ... Fulop (1996) owels display

· r 'breathy' in 99 ) asserts that

_ ~ · dwidth of Fi,

::>egema (Fulop z mark between - re nearer in the

_ .:. -par ity between

50

Narrower F1 pinnacle 75 F2

65 I 6d13

45

35

25

0 500 2500 3500 4500 5500

(a) l e / in lobe/ 'you figh t '

7 5 Broader F 1 pinnacle 65

55

45

3S

25

0 1500 2500 3500 4500 5500

(b) /cl in lobe/ ·you collect '

Fig. 2.5 (a) and (b) are schematic representation of FFT spectra of le/ ([+ATR]) and /cl ([-ATR])

Vowel System

Figure 2.5 has two parts - (a) and (b). The (a) part is [+ATR] while the (b) part

is [-ATR] , a comparison of(a) and (b) shows that the F1 peak of [+ATR] !el tapers in comparison with the [-ATR] l e!. More so, F1 and F2 are nearer in

amp litude in the [-ATR] vowel. The spectrum of I e I shows a broadening and

less well-delineated F1 peak and a diminutive distinction between the amplitude of F1 and F2• Note that the broader bandwidth of F1 is also a cue for nasality (cf _.-U). But, as Eleme with [±ATR] contrast also makes use of [± nasal] onrrast, there is need to resolve how the two parameters interplay. The fact is

;hat contrast in voice quality between [±ATR] vowels is tricky to perceive ifthe ·o\\·el is [+nasal]. An understanding of this predicament will better explain the

3 ·oustic cues for nasality as we! I as the cues for the [ ± A TR] contrast.

51

Eleme Phonology

With regards to this predicament, the situation in Eleme is milder when compared with other West African languages such as Degerna (Fulop 1996) or Kwamu (Hess 1992), in that of'the vowels that show l± ATR] contrast, Elcme e

and o do not accept nasality. The implication is that for e and o this

predicament docs not arisi..: since e and o which show [± ATR] contrast arc always [-nasal]. so there is never going to be a time when[± ATR] contrast will co rrespond to [± nasa l] contrast. But this cannot be said of e and o because in so me environments, they contrast nasal ity usin g broader bandwidth of F1 a similar cue use in [ ± A TR] contrast. It is in such context where contrast between [± nasal] contrasts coincides with the distinction between [± ATR] contrasts that needs furthe r r.robing. ·

In sum, in this study of ATR in Eleme, first, in the [+ATR] vowel e the

fir·st formant peak is prominently narrower than in the [-ATR] vowel e. Second , The first and second fo rmants are closer in ampl ititude in the [-ATR] vowe l o than in [+t\TRl o . f-inally. a wider handwit h is not iced for the first

fo rr11 a111 in tht! [-ATR] vowel e than in [+t\TRJ vowel e.

2.5 Vowel amity The label amity is used in place of harmony beca use it accurate ly represents the re lat ionship that is envisaged here. Besides, it incorporates notions such as Cl'lll'llrd nr :lf'.l'l.'emcnt and harmony. The discussio n here is centred on th e phenomenon of vowi..:I amity in Ekme and it is divided into three parts. The first part is a sketch of the sy nchronic status of a number of languages of the Nige r-Congo family . Thi.: si..:cond par( rocusi..:s O il the synchronic status of' vowel harmony in Eleme. The third part is a discuss ion on which morph emes partic ip:ite in harmony and which do not.

Vowel amity (or harmony) is a captivating su bject, which might help to exp lain the complexion of phonological delineations since it operates partially as a segmental and to a degree as a suprasegmental property (Katamba 1989: 212). Vowel harmony may be complete or partia l. It is complete when members of the set must never occur with members of the other set. If is partial when there are exceptions to the co-occurrence ri..:st ri ction of' members to _their sets (Katamba 1989: 2 13).

2.5. 1 Vowel harmony in some Niger-Congo languages · M:iny types of co-occurrence patterns have been attested in the synchronic form of a number of languages of the Niger-Congo family. Abua, a language spoken in the Rivers State of Nigeria has ten distinctive vowel phonemes, which divide into two harmony sets (Woodman 1985).

(Ex.2.5) Ser A: i e o u a Ser B: I e o u aD

52

(Ex . .?

· der when 1996) or

1ght he lp to tes partially

' ·amba 1989: _ mplete when

It is partial _ bers to their

hronic form _,,uage spoken

\'hich divide

52

Vowel System

Ebira, a language spoken in Kwara State of Nigeria has nine vowels. According to Adive ( 1986), the nine vowels operate in two harmony sets. The vowel a is common to both sets.

(Ex.2.6) Set A i u e 0

a

Set B I U

0

a

Williamson (1966: 67) suggests that Central lgbo spoken around Owerri has eight vowels, which divides into two harmony sets:

(Ex.2. 7)

i e

Set A u 0

I

a

Set B u oO

In Yoruba, one of the major Nigeria languages, the co-occurrence pattern for instance differs from that of Igbo presented above in that Yoruba is a .case of partial harmony. Akinkugbe (1978) observes that standard Yoruba has seven oral Ii e e a o o u/ and three nasalized vowels Ii u a/. These vowels form two harmony sets.

(Ex. 2. 8) Set A i i u (i

e o

aa

Set B ii (i u

e (e) 5 o a (a)

In the above sets only e o on the one hand and e o on the other strictly belong

o two different sets and do not co-occur. The vowels i u and a can co-occur

·ith e, o or e o. The co-occurrence of the vowel a with e and o is also

artially restricted. Excep~ions to the co-occurrence restriction of members to :hei r sets is often because a number of languages in their present form have -educed the earlier historical ten-vowel system of their proto-languages to

u1 ibers ranging from nine to seven, or less (Yul-Ifode 1995: 55).

: .-. 2 Status n,( vowel harmony in Eleme According to Faraclas ( 1989: 388) 'only relics of the original [Proto

ue-Congo ten-vowels] harmony system have survived in Ogoni', and lkoro : 996: 25) confirms that 'there is no indication of any kind of vowel harmony . erating in Kana'. But Hyman (1983: 174) asserts that vowel harmony is

53

Eleme l'honology

evident in Gokana and Nwolu-Obele ( 1998: 135) claims that Eleme is 'highly euphonic' and that vowel harmony has momentous weight over phonetic realization of individual morphemes. He contends that Eleme vowels divide into two harmonic sets: 'e and related sounds' and 'e and related sounds'. He

calls the close-mid set 'wide thront' nnd the open-mid set 'narrow throat' sounds. This is rnmpatible with an l±/\TRJ analysis. 2 The assertions of Hyman and Nwolu-Obele contrast with that of Faraclas and Ikoro, who imply that vowel harmony is not commo"n elsewhere in Ogonoid. Bond (2006: 63) asserts that 'Eleme is characterised by a system of vowel harmony in which the vowel quality of verbal affixes is conditioned by the qualities of adjacent vowels in the stem'.

First, my data indicates that in Eleme vowel harmony is an active synchronic process, Secondly, the domain of vowel harmony is no longer than the word; very often it is between the affixes and the adjacent vowels in the stem. This suggests that vowel harmony applies across morpheme boundaries, ns the quality of nominal or verbal affix is conditioned by the quality of the adjacent vowel in the stem. But, vowel harmony does not spread across word boundaries, as (Ex.2. 9) below indicates. Consequently, harmony may be used as criteria both for boundedness and delimiting prosodic words in Eleme (Nespor and Vogel 1986). To substantiate these claims detailed analysis and discussions are pre!;ented henceforth. The vowel harmony sets in Eleme are summarized on Table 2.12 below.

Ex.2.9 a. ape b6-e

3SG treat: PT 03SG He treated it.

b. a?6 16-e 2SG remove: PT-03SG You (SG) removed it.

In Ex.2.9a, It is obvious that the third person singular object suffix -e harmonizes with verb root bo 'treat'. Similarly, in Ex.2.9b where the verb root

changes to lo 'remove', the third person singular object suffix changes to -e to

harmonize with the verb root. Note here that the third person singular subject prefix ape and the second person singular subject prefix a?6 are not·drawn

into ham10nizing with their respective verb roots. This shows clearly that vowel harmony does not operate across word boundary.

2 See Clements (2000: 135-8) for discussion of the suitability of the use of [±ART] in language descriptions.

54

(Ex:.: . • c...

is 'h ighly - phonetic

els d ivide nds'. He

v th roat' •i::!:ic:'.?S of Hy man

· ply that 63 asserts

• • e vowel . els in the

espor

ffix -e

-ges to -t to

subject

- not drawn

: ~ early that

[%ART] in

54

}1owel System

Table 2.12 Eleme vowel amity sets

Close-mid set Oven-mid set FRONT BACK FRONT BACK

AMITY SET e 0 e e 0 5 NEUTRAL SET ii uu a a

(Ex.2.10) eb6 head (Ex.2. JOi) eb6 bundle (Ex.2.JOii) ira coconut

obe ogf knife ' f ( creel aname Url.J.

e26 bush ' ~ a?u death eso song

(Ex. 2.1 Oiii) et1ii market (Ex.2.JOiv) cf3ie extinguish

okd basket otaa three

kesci wake up kure gather together

In examples (Ex.2.10) - (Ex.2. /0iv) above, (Ex.2.10) show the [+ATR] vowels co-occurring, (Ex.2.1 Oi) show [ -ATR] vowels co-occurring, (Ex.2. I Oii) show the neutral set co-occurring while (Ex.2. /0iii) and (Ex.2. !0iv) show the neutral set co-occurring with the [:::ART] sets.

Table 2. 12 above shows that Eleme vowels fall into two harmonic sets each distinguished by pharynx size I e o/ close-mid set [ +ATR] as in

(Ex.2.10), le f o 5/ open-mid set [-ATR] as in (Ex.2.lOi) and/ii a au u/ are neutral as in (Ex.2.JOii). The close-mid set vowels combine with the neutral

high vowels /i i u u/ as in (Ex.2. JOiii) while the open-mid set vowels

combine with the low vowels /a a/ as in (Ex.2.JOiv). Verb roots with CV

sy llables may have any of the set or neutral vowel as their nucleus. Certain verb roots with CVCV structures do not permit vowels pertaining to both close and open-mid sets co-occurring in the same word. Note that, a verb such as bert ' lean' follow the rule, a conjectural item like *be re is not allowed given that

the vowels are not harmonic. The same limitation is not observed with neutral vowels. Other verb roots with CVCV structures may permit a vowel pertaining to one set and a neutral vowel pertaining to the opposite set, as in bela 'like'.

Furthermore, some nouns with V-CV-V structures may also allow two neutral \'Owe ls as in urf i 'creel'.

2. 5.3 Participant and non-participant morphemes Tab le 2. 13 below contains three sub-tables titled subject prefix, subject

suffix and object suffix. These sub-tables sub-divide into singular and plural participant and/or non-participant morphemes. It is further sub-divided into

55

£/eme Phonology

first, second and third persons. The purpose of this table is to show at a glance which morpheme participates in Eleme vowel harmony and which do not.

I st

2nd

3rd

1st

2nd

3rd

I SI

2nd

3'd

Table 2.13: Participant and non-participant morphemes in Eleme vowel harmony

Subject prefix Singular Plural

Participant Non-participant Participant Non-participant ma- wa- re-/ne-0-10- wa- 0-10-e- ~-1a-1a- e- ~-

Subject suffix Singular Plural

Non-participant Non-participant

-0 -i -0 -ri

Object suffix Singular Plural

Participant Participant

-r,/-'J

-e/-r. -e

The discussion here focuses first on the subject prefix in harmony with the vowel of the root. Secondly, neutral vowel intervening between a subject prefix and a root harmonizes with the prefix. Thirdly, subject suffix not participating · in harmony and finally the object suffix harmonizes with the vowel of the interposing suffix.

While the first person singular and plural subject prefixes ma- and wa

respectively harmonize with the vowel of the verb root ?a 'leave' as in

(Ex.2.1 la) below, the first person plural subject prefixes rr.- and ne- do not

participate in hannony as iii (Ex.2.1 lb) below. Ex.2.11

a. ma-?a I SGPT-leave I left.

b. re-Zera

ntwa-Za 1 PL PL-leave We left.

ne-f6- a d3a

56

£'C.: • -

a a glance - not.

- :::iony with the subject prefix

participating ! ·owe! of the

~ nf - do not

56

I PL-stop

We stopped.

I PL-farm HAB. food

We farm food.

·· Vowel System

The second person singular and plural subject prefix o- harmonizes with the

vowel of the verb root as in (Ex.2. l 2a and b) below. The second person singular subject prefix o- also participates in vowel harmony as in (Ex.2. 12c)

but the third person singular and/or plural subject prefix e- does not as in (Ex.2. l 2d).

Ex.2.12 a. o-Zera-0 b. o-Zera-.i 2- stop- SG 2-stop-2PL You (sg) stopped. You (pl) stopped. c. o-fte-jf d.f-kp6o-jf

2 SG kill-him 3 SG drive-him You (sg) killed him. We drove him (away).

The third person singular and plural subject prefix a- also harmonizes with the

vowel of the verb root as in (Ex.2.13) below.

Ex.2. 13 a. e-?era-0 3- stop- SG He stopped.

b.e-?era-ri 3-stop-3PL They stopped.

In certain CV verb roots, third person subject prefix harmonizes with the vowel of the root. This is exemplified in (Ex. 2. 14) below where the third person singular subject prefix takes the form a- with monosyllabic verb roots

containing a close-mid set vowel as in (Ex.2.14a), while it takes the form ewi th roots containing an open-mid set vowel as in (Ex.2.14b). This is an evidence of systematic synchronic alternations.

E.x.2. 14

a. a-de He ate. b. e-n8 He passed (faeces).

e-d3u He survived. e-d~ He moulded.

e-si He went. e-?6 He roasted. ,

a-pr He bit. e-t5 He poured.

e-b6 He got up. e-da He licked.

e-?u He died. £-t~ He shot.

_: is observed that Eleme verbs realized with neutral vowels /i/ or /a/ as

~ I ·us do not harmonize with the amity set (close-mid or operHnid) vowels.

57

Eleme Phonology

What happens is that while the neutral vowels do not harmonize with both amity sets (close-mid or open-mid) of vowels, the amity sets (close-mid or open-mid) of vowels harmonize with stems having neutral vowels pertaining to the same set. I shall therefore discuss only affixes possessing amity set (closemid or open-mid) of vowels here.

Occasionally a neutral vowel prefix occurs between a subject prefix and a verb root, the subject prefix harmonises with the vowel of the prefix. This harmony system is exemplified with close-mid set vowels in (Ex.2. J 5a) whereas (Ex.2.15b) illustrates the open-mid set equivalent. In (Ex.2.15a), eharmonizes with the intervening ka not the verb root bo 'treat'. Similarly, in

(Ex.2.15b), e- harmonizes with ki not the verb root ?o 'roast'. What is

expected is for i:- and e- to harmonize with their respective verb roots but that is not the case here. Therefore, it is suggested that the subject prefix harmonises with the vowel of the prefix.

Ex.2. 15 a. e-ki b6-e

3-PROX treat OJSG He is about to treat it.

b. e-ki z6-t 3-PROX roas! 03SG He is about to roast it.

i:-ka b6-e 3-CONT. treat OJSG He is treating it.

i:-ka ?6-t 3-CONT. roast 03SG I le is roasting it.

In contrast to the examples in (Ex. 2. I 5h), when a suffix containing a neutral vowel occurs closer to the root than the object suffix, the object suffix harmonizes with the vowel of the intervening suffix. This is illustrated with a verb root with a close-mid set vowel in (Ex.2. J 6a) and with a verb root with an open-mid set vowel in (Ex.2. 16b). In (Ex.2. 16h), it is expected that the third person singular object suffix -e will harmonize with the verb root ?o 'roast'

but what happens is -e harmonizes instead with the intervening suffix -rI- . This is evidence that the object suffix harmonizes with the vowel of the intervening suffix.

(Ex.2.16) a. e-b6-r1-e 3-tie-3 PL-OSG They tied it.

b. e-?6-rI-e 3-tie-3PL 03SG They roasted it.

With regards to the subject suffixes, the second and third person singular subject suffixes -0 and the second and third person plural subject suffixes -i

58

~2

:.:::x.;

... ose-mid or rtaining to set (close-

harmonises

owel of the

58

Vowel System

and -ri do not participate in vowel harmony as in (Ex.2.17 and Ex.2.18) below. The data and discussion so far bear out my position as outlined above. (Ex.2.17) (Ex.2.18) a. o-'.?era-0 b. o-'.?era-i a. e-'.?era-0

2- stop- SG 2-stop-2PL 3- stop- SG You (sg) stopped. You (pl) stopped. He stopped.

b. e-'.?era-ri 3-stop-3PL They stopped.

The examples in (Ex.2.19) below are provided to illustrate that harmony also prevails between root and object suffix. In (Ex.2.19), the third person singular object suffix has the form -e with CV verb roots containing close-mid set

vowels, while in (Ex.2.20), the form -e occurs with comparable roots containing open-mid set vowels. Note that the third person object suffixes in these examples are harmonic with the vowels of the verb roots.

Ex.2.19 a. aJ1e be-e b. aJ1e b6-e 3 SG fight: PT 03 SG 3SG treat: PT 03SG

He fought it. He treated it.

Ex.2.20 a. a11e ne-e b. aJ1e ?6-e

3SG give 03SG 3SG roast 03SG He gave it. He roasted it.

In Eleme verbs take pronominal prefixes from vowels of the same set as the verb root, compare o-d6 'you shared' versus o-d6 'you fell'. Within nouns, there is a kind of vowel harmony whereby both noun stem and prefix vowel are drawn from the same set, cqrnpare o-be 'fight' and e-'.?6 'bush' versus o-'.?8 ·moon' and e-'.?o 'song'. The above data and discussion indicate that in Eleme

vowel han11ony is an active synchronic process. Finally, according to Katamba ( 1989: 212) vowel harmony is presented

au tosegmentally using three parameters:

Identify the set of harmonising features, which are suprasegmentalised and placed on a separate tier; identify the class elements (vowels), which bear the harmonizing features; identify the set of opaque segments. Opaque segments are vowels, which ought to obey the vowel harmony rules but fail to do so because they are specified in the lexicon for the harmonizing feature and are therefore exempt from vowel harmony rules which fill in blanks for the harmonising rcature during a

59

Eleme Phonology

derivation; mutatis mutandis, harmonizing features are associated with vowels in accordance with the requirements of well formedness conditions.

The difference between Vowel harmony and harmonising features on one hand and tone and stress on the other is sum up here:

Vowel harmony differs in a significant way from archetypal suprasegmental properties like tones and stress. While these are always located on a separate tier from that where vowels and consonants are found, harmonising phonological features like [back], [round], [high] and [ATR] are normally part of the segmental representation of individual vowels. But they are extracted from the segmental tier and are placed on a distinct harmony tier and cease functioning as properties of individual segments. But when vowel harmony occurs, they are extracted from the segmental tier and cease to function as properties of individual segments: they spread to all vowels within a specified domain. This domain is usually the word' (Katamba 1989: 211 ).

In the examples below the principles listed above are deployed to link the feature [A TR] in other to derive the Eleme forms. I now present the illustration of vowel harmony below. The upper case letters are employed in the URs for the target vowels following Katamba (I 989: 2 I 3).

UR SF Vowel harmony row [+ATR]

4 '.(---Segmentalrow E-1:. jll ~[et.iii] market

Vowel harmony row [+A TR] ~ '

Segmental row Et Og 1 ~ letogi] He carves:

Vowel harmony row [+A TR]

~ ' -- -Segmental row Eb 0 0 n E ~ [cb55ni:] He gathers.

2.6 Summary It is worth mentioning that the modus operandi deployed here is not the only possible and/or available technique of studying vowel quality. There are three other approaches: the 'overall spectral shape', 'dynamic specification' and the 'sile111 ce11tre '. The first of these is associated with Bladon and Lindblom

60

(1981 ).

are expo docking n right at · ·specifica:•: vowels, ~perspicad:::: that Jack r. __

vowel

vowels i ,_

· e only ~ th ree

d the · blom

60

Vowel System

(1981 ). This paper endeavours to measure the 'perceptual distance between vowels' by appraising 'the degree of overlap of their auditory spectra'.· Harris (1994) also investigating this idea suggests three elements 'I, A and U', these are expounded in terms of 'spectral shape templates'. I stand for conspicuous docking at both 'high and low frequencies'. U slope downwards towards the right at ' low frequencies ' and A peaks in the centre. The second, dynamic specification (Strange J 989a, 1989b) focuses on the dynamism that characterises vowels, such as 'formant trajectories in CVC syllables'. In the third perspicacity of the 'silent centre' listeners are requested 'to identify syllables' that lack nucleus. The listeners were able to tell correctly what the vowel is; this affirms that 'dynamic as well as static information about spectral structure' is used as cues. The one thing common to all three approaches is that they concentrate on the 'steady state of the spoken vowel' (Hayward 2000: 146).

In this chapter discussion focused on Elerne vowels ( 4.1 ), their dispersion ( 4.2) and observed co-occurrence pattern. A statistical analysis of the frequency of dispersion was carried out. The restrictions observed have severe implications for language learning acquisition, preparation of literacy materials and language teaching in general. It appears from the phonetic description of vowel phonemes (4.4) that Eleme (like any other language) 'shows ... a preforence for vowels, which arc locntcd around the periphery' of the vowel chart, 'this preference might reflect a tendency to maximise perceptual contrast'. This reinforces the hypothesis that 'languages tend to disperse their vowels in perceptual vowel space in such a way as to make them maximally contrastive' (Hayward 2000: 147). Finally, the discussion ends with vowel ham10ny, where the harmo1iic constraints on vocalic quality of verbal suffixes were exemplified (4.5).

61

3.0 Exordium

CHAPTER THREE CONSONANT SYSTEM

This chapter focuses discussion on the Eleme consonant system. As with the vowels, acoustic analyses are proffered in support of the phonological description. The second aspect discusses evidence of consonantal contrast, yielding distinctive consonant segments. It notes unequivocally that the findings of this chapter have implications for Eleme orthography and autochthonous language teaching in general.

3.1 Consonant inventory An inventory of Eleme consonants is provided in Table 3.1 below. The segments are all assumed to be in phonetic brackets [ ] .

T, bl 3 1 Pl a e 10net1c consonant inventory Labial Alveolar Palatal Velar Labial Labialised Glottal

-Velar Velar

vl plosive p t k kp kw ? vd plosive b d g gb gw

vl affricate t1 vd affricate cf3 vl fricative f s h

approximant r y w lateral 1 nasal m n J1 IJ IlW

Eleme has 25 phonetic consonants; some of these consonants have allophones tlwt exhibit diverse and very complex phonological relationships and distributions (see section 3.3 for detail discussion). International Phonetic Alphabetical symbols (IPA) are employed here including certain non-Roman characte rs such as J1 for the voiced palatal nasal, IJ for the voiced velar nasal.

Affricates are represented with digraphs f's and d3. The palatal approximant j

is represented with the graph y following the convention prevalent in African

language descriptions although this somewhat deviates from the IPA accepted practice. Accordingly r is preferred to .r. The voiceless fricative h occurs only

in word-initial position while the glottal stop ? is never written word-initially.

Recall that vowels following nasal consonants are automatically nasalized and are marked in this study with a tilde just as the nasalized vowels that are not preceded by a nasal consonant (cf Chapter five).

63

Eleme Phonology

3.2 Phonotactic Morphologically, as we shall see in greater detail in section 5.1, Eleme

has two well-established positions with regards to CVCY words: root-initial indicated as Ci. and non-root-initial represented as C2• In the process of reduplication a C 1 consonant is realized as C2• C2 occurs as onset (intervocalic) as indicated in Table 3.2a below. On this table, the minus signs (-) indicate positions where a specific segment fails to occur. The coda position is blank because Eleme disallows consonant segments in coda position. All consonants occur as C 1 except the alveolar approximant r, which occurs only in C2 position

and the glottal stop?, which is optional in C 1 position. ey, gb, gw, kw and h only occur in C 1 position while the remainder of the consonant segments occur in both C 1 and C2 positions.

Table 3.2a: Consonant distribution

C1 C2 onset C2 coda p p -t t -k k -k'p - -k" - -- ? -b b -d d -g g -gb - -g" - -t1 t1 -d3 - -f f -s s -- r -

h - -y y -w w -1 1 -m m -n n -llJ - -J1 - -

D - -

3.2. J Frequency of occurrence of C2 consonants

64

It \.vi these c~ -(200- :-;

- -.l, Eleme : oat-initial

_ process of .ervocalic)

: -) indicate . ____ · n is blank

... onsonants C2 position

. k" and h

Consonant System

It will be of interest to examine the frequency of occurrence (henceforth F) of these C2 consonants. With regards to frequency of occurrence, Anderson et al (2007: 2-9) have shown that:

The most commonly used tabular summary of data for a single variable is frequency distribution. A frequency distribution shows the number of data values in each of several non-overlapping classes. Another tabular summary, called a relative frequency d·istribution, shows the fraction, or percentages of data values in each class. The most common tabular summary of data for two-variables is a cross tabular a two-variable analogue of a frequency distribution.

However, they warned that constructing a frequency distribution for a quantitative variable requires more care in defining the classes and the division points between adjacent classes. In this section, I will use the relative frequency distribution in setting forth my data. The class are the segments while the variables are the two dialects. The remainder of this section is divided into purpose, method, hypothesis and analysis and conclusion. My purpose here is two-fold: first, to find out the frequency of occurrence (or distribution) of C2

consonants in CVCV words in Nchia and Odido dialects of Eleme. Second, to determine how significant is the distribution of C2 consonants in CVCV words in Nchia and Odido dialects of Eleme. In other to achieve the goals of this section, a random sample of 250 different CVCV words was employed from each dialect for this purpose. Initially, the frequency of distribution was calcuhted for each segment and the result is presented in the first column under the heading F in Table 3.2b for each dialect. Next, the numbers obtained were converted into percentages using the formula fn/tn/J 00. The result is presented in the second column in Table 3.2b under the % symbol for each dialect. Table 3.2b therefore is the frequency of C2 consonant distribution in percentages for each C2 consonant in both dialects.

65

Eleme Phonology

Tahle 3.2h: Frequency nf C2 cunsu11a11t uccurrences -Sound Nchia Odido

f % f % J) 13 05 12 05 t 39 15 29 13 k 32 12 37 16 b 05 02 00 00 d 02 01 01 00 2 03 01 02 01 f 13 05 12 05 s 41 16 40 17 r 74 28 62 27 y 05 02 04 02

w 05 02 04 02 m 03 01 05 02 n 12 05 06 03

t1 04 02 00 00

? 01 00 00 00

I 29 11 32 14

The pending question is how significant is this distribution of C2 consonants in Nchia and Odido dialects of Eleme. In other to answer this question effectively, I conduct a test of significance using chi-square (X2

). I set up the

following hypothesis:

Ha: That C2 consonant distribution in both Nchia and Odido dialects of Eleme is significant.

H0 : That, C 2 consonant distribution in both Nchia and Odido dialects of Eleme is not significant.

Here, I will only present a summary of the computational procedure adoptedJor this analysis. There are 16 cells and therefore 15 degree of freedom (d.f.). Testing for significance at the 5% level of signification, the critical value of x2 for 15 d.f is 24.996. The computed x2 value for Nchia is 405.317 and the

calculated x2 value for Odido is 385.850, as 405.317 and 385.850 are greater

than the critical value of x2 at 5% level of significance which is 24.996, I have no hesitation in rejecting the alternative hypothesis (H0 ), that is that C2 consonant distribution in Nchia and Odido dialects of Eleme is insignificant. I am therefore left with the hypothesis (H,,), which predicted that C2 consonant distribution in both dialects of Eleme is very significant. Furthermore, I

66

l:" ~ _,_.) __

sonants in · ·- question

~ set up the

66

Consonant System

observed that [p t k f s r I n] are the commonest C2 consonants in both dialects. They constitute 92% and 94% of C2 consonants in Nchia and Odido respectively. r is the most preponderant of C2 consonants; this is indicated by its higher frequency of occurrence. This is followed by s, t and I as indicated by their high frequencies of occurrence. It is observed that n occurs more frequent ly than m in C2 position as shown by their frequencies of distribution. In both dialects the occurrences of [g j w m d] in C2 position is negligible as shown by their low frequencies and consequently percentages but by no means insignificant. While the following consonants [b tS ?] rarely occur in Nchia C2 positions as indicated by their low frequencies and subsequently low percentages they do not occur at all as C2 consonants in Odido as shown by their F = 0 and % = 0. These findings are very informative, in the sense that frequency of occurrence can now be utilized as a means of selecting segments for classroom teaching (implications in chapter eight).

3.3 Phonetic description of consonants 3. 3. I Nasal srops

In section 5.1 .2, I shall show that there is a distinction between the syllnbic nasnl and the nasnl stop in Elcmc. This distinction will be explained in sect ion 5.2 .1. Secondly, I shall also present a phonetic description and the distribution of the syllabic nasal in section 5.2.2. Here, I shall demonstrate that m, a labial nasal and n, an alveolar nasal occur in a minimal pair contrast as the

examples below indicate. The two segments share identical environment and the same distribution, which reinforces the fact that they are different phonemes, and not allophones of the same phoneme, see example (Ex.3.1) below

' ' = Ex.3. 1 m5 see one person ' learn ' = neck n5 ome ' lie down ' ' peel ma mis a

do ' ' stretchD na nisa

This data clearly contradicts the claim that m is the only nasal stop in Ogonoid

and has m n JD IJ Jl as allophones in complementary distribution (cf Ikoro 1989,

Vobnu 1991). This might be the case where mis a syllabic nasal but certainly

not the case where it is nasal stop. Both nasal consonants could precede a nasalized vowel as the examples below indicate. /n / , an alveolar nasal,

occurs: (i) Before nasalized vowels as in (Ex.3.2), (ii) intervocalically as in (Ex.3.3), and (iii) between a syllabic nasal and a nasalized vowel as in (Ex.3.4).

67

Eleme Phonology

Ex.3.2 nu groan Ex.3.4 *-na meat na do *-no-noii old no learn *-n5o oil nc defecRte *-nc one

Ex.3.3 o-nc person, corpse *-nl elephant o-nf root bl-n.i cooked bd-nd wait bl-nii ask a-nl sour e-nu something d35-nd meet

Im/, a bilabial nasal, occurs: (iv) before nasalized vowels as well, as in,

(Ex.3.5), (v) intervocalically also as in (Ex.3.6) and (vi) between a syllabic nasal and a nasalized vowel as in (Ex.3. 7).

Ex.3.5 ma give birth fa.3 .6 o-m& neck 111c swallow o-m5 court case mo see · tc-md cook with

' ' laugh ko-md hoot maa m-md I

week day Ex.3.7 1' ' t ii-mii ride !Ji-mi wine daa-mo all ~-mii

- , water pu-ma over

.i-mi marry me d3I-mci above de-md eat with

3.3.2 Oral stops r'\ '""' w w

The phonemes /p b t d k g ? kp gb k g I do not show significant

a llophonic variation. None of these consonants occur in word-final position. / p/. a voiceless labial stop as in /pt/ [pt] fly

1apil1[apilJ navel /b/ , a voiced labial stop as in /bo/[boJ tie

/eb:S/[eb:SJ bundle It I. a voiceless alveolar stop as in /toil[toiJ carve

1ot61[ot6J ear I di , a voiced alveolar stop as in 1ct0.1[ct0.J bite

1act6/[od6J husband /k/, a voiceless velar stop as in /kaa/[kaa] thank him

/ekere/[ekere] gong

68

::.:e

as in,

nasal

- -==·wand - ,,.~Khi m

;:::.g

68

/g6/[g5] /eg66![eg6!]

/?o/[?o] /0?6/[0?6]

/k~p/ , a voiceless labial-velar stop as in /kpar:i I [ kpar:f.] 1ok'"'p61 [ ok'P51

I g I, a voiced velar stop as in

I? I, a glottal stop as in

I g~b l, a vo icec labial-velar stop as in I gb6 I [ g'b6] /eg'be1 [ eg'be J

/k• I, a voiceless labialized velar stop as in /k•o/ [k•o) /nkuk•a/[nkuk•aJ

/g• I, a voiced labialized velar stop as in I g"ol [ g•o] 1tg•a.1 [ tg•aJ

3. 3. 3 Fricatives

Consonant System

hide namesake roast leg sweep type of fish grind box

stir hawk till (soil) He mixes.

The phonemes I f s h/ also do not show significant allophonic

variation. /h/, a voiceless glottal fricative, occurs

/halahala/ [ halahala] 'whisper' in Eleme.

only in the word

If I, a voiceless labial fricative as in I ff;/ [ fe] /efere/[efereJ

Isl, a voiceless alveolar fricative as in /sibi/ [ sibi] /os6i/[os6i.]

3.3..+ Affi'icates

kill plate hold bedroom

The phonemes /tS cfa/ also do not show significant allophonic variation.

/t'"'S I, a voiceless alveolar affricate as in /tS ii [ tS .i] pin /etSiI/ [etSii] market

I ct'"'3; , a voiced alveolar affricate as in I d3a/ [ d3a] buy

/nd3i.ra/[pd3i.ra] fish

3. 3. 5 Approximants

I j I has two allophones [ j ] and [ j ] in complementary distribution. [ j ] , a

voiced nasalized palatal approximant, occurs in the environment of a nasal vowel as in I j 5; [ j 5] 'shag' and [ j], a voiced palatal approximant, occurs

elsewhere as in I jorf I [ jor:f.] 'creep'. Similarly, /w/ has two

allophones [ w] and [ w] in complementary distribution . [ w], a voiced

nasalized labialized velar approximant, occurs in the environment of a nasal as in /wf f I [ wf f] ' call ' and [ w], a voiced labialized approximant, which

occurs elsewhere as in Iowa/ [ owa] 'wife' .

69

Eleme Phonology

3. 3. 6 Laterals I 1 I has one allophone [ 1], a voiced alveolar lateral approximant as in

/16i/[16i] 'wash', /li/ [li] 'bury' and /epele/ [epele] 'hausa

fan'. /r I has the allophone ' [ r] a voiced alveolar approximant, which occurs

intervocalically as in /eporo/ [ eporo] bad

/Cbere/ [ ebcrc] bag.

3. 3. 7 Phonemicization issues This section examines phonemicization issues. The discussion is

organised into three parts, the first part is a comparison of Table 3.1 Eleme phonetic consonants and Table 3.3 Eleme phonemic consonants, the second is the organization of Table 3.3 and the third is the allophonic status of certain segments. Based on the evidence of minimal pair contrast established in section 3.4 below. the consonant segments in Table 3.3 are phonemic.

Table 3.3: Eleme vh . Labial Alveolar Palatal Velar Labial Labialised Glottal

-Velar Velar

vl plosive p t k ,....

kp kW ? vd plosive b d g gb gw

vl affricate t1 vd affricate d3 vl fricative f s approximant r j w nasal m n J1 IlW

3.3. 7.1 Comparison of tables While Table 3. 1 is a phonetic consonant inventory of the Eleme

consonants, Table 3.3 is the Eleme phonemic consonants. As these tables show, the first table contains 25 phonetic consonants whereas the second table contains 22 phonemic consonants. Table 3.1 contains [ h] I [ JJ], which is

omitted from Table 3.3. Brosnahan (I 964) and Hyman (1982, 1985) have analysed the sound system of Gokana, a closely related language to Eleme, and suggest that [ JJ] is an allophone of I g I. On the other hand, Ikoro (1996: 11)

claims, in his phonemic analysis of Kana also a closely related language to Eleme that the voiceless fricative [ h] occurs only in ideophones. Similarly,

Wolff(l962) asserts that ' ... [h] do not occur in Eleme words' while Vobnu

,(200 I: 59) points out that [ h] does not play a role in the productive phonology

of Gokana. I accept their findings for Eleme. First, that [ JJ] is an allophone of

70

fa. 3. 8 (i

manner an~ . . _ maximally that is /p

-ssion is

- .> . l Eleme

?

_ _ age to

im ilarly,

- e Vobnu

70

Consonant System

I g I. Second, that [ h] occurs only in the ideophone halahala 'whisper' therefore it is redundant in the phonology of Eleme. The data and discussions that follow are provided to explain the allophonic status of [ IJ] I [ g] in Eleme.

fa. 3.8 (i) gore enlarge ' ' (ii) uara reclining chair gor.i. snore uicfao trouble

' , u5lada gama cheat name - , gana lazy ' go hide

0966 namesake nglga jaw

From this data (Ex. 3.8i), [g] occurs before oral vowels such as -i, -o and

-o. It also occurs before nasal vowels such as a and 5. It is equally attested

intervocalically as in 'jaw' above: while [ IJ] occurs only before nasal vowels

-a, -i, and -5 as in (Ex. 3.8ii). The two segments share the nasal environment

but not the oral and intervocalic contexts. Their distribution is complementary: [ IJ ] occur before nasal vowels and [ g] elsewhere. There is no observed

contrast in identical or analogous environment. In other words, no minimal pair contrast is found for [ IJ] I [ g] in Eleme. Besides, in their different

environments they function as syllable onsets. One can therefore conclude that [ Q] is an allophone of I g I.

3.3. 7.2 Organization a/Table 3.3 Further examination of Table 3.3 reveals that these consonants are

distinct from one another. For instance, (1) /p t k k'"'p kw 'l I do not show

manner and voice contrast because they are all voiceless plosives but they are rna"Ximally distinct on the consonantal chart in that they exhibit place contrast, that is /p/ is labial, /t I is an alveolar and /k/ is velar, /kp/ is labial-velar,

/kw I is labialized-velar and I '11 is glottal. (2) /b d g gb gw I equally do not

show manner and voice contrast they are all voiced plosives but they are maximally distinct like group (1) above in that they exhibit place contrast, that is /b/ is labial, I di is alveolar, I g I is velar, I g'"'b! is labial-velar and I gw I is

labialized-velar. The difference between group (1) and (2) is voice contrast. (3) I t'"'S I and I d3 I on the other hand show manner and voice contrast but share

same place of articulation (alveolar). (4) The situation with /m n/ on the one

hand and If s/ on the other is no different. These sets of segments do not

exhibit manner.and voice contrast like/pt k/ . Im/ and /n/ are both nasals

but they an'! maximally contrastive on the consonantal chart because they show

71

Eleme Phonology

place contrast; Im/ is a bilabial nasal while /n/ is an alveolar nasal. If I and

Isl are both voiceless fricatives yet they are maximally distinct because they

show place contrast; If I is a bilabial fricative while Is/ is an alveolar fricative.

Compare Im n/ and Ifs/ with /t n/ and /kg/, the situation is quite

distinct. /ti and /n/ do ·not exhibit place contrast (both are alveolars) like

I m/ and I nl or If I and Is I, but rather show manner and voice contrast. It I is a voiceless plosive while /n/ is a nasal. /k/ and /g/ on the other hand, do not exhibit place and manner contrast yet are maximally contrastive on the voice dimension. The structure of the consonantal inventory therefore is such that two different sets of segments could be maximally distinct for very different sets of features.

3.3. 7.3 Allophonic status of certain segments The following segments will be considered here: [ n] - [ 1], [ j ] - [ J1]

and [ i] realized as [ j ] in certain contexts and as [ i] in certain other

contexts. I begin with [ j ]- [ J1]. The question is, are [ j ]- [ J1 J separate phonemes or allophones of the

same phoneme? To answer this question, examine the data in (Ex. 3.9) below.

Ex. 3.9 (i) Jlclf <i change

j ci f ci dream

J16 load

j5 shag

(ii) *Jlori . - ( Jori creep

Nwolu-Obele ( 1998: 151) posits that: 'j occurs before oral vowels only, while

the latter phone occurs only before nasal vowels; they are in complementary distribution' [emphasis mine]. The data in (Ex. 3.9) shows the occurrence of [j] and [J1]. Example (Ex. 3.9) is divided into (Ex. 3.9i) and (Ex. 3.9ii). In

(Ex. 3. 9i) [ j] and [ Jl] occur in similar environment that is before nasal

vowels -ci and -5. In this example, Jl~f~ 'change' and j~f~ 'dream' versus

Jl5 'load' and j 5 'shag' respectively show minimal pair contrast, which

indicat~:s that [ j ] and [ J1] contrast in identical environment therefore are

different phonemes. On the other hand, in (Ex. 3. 9ii), [ j] occurs before oral

vowel -5 as the lexical item j ori 'creep' indicates. In the same example,

[Jl] in the hypothetical word *J15ri is show with asterisk which implies that

the segment [ J1] is prohibited and therefore ungrammatical before oral vowels.

The implication therefore is that the contrast, which is observed between [ j] and [J1] before nasal vowels is neutralised before oral vowels as in (Ex. 3.9ii).

One can therefore suggest that [ j ] and [ J1] are different phonemes as (Ex.

72

suggests

neutral ize

Ex. 0(1

(ii)

alveolar

S::::::Z: liOO j S q ti j t C

eolars) like

. ras t. /t/

~j]- [J1 ]

cre ep

versus

which

72

Consonant System

3. 9i) indicates but subject to contextual neutralization as (Ex. 3. 9ii) shows. This suggests that in [+nasal] context [ j ] and [ J1 are distinctive phonemes, but not.

in [-nasal] environment where no contrast is observed because [J1] does not

occur in this context. Simply put, the contrast between [ j] I [J1] is neutralized in oral environment. The following rule schema captures this realization. This rule states that [J1] is prohibited before oral vowels.

*J1v .

[-nasal]

The data above (Ex. 3. 9) further indicates that contrary to Nwolu-Obele's claim [ j] occurs before both oral and nasal vowels and in consonance with him [J1] occurs only before nasal vowels. That is, [ j ] shares the nasal environment

with [ J1] but [J1] does not share the oral environment with [j ]. This accounts for the neutalization observed between both segments.

Next, is [ i] realized as [ j] in certain contexts and as [ i] in certain

other contexts, what is the allophonic status of [ i] and [ j]? Although, it is

argued in section 4.2 that i and u are vocalic segments while j and w are

consonantal segments, the distribution of these semivowels and high vowels and the glide formation processes observed in Eleme calls for a scrutiny of the aUophonic relationship between these pairs. The data below will be used for the analysis envisage here.

Ex. 3. JO (i)

(ii)

*aia -*aio ........ *aua -

aj ~ He knows.

aj6 Onions

awa He drinks.

*eue ........ ewe He announces.

[Slow deliberate speech] [Fast connected speech] mbi6 ........ mbjo phlegm

ebie ........ ebj e word

ob:ie - obj e native doctor

mb:ie ........ mbj e medicine

With regards to this data, the examples (Ex. 3.1 Oi) with asterisks are ungrammatical i.e. ill formed, while their counterparts are perfectly well formed. The reason is because in Eleme, sequences of three non-identical vowels are prohibited since the resultant syllable structure (VVV) is

73

F/,·1111' l'hono/ogl'

unacceptable. The language resolves these vowel hiatus with an epenthetic j or

w if the 'offending' intervocalic segment is either i or u. The consonantal segments form the onset to the ultimate syllable consequently repairing the syllable structure. The conditions generating (Ex. 3.1 Oii) is entirely different from that of (Ex. 3. !Oi). The data in (Ex. 3. /0ii) is divided into slow deliberate and fast-connected speeches. Similar to what happened in (Ex. 3. lOi) i is

realized j. Therefore, when the structural pressure is ideal i and j, u and w alternate. In situations like these the distinction between the semivowels and high vowels are neutralised. One could therefore propose that j and w are

allophones of i and u intervocalically respectively.

Thirdly, is [ n] - [ 1 ] separate phonemes or allophones of the same phoneme? To answer this question, examine (Ex. 3. 12) below.

Ex. 3.11 (i) lo remove lu shout

n5 learn mi thing

(ii) la collect lora take off (clothes) . ' know kora excavate Ja

' ' b~ (iii) m5 see ma lie down cooking pot ' ' ' n5 learn na do ma lie down

The data above is divided into (Ex. 3.11 i), (Ex. 3.11 ii) and (Ex. 3.11 iii). I begin with (Ex. 3.11 iii). A study of the data in (Ex. 3.11 iii) reveals that m occurs

before nasal vowels -5 and -ci. m is also observed to occur between an oral

vowel and a nasalized vowel as in omf ' neck'. It is also attested to occur

between two nasalized vowels as in buma 'name'. However, m is not attested

to occur before before oral vowels as the conjectural word *mo indicates. It is

equally not attested to occur between two oral vowels as the next hypothetical item *ama reveals. n shares similar environment with m. As the data above

shows, n occurs before nasal vowels -5 and -~. It occurs in intervocalic

position between an oral vowel and a nasalized vowel as in onf 'person'. It is

also attested between two nasalized vowels bcinci 'wait' . Like m, n is not

attested either before an oral vowel as in *no or between two oral vowels as fo

*ana. b similarly, occurs before -5 and -~ as in ob:S 'market day' and b~ ' cooking pot' respectively. It is equally attested before oral vowels as in bo ' treat ' . It also occurs in intervocalic nasal and/or oral vowels as in ob6 'arm'

and/or bama 'beg with ' .

74

pair con

cannot oc

nsonantal _ iring the - : different

·ing pot

,e own

_ - ... icates. It is

hypothetical · e data above

74

Consonant System

The data in (Ex. 3. I /ii i) illustrate that m/n, m/b and n/b show minimal

pair contrast in identical environment. Therefore, m/n, m/b and n/b all

contrast before nasal vowels but not before oral vowels. This is because min cannot occur before oral vowels. While b, on the other hand, can occur before both oral and/or nasal vowels. This is captured by the rule schema below, which states that a nasal consonant is prohibited before oral vowel.

*Nv

[-nasal]

This implies that the contrast between m/b and n/b is neutralized before oral

vowels since m/n are prohibited in that situation.

The data in (Ex. 3. I I ii) reveals that 1 occurs before oral vowels such as

-o and -a. It is also attested to occur between two oral vowels as in ul!i ' blow hom'. On the other hand, 1 is not attested before nasal vowels as the

conjectural word *15 shows. It is equally not attested to occur either after a

nasal vowel as in *5lo or between two nasal vowels as in *515. Its

environment is strictly [-nasal]. The same conclusion cannot be reached for j

a~d k. j occurs before both oral and nasal vowels -a and -5 as in j 5 'shag'

and -j a 'know' respectively. Simply put, j occurs in [±nasal] environment.

Similarly, k occurs before oral vowels as in kora 'excavate'. k is equally

attested before nasal vowels as in k5 'pluck'. Again like j, k occurs in

[±nasal] environment. The data in (Ex. 3. I lii) indicate that 1 I j and 1 /k occur

in identical environment before -a and -o. Therefore, these sets of segments

in (Ex. 3. I 1 ii) show minimal pair contrast, which indicates that they are different phonemes. 1 I j and 1 I k contrast before oral vowels but not before

nasal vowel since 1 does not occur before nasal vowels. What this implies is

that the contrast between 1 and either j and/or k is neutralized before nasal

vowels as in (Ex. 3.11 iv). Ex. 3. lliv *lB

k5 pluck ' j6 shag

75

E/eme Phnnnlogy

The following rule schema captures this; it states that the lateral 1 is prohibited

before nasal vowels.

*l v

I [ +nasal]

The items in (Ex. 3. J Ii) are not that simple and straightforward like those of (Ex. 3. llii) and (Ex. 3. lliii). This is because a number of differences are observed. First, the consonantal segments differ: 1 a lateral and n a nasal, though they constitute a natural class (alveolar). Second, the vocalic segments also differ ( 5/o and u/u) due to the presence of nasality. Here, one cannot say

for sure that the presence of nasality in 6 and u is derived from n since in Eleme nasal and oral vowels contrast significantly. Third, there is the complementary distribution, n occurs solely in [+nasal] environment while l occurs only in [-nasal] environment. For a minimal pair contrast to be established, there ought to be only one difference not two or three as the data in (Ex. 3.1 Ii) shows. In the absence of a minimal pair contrast in identical environment, an analogous environment is accepted for contrast (Katamba 1989:23). In the data in question, there are a number of significant differences in the pairs of words for the meaning differences to be attributed to the difference between n and l. If a contrast base on perfect minimal pair in

identical and analogous environment cannot be established, one is left with the choice of analysing 1 as an allophone of n. This allophonic relationship

between [ n] and [ 1 ] is represented as:

/n/ ~

[l] [n]

This schema indicates that a single sonorant coronal /n/ is realised as [ 1] in

[-nasal] environment and [ n] in [+nasal] environment. They are in a

complementary distribution. The rule below captures this alternation and states that n is realised as 1 in an oral environment.

+cor _. +cor - (-nasal J [

+son J [+son J I +nas -nas

76

_.: as ( 1] in

are in a

and states

76

Consonant System

The following conclusion can be reached about the status of sonorant coronals in Eleme, that is, coronals both alveolar [ n J- [ 1] and palatal sonorants [ j ]

- [ J1] have oral allophones in oral contexts and nasal allophones. Fourthly, Nwolu-Obele (1998: 151) states the relationship between w and

n VII thus: 'wand n VII show a similar allophonic distribution to j and Jl except that

while n VII only precedes nasal vowels, w is attested preceding both oral and

nasal vowels' [emphasis mine]. As Ex. 3.12 below indicates nVll occurs before

oral and/or nasal vowels -E: and -8 as in (Ex. 3.12i and iii). This suggests that

Obclc 's c !aim that n w only precede nasal vowels is not entirely accurate. Similarly. w also occurs before oral and/or nasal vowels-E:, -i and -8 as in (Ex. 3. I Ji, ii and iii). w is also attested to occur after oral vowel -o as in (Ex.

3. l 2ii), a position where n w has not been attested as occurring. In the

environments that they share, w/nw occur only as syllable onsets never as a nucleus or coda. Note that, w and n w do not occur after oral and/or nasal

consonants as in either *bw, *mw or *bn w or *mn w. As the syllable structure CC that will result from it is prohibited in Eleme. The data in (Ex. 3. l 2i) further shows wand n VII in identical environment before -e. The minimal pair contrast

existing between w and n VII as in (Ex. 3. l 2i) suggests that w and n w are different phonemes with similar distribution. Therefore, one can suggest that contrary to Obele ' s claim the relationship between wand n w is not similar to that between

[ j] and [J1] discuss above. This is because there is no context in which the

contrast between w and n VII is neutralized like [ j ] and [ J1]. The function of the

nasal phonemes m and n in contrast to Jl and n w requires some remarks here.

Whereas m and n occur either as syllabic prefixes or onsets of a syllable with

nasalized vowels as the nucleus, J1 and n w arc confined to syllable onsets, and

none of these phonemes (Jl I nw) occurs as a syllabic nasal. Williamson (1985:

441) confinns that word-initial syllabic consonants in Eleme are historically morphological prefixes. Furthermore, all nasal prefixes are homorganic with the subsequent place of articulation due to assimilation process.

Ex. 3.12 (i) we re-heat nwr. back

(ii) owi. do child fell (iii) w8ni nW~

to whine to mark

In fast connected speech, in contradistinction to deliberate slow speech, n,

alveolar nasal, is often articulated as r, an approximant, especially in noncontrastive positions. In other words, the contexts of occurrence frequently overlap such that there is no perceptible variation in the environments in which

77

Eleme Phonology

the phones interchange. The following examples are illustrative, data from Nwolu-Obele (1998: 151 ).

Ex. 3.13 (i) re- vs. ne- (ii) -ru- vs. -nu (iii) bar~ vs. ban§. The first person plural subject prefix is frequently pronounced as either re- or

ne- as in (Ex. 3.13i). Similarly, the second person singular object suffix is very

often pronounced as either - ru or -nu as in (Ex. 3.13ii). The same alternation

is observed with the nominal conjunction bard or ban~ as in (Ex, 3.1 Jiii).

Nwolu-Obele (1998: 155) refers to these relationships as one of free variation, and points out that which variant is realised in what environment cannot be predicted with a phonological rule, I agree that the relationship between n and

r above is one of free variation but let me hasten to add that the approximant r is the more prevalent of the two. This is a common observation among linguists working on Eleme (Williamson 1985 and Ngulube 2000).

Note that since Eleme has only open syllables, the suffixal consonants in ((Ex. 3.13ii) above occur intervocalically. Moreover, a severe constraint is placed on the type of vowel that occurs following the alternating phones. The examples above indicate that the alternation occur with nasalized close, mid and open front vowels, r is very rarely found before nasalized 5, for instance, in the

second person negative prefix: r5- vs. n5-, n and consequently no- is the

preferred allomorph rather than r and by implication ro- form. The reason for

this needs further investigation. Note also that the allomorphic alternations described here occur in structural elements not in lexical items. Furthermore, Nwolu-Obele (1998: 156) thinks that what may be happening articulatorily is 'a

process of lenition from n > r in certain salient contexts'. It is worthy of note

here that lenition of n > r is an acceptable and logical sound change than

fortition of r > n, especially since this process frequently occurs between

vowels. This is validated by reconstruction evidence from Proto-Ogonoid, which proves that n is recoverable reconstructively while r may not be (Ikoro

1989: 167). To validate this claim examine the available literature on Ogonoid cited below. The example of the negative marker comes readily. Dther Ogonoid languages represent the third person negative marker with a reflex *nv1v2 as in (Ex. 3. I 4):

Ex. 3. 14 nae Gokana (Wolf 1964: 84), , - Tai (NwiBari 2002: 22) naa

naa Kana (lkoro 1989: 39),

rei/ntf Eleme (Nwolu-Obele 1998: 156)

This comparative evidence show that while other Ogonoid languages have an alveolar nasal n in syllabic onset position, Elcrnc alone 'has an ... alternative

78

occurs root rr . vowel pre

nasal such as

in mbal6 ~--

Ex .. >.!_..

] .,

e, mid and _:ance, in the

no- is the

e reason for

ltcrn ativc

78

Consonant System

realisation with an alveolar approximant' (Nwolu-Obele 1998: 158). Once more the relationship between n vs. r is one of free variation because n vs. r occur as alternant in similar environments.

The alternation between 1 and r in similar phonetic contexts is not as

indiscriminate and complex as those between n and r discussed above. An

illustrative example is the suffixal negative -li/-ri that occurs in verbal imperative constructions. Of course examples of the prevalence of this alternation are negligible when compared to that of n and r. r occurs in onset

position in structural formations while 1 occurs in lexical items. For instance, 1 occurs root initial in verbs such as la ' gather' and labi. 'say' or in nouns with

vowel prefixes as the onset of the next syllable as in elu 'mushroom', or after a

nasal such as iil6 'salt' or in the ultimate syllable between two oral vowels as

in mbal6 'soup'. In contrast r never occurs in the above stated environments. Nevertheless, these two consonants show minimal pair contrast in lexical items such as ?era 'stop' and ?ala 'complete'. Therefore, 1 and r contrast

intervocalically but the contrast is neutralised word-initially because r does not

occur in that environment. This is a basic disparity in their pattern of occurrence. Ladefoged ( 1963: 29) thinks that this characteristic does not seem out of place in West African languages.

Williamson (1985) and Koba (1991) in the analysis of Kana have suggested that r is an allophonic variant of 1 and claimed that r occurs

between vowels while 1 occurs elsewhere. Therefore, 1 has a wider distribution so it represents the norm. From the analysis presented in (3.2 above), 1 and r do not constitute a natural class. As shown in Table 3.2a, 1 is

C1 and r is a C2 consonant; 1 occurs word-initially and/or intervocalically while

r occurs between vowels only never in word-initial position. Besides, 1 is

never realized as r in onset (intervocalic) posi tion. Consider this data:

E.r.3. 15 o-kala quarrel a-1u kindred

iu. ' shout e-li-a it stuck

01i16 bottle li bury

e-lu-a he shouts e-kalaa okala He quarrels.

In example (Ex.3.15), 1 occurs between vowels, yet not realized . as r. Therefore, the suggestion that r is an allophonic variant of 1 is not cogent. As

these other studies (lkoro 1989, 1996 and Vobnu 2001) on Ogonoid further

suggest, r appears to be derived from d not 1, because d patterns like b and g

with reference to nasality while 1 constitutes a distinct class (see section 5.1 ).

79

Eleme Pho110/ogy

The alveolar voiced stop d and alveolar approximant r both occur before oral

and/or nasalized vowels, while 1 occur only before oral vowels (cf 5 .1 ). This

suggests that both classes of segments (d and r) share the same environment and are therefore not in complementary distribution. This reinforces the view that they are not altemants. In addition both segments constitute distinct classes of sound.

It has also been suggested that the process of consonant weakening that changed band g into 13 and Y respectively in Kana C2 (onset) position could be

responsible for turning d into r in similar environment. I agree that the process of voiced stop weakening is rampant among Cross River languages and perhaps some Southern Bantoid languages (cf Cook l 969a, Essien 1990 and Watters 1981 ). Nevertheless, r does not alternate with d in Eleme, therefore, I am suspicious that r can be capriciously derived from d; even though such a derivation may be historically plausible. In sum, l and r are distinctive phonemes subject to contextual neutralization. In some Ogonoid languages the affricate d3 occurs in free variation with the fricative z as in the Kana data (fa. 3.16) below (data from Ikoro 1996: 45): Ex.3.16

d3d ' or: zu tail

cf3agara , , ,

dream or: zagara

d36 ,

wealth or: zo

d3ib ' or: zib hit

d3aakp5 or: zaakp5 name of a village

lkoro suggests the following realizations: z realized as z or optionally as d3; d3 nlwnys realized as d3. Koho (1991: 76) however points out that in Kana d3 is restricted to the Babbe dialect while in the other dialects it is realized as z.

Moreover, in Babbe where the z - d3 alternation is found, z frequently occurs

with the youth and city residents, whereas d3 is common with older people and

village residents. In addition, both groups use d3 not z in informal register_ and

in rural settings. My data shows no evidence of such variation with d3 in Eleme.

3.4 Evidence of consonantal contrast As example (Ex. 3.17) indicates all consonants are clearly contrastive in

C1 position except r, which does not occur in that position. Similarly, r contrasts with l intcrvocalically .

80

~ - · -

ironment

-ening that ~~i!nC>n could be

• -e ore, I am ... _gh such a

distinctive guages the Kana data

:-egister and

. ·ith d3 in

ntrastive in • , r contrasts

80

Consonant System

Ex.3.17 po fear op5 juju stick p6 collect bo tie ot5 ear k~p6 crack ba eat t t1 pluck k5 harvest cta lick dii bite g5 hide ka invoke oka glory ka nail ?a go owa wife k'pa beat aka nail it gcrc over-ripe ekpl he-goat ag'ba year gbcrc large eibI colanut k~po vomit md 1 i e down mH lie down (pl) k'wo stir b~ cooking pot wH anger m5 see t1ama ride ru cut j5 shag cf3ama go with SU tie ?era stop ja know ?o roast ?ela complete la collect cto fall

k"o stir n"c back Jl5 load g"o till (soil) WC re-heat jo shag ogt\ yarn barn

owii mask

3.4.1 The distinctive consonant segments In Table 3.4 below, there are eleven features, which are used to

distinguish the Eleme consonant sounds. In section 2.1, I discussed the sources of these features . The features [voiced], [nasal], [cont], [vibrant], [round], [coronal], [labial], [palatal], [velar] and [lateral] are from the over thirty features suggested by Chomsky and Halle (I 968). I have suggested here the feature [oral] as a glottal feature with [-oral] if'.1plying complete closure and [+oral] indicating all types of vocal activity. This is because in Eleme, intervocalic glottal stop has no oral and complete closure. While the onset of? as indicated

by its waveform exhibits noise, the later section shows completely sealed glottis (Ladefoged and Maddieson (1996: 76).

81

Eleme Phonology

- -

LAB COR PAL VEL ·ORAL RND CONT VD LAT VIB NAS p + - - - - - - - - - -t - + - - - - - - - - -k - - - + - - - - - - -k'p -,+ - - +- - - - - - - -' kW - - - + - +- - - - - -' ? - - - - + - - - - - -b + - - - - - - + - - -d - + - - - - - + - - -g - - - + - - - + - - -g'"'b -,+ - - +- - - - + - - -' gw - - - + - +- - + - - -, cf3 - +,- -,+ - - - -,+ + - - -f + - - - - - + - - - -s - + - - - - + - - - -h - - - - + - + - - - -r - + - - - - - + - + -y - + + - - - + - - - -w - - - + - + + - - - -1 - + - - - - - - + - -m + - - - - - - + - - + n - + - - - - - + - - +

J1 - + + - - - - + - - + nW + - - + - - - + - - +

As the matrix indicates five place features are derived: Labial [lab], coronal [Cor] , Palatal [Pal], Velar [Ve!] and [oral]. These features assist me in distinguishing pt k kp J1 'l. The feature [oral] differentiates 'l and h f~om other consonants. The feature [lateral] and [vibrant] distinguish 1 and r, while

[nasal] differentiate [-nasal) from [+nasal] stops. The feature [round] expresses the relationship between k g without lip rounding feature, and w kw and gw,

with lip rounding feature (Vobnu 1991: 66). From autosegmental point of view

(Goldsmith 1990, Clements 1985, Sagey 1986), kg is 'singly linked' to [velar]

in contrast w kw gw is ' multiply linked' to both [velar] and [round]. Therefore

kp, gb and d3 are specified as plus (+), minus (-) or minus (-), plus (+) for

certain features. This is not a new suggestion, but rather an acceptance of the

82

Er.3.:

int of view

82

Consonant System

autosegmental scheme of representing such segments as single units with multiple feature linkings following lkoro (1996).

Ex.3.18

9 0 I

[Place] ~

[Velar] [Labial]

3.4.2 Observed redundancy

1 0 I

[Manner] ~

[-Cont] [+Cont]

In Tables 2.3, 2.5, 3.3, 4.1 and 5.2, I have used the plus and minus signs to fill the gaps. The plus (+) sign signifies the occurrence of the feature represented, while the minus (-) sign indicates the absence of the feature represented. An examination of Table 3.3 indicates that a distinctive feature matrix generates a number of redundancies. This suggests that some phonetic features of a sound are non-distinctive; they are superfluous (or redundant) which means they can be predicted by rules (Katamba 1989: 56). According to him:

... There are feature combinations that are predictable by universal segment structure constraints; these feature combinations . .. [+nasal, +sonorant, +voice] go together hand in glove: they are unmarked and are the norm. On the other hand, there are feature combinations that are normally incompatible ... [+high, +low] or [sonorant, +syllabic].

Furthermore, Katamba ( 1989: 56) asserts that it is uncommon, but not absolutely impossible, 'for a language to have segments with combinations of features', which violate universal segment structure constraints. He says the unusual character of this situation is not absolute because languages can have syllabic obstruents or voiceless vowels or voiceless nasals. The point, however, is that such cases are uncommon, or very rare. Katamba (1989: 56) further observes that 'such restrictions on the combination of features' helps in determining and delineating 'the inventory of possible speech sounds' and their combinations within morphemes. He also claims that 'in addition to conforming to universal segment structure constraints, languages may have their own idiosyncratic ru !cs regulating feature combinations in their segments'. For instance. in Baan, Gokana, Kana and Tai languages, the feature [+high] does not amalgamate with the feature [+low]. Without a doubt, therefore, some

83

Eleme Phonology

phonetic features of a sound are vital in distinguishing segments others are not; 'they are redundant, i.e. predictable and non-distinctive' (Katamba 1989: 57).

3. 4. 3 Redundancy convention The convention adopted here for expressing the rules is the If - then conditions .. According to Yul-Ifode ( 1999: 136) morpheme structure conditions can be stated in one of three ways:

(a) If - then conditions (abbreviated I - TC) (b) Positive conditions (abbreviated PC) (c) Negative conditions (abbreviated NC)

In an ·rr - then· condition, the 'Then' part of the condition will add feature va lues to the 'If' matrix only if the 'then' matrix contains all the values expressed in the 'If matrix. Thus, the 'If' part first states the structural description of the lexical entry to which the condition applies, while the 'then' part states the structural modification which takes place (Yul-Ifode 1999). An 'If - then' condition is therefore 'context-sensitive' as shown below, rule representation from knewari ( 1977: 45):

(i) Kalabari: If:[+ Glottal suction]

n Then: [+voice]

Any phonological segment with the feature specification [+ Glottal suction], that is. an implosive, is automatically voiced. This implies that all implosives in Ka lahari are voiced. Positive conditions (PC) can be used to state constraints on the syllable structure or state constraints on the sequence of segments within a phonological word or to capture the canonical forms of lexical entries in general (Yul-Ifode 1999: 136). For instance in (ii) Kiswahili, rule representation hers:

PC:# {+cons~nantal }{-sonorant } -vocalic +consonantal +nasal -delayed release

The above PC states that initial sequences of nasal and stop consonants are pennissible sequences in Kiswahili. (iii) Isoko (Yul-Ifode 1999: 136):

PC: [VCC] [CV (V)] Noun Noun

This PC states that a noun in lsoko obligatorily has a VCV structure. There may be two consonants in the sequence, while it may also end with a sequence

84

_ _ . There

· z sequence

84

Cons.onanl Sys/em

of vowels, but the combination of sounds is never less than VCV (Yul-Ifode 1999: 136).

;\ negative condition (N(.') is indicated by a swung dash -, where - stands for 'not'. The NC states non-permitted or non-occurring combinations of fontures or segments in n given language (Yu 1-1 fodc 1999: 13 7). She argues that 'NCs can also be stated with the use of I - TCs'. Similarly, the PC for Kiswahili (ii) above can also be stated with an I - TCs as stated below.

If # [ ~ ::; J l::; J J} J}

Then: [+nasal J [-de!.' rel. J According to her 'one may not need a PC or NC where the same constraint can be stated with an I - TC'. Here, I used the I - TC for the redundancy rules in Elcmc. By means of these redundancy rules, I am able to generate all the possible morphemes in Eleme (including those that may not be observed and may even be non-existent) but none of the impossible ones.

(i) Statement of the rule: The rule states that in Eleme all nasal sounds are voiced.

If: [+nasal] i

Then: [+voiced]

(ii) Statement of the rule: The rule states that in Eleme all labial sounds are nonpalatal.

If: [+labial] i

Then: [-palatal]

(iii) Statement of the rule: The rule states that in Eleme all nasal sounds are produced without friction.

If: [+nasal] i

Then: [-friction]

(iv) Statement of the rule: The rule states that in Eleme all coronal sounds are non-labial. If: [+coronal] If: [-coronal]

i i Then: [-labial] and Then: [+labial]

(v) Statement of the rule: The rule states that in Eleme a low vowel cannot be high.

85

E/eme Pho110/ogy

If: [+High] i

If: [+Low] i

Then: [-Low] and Then: [-High]

(vi) Statement of the rule: The rule states that in Eleme all back vowels are rounded, that is a [Back] a [Round].

If: [+back] i

If: [-back] i

Then: [+labial] and Then: [-labial] a [Back] a [Round]

In sum, these feature combinations show that some of the redundancies observed in Eleme are cross-linguistically attested.

3.5 Acoustic description of consonants 3. 5.1 Articulatory and acoustic relations

In presenting this acoustic description of Eleme consonants, I intend to review the articulatory and acoustic relations and in the process define some tenns that have been used and will be used in this section. The relationship between the articulatory and acoustic parameters is not absolute as a large number of sound features are still being investigated, but one can still make simple conclusions to serve as a guide to the discussion anticipated here.

A study of Stevens et al ( 1986: 426-449), Fant (1956: 109-119), Hayward (2000: 146-207) and Donwa-Ifode (1995: 117-125) reveal that acoustically, vowels can be defined by the frequency of the first three formants, which characterise the shape of the vocal tract and the formant transitions. Fant (I 956) and Donwa-Ifode (1995) indicate that, all the formant frequencies depend on three factors; that is; they can be predicted from three articulatory specifications. The first is the position of maximum constriction (along the distance from the glottis) in the vocal tract, which is controlled by the forward and backward movement of the tongue. The second is the size or crosssectional area of maximum constriction, which is controlled by tbe movements of the tongue towards and away from the roof of the mouth and the back of the throat. This is the degree of tongue constriction. The third is the position or shape of the lips that is the size of mouth opening. According to Stevens and House (1955: 484-493):

'Formant I. In general , high F1 is associated with a narrow tongue constriction near the glottis and an unrounded, large mouth opening. The F1 is low when the mouth opening is small and rounded or when there is a narrow tongue constriction near the mouth opening. Formant 2. This generally

86

owels are

: -~ undancies

I intend to - efi ne some - relat ionship

_ =- as a large st ill make

~ ere. 9), Hayward

· coustically, '"- iants, which _ - Fant (1956) _·es depend on

articulatory (along the

the forward

·~ position or - Stevens and

86

Consonant System

increases in frequency as the point of constriction moves forward from the glottis. This increase in F2 is more pronounced if the tongue constriction is narrow. Formant 3. There is a small increase in this form:mt · as the constriction moves forward from the glottis and as the mouth opening increases in size and becomes less rounded' [emphasis m inc J.

In sum, differences between sounds can be described from the viewpoint of the speaker (articulatory), the medium (acoustic) and the listener (perceptual or auditory). As a listener one can hear differences in sounds in four vital ways: pitch, loudness, quality and duration (Ladefoged 1968, Ladefoged and Maddieson 1996 and Hayward 2000). The relationship between these perceptual terms is summed up by Donwa-Ifode (1995: 128) as shown in Table 3.5 below.

Table 3.5: The relationship between perceptual terms

Perception A caustic Articulatory pitch fundnmcntnl frcqm:ncy rate of vocal cord vibration loudness intensity articulatory effort quality spectral pattern shape of the vocal tract duration time timing of the articulatory movements

The following dimensions from Hayward (2000: 176) are pertinent in the acoustic classification of consonants envisaged here: the 'presence or absence of aperiodic energy' throughout the constriction interval. She asserts that this differentiates obstruents from voiced sonorants. According to her 'timing' distinguishes voiced obstruents (with briefer constriction interval) from voiceless obstruents (with sustained constriction interval). She also notes that the speed (rapid vs. slow) of the formant transitions differentiates semivowels [w] from voiced stops [b] and nasals [m]. With reference to the 'spectral

structure', she points out that [n] and [l], which share some common features,

demonstrate dissimilarities in their spectral all through the constriction interval. Finally, that the onset and 'trajectories of the formant transitions' are cues for place of articulation. These acoustic parameters are crucial in specifying place and manner of articulation and voicing ofEleme consonants.

3.5.2 Approximants In contrast to vowels 'consonants, which include some obstruction in the

vocal tract, are not pure resonances' (Donwa-Ifode 1995: 117). Eleme

87

Eleme Phonology

semivowels such as w as in wa 'drink' and j as in ja 'know' are partialy

specified by their resonance frequency. Their spectral patterns however differ from that of vowels, because during their articulation the shape of the vocal tract changes very fast. The different formants consequently do not come out in well-defined bars. This is attested in Hayward (2000: 199), who said 'spectrograms of semivowels may or may not show an identifiable consonant interval'. While the spectra patterns ofw vs. u or j vs. i reveal that the vocalic formants appear in well-defined bars, this is not the case for their semivowel counterparts. Eleme w and j are produced with a narrower and a higher degree

of constriction of the vocal tract than the vowels u and i. For the significant connection or similarity between semivowels and vowels see the exhaustive discussion in (Maddieson and Emmorey 1985: 163-74). The Eleme j shows 'i · like' formant structure, that is it has high F2 and a slower F2 transitions (Hayward 2000). Likewise, Eleme w shows 'u - like' formant structure with a comparatively high F2 in some environments. Their major differences, apart from the processes of their formation, are in their phonological roles. While i

and u function as syllable nuclei j and w operate as syllable onsets in Eleme

respectively. Otherwise i and j have indistinguishable feature specifications.

88

-··-- --------;

=

_ _ · shows 'i

_ ? _ transitions .; rure with a

in Eleme

88

Consonant System

0.08066.,._ ______________________ _

0 ................. , .•.

0.05362+-------------............. ---------t 4.10771 4.96361

Tlme(s)

5000-r-..,...-rrTi~r.inlm!'l~~-----~. ~. J~-rl --------,

I ~\~01 ·: 1

, I

' t~1 -l 1l;l11L

'I t I

. r

4.96361 Time(s)

Fig.3. la: Waveform and spectrogram ofEleme intervocalic w ill tire word cwa 'he drank' pronounced hy a male speaker.

89

Elemc l'honology

--------317msec .., ewa 'he drank.

4kHz

3kHz

I

;~:: := t : Fig.3.1 b: Schematic representation of

Eleme intervocalic w pronounced by a male speaker

On the spectrogram in fig.3.1 a distinct consonantal interval (which looks like that of a voiced stop) and slow transitions are evident. Moreover, the formant transitions begin from very low frequency and move to a higher frequency, this movement is indicative of labial consonants (Ladefoged and Maddieson 1996). The sluggish and drawn out nature of the transitions differentiate semivowels from voiced stops (Hayward 2000: 199). For instance, if w in fig. 3.1 is

compared to m in fig. 3.4, the transitions for the bilabial nasal are sudden and faster than that of the labial approximant. All other consonants (that is, apart from the semivowels w and j) have to a significant extent different spectral

from those of vowels (u and i). As a class of sounds, vowels lack 'non

harmonic' components in their spectra, while consonants do (Donwa-Ifode 1995: I 18).

3. 5. 3 Laterals and rhotics The Eleme r and 1 sounds in ?era 'stop' and ?ela 'he collected'

respectively have acoustic structures similar to those of the Eleme semivowels wand j in wa ' drink' and ja 'know' respectively. The lateral 1 in ?ela is

partially specified by its formant pattern but not as the same as the vowels (Donwa-Ifode 1995: 118). The lateral 1 has characteristics similar to that of the

nasal n. This is as a result of sharing the same starting place (alveolar) and the same source of air stream (Hayward 2000: 199). As the lowering of the velum gives an added 'resonance chamber for nasals', so lateral opening has 'some kind of obstruction in the oral cavity ' , which affects the relative amplitude of the fom1ants (Donwa-Ifode 1995: 118-9). In the production of the lateral 1, the son palate rises without large cavity to originate robust 'low frequency formant in the acoustic output' (Hayward 2000: 201 ). At the onset of the constriction

90

::

: collected'

,, has 'some plitudc of era! 1, the

90

Consonant System

interval there is a sudden drop in amplitude triggering a shift in formant pattern of 1, and at the end of the constriction interval a sudden shift to a vocalic pattern is also evident.

0.05692i-----------------_,..,....,.. _____ __,

0.05648+--------.o------------------4 0.0858776 0.6434 73

Tlme(s)

0.919025 Time(s)

Fig. 3.2a: Waveform and spectrogram of Eleme intervocalic 1 in the word cla 'he collected· pronounced by a male speaker.from Alesa.

On fig 3.2a the fonnants for the lateral are weaker and less prominent than those of vowels if compared. It definitely shows a pattern of formants similar to that of vowels, but 'slightly attenuated' (Donwa-Ifode 1995: 119). The formants for the lateral in ela are F1 is at 260Hz; F2 is at 1500Hz and F3 is at 2500Hz. The

F2 as indicated on fig. 3.2 is gradual and comparable with the transition following the approximant /w I as in fig. 3.1 b. This lateral 1 has the resonance

of a back vowel the quality of which is similar to that of u. ln contrast, the F2

91

f/~ 111<' f'hono/ogy

ror this 1 is lower than th<> F2 of the initial 1 in lo 'remove'. The first two

formants of the intervocalic 1 are much closer to each other than those of the

prevocalic 1 . This agrees with the findings of Donwa-lfode (1995: 119) in lsoko, a Nigerian language.

317msec £la 'he collected '

4kHz ! I ............................ ... ,, ...................... j 1 .. .. .................................. ., ... ... .. .

3kHz ! I ....................................................... 1 ! ................................................ .

2kHz I I

~t:::r~=

~

Fig.3.2b: Schematic representation of Eleme intavoca/ic 1 pronounced by a male speaker

Studies (O'Connor et al 1957: 25-43, Miyawaki et al 1975: 331-340, Polka et al 1985: 1187-97 and Lindau 1985: 157-168) of the perspicacity of laterals have concentrated on the difference between r and l not on the difference between n

and 1, even though n and l are very 'similar on spectrograms'. This might be

because according to Hayward (2000: 202) 'the distinction between r and l

presents particular difficulties to some learners of English'. The rhotic r in

?era 'stop' does not have a general distinguishing acoustic structure. This

alveolar approximant r, like the alveolar lateral approximant 1, is characterised

by a lowering of the higher formants. The F2 and F 3 start at about the same position and then separate for the formation of the following vowel.

92

'N 6 >-0 c .., :::> er 4> ...

t.L.

sooo , •• - a

first two

o e of the • 119) in

the same

92

Com1onant System

0.4 79206 Time(s)

Fig.3.Ja: Spectrogram ofE/eme intervocalic r in i'era 'slop' pronounced by a male speaker.

4kHz

3kHz

2kHz f3

317msec ?era 'stop'

i r·························

!··· ........................ .

............................................... ............................. 1····· ................... .. .

lkHz ' ' i ··············· ·······························································+····························

i Fig.3.3b: Schematic representation of Eleme intervocalic r as in ?era 'stop' pronounced by a male speaker

On fig 3.3 there is evidence of a dramatic lowering of F3• This abnormally low F3 visible during the constriction interval differentiates the rhotic from all other consonants in Eleme. It is the vital cue for native listeners. Lindau (1985) confirms, in a detailed cross-linguistic study in the words of Hayward (2000: 202) that: 'there is no single acoustic property, which all Rs have in common, though many are characterised by a low third formant'. As fig. 3.2 indicates, 1

93

F.lcmc Pho11ology

transition in prcvocalic position is hrisk and 'stop-like ' in contrast to r transition as in fig. 3.3 , which is slow and 'vowel-like' (Hayward 2000: 202). This slow transition with massive energy in the low frequency region of the spectrum, it shares with w and j. Therefore the speed of F 1 transition accounts

for the perception of Elcme r. and l contrast. This view is also shared by Polka

and Strange (1985: 1187-97). Comparatively, Eleme r like its English counterpart, is ·an approximant articulation and involves little tongue contact in ' very many phonetic cum phonological contexts (cf Hayward 2000: 202). Elerne r is also akin to w with which it shares gentle rather than steep formant

transitions. r has no evidence of abrupt weakening of the higher formants and a

corresponding shift in formant pattern, which is seen in n and 1. The alveolar

nasal and alveolar lateral constriction intervals are similar on the spectrogram, though n has low frequency formant Zn, not found in 1. The major difference

between r and d is the duration of the stop closure, indicated by the blank;

otherwise r and d have a period of complete closure, Donwa-lfode ( 1995: 126)

attests to this in her study of Isoko.

3. 5. 4 Nasals Phonetic literature suggests that nasals, like laterals, can also be partially specified by their formant patterns but are not quite like vowels. The lowering of the velum gives an added resonance cavity for nasals; hence formants for nasals are often weaker and less prominent than those of vowels. Although nasals show a pattern of formants similar to that of the vowels, nasals are like laterals with slightly attenuated formant pattern (Delattre 1954, Hawskins and Stevens 1985, Rosner and Pickering 1994 and Donwa-Ifode 1995). In the words of Hayward (2000: 197), 'nasals share' certain features with vowels and voiced stop consonants. Like vowels, she posits that nasal origin is airstream flowing 'through the vibrating vocal folds', therefore nasals have distinct ' pattern of formants' with different frequencies, which vary, due to the place of articulation. Like voiced stop consonants, she points out that 'nasals show stoplike formant transitions at the onset and end of the constriction' break. Furthennore, she states that the onset of the break is characterised by a sudden drop in 'amplitude and a sudden shift in the formant pattern'. The end of the constriction interval is also characterised by a sudden 'shift back to vowel-like spectrum'.

Eleme nasal consonants, as already indicated, have an additional nasal cavity resonance. As this cavity is excited or activated, it resonates and these resonances are indicated in the spectrum (see fig. 3.4a). The formants for Eleme m in ema 'he slept' are indicated at FI 250Hz, f 3 2500Hz and f 4 3250Hz.

F2 appears missing; Donwa-Ifode (1995: 119) makes similar observation for the Isoko language.

94

~

=

=-

d by Polka

_ spectrogram,

r difference

the blank;

( 1995: 126)

be partially The lowering

• e fo rmants for els. Although nasals are like

-- , Hawskins and • . 995). In the

ith vowels and ·.:::in is airstream _ have distinct e o the place of - - Is show stop-- iction' break. -eel by a sudden

• The end of the • to vowel-like

• nates and these ~ e formants for

- and f 4 3250Hz.

94

Consonant System

0.04638....---------.-----------------....

o.os212,,__ ________ ..__ _____________ _..,. 8. 7064 7 9.32614

Tlme(s)

0+-----......;----.-........... -.-........................ ~---....--~---o.;:.,;;.--~ 8.70635 9.33014

Time(s)

Fig. 3.4a: Waveform and spectrogram of Eleme intervocalic mas pronounced in the word ema 'he slept'.

Comparatively, mas in figure 3.4 has very robust low-frequency nasal formant

with weak intensity. The robust low-frequency nasal formant could be as a result of the lengthy cavity formed through combining the pharyngeal cavity with the nasal cavity. While the weakness of the intensity could be as a result of the presence of the nasal zero and perhaps the 'absorption of the acoustic energy by the slack walls of the nasal cavity' (l layward 2000: 197). Finally, a hum, called 'nasal murmur' (Laclcfoged and Maddieson 1996: 351 ), is heard during the articulation of m. It has been

95

Eleme l'ho110/ogy

suggested that this hum might be the cue for manner of articulation and transitions the cue for the place of articulation. Hayward (2000: 198) thinks that this dichotomy into 'murmur and transition' does not appear very neat. She seems to suggest that some fonn of nasalization spills over into the vocalic onset. The general consensus among phoneticians is that the munnur and the transitions are integrated rather than perceived distinctly in the perception of place of articulation (Malecot (1956), Recasens (1983) and Kurowski et al (1984)

,._ _____ 317msec ~

cma 'he slept'

I

4kHz ! .................. ., .. , .......................... ' I .. 3..~.~.~ ................ J !"""""'""""""""'""""""""'""

.... ~.~.~.~ .......... .. ... l.. ........................................ t ""''""='="''"'"'''"'"'''•• ........ .. I

I

Fig. 3. 4b: Schematic representation of E/eme intervocalic m pronounced by a male speaker.

3.5.5 Fricatives Acoustic study of fricatives (cf Bladdon and Nolan I 977, Subtelny and Oya 1972. Lindblad 1980 and Bryd 1994) shows that, the production of fricatives involves a constriction in the vocal tract through which the air is forced. The pressure built up behind the constriction is usually higher as the constriction gets narrower. This is why fricatives are characterised by the noise component. The level of the concentraticn of energy in the spectrum depends on the place of articulation as we shall see later, but the noise usually starts early and increases, thus giving a concentration in the higher regions. What distinguishes voiceless alveolar fricative s from voiceless labial fricative f is the area where the noise

components are concentrated. The noise energy may be concentrated in the h ighcr or lower regions of the spectra.

96

>-.

...-::....,.,1,.tion and • in ks that eat. She e vocalic

.,....-"'""''"r and the eption of

. ski et al

~ lny and Oya of fr icatives

5 forced. The e constriction -e component.

- n the place of and increases, -hes voiceless

ere the noise _entrated in the

96

Consonant System

0.1731---------------...,-------

0 ....

-0 .1988-t-----------------JL.-_____ _J 0 0.591846

Time(s)

Time(s)

Fig.3.5a: Waveform and spectrogram of Eleme sin fsa 'forget '

97

86

·o.\':l/V wo.!/.1;i.yuxfr c.>JVCU o ,t"q pa:m11u110.1d

so, +nuoooo. ?JI p.1otH ullluf'J/o 111u.1'il'o.1p;ids puo 111.wfu.WA! :l1~--r·:J'.1.:J

(B) 8LlJll B080 C'.

SS698S 0

9SS6t-l (

L------~-------------'-lLOl 0

- 938

? oana

-:;con ut 'as

98

500

400

300

200

100

0

0 2000 4000 6000 8000 10000

Fig. 3. 6: A sketch of mean bmadband spectra for Eleme non-glottal voiceless fricatives f ands, extracted

.- ' ( ' fi'om the words isa 'forget' and ifa 'c oconu t '

Consonant System

As I examine fig. 3.5a - b in relation to fig.3.6 above, the noise component for f started around 2500Hz, while that of s started around 3500Hz and increases. The energy distribution for these fricatives is not absolute but vary from individual to individual, while maintaining the relationship between different fricative types (Just as Hayward (2000: I 91) observed in her study of English that, irrespective of the person, the friction will always be higher for s than for

f) . As illustrated on fig. 3.5, f and s have different but distinctive

characteristic pattern of spectra peaks and valleys like vowels. If f and s are

compared with h, the glottal fricative h has no such distinct formant pattern

because it lacks supra-glottal articulation. This is why the glottal fricative h is not represented on fig 3.6 because it lacks its own distinctive spectra shape. For instance, my examination of the waveform of Eleme intervocalic h shows signs of breathiness (Ladefoged and Maddieson (1996: 76) attest to this). The spectrum of h has peaks and valleys that correspond only to the vowels

occurring before or after it. Besides, h that occurs between contrasting vowels

as in Baan k~puhi 'stump ' show consonantal interval with 'a gradual change in fonnant structure', which also corresponds to the qualities of the disparate vowels, this is attested by J-Iayward (2000: 190). From fig. 3.5 and 3.6 it is evident that. strident s has a higher degree of intensity than non-strident f. The labia l fricative is more diffuse in character than the alveolar fricative; hence the curve for f appears spread, Kewley-Port (1983: 322-35) made similar

obscn·ation . The spectral peak for s is higher in frequency than for f, it peaks

around 5500Hz. The curve for s rises evenly when compared with that off, but hl)th curves plummet uniformly towards the end, this agrees with Evers et al ( 1998: 345- 70). The intensity or the release for s is a lot greater than that or f;

99

£/eme Phonology

this is reflected in the shape of the curve in the sense that the curve for s is

placed higher than that off.

The formant transitions for s and f resemble that of stop consonants and mirror the gestures of the articulators going from fricatives to vowels, a study by Donwa-lfode (1995: 123) attests to this fact. Their waveforms are irregular and lacks repeated pattern as is evident in fig. 3.5 above. Their spectra in contrast to the spectra of vowels are unstable and changes briskly across a small section of the fricative. This, Hayward (2000: 190) suggests, does not connote that fricatives lack basic spectral pattern, rather the point is that the nature of their spectral is unchanged over the course of the consonantal interval. In sum, I conclude that Eleme s is shrill, short, unified, contracted with superjacent frequency while f is slack, disperse with subjacent frequency.

With reference to perspicacity of fricatives, although Harris (1958: I-7) suggested that there is a basic difference between sibilants and non-sibilant fricatives. Several other studies tend to indicate that 'the sibilant-non-sibilant dichotomy may not be so clear-cut and that formant transitions do in fact, play some role in the identification of the so called sibilant fricatives' (Hayward 2000: 192). It is also possible that changes in the spectrum across acoustic boundaries play a role in the perception of fricatives (cf Bladen et al 1987, Stevens 1985b, and Evers et al 1998).

3. 5. 6 A.ffricares A study of affricates (Hoard 1978, Jacquot 1981, Maddieson 1984a, Bolla and Valaczkai 1986 and Ladefoged and Maddieson 1996) indicates that they have a composite spectrum of a stop and fricative. Thus, they always have an abrupt onset , which is characterised, by a blank as in the stop followed by a period of friction. From my comparisons of the spectrograms of Eleme d and d3 on one

hand and d'"'3 and t'"'S on the other, the spectrum of the stop d differs from that of

the affricate d3. The affricate has a period of friction shown by a random noise

pattern not present in d. Thus after a blank marking a stop, the spectrum shows

vertical striations at those frequencies marking the friction. Eleme d3 as in

d3a 'buy' contrasts with 'fS as in f's i 'pin' in that the voiced aspect of d3 has a low frequency voice bar otherwise the spectral pattern is the same as that of t'°'s. though the intensity of the friction is weaker and the duration briefer. In

the spectrum or d3 a pattern or striations, which reflects vocal cord vibration, is

cvidL'nt which tS hicks . Hayward (2000: 194) suggests that a comparison of stops , affricates and fricatives evince that they all possess identical idiosyncratic 1wi~L' in thl' process. or at the off.<;ct of the 'constriction interval' . For stops, it is t~1 .:u:> in the C\'an.-sL·.-nt 'burst at the end '. Allricatt.:s in contrast to stops (with

idrntical voice and point of articulat ion) show that the noise section is drawn

100

e for s is

~ . n study _ irregular

p ctra in s a small

- 1958: 1-7) _ . on-sibilant

on-sibilant n fact, play

-· (Hayward

.:a, Bolla and they have a

_ve an abrupt :' a period of d d3 on one

fro m that of

_ rd vibration, is

omparison of idiosyncratic

_ For stops, it is to stops (with tion is drawn

100

Consonant System

out while the silent interval is short-lived . With regards to fricatives, the noise aspect spreads throughout the constriction intermission and lacks silent intervnl.

If her observation is applied to Elcrne data, s and f can be contrasted

from d,...,3 and Cs using the length of the silent interval and the length of the

noise interval. It appears that prolonging the silent interval elicits affricates d3 and Cs sounds; accordingly, protracting the noise interval produces fricative s and f sounds. Furthermore, l observe that for s and f the amplitude of the

friction builds up slowly while in d3 and Cs the friction increases briskly especially at the onset.

0.1202------.---------------------

0

- 0. 1205+-----.i..----------------------4 0 0.459794

Time(s)

Fig.3. 7a: Waveform for the Eleme tf as in ts 1 'pin' as pronounced by a male speaker from Alesa.

101

Eleme Phonology

0 . 19 67...-~~~~~~~~~~~-.~~~~~~~~~~~~~,

,I

0-1 ·· . ·~ " ...... ~,"'4~~~~N~. ·;t-~""' "'·''"

- 0.2272 0.543$08 0 Time($)

Fis.;. 3. 7h: 1Vm·dim11 fill' /~lc111e J3 as in •, . . cf3a ·buy· 11rn1111 1111ced hy n mnle speaker.

It is ev ident from Eleme data that the length of the stop part of an affricate is ;; lrnrt~·1· 1ltan that of' the C\llTCspo11di11g stop. f ,ikcwisc the.! lc11g(IJ Of' the fri r,: ntivc

part is shorter than that of the corresponding fricative. The total duration of the affricate f's is only slightly longer than that of s; supporting the assertion that

Cs is a single segment. The same observation extends to d and d3 (cf Engstrand (1987), Lehiste (1966), Eek (1984), Abramson (1986, 1991) and Ladefoged and Maddieson ( 1996) for comments on consonantal length).

3. 5. 7 Stop consonants According to Ladeforged and Maddieson ( 1996: 4 7) 'Stops are the only kind of consonants that occur in all languages. They may be distinguished from one another by place of articulation, ... variation in the glottal state, the airstream 111ech:111is111. and the articulatory activity dming onset and offset. They may also vary in length and possibly in strength.' In discussing Eleme stop consonants these parameters will be examined acoustically and deployed in distinguishing the stops.

102

sox-:----i

•

- 3808

• fr i1;at ivc rion of the

-ert ion th at

d cfa (cf ~. 1991 ) and

102

~~1""t;i~~ .. '.... ~

. '

Consonant System

• •i ' .

0·+-----.0 -t --.--:I ~~~ Time (s)

0.710794

Release of first [pl Release ofsceond [p]

Fig 3. 811.· Sf)('Cfrogmm r?f the FJe111c word papa .'father'

l'ro1101111c.:ed by a male speaker/iw11 A lode.

---------- 572msec

-!kHz

I I I I I I I .

JkHz : i Release of /p): 2kll z ~ '

I kl!z

a

c nstriction interval

elcase of /p/ i ~

a

Fig 3. 86: Schematic representation of the Eleme word papa fa ther· pronounced hy a male speaker.from A/ode.

The Figures 3.8a and 3.8b above illustrate both stop articulation and place of articulation. The complete closure marking s ilence in slops is shown as a blank on the spectrum followed by a sharp line of acoustic energy marking the release pha~ c and r~1pid change in the vocal Imel. In other words, the onset of the burst is seen as a sharp dark line while the transition appears as faded on the spectrogram. The voicing in a voiced stop is shown by the voicing striations at

103

l:"/t•mt' Plronolog\ '

the base of the spectrum; compare b on fig.3.10 and p on fig. 3 .8. For instance

the initia l stops in the Eleme words bibai ' tear' on fig . 3 . 1 Oa and papa

· father' on fig. 3.8a an: marked by : (i) total s ilence as indicated by the blank, ( ii) a sharp commencement of formant structure for the voiced stops and a burst of 11 o isl' sc:ittl'rl'd in spcl'ific areas of the spec tn1111 for the vo icel ess stop, (iii) re lease o f' s top closure, such as the plosive burst, is indicated in the spectrum as a \'crti cal line followin g the bla nk, (iv) voic ing is shown in the spectrum as lw ri m 11tal line along the base of' the spedru111 between 1501 l:t. and 1901 l:t.. Th e vo iced stop b therefore has a d ifferent spectrum from the voiceless stop p.

Plwneticians agree that these four points arc necessary and sufficient steps for dist inguishing b from p (Stevens l 985b, Ladefoged and Maddieson 1996 and

Hayward 2000). The bilabial plosive p as exemplified on fig. 3 .8 is voiceless and

unaspirated . The first p's burst is comparatively more prominent than the

second p ' s burst. The constriction interval of the second pis also visible but its

onse t is difficult to locate. Contrastively, t in Eleme word ta ' push' has a

hi ghl' r frequency above 29001-!z in relati on to p w ith a higher frequency below

19001-! z. The F2 trans ition of t is observed to be flat or rising before front

,·om .. ·l s as in ti 'oven:ook' but ph1111111cts bdilre back vowels as in ta. The r 2

site fort as in ti is close to 2000Hz for the male speaker from Alode and did

not alter with the vowe l a as in ta 'push' . The bilabial plosive p and the velar

plosive k ' s frequencies are lower around the second formant of the next vowel,

Hayward (2000 : 185) attests to this in her study of English . T he voiced labial b and voiced alveolar d in Fig. 3. 10 have spread or disperse (also called diffuse

by Stevens et al 1981: 1-38) burst w ith energy scattered throughout the

spectrum. The voiced labial b has increasing F2/ F 3 in contrast to the voiced

alveolar d with flat F2/F3•

The voiced alveolar and voiced ve lar d/g have less prominent burst in

contrast to voiced labial b . For the voiced stops, the onset of the voicing bar is

more prominent than at its end; have less prominent burst in contrast to voiced labial b. For the voiced stops, the onset o f the voicing bar is more prominent

than at its end; this is also visible on the spectrogram on fig .3. l 2a. Hayward (2000: l 79) suggests that this may be due to the process of voice weakening. I

observed that the voiced velar g has a dense (also called compact by Jakobson

et al 1952) burst and energy concentrated in the mid section of the spectrogram. Its F2 is falling while F3 is rising so the transitions appear to merge, which Hayward (2000: 181 ) describes as 'wedge-like'. Initial g has its burst around

2 I 50Hz while intervocalic g is found around 2450Hz. Potter et al (1947) also

noted th is pattern in their study of spectrograms of natural speech . In the words

104

~ n tance

104

Consonant System

ba 'eat ', da ' lick ' and ga ' concubine' on fig. 3.12a b has flat F2 while

F:; r ises . d 's F2 transition falls while F3 is flat. g has F2/F3, which, commences

in the same region, then F:i rises and F2 fa ll s. Ing of ga in contrast to k of aka, the transitions fork is grad!-.lal, Yul-Ifode ( 1995: 124) thinks that this may be

due to the duration . The voiceless labial p and voiced labial b have increasing F2 w ith i but

!lat " ·ith a as in Ek111c words pl I ' tic lii:ad gi:nr' I bi. 'squci:/.c' and pa ' boast'

I ba ' tear'. The voiceless velar k and voiced velar g have the onset of the ir F2

transitil'ns ahlWl' their vowl'ls si:cond formant and it falls while r 1 start in g from similar position rises. The voiceless alveolar t and voiced alveolar d have F2,

which rises bl'fo rc i I ikl' that of p and b but F1 thnt falls un I ikc p nnd b, which

remai ns leve l.

-------- J 16111Sl'C a

-l kHz

JkHz

2kHz

I kHz

k

constriction interval

Release of /kl!

~

a

Fig. 3. 9a: Schematic representation <f the Eleme 1\'ord aka 'mother ' pronounced by a male speaker from A lode.

105

£/eme Plw nnlngy

5000~---------=

0

Release of [k] Fig. 3. 9b: Spectrogram of the Eleme word aka 'mother'

Pronounced by a male speaker from A/ode.

Donwa-Ifode (1995: 124) asserts:

Although each segment has its characteristic acoustic spectrum, these isolated segments influence each other in various contexts. Certain areas can be identified between the segment, which seems to belong neither to the segment before nor that after. These areas are known as transitions. They are not the segments but contain certain information about the preceding and the following segments. They are therefore important in recognizing segments.

I have explored this notion of transition here in distinguishing Eleme consonants. An examination of fig.3 .1 Ob below reveals that during the actual closures of the sounds p t k and b d g on ly a blank is seen on the spectral in

each of them, but a closer look at the spectra shows that the characteristic quality of each of these stops is conveyed in its effect on the adjacent vowel as in fig .3.8a-12a, Donwa-lfode (1995 : 124) and Hayward (2000: 184) are positive on this point. Consonants, as we have seen, have spectra different from those of vowels, and Donwa-Ifode (1995: 125) points out that as one goes from one to the other, the area in between, that is the transitional areas, will be slightly a

106

I l~k liz I . ······ ··T-.-

:3~Hz ···········1-:--

1...,k.H:Z' -~ ' ······ ··········1·-. I Jlk Hz

····· ·· ·· ······ · ·~ ··-' .,.____, I I I

,_ : ,_

Fig. 3. JOa

didai ·c -::-~f

::-"-hing Eleme _ :ing the actual

_ • e spectral in

- haracteristic

106

Consonant System

mixture of both. She further suggests that the release formation of the formants for the vowel will start as soon as the stop release is complete. My data (see Fig.3. 8a, 3.1 Oa and 3. l 2a) suggests that at the release of the stops p and b , the

formants corresponding to that particular shape of the vocal tract for the vowel begins to come into form. Especially, as the vocal tract changes for the vowel, the fo rmant structure alters correspondingly. Thus, between band a as in fig.

3. l 2a there is a transitiona l period. For instance, she posits that the closure of th e lips has a lowering effect on all the formants and that this is why vowel formants are fairly lowered in the environment of labial stops. From fig.3 . 1 Oa, we see that the second formant for i in b.iba.i 'tear' which is usually high

around 2400Hz (cf Catford 1988: 154), starts from only 1600 Hz position and ri ses rapidly to about 2000Hz. As the articulators come together again for the arres ting b , the formants fall again corresponding to the vocal tract shape

effected by the lip closure.

Bursts for b --------I j

l4*Hz ······ ··-.. r·:····· ·-························ -····

l3*Hz ·· ·· 1 ·:········ ··· ·· ······················

I i ,2~ .

·············-r··[7····F;·· ....... . ilkHz

········· ······ ·~ ····· !···· ··· ····· · · · · · ······ · ·· ·· ········ I ; I I

bibai 't ar '

Bursts fo r d

----------: I I i r····1····················· ·························· I ! I i r-··r································ ·· ············

I r-- f3 , .. ···7········ .. F2················ I ! !· ··· ·~ · · ···· ·· ·······--······-······· ·· ···· ····· · ·· ··· I i I i I . I

didai 'con use'

I I I r································································· I I , ............ .. ..................... F .... .. ... ................. . L-- 3

~ .......... F2 ................ .. . I , .......................................... ........................ . I I I I

gigoI 'praise'

Fig.3.JOa: Schematic representation of the Eleme words bibaI 'tear', didaI 'confuse' and gigoI 'praise' pronounced by a male speaker.

107

Liem,· /'hu110/oi;y

~ >-0 c "' ::> CT

~ "-

5000 I . nll~ans . .. , iM.J iJ "t L ' .IHUtli J j... I

0 I ....... ,,,, 0.030761 i.90161

Time{s)

bibai 'tear' dldai 'confuse' gigoi 'praise' Fig.3.JOb: Spectrograms of the Eleme words bibaI ' tear', didai 'confuse' and gigoI 'praise' pronounced by a male speaker. Note that only the first syllables are extracted and presented on this spectrogram.

The tern1 locus is employed in acoustic phonetics to designate the point of origin of the transition or the direction of movement towards the adjacent vowel (Delattre et al. 1955: 769\ This concept will be explored here in the description of Eleme consonants. An examination of fig.3.1 Ob indicates that the formation and release of d and gin the items didai 'confuse' and gigoi 'praise' respectively conveys a particular effect on the beginning and ending of the fcmnants for the vowels. The formants of the vowels starts to form as soon as the release of the stop is complete and will assume their nonnal positions only at the peak of the vowel.

Also from fig .3.1 Ob, the bilabial consonant b has a lowering effect on the

first three formants of the preceding or following vowel. The frequency of the first formant of the vowel in the context of the alveolar d is lowered, while the

second and third formants have their frequencies slightly raised at the beginning point.

108

N' ~ >(.)

c ., :3 CT

~ u.

5000.,.---...

0 I H.., 7.1 s

Fig.3.11

a

-lkHz

JkHz

:!kHz

!kHz

-~praise '

didaI ote that

_ · .. e point of · cent vowel e description · e fonnation

:: e ect on the • __ ency of the

.....,,..,_"""v1 , wh il e the

108

Start of the voice bar Fig. 3.11 a: Spectrogram of the Eleme word ada 'daughter' pronounced by a male speaker from Alesa.

a

4kHz

3kHz

2kHz

!kHz

316msec d

constriction interval

a ' '

i I 1····t··············· .. ·· ·····"······"·· ; j l !

Release o~d/: ..... r ................................ . i i ·····t···· .... .. .................. ...... .

! i i l

.------+j"-;'"i ................................... .

I Voice har ! I Fig. 3.11 b: Schematic representation of the Eleme word ada 'daughter ' pronounced

by a male speaker from Alesa.

Consonanl Sys/em

( ! j ' .. . . !• fi

7.89673

109

Eleme Phonology

~ '>'. ~ .., :> O" .., .... u..

5000; iiltidh .ilt i UUIB!il li.

0.1°3~ 1.6~t509 Time(s)

b a d a g a Fig. 3.12a: Spectrograms ofthe Eleme words ba 'eat', da 'lick' and

ga 'concubine· pronounced by a male speaker.

b

······ ·· ···· ..................... t'; ........ .

' ; ....................... ....... .. ... b ................ j

a 'eat ' d

! ...... .. ........ , ........ ·F;

F2

a 'lick' g

L -~--;.;c· I -F~ ....... "" ! ...................... , !-.... Fi I ···········.,. I

a 'concubine'

Fig. 3. I 2b: Schematic representation of the Eleme words ba ·eat" da '] ick. and ga 'concubine. pronounced by a male speaker.

From fig. 3.1 Ob, the velar stop g has a remarkable effect on the second and third formants. It reduces the distance between both of these formants as they often come together before an arresting velar consonant. According to Donwa-Tfode

110

d and third

110

Consonant System

(1995: 125), 'the effect of a preceding velar consonant on the vowel is not the same as that of the final one'. These formant transitions are all schematically represented in fig. 3.8b - 12b. My data thus proves that, even when the vowel is the same, we can have different transitions depending on the consonant. The actual point from which the formants start to rise or fall equally depends on the adjacent vowel. The locus for the initial b in bibaI 'tear' is therefore different

from that of bebea 'broken'. For instance, d as in didaI has F2 locus of

1900Hz and in da an F2 of I 700Hz. This is because the transition rises in

didaI and falls in da. In trying to account for g/d, Harries et al (1958: 122-

26) suggested that the F2 transitions are similar before low vowels a, but their

F3 are disparate. Therefore, F3 appears necessary in differentiating between g Id. This is why it is said that segments affect each other in different contexts

(Donwa-Ifode 1995: 125). The concept of the locus can also be used to describe r-sounds. As

observed earlier (cf section 3.5.3), the rhotics do not have a general distinguishing acoustic structure but each type has its characteristic clues (Lindau 1985, Donwa-Ifode 1995 and Hayward 2000). The alveolar approximant r, like the alveolar 1, is usually characterised by a lowering of the

higher formants. An examination of tig.3.2 - 3 show that, the second and third formants starts at about the same position and then separate for the formation of the following vowel. Fig.3.3 and fig . 3.11 are spectrograms of the alveolar rhotic r and voiced alveolar plosive d respectively produced by an adult male

Ekme speaker. The major difference between r and d in these spectrograms is

that of the duration of the stop closure, indicated by the blank. Both sounds han' a period of total (or complete) closure. In sum, from my study of Eleme consonants there are two aspects to stop consonants the blank (silent interval) and the burst (the release of pressure). The place of articulation of stop consonants is identified using the spectrum of the burst and the pattern of transitions of the formants . This is indicated on the spectrogram as a sharp line, kss prominent for labials than for other places of articulation. The onset of the intcn·al is sometimes difficult to locate as the closure is not abrupt and the :1c1't1s1 ic t'111:rgy appears as faded during th e interval. Variation in tone may be 1ktt' rmincd by the variation in rundamcntal frequency, while the amplitude 1kt 1.·1111i11t' ' loudnt•ss. I >onwa-1 l(Hk (I <)l) ) : 127) posits tlwt 'anolher acoustic t:tL' l\)r by which sounds can be dctincd is the centre of concentration of the high frt'qucrH.:y energy, as well as the amplitude of these high frequency energy components'. This will not be discussed here.

\Ve have seen therefore that many acoustic cues can be brought into play in the specification of various sounds. The last of them is the spectral templates as invariant cues ; Stevens and Blumstein ( 1981: 1-38) develop this approach . Stevens et al ( 1981: 36) have sum up the different places of articulation thus : the spectra of alveolars are diffuse-rising; in contrast labials are diffuse-flat

11 I

Eleme Phonology

while velars are compact. With regards to the diffuse types (labial and alveolar) a pair of dashed lines defines the templates, which contain the outline of spectrum. With reference to velars, a conspicuous mid-frequency peak must define the spectrum. This is irrespective of the vowel quality. My misgiving with Stevens' template is that it is inert in the sense that only one template, unalterable with time is said to be adequate or necessary to account for each articulatory place. I think, along side other researchers that there should be a more progressive way to handle this. Moreover, it might be problematic extending this to Eleme with more complex distinctions. For instance, Lahiri et al ( 1984: 391-404), in a cross-linguistic study, observed that the burst spectra of dentals look like those of labials, and are difficult to differentiate between them using spectra templates. Lahiri posits that dentals and alveolars share increased energy at the base of the spectrum, in contrast to labials; the energy is equally split between the top and the base of the spectrum. This implies that an advanced idea of invariance is called for.

3.5.8 Evidence of voice contrast Donwa-Ifode (1995: 117) has shown that 'sounds with different states

of the glottis also have different waveforms'. She has equally demonstrated that 'voiced sounds with periodic waveforms usually have well-defined fundamental frequency displayed as a bar along the base of the spectrum around 100 and 170 cps'. In contrast, she points out that 'this does not occur in voiceless sounds'.

From some of the Eleme spectrograms, striations are in evidence and they signal the presence of vocal folds vibration during the consonantal intervals; this indicates that a consonant is voiced not voiceless. The term [±voiced] is used here following Hayward (2000: 178) in the contrastive sense of p t k vs. b d g to differentiate obstruents. From our discussion so far, it is

evident that obstruents in Eleme generally exhibit similar noise pattern in the process or at the very end of the constriction interlude. Stops have their noise concentrated in the ephemeral burst at offset. Fricatives spread their noise throughout the constriction interval without a period of silence. Affricates have their noise drawn out and the period of silence cut shut in contrast to stops, Donwa-lfode (1995: 124) and Hayward (2000: 194) attest to this in their respective studies.

Hayward (2000: 196) proposes the following acoustic parameters to differentiate [+voiced] cons0nants from [-voiced] consonants: \) Voe or .fold \1ibrarion, 2) i/1/ensity of the h11rst, 3) d11ratio11 of the preceding vowel and of constriction interval itself, 4) F0 and Ft.fi·equencies at the onset of immediately following vowels.

These acoustic parameters an: used in this section to mark voiced and/or voiceless consonants in Eleme. Consonants in Eleme are voiced if the vocal folds :m.' \'ibrating and voiceless if the vocal folds are not. The intensity of the burst, if release is a stop othawise friction noise is either fricatives or affricates:

112

• : misgiving _ e template,

........ ..,,_ ... ...,, t for each ould be a

_ increased _ ~ is equally

:es that an

.erent states _ -trated that

_: :u.ndamental 0 and 170

iced and/or ___ if the vocal

·-nsity of the r affricates:

112

Consonant System

voiced less forceful, voiceless more forceful. The length of the vowel and constriction interval would mean that voiced equals lengthened vowel and briefer constriction interval, voiceless equals shortened vowel and lengthened constriction interval. Finally, fundamental frequency and the first formant frequency at the beginning of the next vowel are either voiced if lowered or voiceless if heightened.

3. 5. 9 Multiply articulated stops I present multiply articulated stops k'"'p and gb. In fig. 3.13 and 3.14

below, the spectrograms of tlw Elcme words: okpu 'navel' and ag'"'bu 'bend' show just one burst. This agrees with Ladefoged and Maddieson (1996: 334) who posit that ' ... whereas only a single stop release is seen in okpu and

ag'"'bu. the separate release of the stops in a sequence can be clearly seen in the n .. ·maining words'. It should be noted here that they arc talking about Eggon, a language that contrasts single segments and sequences. Eleme on the other hand does not contrast single segments from sequences. Secondly, the transitions possess velar traits while labial traits govern the burst. It appears that the velar articulation precedes the labial articulation by a short time, and is emitted brielly ahead of the labial segment as well. This again is validated by Ladefoged and Maddieson (1996: 334) who suggest:

The dominant auditory impression of the transition from preceding vowel to stop is of a velar closure, while the dominant auditory impression of the transition from stop to the following vowel is of a labial release.

From fig 3.13 and 3.14, it appears that the period of one articulation is subsumed within the span of the other articulation. The question is what will be the acoustic consequence of this? Ladefoged et al (1996: 336) think that inasmuch as the span of one pronunciation is accommodated inside the span of the other, the briefer articulation has no acoustic consequences. I agree with this because my Eleme data confirms the acoustic basis of their impression. Thirdly, the spectrograms (fig 3.13 and 3.14) reveal that kp/gb closure is

analogous to that of kip closure even as kp/g'"'b release has resemblance to kip. Data from other West African languages confirm these acoustic and auditory impressions (cf Ladefoged 1962, Maddieson 1981, Sibomana 1985 and Maddieson 1993). For instance, Connell (1987: 53-60) draws the same conclusion in his study of Ibibio. Fourthly, their Fi, like all other oral stops are fundamentally 0, their F2 transitions plummet but not abruptly. F3 transition vary depending on the quality of the vowel and whether it occurs word-initial or intervocalically. If k'"'p and g'"'b occur between vowels the transition from initial

113

/.'/,·111 ,• l'ho111J /ngy

vowel to stop is a velar-like closure, whereas the transition from stop to the next vowel is of labial-like release (cf Ladefoged et al 1996: 334).

Another piece of evidence appears relevant here, the averaged measurements of eight repetitions from a single speaker of the acoustically determined closure duration of Eleme bilabial, velar and labial-velar stops in a vCv context, which I carried out. As the figures below indicate the [-voiced] segments are longer than their [+voiced] counterparts. The velar stops are shorter than their bilabial counterpa1ts while the labial-velars are longer than their bilabial counterparts. gb is longer than b and g but the difference does

not appear significant to nullify the claim that gb is a single segment, not a

sequence. Similarly, k"'p is also slightly longer than k and p but again the

difference is not significant. These conclusions are supported by the figures he low:

[-voiced] : k"'p = I 54ms, k = I 46ms, p = I 49ms

[+voiced]: g"'b = 150ms, g = 139ms, b = 147ms

Therefore, timing characteristics appears to differentiate kp/gb from p/b + k/g

sequences. It also differentiates simple p and b from simple k and g. This

observation does not undermine Ladefoged 's ( 1968) assertion that there are also aerodynamic characteristics, which differentiates labial-velars from simply articulated stops.

114

. ~ ~.! s ::~.,.· ---""'I

nt, not a

agai n the

-. the figures

114

Consonant System

0.07272...----------------....... -------...

0 . 07465'1----------------"'------~ 0

.,, . ' I 11, I t , >

i l I'. '", ' ' t I ' '"J . I \: II , I . ' • : !t . , ·~.!:w.~· j ; ,

0 0.33734 7

0.518049 Time(s)

Time(s)

Fig 3.13: Waveform and spectrogram of Eleme word okpu 'navel' as

pm1101111ced by a male speaker(i-om A!esa.

115

Eleme Phonology

0.1016...----....,....----------------_...,

0 -~·- ~\--

0.07889 0 0.557838

'N ~ >'-' c .., "" O"

~ u...

Time(s)

5000; l , J _IU/Jiit& ~ IL . ~ ~z d . . , ;_1rn.J . J_ .. 1n1 ... .. _,_ ~ I

01 ,.. i. .. ,.... f'IJ 'l'\1'111!1T•""..,."'"."""" '' '~- · . ,,,, ., .,"VJll'•Pl• 'lf ...... ,..".,. ' "''"" ~·· · · I 1.17453 1.73236

Time(s)

Fig 3.1./: Waveform and :ipcctrogram of Eleme word aghu 'he bend' as pronounced by a male speaker.from Alesa.

3.6 The structure of the consonant inventory In Table 3.1 , Eleme distinguishes p, t and k, min and f /s. Just as on

the two-dimensional vowel chart, where i, a and u are maximally dispersed

therefore maximally distinct one from ai10ther, these consonants are distinct from one another but the acoustic parameters connected with the description of consonants are multifarious. For instance, /p t k/ do not show manner and

voice contrast because they are all voiceless plosives but they are maximally distinct on the consonantal chart in that they exhibit place contrast, that is /pl is labial. It I is an alveolar and /k/ is velar. The situation with /m n/ on the

116

one

~ 557 838

1.73236

::: :;end'

: s. Just as on

II dispersed ~ are distinct

scr iption of manner and

_ ..re maximally that is /p/

n/ on the

116

Consonant System

one hand and Ifs/ on the other is no diffe rent. These sets of segments do not

exhibit manner and voice contrast like /p t k/. /ml and /n/ are both nasals but they are maximally contrastive on the consonantal chart because they show place contrast; /m/ is a bilabial nasal while /n/ is an alveolar nasal. If I and

Is I are both voiceless fricatives yet they are maximally distinct because they

show place contrast; If I is a bilabial fricative while Is/ is an alveolar fricative.

Compare Im n/ and /f s/ with /t n/ and/kg/, the situation is quite

distinct. /t/ and /n/ do not exhibit place contrast (both are alveolars) like

!ml and /n/ or If /and /s/, but rather show manner and voice contrast. /t/ is a voiceless plosive while /n/ is a nasal. /k/ and I g I on the other hand, do not exhibit place and manner contrast yet are maximally contrastive on the voice dimension. The structure of the consonantal inventory therefore is such that two different sets of segments could be maximally distinct for very different sets of features.

A number of phoneticians (Maddieson ( 1984), Stevens et al (1986, 1989), Diehl et al (1989) and Kingston et al ( 1994, 1995) have tried to explain why consonant inventories are so organised. Stevens' et al (1989) auditory enhancement theory attempts consonant description using two features with corresponding invariant acoustic signs. The theory posits that the acoustic manifestations of some features are more perceptible than those of other features. This occasions a dichotomy between marked (more striking primary) vs. unmarked (less striking secondary) features. If their approach is accepted, why does Eleme (or any other language for that matter) favour one feature combination to another? The discussion here is predicated on Stevens et al (1989). From my understanding of the theory and observation of the Eleme language, it appears that Eleme exploits the contrastive potentials of the marked (primary) features; because it does not have a large number of consonant segments, while the unmarked (secondary) features are deployed to boost the marked ones. In the study of Eleme consonants anticipated here, the following marked features continuant (manner feature); sonorant (major class feature) and coronal (place feature) are selected following Chomsky and Halle ( 1968). These selected marked features are used to illustrate how Eleme characterises its consonants acoustically.

In distinguishing Eleme [±sonorant], the lower portion of the spectrogram, the area around 'the first two harmonics' stands out. It is more striking in terms of auditory perception. Therefore nasals, laterals and semivowels that are [+son] display uninterrupted connection at low frequencies with the following vocalic segment. Stops, fricatives and affricates that are [son] contrastively evince diminished amplitude at low frequencies, Donwalfode ( 1995: 11 7) attests to this in her study of Isoko consonantal systems.

117

Eleme Phonology

In characterising Eleme [±continuant], the portion of the spectrogram immediately above the sonorant area (the location 'above the first two harmonics') is crucial. Stops, nasals and laterals that are [-cont] are marked by a constriction interval of weak amplitude in relation to the next vocalic segments. The borderlines of this interval are evident on the relevant spectrograms, such that the preceding vowel's amplitude drops while the subsequent vowel's amplitude increases sharply. Stevens et al (I 989) have suggested that auditory perception indicates an improved response 'when stimulation follows silence' in specific frequency sites. This is why Eleme fricatives and semivowels that are [+cont] do not show all these properties.

In contrasting Eleme [+coronal] and [-coronal], the upper and lower sections of the spectrogram are comparatively vital. Alveolars and palatals that are [+cor] exhibit higher spectral amplitude at higher frequencies than at lower frequencies, this upsurge in amplitude at higher frequencies is in relation to the next vowel. Donwa-lfode (1995) and Hayward (2000) think that this outstanding high frequency is due to the size of the cavity between constriction and the lips; small cavities generate a high resonant frequency around the F3 of the vowel. Furthermore, frvnted constrictions have smaller cavity, that is why alveolar and palatal sounds an.! [+cor). In contrast, labials and velars that arc [car] do not exhibit higher spectrum amplitude at higher frequencies than at lower frequencies and a surge in amplitude at higher frequencies in connection with the adjacent vowel.

Ekme pas in fig. 3.12 can thus be specified as [-son], [-cont] and [-car]

while Elcmc j is specified as [+son], [+contl and [+cor]. The bilabial plosive p

is [-son] because it lacks uninterrupted connection with the next vocalic segment at low frequency. Besides, its amplitude drops significantly in the cause or the constriction interval. It is j-contj because it has a brief period of small nm pl itude (the constriction interlude) coupled with a sudden surge in amplitw.k (the burst and onset of the vowel). It is [-cor] because the burst and onset of the vowel are dispersed downwards. While the semivowel j contrastively is [+son] due to greater amplitude at the base of the spectrogram. It is [ +contl due to the gradual drop followed by a sudden upsurge in amplitude at higher frequencies. It is [+cor] due to its marked higher frequencies.

The selected unmarked feature is [±voiced] following Chomsky and Halle ( 1968) . This selected unmarked feature is used here to specify how Eleme enhances the marked features selected and discussed above. Consonants that are [+son] are also [+voiced] because in their articulation they have vibrating vocal folds but do not have low frequency energy, which specifies [+son] consonants. [-son] consonants show smaller amplitude at the lower portion of the spectrum. That is why; voicing diminishes the [-son] trait of stops, fricatives and affricates (Kingston and Diehl ( 1994, I 995). The cue for [-son] is therefore an absence of low frequency energy observed in voiceless obstruents. This probably explains why t and n stands out from d and n auditorily in

118

_ spectrogram fi rst two

.. marked by ext vocalic

the relevant _ ns while the

1989) have nse 'when

- - why Eleme perties.

_ v and lower palatals that

: e~ h an at lower relation to the ink that this

~ n constriction .. und the f 3 of

~ , that is why lars that arc [

. .: _encies than at

ab ia l plosive p e next vocalic

=- ificantly in the brief period o f

: dden surge in • the burst and

e semivowel j spectrogram.

e in amplitude _encies. " sky and Halle

ify how Eleme Consonants that : have vibrating speci fi es [+son]

wer portion of ~ trai t of stops,

_ ue fo r [-son] is ~ ::eless obstruents.

118

Consonant System

Ogonoid languages. This equally explains why some Ogonoid languages have more voiceless obstruents than voiced ones, because as Williamson (1999: 178) suggests vo iceless obstruents will contrast effectively with sonorant consonants. Of course, this is a general typological trait.

Fnhancement them y also tries to account for why some phonetic features co-occur in the realization of specific features. First, Kingston et al ( 1994: 419-454, 1995: 7-25) posit that (i) ' a low frequency' trait characterises [+voiced] obstrnents and that (ii) voicing progress ively spreads across the acoustic borderline between the consonant and vowel, followed by a reduced Fa /F1s which fac i I itatc this low frequency characteristics. Stevens ( 1981 : 61-74) suggest that the two racto rs focd each other. Second, Kingston ct al ( 1994, 1995) posit that the 'ratio ' of the time that the consonant and vowel takes is also found to be sign ificant. The ratio for [+voict.:d) sounds is smaller while the rat io for [-voiced) sounds are larger. Within the constriction interval, if the vocal folds is vibrating the closure will be heard as shorter while the preceding vowel will be heard as longer. It is obvious from the sketch above that enhancement theory facilitates the fo recast of the frequ <.: ncy or segments, or of segment in connection with another for instance, more voiceless obstruents than voiced ones but in contrast to the vowel dispersion model , it fails to specify what consonants would constitute an inventory of a specific size (cf Maddieson 1984).

3.7 Summary The ambit of the discussion in this chapter is the Eleme consonant

system. The focus of the argument is the indiscriminate and complex nature of the allophonic variations and dispersions observed in Eleme. Morphological criteria are used in delineating the phonotactic. Section 3.3 puts forward the phonetic description of the various consonant segments, while 3.4 present the evidence for voice and consonantal contrast. This culminates in the acoustic analysis (3.5 -9) to validate the fall out of the phonetic description of3 .3.

119

4.0 Exordium

CHAPTER FOUR ELEMESYLLABLESTRUCTURE

This chapter develops an analysis of Eleme syllable structure. Its twofold objective is to describe the principles of syllabification and use the combined phonetic evidence and phonological argumentation to resolve the phonemic status of the problematic segments. The section is organised as follows: 4. 1 discusses the syllable, its role and internal constituent, and syllabification in Eleme. My analysis accounts for the phonotactic constraints on intrasyllabic segmental sequences; and argues for a minimal word constraint in Eleme, which states that the smallest allowable phonological word in Eleme is monosyllabic of the structure (C) V. 4.2 present the interpretation of ambiguous segments. 4.3 summarises the phonemic analysis. The illustrative data and discussion presented henceforth arc in Elcme.

4.1 Thl' syllahk Cross linguistic study is geared towards seeking out universals of

natura l language and offering a rationale and clarification for their occurrence in order to attnin greater insight into what is feasible (and practicable) in human lm1guagc. Although very many univcrsnls of lrnman language presently ;identified are implicational in nature, a small number are unrestricted or absolute in their application' (Bond 2006: 31 ). Whereas non-restrictive universals are scarce, others are commonly acknowledged and adequately elucidated. f-'or instance, the remark that nil spoken languages have 'vocoids arid contoids ' (Pike 1943) in their phonemic inventory is veridical (irrefutable) and can be explained by way of human physiology. In the same vein, is the claim that all languages have the syllable, which widely assented to cross linguistically, has been sporadically contested (see Hyman 1983: 171). Current literature (Kenstowicz 1994, Blevins 1995 and Kager 1999) reveals that all main approaches to phonology have acknowledged the syllable as a basic unit in phonological analysis and its role in phonological theory as momentous. The syllabic is crucial in stating phonological processes as in (i), rules as in (ii) and phonotactic patterns as in (iii):

(i) There are phonological processes such as pharyngealization, stress, tone and ballisticity, which take the syllabic as their domain of application. Such rules and constraints are sens1t1ve to a domain that is larger than the segment, smaller than the word and contains exactly one sonority peak (Blevins 1995: 209).

121

Eleme Phnnolo.'-":y

(ii) Phonological rules are often more simply and insightfully expressed if they exp! icitly refer to the syllable' (Kenstowicz 1994: 250).

(iii) The syllable is crucial in defining phonotactic patterns: well-formed sequences of segments, in particular of consonants and vowels. The syllable also governs patterns of epenthesis and deletion. It supplies a level of prosodic organisation between segments and higher-level prosodic units: the foot and the prosodic word .... The syllable functions ii) the demarcation of morpheme edges . . . and in defining the position and shape of affixes (Kager 1999: 91)

The syllable node a must have a daughter nucleus (quintessentially a vowel or a syJlabic nasal in Eleme or other syllabic sonorants in some other Cross River languages), and may have leftmost and rightmost daughters respectively, the nodes onset (the segment before the nucleus) or coda (the segment succeeding the nucleus) or both. The constituent following the onset is the rhyme. The nodes onset, nucleus and coda in tum, may each dominate at most one terminal element X, which realises, as C's or V's or they may be empty, Generally, not all syllables in all languages posses all three parts - onset, nucleus and coda. The only obligatory element is the nucleus. The distribution of the onset and coda depends on the phonological structure of each language (Donwa-Ifode 1995: 70).

The syllable (which sometimes match the mora) corresponds to a unit of timing deployed in some phonological theories to explain the positioning of stress. accent and tone in certain langtJages. J\ I though syllable onsets are weightless for the purposes o'f stress and tone placements, syllable rhymes differ in their moraic structure. For instance, syllable rhymes with a single vowel correspond to one morn (and arc very oflcn construed as light syllabics in rhyme approaches to phonology) whereas syllable rhymes with double vowels (which is dift\.·rcnt ly described as heavy syllabics) have two morns (cf f3rowslow 1995). In this study, syllables in Eleme that have the structure CVV and CVCV will be designated as polymoraic, while syllables with V, N and CV will be specified as monomorilic. The term syllable or mora is employed in this study solely as an explanatory tool and no specific theoretical perspective is advocated by using it.

Available literature on the Ogonoid languages has highlighted the ditfrrrnccs lwtwccn syllable strm:turcs i11 the six languages that constitute the Ogonoid grou p (Williamson 1985, Faraclas 1986, 1989 and Nwolu-Obele 1998). For instance, Hyman ( 1983: 171) posits that Gokana has 'a phonology de\'oid or syllables', and proceeds to explain the phonological processes of' Gokana using moraic weight. Vobnu ( 1991: 62) objects to Hyman's general

122

owe) or a

- Cross River . tively, the

_ • succeeding - rhyme. The

on e terminal G neral ly, not

_ -:.S and coda.

e onsets are ~ ymes differ -ingle vowel

sin rhyme '· els (which . -low 1995).

_ .... :cv will be - specified as _ -oJely as an .; ' by using it. ;. lighted the • nst itute the

wolu-Obele

122

Eleme Syllable Structure

approach to syllable analysis in Gokana and demonstrates that Gokana like other Ogonoid languages has syllable. Faraclas (1989) has shown that the significant distinction in the syllable structure of the western Ogonoid (Baan and Eleme) and the eastern Ogonoid (Gokana, Kana, Tai and Yeghe) languages is that the western bough has open syllables, whereas the eastern bough admits a coda. These syllable structures occur in Eleme: V, N, and CV; these syllable templates in Eleme contrasts with the archetypal syllable templates for CrossRiver languages, which are ~VC, CGV, CVN and CVVC (Faraclas 1989: 385). I shall use verbal reduplication, which is a prevalent phenomenon in Eleme (Williamson 1985 : 428), to illustrate the significance of the mora in the language. Reduplication occurs in a number of disparate verbal constructions and diversely conveys notions analogous to continuity of an action (Ex.4. 1 a), plurality (Ex.4. ld), futurity (Ex.4. lb) and negation (Ex.4.lc) as exemplified below.

Ex.:/. I a. {l-ga-16-16 okd b. 6-m6-m6 se

I SG-CONT-RPER-weave weave basket 'I am st ill weaving/will weave basket'

2-SG RFUT-see see Q 'Will you see it?'

d. o-wf e-wf-wf 'Child' 'Children'

c. aba re-d6-d6 ri 3PL NEG 3- RNEG foil fail-3PL 'They did not fail.'

Presently. l shall examine the non-tonal phonological facets of reduplication before taking on board the tonal contrast across reduplicated stems later. The phonological restrictions on reduplication in the language are alike in that it is the tirst morn of the verb root that reduplicates rather than the first syllable.

Now examine the constructions in (Ex.4.2) where each evinces disparate reduplicated stems. The data in (Ex.4.2) consist of roots with a structure that is monomoraic e.g. de 'eat' in (Ex.4.2a) and si 'go' in (Ex.4.2b).

E.x.4.2 a. rn-de-de

I SG-RFUT-eat eat 'I will eat.'

b. e-si-si 3-SG RFUT-go go 'He will go.'

If the verb root that is reduplicated has a polymoraic syllable structure (CVV or CVCV). it is the first mora of the root that reduplicates. The data in (Ex.4.3a) k,...paa 'repair' with a CVV syllable structure illustrates the point, on the

other hand, (Ex . ./.Jb) is kabi 'weed', which is a verb with disyllabic structure

(CVCV). What this example indicates is a partial reduplication of the verb root and, as with the rest of the data in (Ex.4.2) and (Ex.4.3), the first mora of the root reduplicates.

(Ex.4.3) a. e-kpa- kpaa 3-RFUT-repair 'He will repair.'

b.e-ka-kabi 3-RFUT-weed 'He will weed.'

123

Fleme />/umologv

The paradigm of first mora reduplication demonstrated above stands for all cases of verbal reduplication in Eleme. Characteristically, it is solely the root that undergoes this process; all other bound morphemes fall outside this process. Although the rules concerning what phonological element of the root is rep licated in reduplication processes are invariable throughout the grammar of Eleme, in spite of the semantic import of the specific constructions, reduplicated stems vary in the way tone is accomplished on the reduplicant and root, depending on the meaning of the construction and the tone class of the verb root undergoing the process of reduplication. For instance, consider the verb be ' fight' which is a low tone verb. A number of constructions apropos to reduplicat ion of this root are provided in (Ex.4.4) below.

Ex.4.4

a. ~-ka-be-be az5 b. e-ka-be-be a'.26 3-SG CONT RPER fight fight war 3-SG MOD-RMOD tight tight war 'He is still fighting the war.' 'He should have fought the war.'

c. e-be-be az6 d. a-be-be a.z6 3-SG RFUT fight tight war 3-SG RNEG fight tight war 'He wi 11 fight the war.' ' He doesn't fight war.

e. rte-be-be az5 NEG 3-SG RNEG fight fight war ·He didn't fight the war.'

From the above data, the tonal paradigm across the reduplicant and root are HH as in (E.•.-1.-la) , (Ex.-1.-lb) and (Ex.4.4c). And it appears that the tone is reduplicakd with the verb root but that is not the case. The pattern alters to !-IL in (Ex. -I. -Id) and Ml-I in (Ex. 4. 4e). Observe that the constructions in (Ex. 4. 4c) and (Fx -/.-Id) are distinguished sole ly by their tonal paradigm (detailed discussion in chapter seven). Having discussed the internal composition of the syllable. I shall now turn to syllabification.

-1. l. l S\'l!ab(fication Here. I shall argue that the Eleme syllable strictly conforms to the

shapes \I or CV and that there are no systematic differences bet ween wordinitial and word-final syllables. The CV syllable form occurs universally (Jakobson 1962, Prince and Smolensky 1993 and Blevins 1995). As Fery and

Vijver (2003: 6) indicate:

First, if a language has syllables without onsets (V), it also has syllables with onsets (CV). Second, if a language has closed syllables (CVC), it also has open ones (CV). Furthermore, if a language has syllables with complex onsets

124

.. propos to

r fight war

·ar

he tone is lters to I-IL

- In (Ex. 4. 4c) -= (detailed

_ sition of the

• - een word~ universally

s Fery and

124

Ueme Syllable Structure

(CCV), it also has CY syllables. And finally, if a language has syllables w ith complex codas (CVCC), it also has CVC syllables and therefore also CV ones.

If these conclusions are accepted, then the initial generalisation correctly predicts the El eme syllable structure. This can be explained by constraint interplay between Markedn6ss constraints (MCs) and Faithfulness constraints (FCs) (Fe ry and Vijver 2003: 6). Reco ll ect that MCs and FCs are the two

constraints put forward in OT (McCarthy 2004: 4). These constraints assess the output's 'strnctural we! 1-formedness'. MCs govern output grammaticality by ensuring that outputs 111cet the necessary grmn111atical description . ONSET and NOCODA are MCs. FCs, on the other hand, requires the safeguarding of the input features in the output form. MAX and DEP are FCs. While MC ONSET ca ll s for syllables to have onsets, and NOCODA forbids codas. In contrast, FC MAX and DEP prohibit deletion and epenthesis respectively. These two constrn ints nre j oi ned together here under the cover term FAITH following Fery and Vijver (2003 : 6). I will discuss different rankings and indicate that in all instances CY sy llable is the optimal. And also show that it is in the last ranking that V sy llabl e comes out as the marked Ele me sy llable.

Before I proceed, it is pertinent to clarify some of the working tools that wil I be used here. In OT, tableau is made up ofrows and columns. They show the evaluatin g process. The top cell from the left houses the input depiction that other candidate forms are to relate. The competing candidates are placed under t]1is. The optimal candidate is point to by a hand symbol <:JT>. The competing constraints are arranged across the top of the table. The highest ranked constraint is shown first on the left and the lowest ranked constraint last on the right. The lines separating competing constraints denote crucial rankings; if the lines are broken this connote non-crucial rankings. Asterisks in the cells are indicative of constraint violations. While an exclamation mark evinces fatal v iolation , a shaded area indicates a constraint that is obsolescent because of the v iolation of a superior constraint (Fery and Yijver (2003), Prince and

Smolensky (2004), McCarthy (2004)). In Tableau 4.1 where ONSET and NOCODA are ranked above FAITH,

which expresses no insertion and deletion, CV syllable type emerges as optimal.

125

Fleme !'ho110/ogy

Tableau 4.1: ONSET. NOCODA>>FAJTH /CV/ ONSET NOCODA FAITH

wcv eve *' * v *! *

/V/ - -- . wcv * ·-

eve *! * v *!

Adapted from: Fery and Vijver (2003)

In the same vein re-ranking the constraints such that FAITH is classed above NOCODA but below ONSET, as in Tableau 4.2, CV syllable form also triumphs.

Tableau 4.2: ONSET>> FAITH >>NOCODA /CV/ ONSET FAITH NOCODA crcv

eve *! * v *' *

/V/ r:YrCV *

eve * *' v *!

Adapted from: Fery and Vijver (2003)

In Tableau 4.3, I have re-ranked the constraints such that FAITH dominates ONSET, which in turn governs NOCODA. This ranking (FAITH >> ONSET >> NOCODA) allows CV and V syllable types to emerge as preferred candid ates.

T<1hlc<111 LL FAIT!! :--:-- ONSET ' ·" NOCOf)A

/CV/ FAITH ONSET NOCODA ,r ev

eve *' * v *' *

/V/

CV *I eve *'* *

i.G ' v * Adaptedfi·om: Fe1y and Vijver (2003)

126

- -sed above _4e form also

_ dom inates -1 >> ONSET

- preferred

126


Tableaux (4.1) - (4 .3) exemplify that regardless of the constraint ranking CV syllables emanate making it unmarked and universal. V types of syllables, in contrast, are only allowed in the third ranking. As the Tableaux indicate, CV and V syllable types occur in Elcmc. But this is not all, while V syllabics abound in Eleme. as evidenced in (Ex.4.5a), 1-;J s'yllables are also found in Eleme, as indicated in (Ex.4.5h) and Tab leau (4.4) below. As example (Ex.4.5) indkates Eleme nouns admit syllabic segments before onset consonants. These segments are syllabic because they bear tone just as the rhyme. Ex.4.5

a. o-?6 moon b. ~-g~be sun o-?6 leg iji-mii water e-?6 bush Iji-b6 goat a-ka mother ~-s& book o-ne person ii-na animal

'

Tab leau 4.4 indicates that Eleme permits syllabic consonants thus candidate (a) passes on all constraints, and therefo re is accepted as the optimal candidate, Candidate (c) on the other hand, is rejected because it violates the constraint that stipulates that a consonant must be adjacent to a vowel, that is, Eleme does not allow complex medial consonants. On the contrary, candidate (b) is equally rejected because it violates the constraint that stipulates that onsets must be simple, that is, Eleme disallows complex onsets.

Tableau 4.4: ONSET, *COMPLEJfNS >> *CC MEDIALcoN

1m-ib-e1 ONSET i *COMPLEXoNs *CCMC '

a. CiF N-C-V '

b. C-C-V *' c. N-C-C-V *!

I

As Tab leau 4.5 indicates, Eleme disallows complex nuclei as well as closed syllables. It is because candidate (b) and (c) violate these constraints that they are rejected in favour of candidate (a), which conforms.

127

£/eme Phonology

Tableau 4.5: PEAK, ONSET, >> *COMPLEYuc

/j6-w£/ PEAK ONSET *COMPLEXNuc *NOCODA ~

a. '1T' CV-CV .•

b. CVC-V *! *!

c. V-V-V-V *! *!*** *!***

To stat~~ the principles of syllabification clearly, I propose the syllable template below for the basic syllable types of Eleme. Ex.4. 6

0

/1 Ons Nuc

I (X) X

The X positions in the skeletal t ier are filled with C, V and 'ti segments.

Consonants can constitute the margin that is onset or coda, while vowels and syllabic nasals fonn the nuclei. The parenthesized element is optional. As the template indicates, Eleme syllable consists of an optional onset, an obligatory nucleus and lack coda. As this template further indicates, the basic Eleme syllable contains at most two segments. I shall assume that segmental

sequences are scanned by this template and are syllabified (or - resyllabified) in

accordance with it from right-to-left, see the examples in (Ex. 4. 7). Ex . ./. 7

(i)

(ii)

e.kLk6.r6 I I I I I I I NONON ON

J "b "& "'&

J)d~I "\.J "\.J 0 0

empty (iii)

open (iv)

e.ba.i cruelty I I I I

NONN._ I I o Jo \J ta chew

ON 11

0 "\.J

Ekme canonica l sy llab le shape can thus be express as in (Ex.4.8). Ex . ./. 8 (C) v

128

Cros~

syl lab le Second I~. forbid it

1986. Rk' -

ODA

template

. ~ segments.

• owels and al. As the

128

Flc111e S'.vllab/e Slructurc

4.1.1. l Nucleus As the template and examples above indicate. Eleme syllables must

have a 1H11.:leus; the nucleus is made up or a vowel or syllabic nasal. All vowels fill the sy llable nucleus. The nucleus is the central part coinciding with the peak of sonority. Word-medial and final VY strings constitute disyllabic sequences obligatorily syllabified as V-V as in:

6-bil-o-bil spring

4.1. !. 2 Onset Cross-linguistic investigations into syllable types have indicated that

sy llables prefer commencing with a consonant, and ending with a vowel. Secondly, onsets nre found in all languages, and no language has been known to forbid it (Jakobson 1962, Greenberg 1978, Kaye and Lowenstarnn 1981, Ito 1986. Glevins 1995 and Kager I 999: 92-93). These two assertions are grounded in the first generalisation in section 4. I. I, which states that 'if a language has syllab les without onsets (V), it also has syllables with onset (CV)' (Fery and Vijver 2003: 6). Kager (1999: 33) posits that this is the 'irnplicational universal for syllable onsets '. In other words, with regards to onsets, the dichotomy is between languages that permit syllables without onsets and those that prohibit syllables without onsets. Of course, no language is recognized to forbid onsets; certain languages even provide onsets through epenthesis if onsets are missing (Payne 1981, Ito 1989, McCarthy and Prince l 993b, Kager 1999: 93). The

occurrence of an onset is therefore not marked when compared to its nonoccurrence (Kager 1999: 33). Ito (1989), Prince and Smolensky (1993)

represent this as a constraint thus:

ONSET *[0 V (' syllables must have onset')

This constraint prohibits V syllables, and asserts that onsets are obligatory. According to Kager (1999: 94) this onset undomination is docked 'in the articulatory and perceptual systems' because vowels prefer 'a preceding consonant rather than another vowel'.

In Eleme, the occurrence of an onset is not marked as compared to its nonoccurrence. If this is correct, then Eleme allows V syllable word-initial, medial and final as in (i) and (iii) of (Ex.4. 7) above. The presence of V-syllables in

Eleme automatically explains why there are no word-initial and word-medial and/or internal sequences of three or more vowels. In other words, vowel sequences are not permitted in word-initial position e.g. *aiba and there are no

vowel sequences longer than two vowels e.g. *auia except interjections and/or

an agreement particle; others are the result of consonant deletion in morphophonemic combinations.

129

Eleme l'ho110/ogy

4.1.1 .3 Coda While the domain of the onset is on the left margin of the syllable, the

coda in contrast operates on the right margin. Furthermore, whereas the presence of a consonant is obligatory and unmarked in onsets, the opposite is the case with coda, that is, the absence of a consonant is cross-linguistically ·preferred to the presence of one' (Kager 1999: 94). Th is assertion is again grounded in the second generalisation in section 4.1.1, which states that 'if a language has closed syllables (CVC), it also has open ones (CV)' (Fery and Vijver 2003: 6). Kager (1999: 94) also claims that this is the 'implicational universal for syllable-final segments'. Similar to the situation with onsets, some languages perm it codas while others prohibit them and of course, no language is known to insist on syllables having coda (Blevins 1995, Kager 1999: 94). Typologically, Kager (1999: 94) suggests that the preferred situation is for syllables not to have codas. He represents this as a constraint thus:

NOCODA *C] "('syllables are open')

The above constraint prohibits syllables ending in consonants. Akin to the situation with onsets, this restraint is docked 'in the perceptual system', final consonants ' .. . tend to be unreleased, and hence lack perceptual cues that are present in prevocalic consonants, which are released' (Kager 1999: 94 also cf Ohala 1990, Steriade 1995).

Eleme syllables have no coda as illustrated in (Ex.4.9), (Ex.4.10) and (Ex.4.11). It follows therefore that CY-CV is preferred to CVC-V in Eleme, that is, an intervocalic consonant is to be syllabified as an onset rather than as a coda . Although, Sommer (1981) and Borgstrom (1937) have reported languages such as Oykangand and Barra Gaelic where according to them prefer CVC-V to CV-CV, but Clements (1986), McCarthy and Prince (1993b), Blevins (1995) and Kager (1999) think that their analysis are doubtful.

4.1.1. 4 *Complex Typologically, while languages contrast because of the 'presence or

absence of onsets and codas' as the discussions above illustrates, languages equally exhibit dissimilarities with regards to the 'complexity' of syllable margins (Kager 1999: 95). He notes that certain languages may permit codas, and still prohibit 'complex' codas, namely, codas that are made up of more than one consonant. In other words, these languages insist that coda remains 's imple', specifically, 'consist of one consonant' (Kager 1999: 96, also cf Harris 198'.'). As OT literature reveals, a lot of languages limit the 'complexity of syllable margins '; this implies that complex onsets and codas are crosslinguistically less favoured in contrast to simple onsets and codas, which are hi ghly favoured (Kager 19.99: 96). These assertions are grounded in the third and f1.)urt h generalisations in section 4.1 . 1, which state that 'if a language has syl lab les with complex onsets (CCV), it also has CV syllables and if a language

130

ereas the _ pposite is

- · gu ist ically : n is again

_ ·e· that 'if a · (Fery and

plicational ets, some

lan guage is 1999 : 94).

_ tion is for

_ :::. . slem ', final ~ es that are

. ~, : 94 also cf

~. 4.1 0) and -·.: in Eleme,

- - er than as a ~ ,.e reported

· them prefer (l 993b),

e ·presence or ,__-,~~~- . languages

_ · of syllable ~nnit codas,

_ _:: f more than ~oda remains · so cf Harris

. _ mplexity of are cross

- ~. which are ............ _,..- in the third

anguage has · a language

130


has syllables with complex codas (CVCC), it also has CVC syllables and therefore also CV ones' (Fery and Vijver 2003: 6). These are the 'implicational

universals for onset and coda' complexities respectively (Kager 1999: 96). Cross linguistically no language has been report~d which permits complex syllable margins, yet forbids syllables with simple margins. The tendency is for some languages to prohibit complex onsets or codas; other languages prevent complex onsets or codas by inserting vowel at the relevant site (Lynch 1974, Ito 1986, Blevins 1995, Kager 1999: 96): The following constraints (i) and (ii) were proposed (Kager 1999: 97) to account for these processes:

(i)

(ii)

*COMPLEXoNs *L CC ('onsets are simple') *COMPLEXcoo *CCL (' codas are simple')

Tl I. t t . t t t ti t I I . *C'OMPLE' ,,<ms 1·.1· ie 1rs cons ram s a es rn a anguage w 1ere111 A

undominated prefers simple onsets. While the second formulation states that a language where *COMPLE>f0 0 is undominated prohibits complex codas in preference for simple codas, that is if it permits codas at all (cf Harris 1983, Popjes and Popjes 1986, Kager 1999: 97) .

Eleme disallows complex syllable margins as (4.1.1.4 - 6) indicates, that is. there are no complex onsets and nuclei. In other words, no more than one C or V may associate to any syllable position node, that is, Eleme syllable structure does not permit sequences of CC, CCC and CCCC as in * jogj ,

* j jga, *?wwj as can be deduced from the data in (Ex.4.18). There are no

syllabks larger than CY and Codas are not permitted. Since, complex onsets and nuc ki are ru kd out and there cannot be more than one segment in any onset or nuckus position. Conscqucntly, VY is obligatorily syllabified as Y.V, CYY as C\'.V. \/CY as \/.CV and CYVCV as CY.Y.CY. What this implies is that in Ekme CY is thc preferred syllable form, while V is less preferred because it lacks an onset as in (Ex. 4. 9) adapted from (kager 1999: 95).

Ex..1 9

Syllable type Onset No coda v +

CV + +

131

Eleme Phonology

4.1.1.5 Margin nodes *M/V

It can be inferred from the above discussion that V is barred from associating with mnrgin nodes (onset). Eleme nlso prohihits t;J associating with margin nodes .

./.1. I. 6 Peak nodes *P/C

Just as either V or ~ cannot associate with onsets, so C cannot associate with peak (nucleus) nodes (Payne 1981 ). In other words, Eleme disallows consonants from associating with peak nodes unless they are syllabic nasals. These various constraints will be used in the analysis of problematic segments in section (2.2).

There is another dimension to the Eleme syllable, which I shall address presently. Eleme has syllabic nasals which bear tone, but onset nasals, which do not. as exemplified in (Ex.4.10). Ex.4.10

' cf. ' life ma lie n 3u l · I I I I N ON ON I '-.! '-.!

CJ CJ CJ

The syllabic nasal as nucleus occurs only before consonants and it is restricted to the morpheme initial position. These are both necessary and sufficient condition for the syllabic nasal (for a detailed discussion see section 5.2.1 ). There is no such constraint when a vowel is nucleus. The fact that the nucleus is the only obligatory part of the sy liable as demonstrated in (Ex. 4.11 ) in conjun ction with the maximal syllable size restriction, will correctly account for Eleme syllabification. Following Everett (1993: 5), attach V's or ~·s to the

nucleus, attach C's to the onset, attach the remaining items to nucleus or onset, as determined by the syllabic constraints or syllabic maximality, attach all subsyllabic material to a (syllable node), beginning with the rightmost nucleus, begin a new a with each nucleus.

From the viewpoint of phonology, authentic Eleme nouns begin with a hannonically conditioned syllabic vowels /a e e e o o 5/ or a syllabic nasal

[ m n IJ IJID] homorganic with the following consonant (Williamson 1985: 428).

Nouns in Eleme are thus disyllabic; finite verb forms are also often disyllabic. Thc foct that a greater number of words are disyllabic suggests a minimality constraint on prosodic words in Eleme (see Hall 1999 for discussion on minimality). Note that there arc C()nstraints on which nasal may occur as syl labi c element (see chapter five for discussion), note also that besides V or~

sy llab ic. the lexical items in (Ex . ./. JO) is composed of a syllable with the

132

Ex . ./_: : " ro

iating

isallows

e n:icleus is -r.4.11) in ~ aunt for

• '"s to the

w ith a

ccur as

with the

132

£/eme Syllable Structure

structure CV, which is the optimal sy liable shape in Eleme as Tableaux (I) - (3) illustrates. Cluster of consonants are not admissible in Eleme and syllables are without coda. Trisyllabic (V-CV-V) nouns in Eleme, apart from having

preflxa l V syllable, the vowels are either identical as. in (Ex.4.1 la), or disparate, as in (Ex.4.1 lb) below. Ex . ./ II

a. 0-16-6 antelope b. a-wi-a. sibling a-da-a tooth 0-16-i law e-k'pi-i money m-g~ba-6 dog e-t~Su-11 louse £-ba-i we

Verb roots in Eleme quintessentially constitute CV syllable structure, as 111

( Ex . ./.12a). Few have the CVCV structure as exemplified in (Ex.4. l 2b), or CVV sy llable structure, as shown in (Ex.4. I 2c). Roots with glottal stop and a vowe l at times weaken phonetically to a single vowel as in (Ex. 4. J 2d). ln f'rcqul.'ntly, verbs manifest as vowel sequences, and consequently have VV structurl.' as in (Ex . ./. / 2e).

Ex . ./. I J ;1. b. c. d. c. ro plant biitii break mH laugh ('.i') a go aa f ry mu dig ctaia lift sci economize

ma lie down d3ira agree k~paa repair cf3u come kparii seek kpcc tell

It is pertinent to note here that a greater number of Eleme verb roots commence w ith a consonant and only a small proportion deviate from this trait. In contrast, noun s invariably start with vowel or syllabic nasal as in (Ex.4.10) and (Ex.4.11 ) above .

./.1.2 Sv!!able types Jn this section, examine the syllable structures, which have non-

-uspcct segments (sounds that can be given only one phonological

in terpretation) as their integral parts. That is, structures made up of segments p, b, a, Ill, which from the evidence of my data and the case put up by Nwolu

Obele (1998: 4 7) can be given only one phonological interpretation in Eleme.

-/. I. 2. 1 The V syllable 'The most common syllable structures in most African languages are V

and CV' (Donwa-Ifode 1995: 73). The third person singular pronoun in Eleme has the structure V as (Ex. 4. I 3a) indicates. It can occur as a complete 1orpheme as in pronouns (Ex. 4.13) or verb sterns (Ex.4.12d). Th is syllable type

133

Flrnu1 l 'ho11nlogl'

consists of only the nucleus, which is either a V or an 1':J. In Eleme, V is the

minima l syllable type.

Ex . ./. 13 a. V. CV

c- z a. I \J

0 0

he PAST leave 'He left.'

b. v.cv. v

tcf~ ii 0 00

I PAST sleep 'I slept.'

There are instances in the language where the V sy liable is equivalent to a phonological word as exemplified in e 'what' or u 'die'. I therefore posit that

Eleme permits V-words as the minimal word size. The V and CV syllables have th•.:- same distribution. They occur word-initially, medially and finally as in (Ex.4. I 4).

Ex . ./. I./ V. CV.CV e-ge-ta day

CV. V. CV.V

r~-6 -ba-a yours (pl)

cv.v na-1 you(pl)workO

But this is not the case when a syllabic nasal function as a nucleus, the distribution is highly restricted to occurring only before consonants wordinitially as in (Ex.4.15).

Ex . ./.15 V.CV m-b6 ' m-p6 '

4. 1 J l The CV syllable

goat wing

Y. CV. CY n-da-10 ' n-gu-gii-a '

apple kitchen knife

This syllable structure consists of consonant as onset and vowel not syllabic nasal as nucleus without coda as shown (Ex.4.16) below. Ex.4. 16

Ci) de ' fU b<i bo si eat go cut eat (fish) tie re ro wa lo le kill plant drink weave preserve

(ii) na pa ta <la we do boast chew crow proclaim mt pt si bu la bi grow fly catch grab say

134

. V is the

-~ _ ivalent to a _ _ : re posit that

_ C syllables

=.:;:_ e _:· en knife

e not sy llabic

134


As the discussion in section ( 4.1.1 - 4.1.2.2) and examples (Ex. 4. 5- Ex. 4.10) indicate, Eleme has syllables without onsets (V) and also syllables with onsets (CV). Using constraint interaction between Markedness and Faithfulness constraints as indicated on Tableaux 1-4, it has been ~hown that in each case the unmarked CV syllable emerge as optimal. It is also noted that only in the third ranking that V emerges making it the marked Eleme syllable structure. In examples (Ex.4.14), (Ex.4.15) and (Ex.4.16) for instance, I have illustrated the CV syllable structure with non-suspect segments in order to establish that Eleme syllable structure conforms to V and CV. These are the clear-cut syllable structures in Eleme, as established from the foregoing discussion. Each of these syllable types can constitute a morpheme as the various examples show. The significance of showing only the syllable structure of non-ambiguous segments is that it will help in the interpretation of the problematic segments in the next section.

4.2 Interpretation of ambiguous items According to Yul-Ifode (1999: 58) suspect segments are 'speech sounds

whose phonetic properties alone are not enough to tell whether they are consonants or vowels on the one hand or units or sequences of sounds on the other ' . In this situation one is unable to tell the syllable structure of such units except after an interpretation of these items in the language. The following are the suspect items in Eleme.

Ex.4.1 7 (i) [ j ] and [w] (vi) NC nasal consonant sequences

(i i) [ i l and [u) (vii) [v:] long vowels (ii i) [kp) and [gb) (viii ) [vv] vowel sequences (iY) [kw] and [gw] ( ix) [v J nasalized vowels (\) [ ~] syllabic nasa l (x) [ t S ] and [ d3 )

./. 2. l Consonant or vowel interpretation ThesL' segments j as opposed to i and w contrnsted with u whose phonetic

properties are not sufficient to tell whether they are consonants or vowels are my cn nccrn here . The data in (F.x..I. /8) will he used for mrnlysis.

F.x.1 1 S j ori. j6w£ jaba jari ojajaa oj6j6

creep acf3Iwa slip awia their wila joke wii

pawpaw o'wf beautiful ura

a name sibling pull call child draw

obui ocf3uI okicf3ui octoii ad3urii urH

gossip race come

share peace creel

These · vowe 1-1 ike · segments j and w, which behave, as consonants are

preponderant in many languages or the world (Ladefogcd and Maddicson

135

£/eme Pho110/ogy

1996). Here, I have use the term vowel-like following Ladefoged and Maddieson (1996: 322) who object to the term glides:

These sounds have also been termed 'glides', based on the idea that they involve a quick movement from a high vowel position to a lower vowel. This term, and this characterisation of the nature of these sounds is inappropriate; as with other consonants they can occur geminated ....

In th e data above, they are phonetically ambiguous because they can be inte rpreted as consonants or vowels since they arc much like the vowels i and u respectively. These purported ' semivowels ' or ' glides' resemble consonants

the most. They are like vowels because they have no obstruction in the vocal tract, but unlike vowels because they are not syllabic (Yul- lfode 1999: 110). Madd icson and Emmorey ( 1985) have indica ted that there is an obvious arti culatory dissimilarity between vowels and semivowels. According to them, the sc111ivowels vary from their vowel counterparts because they are formed ·with 11;irrowcr constrictions of thi.: vocal tract'. In other words, both j and w show a higher level of constriction than their vowel counterparts (Hayward 2000 : 199). Eleme j is like a shorter form of the vowel i, as in si 'go', si111il 11 rly , Eleme w is like a shorter version of the vowel u, as in we 'pro c laim'. The sem ivowe l-vowel pairs I j/-/i/ and /w/-/u/ have

corresponding feature ' specifications but differ as regards their position in the sy llable structure. The vowels function as syllable nuclei whereas the semi \Owels function as syllable onsets' (Hayward 2000: 199).

In proceeding to interpret them, I refer to the Eleme syllable structure constrai nts discussed above which, admit (i) no complex onsets that is *[0 CC ('onsets are simple'), (ii) no cluster that is *CCC (' a consonant must be adjac ent to a vowel'), (iii) no complex nuclei that is (*VV is syllab ified as \! .\!). Moreover, VV sequences are prohibited in word-initial position *(0 VV ('V sequences barred word-initially) and (iv) Eleme syllables have NOCODA *CJ 0 ('syllables are open'). In other words, no more than one C or V may associate to any syllable position node. Besides, the canonical syllable shape (C) V permits only V or CV as the clear-cut syllable pattern. An example of

th is '' \)t!ld be the word fu 'cut'. Gamba (1987: 213) investigating the sound system of Murmuye interprets

i and u as j and w respectively. Ifl accept Gambo's interpretation of j and w as vowels this will violate the syllable structure and constraints as set out above. His interpretation gives credibility to the data in (Ex.4.19).

136

* Ex.4.19

(Ex..l lO).

Ex.-C D

fa./.} ./

i:..T. .: :_

efoged and

e ,.onsonants

., the vocal - ' 999: 110).

an obvious _ _ ·ng to them,

are fo rmed h j and w

_ - - (Hayward

n must be ab ifi ed as

·. n *[0

VY

e . ·oc ODA C or V may

__ . ab le shape exam ple of

136

* Ex.4.19 iori creep ioue slip

auia sibling uii call


This violates Eleme syllable structure or adds syllal:)les where they do not exist. This is not economical from the evidence before us. Besides, there would be many VVVV words e.g. *i~uc: 'slip'. To avoid such an unnatural state of

affairs, these segments must be interpreted as consonants, as suggested by candidate (a) in Tableau 4.6, which passes on all the constraints. It would be much simpler and more intuitive to say that these segments are the consonants j

and w. The words in which they occur can then be parsed into CV syllable as in

(Ex . ../. 20).

, Ex../ :}0 j5ri creep k6w£ abuse her

CV.CV CV.CV j6w£ slip wola favour CV.CV CV.CV jaba their w:i.la pull (out) CV.CV CV.CV

Elem e syllable structure prefers I j, w I as consonants rather than vowels. The

data in (Ex.4.20) will then be written as in (Ex.4.21) below.

, k6w£ abuse her b.4. 2 1 jori creep

j6w£ slip wola favour jaba their wila pull (out)

Thu:;. we have optimal form in each of these, which agrees with the Eleme syllable and morpheme structures. This solution is further preferred because it is ecc,110111ical, as it does not create additional syllable patterns or phonemes. It conforms to the syllable structure of the language, which does not permit V sequences word-initial , and there are no V sequences longer than two vowels.

Phonetic j and w are therefore phonemic j and w respectively in Eleme. For

the interpretation of i and u, if I postulate that they are consonants j and w following Gambo (1987: 213) this fatally violates the constraints as seen in candidates (b) Tableau 4.6. And my illustrative data becomes:

fa.4.2:: a. Phonetic [ cf3ur.i J [ ct3usi J [siluJ [k6w£) [wHJ

b. Proposed Phonemic /cf3wrj/ drag

I d3wsj I come forward /sjlw/ go(uproot) /kouc/ /ujj/

abuse her call

137

Eleme Phonology

[ cf3.i1C] [ cf3ima]

/ d3jle:/ lcf3jma/

open overcome

Tableau 4.6: PEAK. ONSET. *COMPLEX>> NOCODA ;cf3uri/ PEAK ONSET *COMPLEX NOCODA

<7 (a) d3u~ri CV.CV

(b) d3wr j cc cc *! *! *! *!

/kowe/ <7 (a) ko.we

CV.CV (b) ko.ut

CV.VY *! *! *!

I wii/ w (a) wi.i

cv.v (b) ujj

vcc *! *! *! *!

/tl3ilt/ cy' (a) cbi.le

CV.CV (b) cbjlt

CCCV *! *! *!

First, in Tableau 4.6, the (b) candidates, have CCCC structure as in 'drag', CCCV structure as in ' open' and in (Ex.4.22) CCCC structure as in 'come fon vard', and 'go (uproot)'. Second ly, in Tableau 4.6, candidates (b), have CVVV structure as in 'abuse her', VCC structure as in 'call' and in (Ex.4.22) CCCV structure as in 'overcome'. The interpretation of i and u as consonants

should be rejected on the basis that it violates the Eleme syllable structure constraints:

(i) *Complex ONS *[a CC ('onsets are simple')

(ii) *Complex medial consonants *CCC ('a consonant must be adjacent to a vowel')

(iii) NOCODA *C] a ('syllables are open ')

(iv) Eleme syllable must have nucleus.

Besid es. the maximal syllable found in Eleme consists of onset of one consonant, a nucleus of one vowel and no coda. The analysis of phonetic i

138

and

. Ft~m~

in 'drag', -~ as in 'come

-es (b ), have (Ex.4.22)

- ....:: onsonants

e structure

:-et of one hon etic i

138

Eleme Syllable Siruc/ure

and u as consonants j and w respectively violates this principle. Thus phonetic

i and u are interpreted as vowels respectively, irrespective of the context as

seen in the (a) candidates, which pass on all the constraints. Furthermore, no articulatory difference has been observed between high vocoids in onset versus nucleus.

With regards to i vs . j and u vs. w, another piece of evidence appears relevant here, the acoustic investigation of Eleme vowels and consonants indicate that i and u have unobstructed resonances and are entirely characterised by their resonance frequency , this is indicative of a vowel. In contrast, the Eleme semivowels (j and w) have slightly adjusted resonances and are partly characterised by their resonance frequency, this is indicative of a consonant. While i has an F1 of 250Hz, an F2 of 2500Hz and an F2 - F1 of

2250Hz u has F1 of 300Hz, an F2 of 800Hz and an F2 • F 1 of 500Hz. F2 • F1 is

greatest in i because, it is the most fronted of all vowels, on the other hand, it is

lowest in u because, it has the greatest degree of lip rounding. Therefore, F 1 _ F 2

plots justifies the interpretation of i and u as vowels.

Secondly, the shape of the vocal tract remains relatively constant in i and u as indicated by their spectral patterns on fig. 3. 1 Ob and 3. 14b, again this is

indicative of vowel. On the contrary, the shape of the vocal tract of j and w is constantly shifting as indicated by their spectral patterns on fig. 3. la, this is indicative of consonant. The shifting here refers to the shape of the vocal tract and should not be confused with the smooth gliding movement of the tongue observed in diphthongs. In other words, the spectral pattern of j and w differs

from that of i and u, because during their articulation the shape of vocal tract

changes very fast. Eleme j and w are produced with a narrower and a greater

degree of constriction of the vocal tract than the vowels i and u. Thirdly, the

formants of Eleme i and u are observed to be well defined suggesting vowel

characteristics, while the formants of j and w are not well delineated, implying

consonantal features. Eleme j and w do have non-harmonic components in

their spectral which i and u lack. Finally, j and w share gradual transitions

with massive energy in the low frequency region of the spectrum (Hayward 2000: 199), which again is lacking in i and u in the same region. Therefore,

the interpretation of i and u as semivowels and j and w as vowels as

advocated by Gambo (1987: 213) should be rejected in favour of the reverse .

./. 2. 2 Unit or sequence segments The following segments can either be interpreted as a unit or a sequence

in Ekrne: ·

139

Eleme Phonology

[kp] [kw] [v: ] [tSJ

and [gb] and [gw] long vowels and [ d3]

4.2.2.1 Analysis of [kp] and [gb]

[vv]vowelsequences [v] nasalized vowels [l':I] syllabic nasal NC nasal;consonant sequences

Labial-velar segments kp , and gb are doubly articulated stops characterised by concurrent closure at the lips and velum (Bond 2006: 58). As suspect segments they occur in the words in example (Ex.4.23) in Eleme.

Ex.4.23 ekpe iron egba belly kpari sweep egbe box ekpikpa bark (n) gbo possess okpori type of tree ogbo group kpeH stalk ogba mud ekpa skin ogbere road

The segments kp and gb as illustrated in the items above are interpreted as sequences of two stops in Yul-Ifode (1999: 98). If her interpretation which is based on the situation in Edoid languages is accepted for Eleme, the data above will be interpreted and written as follows:

fa . ./.2./

ekpe iron egba belly vccv vccv kpari sweep egbe box CCV CV vccv ekpikpa bark (n) gbo possess

vccvccv CCV

This interpretation yields the following syllabic structures *CCV, CV, V and *VC. Of these four, *CCV and *VC fatally violates the Eleme syllable structure constraints, which admits no:

(i) *Complex ONS *[a CC ('onsets are simple')

(ii) *Complex medial consonants *CCC ('a consonant must be adjacent to a vowel')

(iii) NOCODA *C] CT ('syllables arc open')

(iv) Eleme syllable must have nucleus.

140

Ex . .!_7_'

enc es

· ulated stops .: _006: 58). As - Eleme.

::e l y - x _ ssess

d- up

-d -:: ad

• · terpreted as • _ ·on which is

• · e data above

_ _,x

ess

CV, V and ~ eme syllable

owe I' )

140


The canonical syllable shape (C) V allows for CV or V as the optimal syllable pattern, in essence it prohibits *CCV and *VC. This is well illustrated in Tableau 4.7 below.

Tableau 4.7: ONSET, *COMPLEX>> NOCODA /ekpe,egba/ ONSET *COMPLEX NOCODA

r(a) e.kpe, e.gba V. CV, V.CV

(b) e.kpe, e.gba V.CCV, V.CCV *! *!

(c) ek.pe, eg.ba vc.cv vc.cv *!

As the ranking in Tableau 4. 7 illustrates, candidate ( c) though passes on ONSET and *COMPLEX fatally violates NOCODA as in *VC syllable which this analysis yields, therefore candidate (c) is rejected. Candidate (b) though passes on NOCODA, fails fatally on ONSET and *COMPLEX, so it is equally rejected. Candidate (a) is accepted as the optimal form since it passes on all the constraints. Yul-Ifode's analysis is further rejected because it creates two new syllable structures *CCV and *VC as exemplified in the rejected (b) and (c) candidates. This is uneconomical for the language. Sometimes an additional syllable may be preferred if it involves fewer rules, but in this instance, there is another option, candidate (a). Bond (2006: 58), Ikoro (1989: 17-18), and Vobnu (2001: 94) all interpreted kp and gb as single phonemic segments k'"'p

and gb respectively, which 1 accept for Eleme therefore the examples in

(Ex.4.24) become (Ex.4.25).

fa.·l.25 e.k~pe iron c.g~ba belly v.cv v.cv kpa.r:f. sweep e.g~be box CV.CV v.cv ck'pikpa bark (n) gl:io possess

V.CY.CY CY

The syllable structure types produced by this interpretation are V and CV, which are the optimal syllal?le structures in the language. The 'structural wellformedness constraint' (Kager 1999: 97) on Eleme onset margin complexity is *COMPLEXoNs

*[o CC ('onsets are simple')

A1wthcr supporting pit:ce of t:vidcnce for this analysis is the contrast in identical environment between these suspect segments and the non-suspect ones, which

141

Eleme Phonology

are components of the former. That is there is contrast between kp and k, kp and p, gb and g, gb and bas in example (Ex.4.26) below.

fa../.26 kp/k kp/p k~pa bent (drum) kpe s pit kn nnil pa los t

g~b I g gb/ b g5 hide egba stomach gbtS peparate cba he split

As touching the interpretation of kp and gb, another relevant piece of evidence

comes from the acoust ic sti.;dy of multiply articu lated segments in Eleme. The spectrograms of the Eleme words: ok ....... pu 'navel' agbu 'bend' show just one

burst suggesting that there is no sequence of segments involved (compare fig. 3.9b and 3.1 Ob with fig. 3.13 and 3. 14). The transitions possess velar traits while labial trn its gowrn the burst. It appears that the velar articulation pre1.·1.·des lhl' labial artieula1io11 by a shorl lime, a11d is cnlitted brielly ahead of till' lahi;d s1.')!,111ent as wl'll. L111klilg1.·d a11d Maddieso11 ( I<)<)(>) attest to this . T lw w 111ip,ltt 1t11t•.1;ws t 1>1.·qu1.c· 11n·" ul' two svgn1~·11ts, liut I .11d1.•fil!,'.l'd 111111 M11ddieson thin~ that i1rns111111.: h as , the spun u l lllll' pm1n1111; iatio11 is aei..:01111111Hlated inside 1111.· ~· PHii ,if lht.! other, the l>rietl:r 11rtku l:1tiu11 has llO acoustil; aflen naths, which suggests a single rnthcr than sequential segment. Ladcfoged and Maddieson ( 19%: ]] .I) hnvc this to say:

We do not think it is an accident that these sounds are normally transcribed as k"'p, g ....... b rather than p ....... k,

b ....... g. The impression is that the velar articulation

leads the labial one by a brief time, and is released shortly before the labial one too, so that labial characteristics dominate the release.... Clusters typically have from one and a half to two times the duration of single segments of comparable type (Haggard 1973, Hardcastle and Roach 1977, Catford 1977 a) ... . Thus, doubly articulated stops are shorter than segment sequences. Their briefer duration disambiguates labial-velars from sequences but, of course, does not distinguish them from single articulations.

Another piece of evidence is the averaged measurements of the acoustically determined closure duration (eigh t repetitions from a single speaker) of Eleme bilabial, velar and labial-velar stops in vCv context. As the figures indicate, the voiceless segments are longer than their voiced counterparts. The velar stops are shorter than their bilabial counterparts while the labial-velars are longer than their bilabial counterparts. gb (l 50ms) is longer than b (14 7ms) and g (139ms)

142

but the di ttel" ;:o __ ,

Moreo\'er. :...~ - _ observed rhi::.:

segment

African lar.:;o :..:.:::=-' few Afr icar

stops

ach

:"':ate, the _ elar stops

nger than _ ;;r ' 139ms)

142

1:'1<'11,,. Sv/la /,/e Structure

but the difference does not appear significant to nullify the claim that gb is a

single segment, not a sequence. Similarly, kp ( l 54ms) is also slightly longer

thank (!46ms) and p (!49ms) yet the difference is not significant. Therefore,

timing characteristics appear to differentiate labial-velar (even labialized velar) from labial + velar sequence first and simple labial or velar afterwards. Moreover, Ladefoged and Maddieson ( 1996: 333) in support of this position observed that:

Doubly-articulated stops and nasals have durations comparable to those of stops and nasals with single articulations. This is an important factor in their recognition as single sounds ... there is no significant difference between the duration of gp and b; k"'p is significantly longer than both gb and

b but by little more than is often found for

voiceless stops compared to voiced ones.

herefore accept the interpretation that [ kp] and [ gb] are single phonemic

segments /kp/ and /gb/ . Generally, although some linguist working in

. .\frican languages describes these sounds kp and gb as suspect there are very

:ew African languages where they are treated as CCs .

.:.2.2.2 Analysis of[kw] and [gw]

Gambo (1987: 57) considered the sequence kw and gw as Jabialized

s ops, that is, as the single phonemic segments kw and gw, respectively. The

: ;: uence gw in Mumuye, the language of his investigation, is relatively

uncommon, and it is restricted to beginning the final syllable of a word, as in ' tongwe 'brotherhood'. But the sequence kw is very common, beginning

-yllables both word-initially and word-internally, e.g. 'kwegwu 'wild animal', ·· ~

'sakwi 'African ape'. Gamba (1987: 57) posits that:

Neither the kw nor gw sequence occurs syllable

final, as would be expected of a stop-glide sequence, since glides are restricted to occurring next to the vowel nucleus in Mumuye. The sequence kw does occur more often than the

J./'..,W~?'~ ,::?/; kk/~ti d!?/' U7/:ffc7 u:'di'C'/" fi&(J'.f, cf tr~ w is certainly not rest ricted to following k or g or

any other segment.

143

Eleme Phonology

According to Kobo (1991: 6) 'Pugong and Zing have the labialized segments kw and gw.' However, she was relying on the analysis of Gambo (1987) for Mumuye, who appear to have been assuming too much similarity between Pugong, Zing and Mumuye. Pugong does not have-the independent segment w, whereas Mumuye does. In this way it tits in quite nicely with the other related languages - Dikwa and Ngala, which also have the independent segment w but

not kw or gw. In other words, in the .Zing w occurs only in conjunction with k or g , but in Dikwa or Nga la w occurs with a wide range of other segments, as well as alone.

Syllable structure docs provide us with evidence for labialized stop phonemes in Mumuye. The word [ Skw-tI] /shkwle/ 'monkey bars' was

presented by Gambo (1987: 59) as proving the existence of kw in this way. He

reasoned correctly that w must be labial ization rather than a full phoneme, otherwise four initial con5onants would be presented, thus breaking the maximal syllable in Mumuyc of (C) CC VC. This would also violate the restriction that glide phonemes occur only next to syllable nuclei. He attached the lnhi;11i1.ntio11 to the k . This attncllmcnt of the lnbializntion to this segment

contributed to the motivation fi.1r positing kw and, f'or the sake of symmetry, gw in Munwye.

From this argument it is clear that kw and gw nrc best analysed as single

segment. In foi.:t, 110 one st11dying Ogonoid languages analyses kw and gw as

sequences hut rather as singk scgmL'nls kw or gw n:spcctivcly. The labio-vclars

k ....... p and gb arc found in many West African languages such as Echie, Efik,

lbibit). lgbo, Ejagham and /\ghcm . The labializcd stops arc widespread in these languages as well, but they arc usually conditioned variants of non-labialized segments (lkoro 1989: 18). As my data reveals there is no indication for such conditioning in Elerne.

Ex../ .• ' ~

k .. o blend gw5 weed (grass) ko ' hide brush go k"a construct gwa mix ka tack ga concubine ck"ak"a type of cloth wa drink ek'"erere iron cgw~ type of yamO

In Ex..1.27, k and k" and g and g" contrast in C 1 position before the vowels o

and a. It is pertinent to indicate that apart from such lexical items as kwii 'close' and eg"Ii 'electric fish', k" and gw can only occur before the vowels

144

o, e , e anc a insufficient ;_ segments (! ~~~ - _

4.2.2. 3 Anu._

Eleme. Ex.4. 28

Gambo ( I

discussing (1989: 18

1-:1· . .J .")

tS i d 3a

tS ti q Ai ·· d3 e

tS A

""d segments 1987) for

li zcd stop

-: bars ' was

.·sway. He

phoneme,

~ak i ng the ·iolate the

He attached ·- seg ment

metry, gw

· e- vowels o

- s as k"ll - ·he vowels

144

Eleme Syllable Slruclure

o, e, e and a as in iJgwe 'take ' for instance. This distributional limitation is

insufficient to inhibit us from recognising these labialized stops as underlying segments (Ikoro 1989: 18).

4.2.2.3 Analysis of [tf] and {d3] As suspect segments t S and d3 occur in the words in (Ex.4.28) in

Eleme. Ex.4.28

od30 d3urc ad30 d3a d3i d3e

python point palm fruit buy steal dance

tSal<i flow et Su louse et SU pestle tS i refuse utSa spread at Su twenty

Gambo ( 1987: 57) discuss ing Mumuye analyses t S and d3 as allophones of

the ir plain counterparts (stops or fricativ es), while Yul-lfode (1999: 110) discussing Marwa intc.:rpn.:ts them as sequences of stops and fricatives. lkoro ( 1989: 18) discussing Kana posits that they are single phonetically complex phon ern ic segments.

If I accept Gambo ' s a !ternative, that is treating t S and d3 as allophones

of stops or fricatives, it implies that the affricates are in complementary distribution or in free variation with the stops or fricatives. This is not the case in Elcme because there is no fact o r condit ioning the occurrence of an affricate and its corresponding stop or fricative as can bl.! seen below.

1-:r -l -' 'J tS i l"l' f' ll S t ' ti o v e r <' Ook si (JO

d3a huy dn I i ck SU li o

tStl t il l\C tt1 pl uck S\l 1\11 0 l

tS~ i yo u (pl ) wal l\ t a i 111 ;1s lic;1 Le sai s e l ect d3e d:rnce de C il t

tSA collect ta chow SU deco ru teO

On the other hand, if! accept Yul-lfode ' s alternative of analysing tS and d3 as

sequences or stops and fricatives, this analysis will create a *CCV syllabic type for Eleme, which is not among the optimal syllable structures of the language as

illustrated in Tableau 4 .6. This will further imply that t, S, d and 3 occur in the

language as independent phonemes. This is not the case, while t and d occur

as individual phonemes in Eleme, * S and *3 do not, except following the stops.

145

Eleme Phonology

Since these affricates are neither allophones of stops or fricatives nor sequences of stops and fricatives, I am left with the third alternative; that is to analyse them as one phonemic segment. If I interpret them as single phonemic segments, the syllable structure resulting from su,ch an interpretation would agree with the optimal syllable structure of the language. This interpretation is therefore favoured and will be adopted for Eleme. Further evidence to this end is the fact that the affricates and their corresponding stops contrast in identical environment: f'S and t, ct3 and d as in:

Er.4.30 d3/d cf3e dance de eat

tS/t t'H refuse ti over cook

Anothl.!r piece of evidence comes from the morphological operation in the language negation formation via reduplication. If the segment to be copied is the affrh;ate, the entire segm..::nt is copied as shown in (Ex.4.31) below. The fact that no part of the affricate is le rt behind in this operation indicates that f's and

d3 should be analysed as single segment. Reduplication also provides similar

evidence for treating all other complex consonants as single segments.

"~" · ./.31 d3i stenl d~3a buy

t1i l'l'j<!<'l

kpo pursue o"ba pluck gwii mix k•o st ir gbl think

./. Jl. ./ Vowel seq11e11ccs

<

<

<

<

..::

d3lid3l cf3iiacf3a nnn1 k~pookpo

obni1gbn u"aug"a k":5okw6 g~blighi

NOT steal NOT buy N< lT n ' j "' : l.

NOT pursue NOT pl 11 c l< NOT mix NOT stir NOT think

As I have already noted in section 2.1, E leme has twelve phone~nic vowels/ii e e ea a o 5 o u u /. All the vowels fill the syllable nucleus

spot, just as all consonants can begin a syllable. There are no closed syllables in Eleme and thus no word-final consonants. Each word in Eleme contains a stem of the structure V, CV, V-CV, CV-V, CV-CV. Although, vowel sequences are

not permitted in word-initial position sequences of two vowels (V 1Y2) within stems are very common. In Eleme nouns and verb roots two kinds of vowel sequences occur identical (ViY;) and non-identical vowels (V;Yj). Identical vowel scqucncl.!s occur with all vowels. Lexica lly, there can be no more than two identical vowels in a sequence as the data in (Ex.4.32) indicates but an

146

Er.. - ~ -

"' tives nor _: that is to

identical

the

_ . :: phoncm ic able nucleus

yllables in _ _ - ains a stem

:: -equences are V2) within s of vowel

Identical

146


optional third identical vowel is possible with certain class of lexical items as in mpi.66 (6) 'soul' .

Ex . ./. 3:! Vn\\TI sl·qu cnn:s Si11 vic: vnwds -mun lnuul1 Jllil li o (dow11) t aci c hoo:;o tel spank nt t g i V C nt de fecn l e kuu c r;1w1 lu1 pound kee s l n ug h lt~ r ke kill d:'>o 1- i vo r d:'> fnll ?Ii f etch ?i marry sii go together si go

pct blow pc fly t66 c ocoya m t6 swell t55 large maggot t5 pour out kuu wrc1ppe r ku cut buu mortar bu scatter

Non-identical vowel sequences arc equally two kinds. The first kind is the opening sequence, in which Vi is a close vowel and Vj is an open vowel as in (Ex . ./.33). The second kind of vowel sequences is the closing sequences where V, is an open vowel and Vi is a close vowel as in (Ex.4.34). These observations suggest that there are strict constraints on the co-occurrence of non-identical vowel sequences. It is observed that the sequences uo, aE:, iu and uo are prohibited in Eleme. Vowel sequences accept nasal spreading but those sequences containing e and o do not.

Ex . ./. 33 Ex.4.34 obit native doctor kie name etoi carve ' ( choice Sal. mpia name mbi5 nose pai open kei kill ori6 heat rash d3ua bring ?au death owou mask pi:5 lick puc break kei worry bO.i lean bui count fia good okoi stick sH selfish

./.2.2 . ./. l Restraints on vowel combinations in CVV roots Not all vowels can co-occur in disyllabic roots. Table 4.1 below

summarises these co-occurrence restrictions. Combinations that are atypical are in parenthesis.

147

Elemc Pho110/ogy

Table 4.1 : Co-occurrence restraints on vowels in CVV roots

[-nasal] [+nasal] [±nasal]

V2 j i e c a o o u I Y21 i c ii 5 u I V21 i e c a o o u V1 V1 V1

i + - - + - - - i + - + - - i ' - - - - - - -e - + - (+) - - -c - - + (+) - - - c - + (+) - - c ,_ - - - - - -a + - - + - - + ii + - + - - ii 0 - - + + + - - 5 - + + + - 5 ,_ - - - - - -0 - - - (+) - + -u + (+) - + - - + t1 I + - + - + I u ,_ - - - - - -

On Table 4.1 there are three sections, the first section is on the co-occurrence of oral vowels in a sequence represented as [-nasal], the second section is on the co-occurrence of nasal vowels in a sequence represented as [+nasal] and the third and final section is on the co-occurrence of oral and nasal vowels in a sequence represented as [±nasal] . The+ sign signifies a possible or an approved co-occurrence pattern while the - sign represents an illicit or a prohibited combination pattern. As already indicated the (+) sign signifies an atypical or permissive co-occurrence pattern. Table 4.1 shows that, there are two kinds of restraints: height and roundness. With regard to height, the vowels e, o ranked

third on vowel height scale cannot combine with first-ranked vowels i, u or

second-ranked vowels e, o. This shows that vowel harmony of the old Niger

Congo cross height system is st ill functional in Eleme (cf. Williamson 1985: 428). Roundness constraints affect only V2• Therefore the combination e-u is permitted, but not u-e. Again, while it is possible to have u-i, i-u is

prohibited. o-e is a possible combination but not e-o. As section two on

Table 4.1 indicates, e and o are omitted because they do not accept nasality ·····

(detailed discussion in section 5.1.2). Jn contrast section three on Table 4.1 indicates that, where V 1 is a nasal vowel, oral vowel is disallowed in that context. Furthermore, these sequences ao, oa, oe, and ea have been found in

the following words listed below.

Et..1.35 (i) a1ao cow (ii) to-a cry (i .e. cause someone to)

(iii) to-£ show (i.e. cause someone to)

(iv) be be a break (ideophone)

148

o 1,1e ls in a ~approved

- _ prohibited , atypical or

= . ·o kinds of

nasality · ....

Table 4.1

148

E/eme Syl[ab/e Structure

Apart from item (i), the lexical items in (ii and iii) seem to be composed of verb roots and vestigial suffixes. Item (iv) appears ideophonic imitating the sound of smashed china. It appears that there might be constraints on which consonants can combine with certain vowel sequences, but the matter requires more investigation. The most prominent of these restraints concerns labial-velar consonants, which are excluded before vowel sequences where Y1 is u. In fact, there are very limited examples of lab ial-velar consonants k ...... p and gb preceding vowel sequences us in (Ex . ./.36).

Ex.4.36 kp5e-ru k~pi-k'PH ek~pi-k~p6o

gbOl mk'poo mk'pai

hurt strength box stitch black kite

name

In lbibio and Aghem (languages native to West Africa) sequences of nonidentical vowels are described as diphthongs (cf. Essien 1990, Hyman 1978). I haw no ,iustificntion for analysing such scq111,Jnccs in Elcmc as diphthongs. In Hausa (Newman 1992) or J>'ari (Anderson 1989), where true diphthongs occur,

the vowels have ccrt:iin features in common, for instance height or backness harmony. The Eleme non-identical vowel sequences do not have anything in common. Once more in true diphthongs, there is a very smooth gradual glide from one vowel position to :inothcr. But in Eleme there is no such gradual glide a_s in comparison for instance to English. I conclude therefore that, like tones, in Eleme two short vowels combine to form vowel sequences, which may be either icknti'Cal or non-ident ical. With regard lo tonal processes, these vowel sequences function as either singk or double segments (see section 7.2 below).

Sinct> Eleme has 110 closed syllables, and most nouns and qualifiers begin with a vowel, it often happens that vowels are juxtaposed at morpheme boundaries. This has resulted in various ty pes of sequences across morpheme boundaries as in (Ex. 4. 3 7).

Ex.4.3 7 es a a + ' - t. ' ____ !.

OWl esaaow1 yam child (a) child's yam re + one Uont kill person kill (a) person

According to Donwa-lfode (1978: 45), 'the processes, which vowels undergo when in a sequence within stems or across boundaries, are determined by the kind of sequence and the grammatical relation, between the juxtaposed morphemes ' (detailed discussion in 6.1 - 6.6).

149

Eleme Phonology

4.2.2.5 Analysis of long vowels As a supplement to a contrast between oral and nasalized vowels,

Eleme also makes limited use of contrastive vowel length. Long vowels are indicated through doubling of the relevant symbol as in example (Ex.4.32) above. This is also the convention used for writing long vowels in the existing orthography in Eleme. Williamson ( 1985: 429) notes that while Kana and Gokana have the same vowel inventory as Eleme, long vowels are far more common in the eastern Ogonoid languages, particularly Kana than in the western, specifically Eleme. Lexical data from Baan provided by Ngulube (2001) suggest that Baan characteristically retains long vowels where Eleme does not.

Phonetic long vowels may be interpreted as single phonetic segments, allophones of their short counterparts, or single phonemic segments in contrast with their short counterparts, or sequences of two identical segments. The data in (Ex.4.38) below will be used for illustration.

Ex.4.38 adar ke: ora et1 : ewo:

tooth slaughter boat smoke five

aber d ' T o. ku! ri: Illpf6f

name river crawl pour out soul

Long vowels contrasting with short vowels are evident in the group. Vobnu's

(200 I: 4 7) assertion is: 'I will not interpret these so called long vowels as allophones of their short counterparts because in Gokana the long vowels are not in contrast nor in complementary distribution with their short counterparts'. My data shows evidence of long vowels contrasting with short vowels as (Ex.4.32) above reveals. If the long vowels in the data above were analysed as single phonetically complex phonemes, then I would have CV syllable structures, which are clear-cut cases in the language. This analysis, though plausible on the basis of morpheme structure, is uneconomical on the basis of the number of phonemes. It requires setting up long vowel phoneme for each vowel. My observation is that each of these vowels bear its own tone, which may be the same as or different from that of the neighbouring vowel. Since each of these vowels is capable of bearing different tones, one can interpret the so-called phonetic long vowels as sequences of two identical vowels and not one single phonetic segment. Thus (Ex . ./.38) becomes (Ex.4.39).

b . .J.39

[adri!J/adan / [ke: 1 /keel [ ora: 11oraa1 tet1I! 11et'SII1 [ewo: J/ewoo/

toot Ii slaughter bonl ::>1110)\u

five

1 <'1ba: J 1aba01 [do:] / <loo/ f ku: 1 1kuu1 lrl!J /fll/ [mpi0:11mpf661

name river crnwl pour out soul

150

: -egments, :ontrast

• _ The data

. obnu's

· ·els as

150


These are not restricted to occurring only at word and/or morpheme boundaries but certainly cannot occur word-initially.

4.3 Summary of the analysis A consonant interpretation is given for [ j.] and [ w], while a vowel

interpretation is adopted for [ i ] and [ u]. [ kp], [ gb], [kw], [ gw], [ tS ], and [ d.3] are not sequences of sounds because Eleme does not permit

conson.ant clusters. For instance, if a syllabic nasal precedes a labial-velar, it results into a double articulation with the phonetic shape [ IJID]. Welmers (1973: 47) remarks that this phenomenon is preponderant in many West African languages in which syllabic nasals have allophones homorganic with following consonants. Note that ifl had analyse /Kp/ and /gb/ as successive units [k] + [ p] and [ g] + [ b], the nasal prefix would be expected to assimilate to the initial velar plosive in each hypothetical cluster. Clements (2000: 150) comments that no language is known in which homorganic nasals assimilate to non-adjacent consonants. Just as with the doubly articulated stops, there are justifications for treating /kw I and /gw I as single phonemes rather than a

sequence of segments, especially in the light of their behaviour in reduplicated stems as in (Ex.4. 40): ·

Ex.4.40 e-gwa-gwa 3-RFUT-reach 'It will reach.'

This view is consistent with the assertion that Eleme does not permit consonant clusters. As a follow up to the labialised consonants discussed above, Williamson (l 973a: 3-4) reports that there are three very unusual phones in Eleme. These are sw, chw and jw (Williamson's orthography). She provides

the follO\ving examples: swr. 'throw down heavily ', achwa 'gymnastics' and

jwa 'sound made by letting bundle fall from head' . Bond (2006: 59) suggests

that these phones should be transcribed phonetically as [ S w], [ tS w] and

[ cfaw] and not as a sequence of phones such as [ sw], [ t Sw] and [ d3w]. According to (Bond 2006: 59) 'these sounds are rare, besides they do not play any role in the productive phonology of Eleme'. Out of these three phones two spontaneous non-elicited instances of [ S w] and [ cf:3 w ] were stumbled upon as

in the data below (Ex.4.../ 1).

Er. -I. -11 abere swc 3-A P-A NT fall. in.wrestling.match. 'lk threw him down.

OSila SW£ 2>kani d3Wa daughter-throw: PTM-clown firewood 'Osi la threw down the firewood'

151

Eleme Phonology

Nwolu-Obele (1998: 201) also reports a palatalised bilabial stop [ pj] but did not expound on its distribution. My data reveals that this phone is uncommon and its distribution unclear. An example of its use is provided in (Ex.4.42):

Ex.4.42 e-pj 5-nari onu 3-kiss-RECP-3PL mouth 'They kissed each other.'

152

152

5.0 Exordium

CHAPTER FIVE NASAL SYSTEM

This chapter presents the E leme nasal system. It focuses on nasal amity (5 .1 ), nasal dispersal (5.2) and nasal constancy (5.3). It argues that Eleme unlike most Cross River languages has significant contrastive nasalization; and like many other languages indigenous to West Africa, Eleme phonology is characterised by the presence of syllabic nasals. Most crucially, the discussion here asserts that nasal activity depends to a large extent on the morphological distribution of consonants · as Ci or C2• It evinces that there is a severe restriction on the occurrence of consonants with respect to nasality: while all Ci oral stops, affricates and fricatives can occur before an oral or nasalized vowel, the lateral approximant 1 can only occur before oral vowels. The nasal

consonants m n IJ J1 can only occur before or after nasalized vowels. It also -

shows that all nasal prefixes are homorganic w ith the following place of articulation: [ m] occurs before bi lab ial sounds, [ IJ] before velars, [!JIB ] before labial-velars and [ n] elsewhere.

5.1 Nasa li ty According to Faraclas ( 1989: 388) 'No Cross River language outside

the Ogoni group (except possibly A lege in the Bendi group) appears to have significant contrastive nasalization'. In other words, Eleme is markedly distinct from other Cross River languages in that it significantly contrasts oral and nasal vowels. a feature to be found only in the Ogonoid group within this family. Eleme has m n IJ J1 as nasal consonants and .i e 6 a u as distinctive nasalized

vowels. With reference to the nasalized vowels, examine the data in (Ex.5.1). Jn example (Ex.5 .1) below different lexical items, twenty in all and in pairs of ten sets are presented. These words are similar in form but differ in meaning. The tone on each pair of words is the same, low in (i, ii, iv, v iii and x), mid -mid in (ix), low-high in (i ii) and low-mid in (vi). Therefore, the difference in mean in g cannot be attributed to tones, since there are no tonal contrasts on th e pair of words. The on ly observed difference between each pair of words is the presence of nasality. Nasal ization is therefore phonemic in Eleme as the data in (Ex.5.1) indicates.

fa.5. / (i) kpa ring (i i) cta lick

k~p~ listen d~ crow (ii i) obi faeces ( iv) gba pluck

obf you squeeze gb~ twist (v ) fsu t ake (vi) cka body

fst1 increase cka language

153

Eleme Phonology

(vii) b66 bundle (viii) cf3u come

b55 a market day d3d survive

(ix) zaa fry (x) kd pound

za.a. mother ku rule (a line)

Oral vowels that follow nasal consonants are automatically nasalized and are marked with a tilde in this respect. Nasal vowels that are not preceded by a nasal consonant are also marked with a tilde. It would certainly be simpler and more elegant to posit that segments with inherent nasality, for instance, Ii e a 5 u/ and /m n JJ/ are referred to as nasal segments, And those with derived

nnsnlity, or suspected to be derived, arc rcf'crred tons nasalized segments, e.g. ii

and e in ma 'give birth', mf 'swallow', etc. This agrees with Donwa·

lt'ode (1995: 55) who asserts that:

Nasal consonants and vowcls arc those segments in which nasality forms part of the distinctive sounds of the language, while the nasalized vowels and consonants are those, which derive their nasality from contiguous nasal segments through the process of assimilation.

With regard to the nasa l cunsonants m n JJ Jl, the bilabial nasal m and the

alveolar n may operate either as prefixal syllabic nasals or as onset nasals, the

labialized alveolar nasal n w, the palatal nasal Jl and the velar nasal JJ can only

function as onset nasals never as prcfixal syllabic nasals. For better understanding of how nasality operates in Eleme, there is need to first of all discuss the morphological distribution of consonants.

There are two morphological distributions for consonants, either as C 1 or C2• Examine examples (Ex.5.2) - (Ex.5.5) and Table 5.1 for clarity. Table 5.1 summarizes the distribution of consonants and nasalized vowels in Eleme lexical items. This table indicates that nasal activity depends to an extent on the morphological distribution of consonants as either C 1 or C2• Table 5.1 has two sections representing C 1 and C2 consonants. C2 segments are further divided into onset (intervocalic) and coda (word final) segments. Of course, Eleme fills in blank for coda.

Ex.5.2 a. b. (i) (ii) c. ~i)' (ii) ru cta ma ima daU C1v C1v C1v vC2v C1VC2V Cllt hear lie dowm fetch with carry

154

- "zed and are ~ eded by a

_ impler and ._,, .. .,... .... e, Ii e a

- _nts, e.g. a Donwa·

. can only

154

Nasal System

d (i) ~ii), (iii) *e (i) (ii) a.z5 fsa bilril dag dam vC2v vC2v C1vC2v C1VC2# C1vC2# war mirror and

Table 5.1: Occurrence of consonants in words with nasalized vowel s c,v c,v vC2v vC2v vC2# vC2#

Oral stops & cont.s + + - - - -1 + - - - - -\V I' j + - - - - -w f J - + + + - -111 n . + + + - .

As the data in (Ex.5.2) and Tab le 5. 1 show, there are two types of C 1

consonants, those that occur before oral vowels (C 1v) as in (a) and those that occur before nasalized vowels (C 1v) as in (b). Secondly, C1 consonants can

either be oral consonants (1 w r j) or nasal (lized) consonants (m n w f j). IfC 1

consonant is oral, it permits both oral and nasnlizcd vowels (C 1v or v) as in

examp les (a) and (bi), in contrast, if C 1 consonant is nasal it permits only nasalized vowels (C 1v) as in (bii). Like C 1 consonants, there are also two types

of C2 consonants, those that occur before oral vowels (vC2v) as in (cii) and

those that occur before nasalized vowels (vC2v) as in (di), there are also others,

which occur between nasalized vowels (vC2v) as in (dii) and those that occur

between nasalized vowels and are nasalized as in (diii). Unlike the C 1

consonants, if C2 consonants are ora l, there are two possibilities depending on the type of consonant, if the consonant is either ? as in (di) or s as in (dii) it

perm its nasa lized vowels but will itself not accept nasalization. But if the consonant is r as in (di ii) it perm its and accepts nasalization. If the consonant

is 1 it prohibits nasalized vowels *(vC2v, vC2v). On the contrary, if the C2

consonant is a nasal consonant, it allows oral vowels before it (vC2v) as in (ci)

but never after it *(vC2v) as in * ima. C2 nasal consonants also allow nasalized

vowels to occur before and after it (vC2v) as in bfnci 'ask'. In Eleme instances

of nasalized vowels before either C2 oral or nasal consonants (vC2v) are very

rare. Finally, C2 as coda is highly prohibited as example *e indicates. The examples in (Ex.5.3), (Ex.5.4) and (Ex.5.5) are three sets of words

exemplifying the occurrence of consonants with oral and nasalized vowels in simple words as outlined in Table 5.1.

155

Eleme Phonology

Ex.5.3 Oral stops and continuants b~ cooki ng pot d~ hear ga concubine pii some t fi s penk k~p<i shout kc se rve wine gb~ separate fight 'lo cough t'Si refuse d~3i1 tail so fart a.rii rat

£>:. 5. 4 ljwrmn ie preserve nja grand mother '' wii call

fa.5.5 VC2v

r k~pari

s weep 1 wala

skill j ojajaa

pawpaw m

n

ba cta ga pii t a kpa kc g~bo

'15

t1i cfau so a.rH

Ja '' wii

ma nf

VC2V VC2V nw£n1

add

gwam~

mix with

'.?on~ corpse

split, tear lick girl's play wrap round pus h beat drum stitch

wide s harpen pin come song he should pour

know farm

give birth root

vC2v nJ5r5 ant

omfm5 youngest pal m frond ganii lazy

Example (Ex.5.3) shows oral vowels in contrast with nasalized vowels before oral stops and continuants. Example (Ex.5.4), on the other hand, show that oral and nasalized vowels never contrasts after the lateral 1 and the nasal consonants

m and n, but they contrast after the approximants j and w. In example (Ex.5.5)

r as C2 consonant permits vC2v, vC2v, vC2v and prohibits vC2v. 1 as C2

consonant permits only vC2v, everything else is prohibited; j in contrast

permits vC2v and vC2v. If the C2 consonant is either m or n, it permits vC2v

156

·els before that oral

1 as C2

, contrast

its vC2v

156

. Nasal System

and vC 2v but never vC2v and vC2v. What Table 5.1 in conjunction with the

data given in (Ex.5.2) - (Ex.5.3) demonstrates is that there is a strict restraint on occurrences of nasal consonants whether as C 1 or C 2• Recollect from example

(Ex.5. la) that nasal consonants as C1 permits only C1v as in na 'do' but

disallows* C 1v as in *na. As C2 consonants, it permits either vC2v or vC2v but

never vC2v or vC2v. In other words, m and n occur only in the vicinity of

nasalized vowels. 1 whether as C1 or C2 occurs solely with oral vowels; while

r and j plus other oral stops, affricates and fricatives occur with both oral and

nasalized vowels. The pedagogical implication is that nasality depends solely on the morphological distribution of consonants as either C1 or C2•

Earlier researchers such as Brosnahan (1964), Hyman (1982, 1985) and Williamson (1985) have analysed Ogonoid languages within phonemic framework. Predicated on the distributional limitations observed in Ex.5.2 above, these investigators have asserted that in Ogonoid languages especially Gokana and Kana as example (Ex.5.6) shows:

Ex.5.6 mis phonemic,

n is an allophone of 1, IJ is an allophone of g,

IJW is an allophone ofw and

J1 is an allophone ofy.

V:::>bnu (1991: 43) accepts this assumption for Gokana and other Ogonoid

languages. He assumes that m is not derived because it has no corresponding lateral or npproximant of which it could be an allophone. His strongest

argument though is the mL1imal pair contrast existing between b and m in

Eleme words such as btl 'cooking pot' and mtl 'lie down', or be 'spoil' and

me ' flourish' . The phonemic status of m, according to him, is consequently

not in doubt. These investigators take for granted that other nasal stops are J allophones of either 1 g w or y in the rest of Ogonoid languages since the kind ·-i of minimal pair contrast found between b and m does not exist between these oral stops and their corresponding nasal consonants. These investigators conclude that while the nasal consonants occur in the vicinity of nasalized vowels, the oral segments occur elsewhere. They accordingly opt for the oral segments to stand for the relevant phonemes, because 'they have a wider

distribution' (cf Piagbo (1981), lkoro (1989), Kobo (1991) and v:::>bnu (1991).

The deductions in (Ex.5.6) above may be convincing within phonemic

approach. However, my Eleme data suggests that m and n contrast in identical

environment as the examples in (Ex.5. 7) illustrates.

157

Eleme l'ho110/ogy

Ex.5.7 ome neck one person

The data in (Ex. 5. 7) deserves some comments. The items are identical in form and tone except for the nasal co nsonants m and n; this suggests that the difference in meaning can be attributed to the contrasting nasal consonants.

Discussing the nasal system in Gokana, Hyman (1982, 1985) posits that there are no nasal consonants in Gokana, which suggests that the nasal consonants are all derived. He argues that m is derived from b and points out that the nasal consonants in the lexical items such as dtm 'tongue', dam ' bite ' are derived from deb and dab by associating an underlying [+N] autosegment from left to right, starting from Ci. but ignoring d because it is [ +COR). When this nasality mapping procedure gets to the final b, it is phonetically realised as m.

d~m

[+~] With regards to the contrast between b and m in the lexical items such as b~ ' cooking pot' and m~ 'breast', Hyman argues that in these lexical items, b

is opaque w·iih respect to nasality and ·is thus ·1exkafly assoc'iateo wWn fne underlying [ +N] autosegment.

While l accept Hyman's general approach to nasality in Gokana, especially that certain segments [ t b f s] do not accept nasality nor inhibit nasality

spread, that is such segments are opaque to nasality, I believe that the results of his derivations are empirically wrong since the asymmetric inventories for C 1

and C2 consonants in Gokana remain outside the description. To help clarify my argument, examine the Gokana data below.

Ex.5.8 (a) lab- pick up (b) dam bite

C1vC2# C1vC2#

<lag- decei ve Sal) anger /

C1VC2# C1vC2#

The vowels and consonants in (Ex.5.8a) are oral. The final consonants are re leased as represented by· the hyphen (l!ld occur (IS word boundaries as indicated by II. In contrast, the vowd-; in (Ex.5.Sh) arc nasalized consequently the final consonants are nasal. In Gokmrn, b and g like m and lJ occur word

158

- /

aries as .:qucnlly

- _ r word

Nasal System

final. Both sets of segments occur as C2 as the data above indicates. That is b and g occur with oral vowels while m and lJ occur with nasalized vowels, the

reverse is illicit. From this distributional restriction, it is apparent that b and m do not occur in the same environment, therefore, m cannot be derived from b or any other segment for that matter. Secondly, there is contrast between band m before nasalized vowels, which suggests that at least mis phonemic not derived. It is in the light of the above that Hyman's derivation for Gokana is rejected.

5. I . I Nasal amity As already noted, the term amity expresses peaceful, friendly and

ham1onious co-existence or relations between segments or agreement between grammatical categories. Therefore, amity as used here and subsequently is a cover term for the phonological label harmony and the grammatical notion of concord.

Hyman ( 1985: 100) has shown that nasality in Gokana can best be described by means of a set of sequence structure conditions. According to him, in the nasal system of Gokana:

A foot has one of three possible characteristics: it may have all oral segments, all nasal segments or an initial oral consonant followed by all nasal segments. The same properties also hold for a verb root and a possible grade, derivational and inflectional suffix. No other combinations of nasality are possible within a foot.

Tfiese assertions for Gokana also holds true for Eleme as the data in (Ex.5.3) -(Ex.5.5) prove. For instance, in example (Ex.5.2a) (cii) all segments are oral as in dala 'carry', in j oofowa 'fair lady' all segments are nasalized while in

example (Ex.5.3a) (diii) b§.r§. 'pit' the initial segment is oral and the rest of the

segments are nasalized. Bond (2006: 73) notes that in Eleme, a prefix forms a distinct prosodic foot from the structure to which it is attached, my data confirms this but the only exception is the reduplicated foot. Otherwise, the same nasality stipulations on the nominal foot also apply for the verbal feet (i.e. root + suffixes). I therefore extend Hyman's observation on nasal harmony within the foot in Gokana to Eleme as a set of sequence structure conditions:

(a) The lateral consonant 1 is barred in the context of nasalized vowels,

(b) Nasal consonants are barred in the context of oral vowels, (c) Oral and nasalized vowels cannot co-occur.

The above sequence structure conditions place strict restraint on the occurrence of 1 Yi~-a-vis the nasal segments. In Elemc the [-nasal] segments contrast with

their [+nasal] counterparts in the same environment as in example (Ex.5.9).

159

Elcm c Phonology

Ex.5.9 omc one

neck jo

person j5 slip wi

shag wf. call kara farm kcli' cl

hang water pot

The most robust sign that consonants do not interchange with each other on the ground of nasality is the contrast between b and m as in bcl 'cooking pot' and m.i 'lie down'. These data, as observed previously, have supplied the

most robust argument for Vobnu (1991: 46) for setting up m as the only 'phonemic' nasal consonant in Gokana and by extension other Ogonoid languages. From the sequence structure conditions above, it is possible for b to occur in the context of oral or nasal vowels. The lexical item bcl 'cooking pot' is thus not problematic. In contrast, m can only occur preceding or

following nasal vowels. Consequently, the word mcl 'lie down' is equally not problematic, because there is no restriction against its occurrence in such an environment. Note therefore that since m is restrained from occurring with oral vowel, there is no contrast between m and b in the context of oral vowels (i.e. *ma). As Piggot (1988: 79) noted, facts such as these are incontrovertible and

cannot be explicated by 'a set of derivational rule, but rather by a set of sequence structure conditions such as nasal harmony constraints'.

In sum, I advocate that nasal consonants (min) in Eleme are distinctive. It

is possible that pre-Ogonoid had no nasal consonants as Hyman's analysis on Gokana suggests. Existing evidence, however, suggests that nasalized consonants should be set up next to oral consonants and both should coexist in modem Ogonoid languages. Their distribution in relation to vowels will remain extremely restricted because of the sequence structure proviso, which forbids certain segments occurring in the domain of nasality, which is the foot.

5.1.2 Nasal dispersal The term dispersal expresses the notion of spreading of things over a

wide area. Dispersal as used here and subsequently is a cover term for phonological label such as distribution, spreading or propagation. In Eleme nasality spreads in both directions. If the spread stems from a suffix to the root, leftward spreading occurs. If the spread commences from the root to the suffix or from prefix to root, the spread is rightwards. Leftward spreading in Eleme can be substantiated with the instrumental extension -ma or -a. The

instrumental suffix (- ma 'with') is attached to the verb to specify the means,

method or manner of performance of the action denoted by such a verb. For instance. in the expression d3u de 'come and eat' the verb de 'eat' is without

the affix 'ma' so does not express either the means or manner of eating. Now

examinl' thl' l'xpressions t1uu 6b6 j6 dam~ 'cat with your hand' and demaa -~ " / ,,

fia3a aj5 s6is6i 'l'at that food quickly'. In the f"irst expression 'ma'

160

£r:.5. ,

(

pot

in such an _ : g with oral

owels (i.e. ·ertible and

coexist in _ - will remain . hich forbids

· ings over a _ . er term for

n. In Eleme

160

Nasal System

indicates the means of eating 'with the hand' while in the second expression 'maa' introduces the manner of eating ' quickly'. These suffixes trigger the feature f +nasal] to propagate leftwards up to and including C 1 if this C 1 is an approximant. The close-mid vowels e and o do not accept nasality, but they permit f l·nasnl] spreading to a preceding segment. The data in (Ex.5. 10) below i I lu strates th is.

E.x.5.10 (i) ta pus h ta-ma-bo push with hand

to stay to-ma-ba stay with them kc£ dry kH-ma-bo dry with hand ria. be good rI-ma-ba be good with them go hide g5-ma-b6 hide with hand

(ii) ke kill ke-ma-ogc kill with matchet ko chew ko-ma-acf30 chew palm fruit with

The data in (Ex.5. 10) is divided into two sets (Ex.5.lOi) and (Ex.5.JOii). The vowels in (Ex.5.1 Oi) accept nasal spreading from the instrumental suffix ma 'with' while the vowels in (Ex.5. lOii) do not accept nasal spreading from the instrumental suffix. This is because the close-mid vowels e and o do not accept

or inhibit nasality spread. As I have already pointed out in section 5.1 above, [-nasal] and [+nasal]

vowels show obvious evidences of minimal pair contrast demonstrating that these vowels are distinctive. Nevertheless, with the instrumental suffix ma ' with ' as (Ex.5.10) above confirms, the close-mid [-nasal] vowels e and o are

the only [-nasal] vowels that cannot be nasalized. This suggests that not every segment accepts nasal spreading from the instrumental suffix, compare example (Ex.5.11) (a) and (b) below.

Ex.5.11 (a) g~bc c +ma --. gbHma 'grind with'

grind with (b) ke +ma- kema ' kill with'

kill with

In example (Ex.5.11 a) before the boundary all segments are oral, after the boundary the vocalic segments are nasalized, but g"'b is not, which reinforces the

view that in Eleme stops, affricates, fricatives and lateral do not accept nasality. In certain environment they can inhibit nasality spread. The situation in (Ex.5.11 b) is totally different, the nasal segments and the oral segments are simply juxtaposed or contiguous to each other, no spreading activity is observed. Besides, those segments, which accept nasal spreading, are automatically realized as their corresponding nasals upon the application of the

161

Eleme Phonology

rule as in (Ex. 5.11 a) above. In other words, nasal spreading with the instrumental suffix cannot be used as evidence for deriving the nasal consonants from their oral counterparts. On the contrary, what is happening here is an automatic rule of nasality, whereby all oral segments are realized as nasals when nasal spreading applies (lkoro 1989: 25). Now compare the instrumental extension -ma 'with' discuss above with the toneless repetitive adverbial -ra 'also'. This suffix does not trigger nasal spreading nor does it generate alternations. The reason for this is not very clear to me, perhaps because it is toneless. Examine the data in example (Ex.5. 12).

fa.5. 12

ag'bor~ aka.a otoo 3-SG ADV MOD good voice 'He also has a good voice.'

l'llma w!lar.4 ed3e 1-SG ADV know dance ' I also know how to dance.'

owa sibirii nnc cka mb6 2-SG ADV PTM hold one goat 'You also held one goat.'

&baa d3ur4 3-PL PTM come ADV 'They came also.

In example (Ex.5. 12) above, the suffix -ra 'also' occurs in the following

environments o -a, i - n, a . e and u -#. These surrounding vocalic segments

with the exception of e and o are those. which accept nasality spread in other

contexts but in proximity to -ra, no spreading activity is observed. Secondly,

in Eleme nasality spread i's bi-directional, which implies that the nasality process could have gone in either direction but this is not the case here. The only plausible explanation for nasality not spreading rightwards could be the presence of the pause or boundaty but that cannot be the reason for nasality not spreading leftwards.

Let us digress a little to explain the toneless situation in Eleme. A toneless syllable is simply a syllable associated with no tone. Tone bearing units without phonological tones occur globally (Yip 2002). She citing Myers (1999a) discussing Chichewa has argued that these 'toneless syllables never receive a phonological low. but take their pitch from their surroundings' (2002: 63). In Eleme, as I shall show in chapter seven, H M L are fully specified but some morphemes are toneless e.g. the suffix -ra 'also' as in (Ex.5.12) above bears

no tone of its own. and its tone in any particular utterance depends on the immediately preceding syllable. The differences in tone do not alter the meaning. The same cannot be said of aba, which takes its tone and mean ing

from th~ context. According to the data in (Ex. 5. 13) and the glosses in (Ex. 5. 14) I have several different (and unrelated) words with the same form, diflcrentiatcd by tones. It appears to me therefore that the significance of' tone lessness in Eleme is the freedom it grants th is or similar morphemes to

162

"

-

·ith the

rumcntal ~:bial -ra · generate

ause it is

e following

A toneless its w ithout rs ( J 999a)

_ nd meaning

glosses in e ame form, ~nifi cancc or o rphemes to

162

Nasal System

select their tones and probably meaning from the context. For instance see example (Ex.5.13) below:

Ex.5.13 Ci l aka os:i.18. cto0 oct6 nccc k:S:'i aba

mother share : !'TM husband gi ve l'l{l ·:s MOJ) 111arry

·osila ' smother selected the husband she should marry.'

( ii) ckag~wci nne egeta bee be os:i.ia cf3a. eb6 aba reach ing one day CONN PTM huy head alligator 'Om: day Osila bought alligator's head.·

r~e oct6 bcl.ba wee adore anetc ko:'i aba which husband NEG cat CONN cook g ive 03-SG PRES MOD cat ·Which her husband docs not cat and cook it that he should eat.'

(iii) od6 j c waa we p!e enu husband 3-SG angry PTM CONN heat 03-SG something 'Her husband got angry and beat her up. '

(iv) apa kiri dala obe wee osila abll ersi1 od6 j c 3-l'L begin l'TM to tight CONN 3-SG ton: shirt husband 3- ~>U

'They began to fight and she tore her husband's shirt. '

(v) Mored. obfno6 r~e aba m?6r6 nee r~a fmar<i egeta koo ade 3-SG cook ADV plantain NEG ripe give 03-SG another day 3-SG should eat ' She also cook half-riped plantain for him to eat.•

T11e differences in tone of aba in (Ex.5.13) results in differences in meaning as

illustrated in (Ex.5.14).

fa.5.1./ aba she should marry (as in (i) above)

abll alligator (as in (ii) above)

aba he should eat (as in (ii) above)

aba they (as in (iv) above)

aba she tore (as in (iv) above)

aba ripe (as in (v) above)

The environment (context) thus has enormous influence on tone in Eleme constructions, often determining and sometimes helps in predicting the tonological situation of the morpheme (see chapter seven for detailed discussion on tone).

So let me now recap my discussion on nasal spreading. Nasality spreads from left to right as in (Ex. 5.15) if the feature [nasal] stems from either the root or prefix. In other words. nasality spreads rightwards to a following oral suffix if a verb root is [+nasal].

163

Eleme Phonology

Ex.5.15 be- mai collect (IMP PL, verb root: bf)

aa- ai hear (IMP PL, verb root: da)

pii- ai wrap (IMP PL, verb root: pf f) ' a. hide (habitual, verb root: go) go-

The prefix with the feature [+nasal] is the diminutive marker rf /n~. When

this morpheme occurs as in (Ex.5.16), [+nasal] spreads to the adjacent vowel. Unlike the instrumental extension -ma, spreading with r~ does not go beyond

the adjacent vowel.

Ex.5.16 a1u group < n~-§.-lu for the group

ajo onion < rE-§.-jo for the on ion ag§.

, , , for the concubine concubine < re-a-ga

awe rabbit < rf-§.-we for the rabbit

In the environment of nasalized vowels: Eleme w r j is realized as w f j, the

direction of this assimilation is regressive, that is, the consonant preceding the nasalized vowel is the one that acquires nasality, examine example (Ex.5.17) below.

Ex.5. 17 /owf/ -+ [owfJ child /j~/ -- [J~) know /j55r5wii./ -+ [ JoorowaJ fair woman

Nasa lity is iterative and the spread not obstructed . This process is represented by the following rule: An approximant gets nasalized preceding a nasalized vowe I.

[

+ sy ll J r- sylll-+ [+ nasall /_ +nasal - con

In S\1111. with the instrumental suffix ma 'with' nasality spread is leftwards on

the other hand, with the verb roots bf , da, pf f and go the spreading is

right\\ ards and with the prcfixal dim inul iv1.: marker r ~In~ the spread is only as

far as the next adjacent syllable but with the the instrumental afix -ra 'also' no

spreading is observed.

5. I. 3 Nasa l cnnstancv Nasal constancy is the quality of the feature [nasal] remaining the same

despite change or variation in the segments. It is often called nasal stability in

164

164

Nasal System

literature on Ogonoid (see Piggot 1988, Hyman 1982, 1985). Sagey (1986) studying Edoid language Urhobo has indicated that a final nasal consonant gets deleted in a verb across a word boundary. However, when this happens, the feature [nasal] is not deleted as in (Ex. 5.18).

Ex.5.18 Urhobo (data from Sagcy, tone not marked) wiran push wirawi wiranai

push it over I pushed it.

Nasal constancy or stability also occurs in Eleme. In Eleme, elision is prevalent between the verb and its direct object. In Eleme verbal construction as in (Ex 5. / 9i) the in fleeted verb ste;n and its argument nd3a 'food' are

prosodically distinct, while on the other hand in (Ex.5.19ii), the prefixal syllabic nasal of nd3a 'food ' is erased. There arc four different processes ongoing

here. First, the preservatiori of the low tone under deletion, second, the preservation of the nasal quality at the site, third the introduction of an epenthetic vowel a, and fourth the realization of the low tone and nasality on

the last vowel of the inflected verb stem. The argument here is that though the prefixal sy I labic nasal is deleted, its nasality is preserved on the epenthetic vowe l. The epenthetic vowel is obligatory here because there is no way both the high and low tones can be associated with a single vowel. These processes suggest nasal constancy is in evidence in Eleme. The structure in (Ex. 5.19) consequently shows evidence of aphaeresis .

fr5. !9 1. £bai-ne-f6-a-ncf3a

I-PL I PL-plant-HAS-food 'We plant our food.'

ii. £bai-ne-f6a-~-cf3a I-PL I-PL-plant-HAS-food 'We plant our food.'

It is postulated here that nasals with assimilatory influence on neighbouring segments may drop off after nasalizing the vowe ls. This will later lead to the presence of significantly nasalized vowels, which contrast with their oral counterparts in the language. This has been observed in both dialects of Eleme as the example above illustrates. This is why oral and nasalized vowels show clear cases of minimal pair contrast indicating that these vowels are distinctive. As Goldsmith (1990) posits, stability effects such as these are some of the strongest reasons for assuming that segmental features such as [nasal], like tones, should be represented as autosegments on the feature tier. On the surface as the data in (Ex.5.20) suggest, it appears that the feature [nasal] is automatically reduplicated with the segments but this is not the case; recollect that in example (Ex. I. I) I posit that the feature [nasal] is lost while the segment is retained in the Nchia dialect of Eleme. The reverse is the case here the

165

E/eme Phonology

segment could be lost while the nasal feature remains. A number of observations are pertinent if we examine example (Ex.5.20) in detail: first, the verb roots are reduplicated with variation in tones. It is the reduplication and variation in the tonal pattern that accounts for negation in Eleme as exemplified in (E.r.5.20b) (detailed discussion in chapter seven). Secondly, during the process of reduplication vowel lengthening occur, this process neutralises the co ntrast between single short vowels and double vowels in verb roots in Eleme. Thirdly. t0nnl split, otherwise called tonal polarity is observed at least in the tirst and last items in example (l:.:x.5.20), compare (8x.5.20a) and (Ex.5.20b). Finally. the deletion of the !rnsal consonant m in the process of reduplication,

with the nasality retained and transli.!rrcd to the additional vowel segment suggests nasal stability. In other words, the fact that nasality is reduplicated with the segment and the fact that when the nasal consonant is deleted, its nasality is retained and pass-on to the vocalic segment is evidence of nasal stability in Eleme.

Ex.5.20 (a) to t~ d<im<i k&

stay shoot lift with

pluck

5.2 Analysis of nasnlizcd vowels

(b) t55t5 tdh~ d<i<id<im<i k55k5

NOT stay NOT s hoot NOT 1 i ft with

NOT pluck

A nasalized vowel is a vowel in whose production there is no velic closure (Donwa-Ifode 1995: 55). As I have already noted in section (5 .1) and as thl' l':\:llllpks in u :.r.5.2 /) C:\L'lllplily , there arc two types. In cxarnrlc (Ex. 5. 21 b) are those in the environment of a nasal consonant, such as a, 5, and

i as in m~~ ' laugh', nn3n3~ ' old ' and nnf 'elephant' while (Ex.5.2/a)

are those in the environment of oral consonants such as u and 5 in: kll 'pound' dtl 'bite' t3'.i?~ 'stay (on)' respectively. I have suggested that

the vowels such as those in (Ex.5.21a) be labelled nasal vowels because their nasality is inherent, while those in (Ex.5.21 b) named nasalized vowels suggesting that they acquire their nasality from the nasal consonants. But for the purposes of the argument anticipated here both sets are referred to temporarily as nasalized vowels. Nasalized vowels can either be interpreted as: (i) phonemic vowels in there own right or (ii) sequences of oral vowels plus a nasal consonant. Nasalized vowels in Eleme are illustrated with the following data (Ex.5.21).

Ex.5.21 kfi pound ' swallow (3) (h) me dd bite mo see t5?~ stay ' ; elephant nni

166

,.. mber of il: first, the ication and

_ exemplified . • during the

~ralises the ·- in Eleme.

_ referred to . ·~:erpreted as:

owels plus a :. e following

166

Nasal System

okd basket omc neck owf child one person

, - -pi para shutter niiii do ?aa fry a.moo voice bu tu break nJ~ct~ stone

Yul-Ifode (1999: 74) posits that 'nasalized vowels may be interpreted as sequences of oral vowels and nasal consonants: /VN/ sequences'. Analysing nasalized vowel (v) as VN triggers a CVC, CC and VC syllable structures, which are unattested in Eleme as Tableau 5.1 shows,

Tableau 5.1 : NOCODA 1butu1 PEAK ONSET *COMPLEX NOCODA

07 Ca) bu. tu CV. CV

(b) buN.tuN eve.eve *!

(c) bu.Nt.uN CV.CC.VC *! *! *! *!

As Tableau 5.1 indicates, candidate (c) fatally fails on all constraints, PEAK, ONSET, *COMPLEX and NOCODA. Candidate (b), on the other hand passes on PEAK, ONSET and *COMPLEX but fatally fails on NOCODA even if coga is ranked lowest. Candidate (c) and (b) are rejected having violated the syllable structure constraints of the language. Candidate (a) passes on all the constraints therefore is accepted as the ideal. It follows therefore that if I interpret nasalized vowels as phonemic vowels in their own right, they would fit neatly into the structural pattern of the language. If this analysis were accepted, (Ex.5.21) would be written with the given structure as candidate (a) in Tableau 5.1. Although the optimal candidate (a) fits into the structural pattern of the language, the analysis is uneconomical because I would have to set up new vowel phonemes for the language. This is preferred since evidence abound that oral vowels contrast with their nasalized counterparts after oral consonants.

5. 2.1 The syllabic nasal Syllabic nasals are common in Eleme. Recollect that in section 4.1.1, I

pointed out that there are two types of nasals in Eleme. These are the syllabic nasals and the onset nasals. The syllabic nasals bear definite tones but the onset nasals do not. Secondly, the syllabic nasals function as nucleus (peak) of the syllable whereas the onset nasals function as onset of the syllable. Thirdly, the syllabic nasals occur only before consonants, which means they are restricted to the morpheme initial positions. On the other hand, the onset nasals occur before vowels and are not restricted in their distribution. Jn other words, the syllabic

167

£/eme Phonology

nasals and onset nasals are in complementary distribution. Although, the syllabic nasals can positionally precede onset nasals the reverse is illicit. Finally, the fact that the syllabic nasals are inherently tone bearing does not imply that all nasals in all positions are inherently tone bearing. It is the position in the syllable that determines whether a particular nasal is syllabic or onset. In Eleme, sonorant consonants do not necessarily bear tone that is why there are no syllabic laterals or approximants in the language. Examine the data in (Ex.5.22) below to help clarify the argument.

Ex.5.22 (a) o-nl root (b) n-cf3'1

' life (c) mil lie down

o-mc neck ip-mi1 water n~ do o-nc person i;l-ni elephant n5 learn o-mii age group iji-e~be sun mf swallow a.-cf30 palm fruit r\-J!df stone n•cru add

'

There are three sets of data in (Ex.5.22) labelled (Ex.S.22a), (Ex.S.22b) and (Ex.5.22c) for comparative purposes. The data in (Ex.5.22a), mostly nouns, show low tone oral vowels in prefixal position before onset nasals and other onset consonants. The data in (Ex.5.22b), also nouns, show low tone syllabic nasals in prefixal positions before onset nasals and other onset consonants, which indicate that the low tone oral vowels in (Ex.5.22a) have similar distribution and function as the low tone syllabic nasals in (Ex.5.22b). If (Ex.5.22a) and (Ex.5.22b) are compared with (Ex.5.22c), it becomes apparent that the syllabic nasals occur in nouns while the onset nasals are found in verbs. Whereas the onset nasals in (Ex.5.22c) occur as Ci. the syllabic nasals occur as J;J, which implies that the nasal stops in (Ex.5.22c) like other C 1 consonants, do

not bear tone. Secondly, the onset nasals do not occur before consonants because it will trigger CCV syllable structures that are unattested in Eleme that is why, they occur only before vowels as onsets. These distributional restrictions clearly indicate that there are two types of nasals in Eleme, the syllabic nasals and the onset nasals. This clarification will help facilitate the interpretation of the syllabic nasal envisage later.

In sum, a syllabic nasal (J;J) is a nasal consonant, which acts as the peak of

the syllable just as the vowel. In Eleme where the syllable is the tone bearing unit, the syllabic nasal always has a definite tone attached to it. The syllabic nasal, as already observed, is highly restricted in its distribution. It occurs only in word-initial position, never occurs before vowels, word-medially or finally (see example Ex.5.23). It rnay not he preceded hy a vowel or a consonant.

Ex.5.23 qunu water ~sis a mercy Ifig~be sun ~sis§. sand thk~plk~pee sweetness ~tit6 work

168

. with the fo ~::_

following cor.s syllab le stru:;

clusters of ana lysed a

Ex. 5.24

Although, the -everse is illicit.

earing does not _ . aring. It is the

- I is sy llabic or - .one that is why ~ amine the data

ie down

- 0

earn S'Wllliow

d

'Ex. S.22b) and mostly nouns, als and other

. tone syllabic - -et consonants,

have similar Ex.5.22b). If

- ~istributional Eleme, the

_ :acilitate the

- · ne bearing e syllabic

o cu rs only or finally

168

Nasal System

r)Jfire mosquito ~ko wine palm rfibuu mortar ~gh~ mangrove rfigba6 dog ~t1oo horn rfib6 goat ~kukwci hawk

5.2.2 Possible interpretation of the syllabic nasal The syllabic nasal could be interpreted as a consonant forming a cluster

with the following consonant or a part of a complex phoneme with the following consonant. As I have pointed out earlier in chapter four, the clear-cut syllable structure of the language is (C) V, where V may equal l;J. There are no clusters of consonants like CCV, as example (Ex.5.24) would indicate if 1;J is analysed as a consonant.

Ex.5.24 d. n-de e. *n-de

I

v-cv c-cv m-bf-6 •m-bf-6

I

V-CV-V C-CV-V

Any interpretation of the syllabic nasal as a consonant forming part of an initial cluster, apart from being uneconomical, will disrupt the generiil and estnblished syllable structure types of the language by adding an extra CCV pattern. If the syllabic nasal is interpreted a'> a consonant forming part of a complex phoneme, J would end up with a large number of phonemes added to the inventory, e.g. *Jmb, llJf, ns, IJk, etc./ . Every obstrucnt would have a prenasalised

counterpart, as in ~fife 'mosquito ', ~ko 'wine palm' . Every nasal consonant would have a long counterpart, since one cannot say a nasal is prenasalised where it is preceded by another nasal. Phonetically or phonemically there are no long consonants in the language. From the point of view of the phonemic principle of economy such an analysis should be rejected. A syllabic nasal could be analysed as containing simultaneously a vowel and a consonant phoneme VC if there are analogies giving structural pressure in that direction.

Ex.5.25

~fife VC.V.CV

YC is not one of the syllable structures of the language under consideration. Following this analysis (Ex.5.25), one would end up adding one more syllable structure to the language. This violates the principle of economy. I reject this interpretation for the language. I rather favour treating the syllabic nasal as a vowel. Like a vowel the syllabic nasal bear a definite tone, thereby constituting

169

E/eme Phonology

a syllable nucleus. This is why the V position of the syllable can be filled not only by a vowel but also by a syllabic nasal. Secondly, the basic structure of prefixes in Eleme is either a V or CV and never a C. Alternatively I could express it as nasal consonant becomes syllabic before a consonant (N -1':1 I _C). Like the vowel the syllabic nasal is seen as a member of the subject prefix paradigm.

Ex.5.26 a. cf3H b. J;l-d3H c. e-d3II

sleep 1-SG sleep PTM 3-SG sleep PTM 'I slept.' 'He slept.'

Thirdly, the syllabic nasal contrasts with the vowels in identical environment see example (Ex.5.26) above. I would therefore conclude that there are two syllabic nasals in complementary distribution If!.! and !rp./, which have conditioned allophonic variants, which constitutes the peak of a syllable. The syllabic nasals, except when occurring in pronouns or demonstratives, are always homorganic with the following consonants.

Ex.5.27 m.mu ~rire ~k5

water mosquito winepalm

5.2.3 Phonetic description of the syllabic nasal

santf sombf ipba

rub (indigo) fart a name

The syllabic nasal If!.! has the following allophones: (i) a syllabic

alveolar nasal /n/ before alveolars. I

ndal6 apple I

nt6 ashes I

nn55 oil I

nl6 salt I

ns~ fire I

(ii ) A syllabic palatal nasal [J.l)before palatals as in:

/*tS66/ [D,tS66] horn /*cf3a/ [D,cf3a] food /*je/ [D,jeJ people

(iii) A velar nasal [ lJ] before velars and labialized stops as in:

;*gugfta/ [ugugila] knife /*k6/ [ ¢k6] wine palm /*g"e/ [¢g"e] type of yam /*k"uk"~/ [¢k .. uk .. ~] kite

170

(ii) A

(iii) A

The S) l:z:: i:

_a ca

170

Nasal System

The syllabic nasal /Ip/ has the following allophones: (i) a syllabic bilabial nasal

[ ip] before bilabials. lf!b6 goat lf!mu water lf!p6 wing mmfm~ breast

I

(ii) A labiodental syllabic nasal [ IJJ] before labiodentals as in: !ipfife/ [¢fife] mosquito

(iii) A velar nasal [ :r;i] before labial velar as in: ;ipwodo/ [ ¢wodo] type of fish I rjigba6 / ( ¢g~ba6 ] dog /rjik'Pal [¢k'pa] scissors

The syllabic nasal is homorganic with the following consonant by a nasal homorganicity rule. which is stated as follows; /~I -[a place] I_ [a place J.

5.3 Summary Jn this chapter a pithy discussion of some of the phonological properties

of Eleme nasal system was provided, including nasal amity (5. I. I), nasal dispersal (5.1.2) and nasal constancy (5.1.3). Nasalized vowels are interpreted as phonemic vowels in their own right and syllabic nasals are interpreted as vowels (5.2). It is argued that the operation of nasality relies immensely on the morphological distribution of consonants as either C1 or C2• It is demonstrated that there is severe restriction on the occurrence of consonants with respect to nasality. In Eleme, nasal spreading is bi-directional, and the vowel e and o do not accept or prohibit nasal spreading to a preceding segment. It is also argued that nasal spreading with the instrumental suffix cannot be used as evidence for deriving the nasal consonants from their oral counterparts as postulated by Hyman (1982, 1985).

Finally, while the bilabial nasal m and the alveolar n may operate either as

prefixal syllabic nasals or as onset nasals, the palatal nasal Jl and the velar nasal

lJ can only function as prefixal syllabic nasals, never as onset nasals. In

contrast, the labialized alveolar nasal n w can only behave as onset nasal never as prefixal syllabic nasal.

171

6.0 Exordium

CHAPTER SIX PHONOLOGICAL PROCESSES

Phonological Processes

The focus of this chapter is to describe, analyze and distinguish the major phonological processes identified in Eleme. Phonological processes are alterations that sounds undergo when juxtaposed within larger units such as morphemes or at morpheme boundaries, that is structural adjustments sounds undergo in particular environments. There are two broad divisions identified in this work: segmental and tonological processes. In this chapter, I focus only on the segmental processes, with some observations on tone. The processes are purely synchronic, but I may highlight some on-going diachronic processes on the basis of correspondences observed. Already identified in this study are aphaeresis, apocope, nasal and tonal stability, Jenition versus fortition. In this chapter, discussion focuses on liaison, glide formation, elision, assimilation, contraction, epenthesis and deletion.

The discussion of phonological processes affecting vowels attempted here highlights the functional unity of phonological rules that are driven by the enforcement of Eleme syllable templates. Recall that in Eleme the syllable templates prohibit: NOCODA *C]0 ('syllables are open'), ONSET *[n V ('syllables must have onsets'), *COMPLEXoNs *L CC ('onsets are simple'), *M/V (V cannot associate with margin nodes), *P/C (C cannot associate with peak nodes) and *VVV sequences, while permitting: V, CV. The phonological operations discuss here (and especially in section 6.2.5 - 6.2. 7) are the different 'repair strategics' which Elcnw adopts in other to attain the output goals enforced by the templates. 'This reoccurrence of a common output factor which guides different rules, without being explicitly stated in the rules, is called Conspiracy' (Kisseberth 1970, Kager 1999: 56).

6.1 Liaison The process of liaison is common in Ogonoid languages (cf Vobnu

1991, Ikoro 1996 and Isaac 2003). Whereas in Kana liaison is strictly phonologically triggered, in Eleme liaison is both morphosyntactically and phonologically motivated. Secondly, while in Gokana the operation of liaison is triggered by the imperative suffix, in Eleme the operation of liaison is triggered either by the perfective or imperative suffix. Thirdly, while in Tai and Baan the presence of nasality at the liaison insertion site is opaque, in Eleme the insertion site is sensitive to nasality as it determines whether r or n is to be

inserted. In a nasal environment n is the preferred liaison, elsewhere r is the

preferred liaison. I have noted in section 4.2.2.4 that, Eleme has identical (CV 1V1) and non

identical (CV 1 V 2) vowel sequences. It is the amalgamation of these vowel sequences and verbal suffixes that trigger liaison. Liaison occurs between CVV

173

Eleme Phonology

verb roots with the perfective and imperative plural suffixes -a and -aa. In the

process of liaison, 'an epenthetic r or n is inserted in the verb root, depending

on the presence of nasality at the insertion site' (Vobnu 2001: 130). The consequence of r or n insertion, according to him; is either 'vowel shortening, coalescence or glide formation'. He posits that first; it is the type of vowel sequence that determines which of these other processes occurs with liaison. Second, the structure CV 1V1 trigger liaison with either the perfective or imperative suffix and the only exceptions are aa, oo, oo, uu and sequences with LM tor.al pattern, liaison and shortening applies with all other CV1 V1

sequences. For instance, the Eleme data in (Ex. 6.1) has ten items; these items all

have identical vowel sequences. The ten items divides into two parts based on the observed on-going processes. While (Ex. 6.1 a) the identical vowel sequences shorten following the insertion of either r or n at the insertion site, in contrast (Ex. 6.1 b) no other process accompanies the process of liaison. As already noted the reason is that the sequences of aa, oo, oo, and uu do not permit further

processes in the trail of liaison. Items numbers (viii) and (ix) with ii and ee sequences also failed to undergo further processes because of the inherent tone class of the verb root which is LM. Moreover, the data in (Ex. 6.1) below two rules are in operation, an epenthetic consonant is inserted intervocalically, and the consonant is realized as r if the insertion site is [-nasal]. On the other hand,

n is realized if the insertion site is [+nasal]. Schematically, the rules are stated

thus: (i) 0 - r I v - v and (ii) 0 - n I v - v

Ex.6.1 Root PERF IMP.PL

(a) (i) cf3H e-cf3ir-a cf3ir-aa climb (ii) kee e-ker-a ker-iiii slaughter (iii) tH e-tfo-a tin-aa sharpen (iv) t55 e-dn-11 t5n-aa stay

(h) (v) baa e-baar-a bi'iar-iiii tear (vi) koo e-koor-a k55r-iiii pl uck (vii) koo e-koor-a koor-aa chew palmnut (viii) sli e-silr-ii sHr-aa go (ix) g~be.e e-gbeer-a gbeer-iiii grind (x) 9b5o e-g~b5on-a g~boon-aa separate

If the structure is CV 1 V 2 and V 1 is [+round] while V 2 is not o or a, I iaison, vowel shortening and coalescence apply. But where shortening operates, coalescence does not.

174

l.:I- -

..: -aa. In the

: e of vowel _ _ . ·ith liaison. _ ;ierf ective or

• nt tone : OW two

ll:'.:'1::::.ot::;·. ~ I y, and _: er hand,

_: .ore stated

- a. liaison,

·._-=-.._..= operates,

174


Ex.6.2 Root PERF IMP.PL (a) bui a-bur-a bur-a.a read {shortening} (b) cf3ue e-cf:3or-a cf3or-aa come {coalescence} (c) cf:3ua e-cf3ur-a cf:3ur-aa bring{shortening} (d) s11& e-s6r-a sor-aa fart {coalescence}

In the above data (Ex.6.2b) and (Ex.6.2d) vowel coalescence take place with either the ue or ue sequences. Vobnu (2001: 130) postulates that the vowels

ue or ue merge into a single vowel because of roundness assimilation. I rather

suggest that what is happening in examples (Ex.6.2b) and (Ex.6.2d) is captured by the rules below.

v v

[-ATR) - 0 Ir +ATR as in (b)

(+RNo! tHigh j

Tn (Ex.6.2b) two processes are on going as captured by the rule above. First, the non-A TR vowel u is erased due to the differences in the height of the vowels.

Secondly, the remaining +ATR vowel e is realised as +ATR vowel o due to

roundness assimilation, where the first process is a requirement for the second process.

v · v [+ATR J- 0 Ir -ATR as in (d)

fRNDJ tHigh

In (Ex.6.2d) as captured by the above rule two processes are equally on going. First, the non-A TR vowel u gets deleted due to differences in the height of the

vowels just as in (Ex. 6. 2b ). Secondly, the remaining -A TR vowel e is realised

as - A TR vowel o due to roundness assimilation, where the first process triggers

the second process. This is a clearer explanation than just postulating the merging of two vowels with height differences without resolving the height issue. The differences in height are dealt with through deletion and then the stage is set for the process of roundness assimilation.

Apart from the resolved height differences, the vowels in both (Ex.6.2b)

and (Ex.6.2d) also differ on the front and back dimension. Whereas e and e are

175

Eleme Phonology

front vowels, u is a back vowel. As this data exemplifies: owa 20.wi 'you

fetch' (emphatic expression) from ?ibi 'fetch' (non-emphatic expression),

the close front vowel -i- is realised as the close back vowel -u- in similar environment. This suggests that the front and/or back distinction is sometimes neutralized in certain phonological context. This appears to be the case here in (Ex.6.2b) and (Ex.6.2d) above considering that the final vowels during the processes are o and o, whicl1 are the back vowels.

Vobnu (2001: 130) asserts that in Gokana and by extension Ogonoid coalescence is obligatory with the UE sequence and optional with the ue sequence. My Eleme data validates this claim. Furthermore, coalescence as observed in (Ex.6.2d) differs from glide formation as seen in (Ex.6.Ji). With regards to (Ex.6.2a) and (Ex.6.2c) these are simple processes of shortening. r have opted for the term 'shortening' following lkoro ( 1996: 39) instead of Donwa-Ifode's (1985: 76) 'contraction' because, in Eleme, the process of contraction, as we shall see later (in section 6.2 . 7) is subsequent to another phonological process, that of assim ilntion.

Ex.6.3 Root PERF IMP.PL

(i) cf3u.e e-cf:swer-a cf:swer-aa come (ii) k\le e-kwer-a kwer-aa cut

If the structure is CV1V2 and the V1 is non-round and high, liaison applies only if V2 is e. In this instance, liaison does not trigger other processes in its trail. Note that in Eleme verbs as in (Ex.6.4) with opening sequences are rare.

Ex.6.4 Root PERF IMP.PL bie a-bi.er-a bler-aa delay

ria e-ria ri-a.a. pour pie 0-pi& pie-a.a beat (him/her)

6. I. I Liaison and the perfective suffix Liaison is triggered if the perfective suffix (-a) attaches to a disyllabic

(CVV) stem. This process alters the structure of the verb stem to CV (V) CV. The process of liaison is, -r- or -n- depending on the insertion site (±nasal] is

compulsorily embedded between root and suffix. Verb roots ending with [nasal] vowels accept -r- conversely [+nasal] vowels admit -n-. Vowel

lengthening follows liaison specifically if the verb root has the imperative M tone class; this is represented as:

v - V V / _ [r - n insertion] as in (Ex.6.5).

176

Ex.6.5

Ex.6. 6

-

ei ther e

b .6. -

Er.6.

Er.6.9

Note agai~ · ~- -

·-all' an --. -:-- . -

~ ? - wi 'you

_ e pression),

- __ in s imilar

· - sometimes here in

rin g the

_ ~ ~ cence as 31). With rtening. I in tead of

cess of • o another

- e

disy llabic

) CV.

:=nasal] is g w ith [

Vowel

176

Ex.6.5

Ex.6.6

ma.a-peer -a <pc maa-wHr-a < wi 1-SG PF PRE-fly-PS 1-SG PF PRE-call-PS 'I have flown.' 'I have called.'


maa-t1 Hn-a < iS I 1-SG PF PRE-reject-PS 'I have rejected.'

g~b<ira one e-k6r-a <koo man SPEC: SG PF PRE-pack-PS 'The man has packed it .'

gbara one £-t6n-a <t55 man SPEC: SG PF PRE-stay-PS 'The man has stayed.'

If the struch1re is CV 1V 1 as in (Ex. 6. 6), vowel reduction takes place especially if the verb root lacks the imperative LM tone class. This is represented as V 1 + V 1

- VI_ [r - n insertion]. Note that whereas in (Ex.6.5) pf 'fly', wi ' call' and tS f 'reject' that are normally monosyllabic in structure are realised

as disyllabic, in (Ex.6.6) koo 'pack' and t5:5 'stay' that are normally disyllabic

are realised as monosyllabic,. One can therefore conclude that the perfective suffix (-a) licences liaison to trigger different phonological processes with different classes of verbs. Vowel reduction as in (Ex.6.6) or lengthening as in (Ex. 6. 5) is blocked after liaison if the structure is CY 1V 1 with a verb stern having a LM tone pattern in the imperative as in (Ex. 6. 7). In the same vein, vowel reduction is blocked ifa CY 1V1 verb structure is either uu or aa with LL

tone pattern as in (Ex.6.8). Where the vowel sequence is CV 1V2, vowel coalescence and/or reduction follows liaison only if V 1 is u or o, and Y2 is

either e or c as in (Ex.6. 9).

fa.6. 7

Ex.6.8

Ex.6.9

£-g~beer-a <g~bee

3-SG Pf PRE-grind-PS 'He has grind it.'

nsar-a c-baar-a <baa book PS PF PRE-tear-PS

'My book has become torn.'

oraa e-kur-a < ku& vehicle PF PRE-hit-03SG 'A car has knocked him.'

maa-leer-a <lee 1-SG Pr PRE-keep-PS 'I have prevented it.'

e-kuur - a <kuu 3-SG PF PRE-crawl-PS 'I le has crawled.'

owaj f a-mor-a nti t6 < moc wife 3-SG PF: PRE-see-PS work 'His wife has found a job.'

Note again that in example (Ex.6.5) the monosyllabic verb roots: pi: 'fly', wi 'call' and tS f 'refuse/reject' all have the imperative M tone class. Conversely,

the disyllabic verb roots in example (Ex.6.6): koo 'pack/fold' and t55 ' stay',

both have the LL tone pattern not the LM tone class. So, while monosyllabic verb roots with M tone pattern trigger liaison with vowel lengthening in its trail, disy llabic verb roots with LL tone pattern trigger liaison with vowel reduction in its trail. On the other hand, vowel shorten ing, reduction and lengthening are

177

Eleme Phonology

blocked if the verb roots are either disyllabic with LM tone pattern or the verb roots have either uu or aa sequence with LL tone pattern. Note that the same verbs that allow consonantal liaison in the perfective as illustrated in examples (Ex.o.5) - (Ex.69), also licence liaison in the imperative. These same verbs authorize vowel reduction with the intens ive suffix -i as the discussion below will reveal.

6.1 . 2 Liaison and imperatives The imperative mood specifies an order initiated by a speaker at the

moment of speaking. In Eleme, there is no obvious subject marker for the first, second and third person singular; in contrast, the subject marker is necessary for the first, second and third person plural. Post-verbally, the nominal and pronominal objects are mandatory; this is also true of other Ogonoid languages (cf Vobnu 1991, Nwolu-Obele 1998, Isaac 2003 and Bond 2006). There are different ways of realizing affirmative imperative in Eleme. The first method is through tonal variation while the second is using suffixation. These approaches are complementary. If the addressee is alone a single tonal morpheme is used. In this connection, three tone classes are discusses here.

In (Ex.6. JO), the verbs in isolation are assigned low tone pattern. When these verbs accept object NPs, their inherent low tone patterns did not alter. In item (c), the object of the verb is mb6 'goat', here the bilabial nasal m and its low tone are deleted but its nasality is preserved on the last syllable of the verb. The situation in item ( d) is different. It is the vowel I that is deleted but its mid

tone is preserved and spreads, delinking the low tone of ob6 'arm'. With regard to (Ex.6.11), where the verbs in isolation bear mid tone, and

their various objects in isolation bear LMM as in e-kiiii 'cloth', LM as in

e-nii 'something' and LHH as in e-k'"'pf i ' money'. When the verbs combine

with the objects, they are together realised as HH - MM as in (f), HH - M as in (g) and HH - HH as in (h).

Finally, in (Ex. 6.12), the inherent LM tonal patterns of these verbs in isolation remain unchanged even when the various verbs accept object NPs. Meanwhile, the mid tone of the last syllables of the verbs spread beyond their boundaries to the next adjacent vowels delinking the prefixal low tones of these nouns, which are usually low tones as in ot5o ' house', ak"pa 'bag', nle 'beauty', etc 'load' and 5t5 'ear'. Only one inference can be deduced here,

that Eleme uses tonal alternations in the realization of imperativity.

Ex.6.10 Low (isolation) (a) do (b) bu.i (c) dala

verb + object fall do g~ba read bu.i~si lift dal~b6

fall (into the) mud read a book lift goat

178

::..!

-?P-;

_. the same

~ examples e verbs

- ·an below

178


Ex.6. Jl

(ct) <l3i.cf'3aar i (e) d3uura

Mid (isolation) (f) ba (g) na (h) gbf

E.x. 6.12 Low-mid (isolation) fire sua towc bee d3i.bI

spread pull

verb + object

d3icf3aarob6 d3uur§.b6

tear ba e-kilil do na a-nil throw away s'be e-k'pii

verb + object pull down firf otoo go with sua akpa show towc nl0 destroy bee eto pinch d3i.bi ot6

spread your arms pull goat

tear a cloth do something throw away money

pull down a house go with a bag exhibit beauty destroy a load pinch an ear

If the order is meant for a group of people, the suffixation method becomes necessary and the following suffixes are used in Eleme aa, e e or aa. The use

of any of these is predicated on the type of verb, and the [±nasal] nature of the preceding vowel. Plural verb roots are assigned mid tones, In order to explain this symmetric tone assignment a spreading rule is proposed for the suffix. Therefore, the M tone of the suffix spreads leftwards to the next vowel. Where the prior syllable already has M tone, tonal coalescence occurs, on the contrary if the previous vowel is non-mid, the non-mid tone is deleted. In (Ex. 6.13) and beyond baa 'you (pl)' is employed.

Ex.6. 13 baa-do-a.a fall baa-cf'3uura pull

baa-towc-cc teach baa-cf'3u-aa come

If the imperative suffix attaches to a CV 1V1 sequence, liaison occurs and no other process follows. But, if the imperative suffix is attached to CV 1V2 where V is u, e, e or i, liaison occurs triggering vowel coalescence. In contrast, with

the perfective suffix liaison occurs triggering vowel reduction in its trail (see Ex. 6. 6). Vowel reduction is blocked in (Ex. 6.14) in contrast it is licensed in (Ex. 6.15), while vowel coalescence triggered by liaison is evident in (Ex. 6.16). The operation of liaison is prohibited if the verb root is CV1 V2 and the last vowel is a or o. The reason f.~r this is not very clear as in (Ex. 6.17).

Ex.6. /./ baa-baar-aa split IMP.SO baa baa-kililr-aa draw IMP.SG kuu baa-bctr-aa destroy baa-taan-aa shoot

IMP.SU

IMP.SO

179

F:leme Phono/oR_v

Ex.6. 15 baa-t1 ir-aa pin IMP.SG t1II baa-ton-a.a stay IMP.SG t55

Ex.6.16 baa-mor-aa see IMP.SG moo baa-uir-aa press IMP.SG ui baa-mon-aa dig IMP.SG mu& baa-cf:snr-aa cover IMP.SO cf;sue

Ex.6.17 baa-bua-aa greed IMP.SG bua baa-pio-aa lick IMP.SG pico

The analysis of the plural imperative and the perfective marking raises the question of why liaison is permitted in certain cases and prohibited in others. It is pertinent to note that the same verbs that licence liaison in the imperative also trigger liaison in the perfective. This may be a sign that liaison is active in all instances.

The analysis and morphophonemic transcription adopted here indicate that the epenthetic r and n are not treated as belonging to the verb suffix a.a or aa. On the contrary, they arc analysed as belonging to the verb root. /\ survey of data from related languages also indicated that 'in proto-Ogonoid, rand n often

occur in S)1 llnblc final positions' (lkoro 1989: 124). V0bnu (1991) asserts that

in Gokana, 1 has replaced r in most contexts, but n is still prevalent. In contrast, Hyman ( 1982, 1985) has demonstrated intervocalically that the relationship between 1 and r in Gokana is one of free variation. Dimmendaal

(1978), Williamson (1985) and Bond (2006) have indicated that like Kana, Eleme has lost 1 and r syllable finally . These studies equally suggest that in

contemporary Eleme, all consonants have been lost in syllable final position. It is difficult to say precisely the situation in Baan for paucity of available data. Akin to Eleme, Kana has lost 1 and n in similar context but keeps other

consonants in this position (cf Ikoro 1989). Nevertheless, as the data below (Ex. 6.18) illustrates Eleme have vowel sequences (either identical or nonidentical) where Gokana has 1 or n. The tonal system of the roots is observed

to be the same wherever this sound change occurs. The Gokana and Kana dl:!_ta are from Vobnu (1991), and N.Williamson (1990) respectively.

Ex.6.18 Gokana Kana Eleme vil ab.i.e ' f OWl grass ,

owH ... f f child yin OWll

fill rH fU cut kin kii t1H reject

180

In this data

contempora~

compulsoril:· 1: _ (Will iamson I'~

perfective p:-.:: · ..:.-

Ex. 6.1 9

Williamso was derive

preserved i

suffix and ~

fa.6.20

the

• · or non·- observed

a data

180


In this data (Ex. 6.18), in Gokana 1 and n are in sy Hable final spot, although

confined to monomoraic structures. In Eleme, these lexical items with the exception of fu are polymoraic structures. The way the plural imperative and

the perfective aspect behave suggest that in Eleme final r and n can be

recovered in certain contexts where they occur as liaison consonants though not in word-final positions. Synchronically, one may even argue that in contemporary Eleme, r or n occur in syllable final position but are

compulsorily deleted word-finally, similar observation is put forward for Kana (Williamson 1985, Paraclas 1989). Consider the behaviour of CV1V 1 in the perfective provided in the data below for easy understanding.

Ex.6.19 ne-gbara c-peer-a SPEC: SG man PF: PRE-jump-PS 'The man has jumped.'

ne-g~bara c-tin-a SPEC: SG man PF: PRE-sharpen-PS 'The man has sharpened.'

maa-baar-a nsd 1-SG PF: PRE-tear-PS book 'I have tom a book.'

IMP.SO: pee

IMP.SO: tH

IMP.SO: baa

The liaison r or n in the data (Ex. 6.19) above occur with monomoraic structure

as in pe 'jump' or polymoraic structures as in tee 'sharpen' and baa 'tear'. If

r or n gets elided the outcome of this elision will depend on whether it is mono

or polymoraic structure, with monomoraic structure, automatic compensatory vowel lengthening accompanies the elision process, and in contrast nothing happens with po lymoraic structure, lkoro ( 1989) attested to this in his study of Kana.

The analysis of consonant liaison presented so far varies from Williamson (1985) in that she thinks that the CVV structure that trigger liaison was derived from CVCV whose C2 was 1. Moreover, she argues that C2 is

preserved in Gokana as r before - i suffix and that Eleme has lost 1 before -i

suffix and substituted it with r before the perfective suffix -a. In support of her

argument she insist that 1 never occurs as C2 synchronically in Eleme whereas

only r is establish in such positions. But my data attest to the fact that 1 does

occur as C2 as in (Ex.6.20) :

fa.6.20 mb8.la?6 full moon mbolo?6 thigh

mbaia fish trap mbal6 soup

mMla marital stalus 1nbela likeness

181

Eleme Phonology

Oiachronically, Eleme had r and n in word-final positions, which are now lost

(Dimmendal 1978, Williamson 1985, Nwolu-Obele 1998 and Bond 2006). These sonorants can be recovered through liaison in other contexts. Data from other related languages have shown clearly that modern Eleme no longer preserves the original proto-Ogonoid final r, although according to Vobnu

( 1991) Gokana still retains it as 1 only in eve structures (see example

Ex.6. 18). The common ground between Williamson (1985), Ikoro (1989), Isaac (2003), and the present study is that the epenthetic r or n is never analysed as

part of either the perfective or the plural imperative suffix. The view of the plural imperative developed here can be extended to

Gokana. This language has the plural imperative suffix as -ii (data from

Williamson (1985: 434) and the singular imperative suffix as -i). Hyman

(1985) calls this singular imperative suffix a ' meaningless grade suffix'. In Gokana, deletion of r , 1 and n word-finally occurs with evv structure. This process is blocked with eve structure. If the ultimate c of the eve structure is a final voiced stop, this weakens to a fricative in conjunction with an imperative suffix. If the ultimate e in a eve structure is 1, this is realised as r in

juxtaposition with the imperative suffix -II, compare the data in example

(Ex.6.21) - (Ex.6.23) (Gokana data from Vobnu (1991), while Kana data is from N. Williamson (1990).

Ex.6.2 I Gokana Kana Elcmc SG PL SG PL SG PL bH biI.r-I bH blr-aa bli blr-aa squeeze it

t65 t55n-I t55 t5n-aa t55 t5n-aa stay koo koor-I koo koor-aa koo kMr-aa gather

fa. 6.22 ban ban-H bcl.ra bara-aa bd bdr-aa beg b5b bor-H Mb b5b-aa bO bO-bi tie

Ex.6.23 Il Ir-H ii ir-aa I Ir-aa marry of man u.1 ur-H uI ur-aa urH ur-Iaa boil of soup 51 or-II uc or-aa 5 or-aa sing ru1 !Ur-II rH rir-aa fU rur-aa cut

That the plural imperative suffix is -a.a in Eleme and Kana, and -11 in

Gokana is substantiated here (Ex.6.21) - (Ex.6.23). Vobnu (1991: 52) treats 1

or n in the above data as part of the suffix, this is not feasible and that is why he

182

..::_T 6.:-

e now lost

:"e example

989), Isaac _ ~- analysed as

_ e. ·tended to

example

' a data is

=:::peeze it ::::-: y

;-c.ther

:.:..e

d - i i in

.::) treats 1 ··is why he

182


resorts to costly ad-hoc rules. He rejects the present analysis for Gokana based on the following arguments:

kool or faal does not confirm to the syllable structure of the language. Even when CVVC is divided as in CV-CV (CV-VC? SMI), irregular

syllable shapes still appear. kool or faal has a CV 1 V2C shape in which V1 is identical to V2• In Gokana, what occurs is CGVC syllable shape. When it occurs, G is always j as in bjom 'wasp'

pjob ' tsetse fly' kjag 'speck in the eye'. koo 1 or fa al cannot stand-alone.

Vobnu asserts that, the suffix in the data given in (Ex.6.21) - (Ex.6.23) is -li, which he calls 'transitivizing suffix'. But according to Ikoro (1989: 197) Vobnu's analysis only generates more questions not answers, as a variety of his derivations illustrate. One of such derivations is exemplified in (Ex.6.24) for 'call' and 'tie into a bundle'.

Ex.6.24 Vobnu (1991: 62) Gokana:

Compensatory lengthening

C-elision

L-r intervocalically

C-wcakening

Surface form

'call' 'tie into a bundle' kol-li bob-bi ko-li bo-bi ko-ri

ko-ri bO-vi bO-vi

My analysis as presented above, provides the necessary justification for the gap in the distribution of Eleme 1 and r. Moreover, it provides a non-ad hoc

explanation for compensatory lengthening.

6.2 Other processes Having discussed liaison, I shall briefly consider other phonological

processes such as consonant weakening, homorganicity, nasal insertion and glide formation.

6.2.1 Consonant weakening According to Williamson (1985: 431) consonant weakening is a prevalent

process in the Ogonoid group of languages. It is a reduction in stricture - a movement from a stronger stricture to a weaker stricture (stop - affricate -fricative --+ approximant --+ close vowels and non-close vowels). For instance, Ikoro (1989: 15) has demonstrated that in Kana 'consonant weakening ... turns

183

Eleme Pho11ology

b and g into 13 and Y respectively in a C2 onset position'. Vobnu (1991: 62) has

also established that in Gokana consonant weakening is a very common phenomenon, and that very often b weakens to v. Williamson (1985: 431) also

suggests that in Baan b weakens to v. In lgbo for instance, Williamson (in an

M.A class) verified that [ t] weakens to [?], data from Williamson's M.A class discussion.

[bata] -[t]

[+ cor J -voice _..

[ba'.?a]

[ '.?]

come in

- oral I CV-V

In Eleme the labial sounds b and f weaken to velar w, intervocalically in the second person affirmative I imperative form as in:

Ex.6.25 (i) owa 2uwi (?ibi =fetch) (ii) owa law I (la.bi =say) (iii) owa k5wc (kOfc =abuse)

b f w

[voice J ["voice J [+velar J -cont, & +cont - +round I V _ V +labial +labial

A number of concomitant processes are observed in this data. First, in (Ex.6 25i). the close front vowel i of the verb root is realized as close back

vowe l u, a similar process of vowel interchange is not observed in (Ex.6.25ii)

and (Ex.6.25iii). Secondly, the split high tone of the verb root in (Ex.6.25ii) is realized as M. Thirdly, it is observed that in the environment between either ii or a-:£. b weakens to w, whereas in the environment between 5-e, f also

weakens to w. Although, the environments and segments are different the

resultant segment is the sa1re w. For the segmental processes, the plausib~e

explanation is that apart from the weakening process in operation, labial or rounding assimilation is also in operation, in order to retain the labial quality of the segments. On the other hand, for the tonal process, it is likely because imperative expressions are assigned obligatory M tone in Eleme.

Comparatively, this is attested in other Ogonoid languages such as Gokana and Baan (for Gokana see example Ex.6.24) where b weakens to v. In

Baan, to form the imperative from the verb stem, the voiced bilabial plosive [ b] is deleted word-finally with compensatory lengthening of the vowel of the

Ycrb. The additional vowel acquires the tone of the preceding vowel in this instance M.

184

Ex.6. 26

6.2.2 Hornor~

Ca .. ~·-heterorgan ic · ·:

In this section, · is modified Eleme the nas nasal shares homorganic n-followed by "

FY. 6. _, -

1: 62) has

the

ible

184

Phonolog_ical Processes

Ex.6.26 (Baan data) Verb stem ?ob -. b5b tob

-+

-+

(a) b- 0 / _#

(b)G mi: J +round -+ATR

imperative 255 r oast b55 too

tie throw

vv_#

Where (a) must be ordered before (b).

6.2.2 Homorganicity Catford ( 1988: 109- 112) draws a distinction between homorganicity ,

heterorganicity and contiguousity. According to him:

Homorganic sequences are sequences of articulations fonned by the same articulators. A heterorganic sequence is one in which the articulators used in the successive sounds are quite different. Quite different means the articulators can be freely manipulated independently of each other. The third type of sequence is contiguous. In a contiguous sequence we use adjacent parts of the same organ with the result that the articulators cannot be manoeuvred freely in total independence of each other.

In this section, I will concentrate on homorganicity a process whereby the nasal is modified to agree in place of articulat ion with the following consonant. In Eleme the nasal is always homorganic with the following consonant i.e. the nasal shares the same place of articulation with the next consonant and the homorganic nasal assimilat ion rule is automatic. It applies wherever a nasal is fo llowed by another consonant in the same word and the direction of the influence is regressive as in (Ex.6.27). This is to facilitate articulatory gestures.

rx. l'i. _, -1iprire1 - [~rireJ mosquito 1nko1 - [~koJ wine palm /~bf5 / -+ [Ijibi5] nose 1ng.i.ga.1 -+ (~g.igaJ jaw ;~ti t6 / - [~tit6] work (n)

185

Eleme Phonology

Closely associated with homorganicity is nasal epenthesis. Nasal insertion according to Schane (1973) is a type of syllable structure process, since it causes an alteration in the original syllable structure. He asserts that it may or may not lead to a simpler structure. In Eleme, nasal epenthesis occurs. A homorganic nasal develops between an underlying nasal vowel and the following consonant as a means of reinforcing and retaining the nasal quality of the original word; this is a case of nasal strengthening. This has been observed to be common when the following consonant is an obstruent. This data might give credence to a phonetic CVC syllable structure in Eleme.

fa.6.28 /sob:f.! .... [sombiJ fart /s~p6/ -+ [s~mp6] sponge /s~g.{; ..... [s~JJgi) massage

Th is process can be represented by the rule:

[0] - f nasa~ I (+nasal]- [+cons] l a F j (i-sy 11 a F

It is pertinent to note here that Yul-lfode (1999: 74) considers this an NC sequence. 'NC sequence in the analysis of doubtful segments is a cover term for (i) Homorganic nasals which may or may not be syllabic, in a sequence with other consonants. (ii) Prenasalised consonants'. If I interpret NC sequences as sequences of nasal and other consonants, then some of the item in my data will yie ld CVC or CCV syllable pattern in Eleme, for instance: som.bf or so.mbf.

eve.CV CV. CCV On th~ basis of the syllable structure constraints:

NOCODA *CJ., ('syllabics arc open ')

*Complex0 Ns

*[.,CC ('onsets arc simple'). This analysis is rejected. On the other hand, interpreting NC sequences, as phonetically complex phoneme will yield CV, which is a clear-cut syllable structure in Eleme. However, I will not adopt it for Eleme. This is because this interpretation does not reveal the process involved in the realization of the NC segment. The homorganic nasal will be treated as originating from the phonemic nasal vowel before the consonant that is being anticipated. NC sequences are as a result of nasal consonant insertion.

6.2.3 Deletion Deletion is a syllable structure process as well since it alters the

structure of the syllable. There are two types of deletion in Eleme, C2

consonant deletion and prefix vowel deletion. The domain for the deletion process in Eleme is the underlying CVCV structure. The second consonant in a

186

ess, since it - - at it may or

occurs. A _.el and the :?Sal quality of ::ieen observed

data might

NC

ences as ata will

- so.mbi.

_ences, as - · syllable __ ause th is

~the NC

186

-------- -------


CVCV syllable structure is optionally deleted, giving rise to a CV-V structure. The vowels retain their inherent tones in such a process. This process is common in Eleme as an intermediate stage of the change from CVCV to CV-V. The deletion is both diachronic and synchron ic in nature.

Ex.6.29 mg~b6g6 - mg'bao dog togi - tel ca rve logi - loi wash

This process is captured by the following rule, which states that the voiced plosives are deleted in non-identical vocalic environment.

[+cons] -+ 0 I [ +syll] _ [ +syll]

V1V2

The prefix vowel is often deleted in rapid speech and the result is a CV-V from an underlying V-CV. This process has been observed in nouns (see example Ex.6.30). The vowels, which are often deleted, are the mid vowels - e e a. I

have posited that the underlying form is the V-CV, because the process by which a word-initial vowel gets deleted is more natural than for it to add. Moreover the formulation of the rule in terms of distinctive features is well motivated and easier. The question of when to postulate deletion in contrast to elision remains an important one in the analysis of Ogonoid languages but I slrnll attempt to provide some answers in section 6.2.5 - 6.2. 7.

fa.6.30 §.b~ - b~A- jc his cooking pot aka - kaa-jc his mother eta - tee-j& his tree &b&r& - b&r&&-j& his bag

6.2.4 Glide formation Isaac (2003: 3 I) observes that glide formation occurs with progressive

marking in Gokana, this is also the situation in Eleme. My Eleme data indicates that in certain syntactic context the pronominal subject clitic (with V or Nsyllable) functions as the subject of the progressive aspect, this subject clitic merges with -a.a (the progressive marker). If the syllable onset is either i or o

when syllabified in conjunction with the progressive marker due to fusion, the end result is a glide, y or w respectively. This process is represented by the rule

below, which states that a fusion of the pronominal subject clitic with the progressive marker results in glide formation.

187

E/eme Phonology

Ex.6.31

v (+syll] [

+High J [+Pal ] + V I or - or [+Low] +Rnd +Vel

+Rnd

maad3u ya.a d3u (m-, i-) I: PROO come we: PROO come I am coming. waad3u

We are coming. a.a. d3u (o-, a-) ba-a.a d3u (ba.-)

you: PROO come he: PROG come they-PROO come You (SO) are coming. He is coming. They are coming.

In Eleme, there are no closed syllables therefore no word-final consonants. Each word contains a stem of the structure CV, CV-V or CV-CV. Recall that in section (4.2.2.4), closing and opening sequences of vowels were identified. Sequences of two vowels (V 1V2) within stems are very common in Eleme. These sequences are of two types. The first is the opening sequences, in which Y1 is a close vowel and V2 is an open vowel. The second type of vowel sequences is the closing sequences, where V 1 is an open vowel and V 2 is a close vowel i. It sometimes happens that words occur in isolation and the close front vowel in the opening sequences (iV) undergoes glide formation process. In contrast, glide formation process is blocked with vowels of the closing sequences (Vi). In other words, sequences of the opening type trigger glide formation, there opposite crrnnterparts do not. The phonological condition under which the close front vowel [ i] becomes a semivowel [ j] is that the

close front vowel occurs between a consonant and an open vowel and the tone of both vowels must be the same (Donwa-1 fode 1978: 45). Note that in example (Ex.6.32) below tone coalescence results.

Ex.6.32 cbic -+ i:bjc word mbi6 -. mbj6 phlegm obi.£ -. £bjc native doctor mbi.c -. cbjc medicine

f-:Y.633 obi + aka -+ [i-+j/v-v] -+ obj aka faeces mother mother's faeces si + urii -+ [ i-j I v-v] -+ sjurii hold creel hold a creel

[ Y.63./ opil + ona -+ opMna - opQna !13\'CI mine my navel

The glide formation process observed in exnmple (Ex.6.32) also occurs in other closely related languages (see Vobnu 1991: 52) when the structural conditions

are ideal for it. Secondly, this process is not restricted to occurring within

188

- nants. , that in

_ ~ i entified. in Eleme.

in other ~onditions

1....-.-....--- ..... ng within

188


morphemes as (Ex. 6. 32) indicates but arc also found across morpheme boundaries as (Ex.6.33) indicates. The structural condition is that the first noun (N 1) ends in close front vowel [ i] and the prefix vowel of the second noun (N 2) begins with any vowel. .It is pertinent that this structural description be met otherwise the process of glide formation is blocked. For the sake of clarity compare the data in example (Ex.6.33) and (Ex.6.34). In both examples, the low tones are deleted which trigger the spread of the adjacent tones, H M H. Moreover, the glide formation operation gets activated and the close front vowel i is realised as a palatal approximant [ j] as in (Ex.6.33). The operation of glide formation is deactivated in a construction that is made up of a nominal plus a specifier, which is neither a noun nor a numeral (Donwa-Ifode 1978: 89). What occurs instead is assimilation and contraction; the prefix vowel of the specifier assimilates to and contracts with the close back vowel of the N2 as (Ex.6.3-1) indicates.

I shall return to the argument of separating the process of vowel contraction from elision, this is because these processes have often (specifically among linguists investigating Nigerinn lang~iages) been either dealt with as alternative terms denoting the same set of segmental changes or used in some rather confusing manner.

6. 2.5 Elisinn Eleme is replete with the phonological process of vowel elision in fast

speech (Nwolu-Obele 1998: 172). Aphaeresis, apocope and syncope are all well attested in Eleme. The syllabic nasal can also be elided if there is structural pressure in that direction. The discussion here targets elision with regards to 'tone preservation' (Odden 1995: 446) and 'noun incorporation' (cf Mithun 1984: 856). In Eleme fast speech a vowel gets deleted but the tone on that vowel is preserved and realised on the contiguous vowel. Tone stability during deletion is characteristics of tone languages (Yip 2002: 74). This process can trigger tonal spread, coalescence or shorteni.ng depending on the context, tonal class and rule (see chapter 7). Examine the examples in (Ex.6.35) - (Ex.6.43):

fa.6.35

fa6.36

E:c.6.37

[Slow speech} (a) ami m-b:S-rii e-be ete

I SG I SG tie: PTM-APPL top tree 'I tied you on top of a tree. '

(a) a?o ku-ma mb6 2SG herd-HAB goat 'You herd goat.'

(a) ed3e ed3e 3-dance dance 'S/he dance (a dance).'

D:.6.38 (a) e-de obi 3-eat: PTM faeces

[Fast speech} (b) ami m-b:S-r- e-be ete

I SG I SG tie: PTM-APPL top tree ' I tied you on top of a tree.'

(b) a?o ku-mil b6 2SG herd-HAB goat 'You herd goat.'

(b) ecf3ecf'3e 3-dance dance 'S/he dance (a dance).'

(b) e-d- obi (c) *e-debi 3-eat: PTM faeces 3-eat: PTM faeces

189

Eleme Phonology

'S/he ate faeces.' Ex.6.39 (a) e-d3e-ri ed3e

3-dance-JPL dance 'They dance (a dm1ee). ·

Ex.6.40 (a) c-tiima-ri-m! 3·shoot: PTM·J PL·O 1 SCI 'They shot me.'

E::t.6.41 (a) c-t!mi-d.-r-a?o 3·shoot: PTM-3PL-02SG-2SG 'They shot you (SU).'

fa.6.42 Ca) c-lamil-ri-i-cbii.I 3-tcll: l'TM-31'L-03PL 'They told us.'

F.x.6./3 (<1) &-kpt-d a]lc 3-say: PTM-3PL 3SG 'They said it to him. '

'S/he ate faeces.' (b) e-cf3e-r-ecf3e (c) *e-cf3ecf3eri

3-druicc-3PL dance 3-dance-3PL dance 'They <lance (a <l!U1Cc).'

(b) c-tiim~-rl-m-ami 3-shoot: PTM·3PL·Ol S0· 1 SO 'They shot ME. '

(b) &-tiimii-ri-b-aba 3-shoot: PTM-3PL-03PL-3PL 'They shot THEM.'

(hl &-iamil-ri-!-obao 3-tcll-3PL-02PL 21'L 'They told you (PL).'

(bl *c-kpt-r- ape 3-say: 1'TM-3PL 38G

In these data (Ex. 6. 35- Ex. 6. 43), note that first the hyphens are used to indicate morpheme boundaries. Secondly, the (a) examples are deliberate emphatic slow utterances in which the speakers select their words carefully so the effect is maximized. In contrast, the (b) examples are fast utterances in which the speakers gloss over words quickly so the effect is minimized. In (Ex.6.35b) the '6. of m-bo=nl is elided, the consequence is the resyllabification of r as the

onset of the syllable with e- as the nucleus. When the u gets deleted its high

tone is preserved and realised on -e-. This example suggests that Eleme permits vowel hiatus. Hiatus is a break in pronunciation between two vowels that are next to each other in consecutive syllables without an intervening consonant, as in the words akalye 'dry',

11iami 'look' or the final and initial vowels of two successive words, as in the

phrases d3i ete 'climb tree' and al6 okfr 'weave basket'. Hiatus is the

opposite of elision, the dropping or blurring of the second vowel; it is distinct from 'diphthongization', in which the vowels blend to form one sound (Ladefoged and Maddieson 1996: 303). Unlike Eleme, some languages do not permit hiatus and resort to vowel elision, epenthesis or coalescence, etc to resolve juxtaposed vowel sequences (Casali 1997: 493-533). Note that in Eleme and perhaps elsewhere, it is the V 1 (in V 1V2) that is elided, as evince in (Ex.6.35b), a case of apocope in hiatus analysis. Apocope is the loss or omission of one or more syllables from the end of a word as in opemu--'> ope ' drinking cup'.

Eleme also allows elision between a verb and the NP object as indicated in example (Ex.6.36) above. In (Ex.6.36a) the verb ku-ma and the NP object

mb6 do not constitute a prosodic unit, this is not the case in (Ex. 6. 36b ). The m

of mb6 is deleted but its tone is preserved and realised together with the nasality

on the ultimate vowel of the verb (ku-m~ b6), a case of aphaeresis (the loss of

190

~ '"" ic slow _ ... fTect is

ich the 3 'b) the

190


a syllable from the beginning of a word). In the same vein, elision also occurs between verbs and its cognate objects as in (Ex.6.37). In (Ex.6.37b), it is difficult to tell which of the vowel V 1 or V2 got deleted. This is because the vowels share similar features . Very often in situations like these some linguists posit contraction or reduction to account for the ove·rt single vowel but there is no justifiable motivation for such analysis (cf Donwa-Ifode 1985). In example (Ex.6.38) where the verb and its object have vowels with different features it is apparent that V 1 gets elided as indicated in (Ex.6.38b). As (Ex.6.38c) shows elision of V2 is prohibited, this confirms that in (Ex.6.37b) it is V 1 that was elided not V2.

A cursory examination of the data discussed so far (Ex.6.36b), (Ex.6.37b) and (Ex.6.38a) would suggest that the nouns are fused with the verb stems to fom1 compounds. Mithun (1984) calls this supposed fusion or compounding noun incorporation. He asserts:

The compound is more than a description; it is the name of an institutional ized activity or state. The IN [incorporated noun] loses its individual salience both semantically and syntactically. It no longer refers to a specific entity; instead it simply narrows the scope of the V (Mithun 1984: 856).

Compounding is a morphological process that integrates the NP object and the verb stem into a compound word use as the predication for the mega clause. These compounded words evince trait of a limited morphology (Mithun 1984, Gerdts 1998). In trying to explain what happens between the verb and its object in Eleme as TN circt11nspection is advised because incorporation in Eleme is as a result of resolving hiatus. As example (Ex.6.36b) and (Ex.6.37b) show, Mithun 's ( 1984: 848-9) assertion is correct. The integrated noun and verb are observed but the other characteristics of the compounding are missing in the cited examples. For instance, there is no disparity in meaning between (Ex.6.36al Ex.6.37a) and (Ex.6.36bl Ex.6.37h) respectively. Secondly, the verb stem and noun are never considered as a unit (see examples (Ex.6.39) -(Ex.6.43)) . The -ri suffix is affixed to the verb (Ex.6.39b) never to the

integrated object (Ex. 6.39c). The ungrammaticality of (Ex. 6.39c) shows that the verb stem + object are not considered as a unit especially in participant reference marking. These data suggest that in the morphological process of affixation stems + objects are disparate. Thirdly, another argument against noun incorporation is that the same phonological processes happen if NP+ verb have the same referent. In example (Ex.6.40a) the integrated noun is the non~mphatic -mi but in (Ex.6../0b) the emphatic ami is used as the integrated

noun. The suffix-i of the object is deleted while the a of

191

Eleme /'//0110/ogy

ami is resyllabified as the nucleus of the first CV structure. This situation is

also observed with the 2SG and 3PL emphatic objects as in (Ex.6.41) . Syntactically, nothing justifies this behaviour across disparate persons and numbers. Phonologically, this can be explained, the person/number contrast has bound object marker with -CV structure -mi (Ex. 6. 40a), -rft (Ex. 6. 4 la) and

ba (Ex.6 . ./lb). Although in (Ex.6.40b) and (Ex.6.41) the -u and -a are deleted and the object is phonologically merged, semantically and syntactically the object is not incorporated into the stem. This is an evidence of phonologic and syntactic mismatch. a phonological integral ion devoid of semantic and l'unct ional incorporation. As example (E>.:. 6 . ./2 ) reveals, with I PL and 2PL objects, the suffix -i form CVV in contrast to CV in others. Vowel deletion is

blocked prohibiting integration in to the stem. Observe (bx.6.43a) which ends in CV yet no elision, the fact is that the bound object in (Ex.6.43a) is not apparently marked, this is why the pronoun does not form a prosodic unit, forbidding (Ex. 6. 43b ). In sum, I suspect that noun incorporation may actually exist in Eleme but the elision process discuss so far does not result into such constructions that admit the term noun incorporation.

As the discussion in section (6.2.4) reveals, while glide formation operates both within the morpheme and across morpheme boundaries, elision, assimilation and contraction operate so lely across morpheme boundaries. Furthermore, assimilation, contraction and glide formation are optional; elision, if the structural conditions for its application are met, is obligatory. If assimilation occurs, contraction becomes optional (Donwa-Ifode 1978). Although these observations are exclusively for Eleme, these conditions appear to hold for many more Niger Congo languages of West Africa. Recall that in Eleme, elision operates only where N 1 + N2 arc juxtaposed and N 1 has the Vi sequence whereas N2 begins with another vowel. The close front vowel that may be V2 (or V3) before the boundary is elided and the condition created by this process is then ideal for ass imilation. The process of elision is therefore never final in itself; it is always followed by another process as indicated below (Ex.6.44) .

Ex.6.44 (i) oloI + i:ta (ii) 0161 + ' ~ ogc

law town story knife EL olo + eta elo + ogc AS olccta eloogc CT oicta 016gf

law of (the) town story of the knife

Donwa-Ifode (1978) suggests that it appears that the boundaries separating both items are deleted before the optional contraction of V 1V 1• My data however shows that the presence of the boundary is crucial for the operation of elision

192

the

• ated by ere fore

_ ~ ::ed below


and assimilation otherwise how can I explain why oloi 'law' is not realized

as *olii. As the data in (Ex.6.44) indicates elision occurs precisely to enable the open vowel in the Vi sequence eligible for assimilation and contraction. While Y1Y2 of the opening type before morpheme. boundaries are subject to glide formation, assimilation.and contraction, V 1 V 2 of the closing type undergo elision, assimilation and contraction.

6. 2. 6 Contract ion

Contraction is used here following (Faraclas 1984b, Vobnu 1991 and Ikoro 1989) as a cover term for the process of shortening by the elision of segments (and associated tones) in lexical items or syntactic phrases. Among li 11 guis ts i11vestigati11g Nigcria11 la11guagcs (Cook I 976, Em111cnajo 1975, 1978, Chum bow I 982 and Essien ! 990), V2 elision, assimilation followed by elision, or nss i111 i lat ion fol lowed by contrnct ion, is postulated to account for the sudden realization of V on the surface from two underlying V 1 + V2 across a morpheme boundary. Kobo (1991: 87) suggests contraction to explain the realization of V2

from V 1 + V 2 where V 1 is 11ot idcntical with V 2 i11 Kann language. Emcnanjo (1978: 97) postulates elision to explain the derivation ofV2 from V1 + V2 as in (Ex.6 45):

Ex.6.45 e-cf3a +awe-+ e-cf3aw{; 3-SG buy PTM rabbit 'I le bought rabbit.·

Maddieson (1981) and Essien (1990) are agreed that elision will not occur in a sequence of two vowels unless they are identical; that is V 1 + V 2 ~ V 2Y 2 ~v2 by assimilation followed by elision. Perhaps it is with this kind of assumption that Williamson (1979: 43) accounts for the derivation like:

bore+ et1u - b5reet1u - b5ret1u loan shirt loan(a)shirtO

with assimilation followed by elision. It is likely that Emenanjo who posit V2

realization by elision alone tacitly believe that it is more economical to do so than postu lating assimilation, followed by elision or contraction, which requires two steps. If V 1 V 2 is not realised as V 2 V 2 before the sudden realization of Y 2,

such an analysis seems all right, but where they become V N 2 first, it is essential to reflect this process (Donwa-Ifode 1978). Emenanjo (1978), Marchese (1983) and even Wagner (1985) said nothing about this intermediate stage where V 1 + V 2 become identical (V 2 V 2) before the said elision.

Eleme data however indicate that the assimilation stage where Y2V2 are heard is also an acceptable surface form. Donwa-Ifode (1978) advises that it is vital to account for this process first before the single short vowel. Alongside the need to reflect the intermediate stage, she urges that, the analysis of the derivation of the surface form of the vowel sequences in some of these

E/eme Phonology

languages should also take cognizance of what other differences there are in the application, or direction of application of some of these processes. Eleme data evince that there are two possible derivations ofV 1+V2•

Fs.6.46 i)V 1 +Y2..-Y2Y2 -+Y2

(where V 1 is not a close vowel i or u) ii) V 1 + V2 _. V 1Y 1 -+ Y 1

(where V 1 is a stem vowel and V 2 is a concord prefix)

The derivation in (Ex.6.46i) is observed with verb+ noun, N 1 + N 2 or numeral classifiers (where V 1 is not a close vowel i or u), while (Ex. 6. 46ii) is observed

in a noun + specifier construction (where V 1 is a stem vowel and V 2 is a concord prefix). Cases like these are also attested in Urhobo and Isoko languages (Elugbe 1973, 1989, Donwa-Ifode 1978). The phenomena discussed here apply almost identically in these languages. For instance, in Yoruba, vowel assimilation is a distinct process from contraction. Assimilation is considered a morphosyntactically conditioned process restricted to N 1 + N 2

collocation (cf Akinkugbe 1978, Akinlabi 1985 and Laniran 1990). Jn Igbo with the exception of a few utterances, assimilation operates in the same way in all collocations applying to all vowels in V 1 position (provided they are not [ i I u J (Emen:rnjo 1975). The discussion here will show that Rlcmc is halfway between Yoruba and lgbo. In Eleme, contraction optionally follows the process of assimilation, which applies, to all constructions but the construction type determines the direction.

Cook ( 1976) investigating Ogori and Chum bow (l 982) Kambari, view contraction as a cover term for a number of discrete processes including assimilation and elision. Since I do not have the relevant data and facts of Yoruba, Igbo, Ghotuo, Kambari or Ogori to examine the subject further, I posit that vowel contraction is a direct consequence of vowel assimilation in Elerne, and that elision operates in a way different from assimilation and contraction, as demonstrated in (Ex. 6. 44) r.bove. See the examples below for the process of contraction in Eleme.

Ex.6.4 7 (i) ko + amaa (ii) kaa + cmfrt

say laugh thank chief AS kaamaa A S kaccmcrc CT kamaa CT kacmcrc Output kamfia Output kacmht

he laughs tl!ank(the)chi e f

6 _, - .·lssi111ililfio11

Jn assimilatory process segments acquire the characteristics of n~'ighhouring segments (Katamba 1989: 80). The operation could be either

194

_ ~are in the cleMe data

be e ither

194


articulatory or acoustic in essence, of course depending on the features that are targeted (Donwa-Ifode 1978: 139). Katamba (1989: 80) provides the motivation and justification for phonological processes 'in general, and assimilation in particular when he said:

Assimilation results 111 smoother, more effortless, more economical transitions from one sound to a1,1other. It facilitates the task of speaking. The speaker usually tries to conserve energy by using no more effort than is necessary to produce an utterance.

Katamba ( 1989: 84) posits that assimilation could be progressive or regressive in direction , each schematically represented here as: {B - ~I~_} i.e B is

realized as :t3 in the environment after {), for progressive; in contrast {B -

:i,; _:t3} i.e. B is realized as~ in the environment before *5, for regressive. Of

.:oursc assi milat ion can be bidirectional. Schachter ( 1969: 342) asserts that certain assimilatory processes are natural (less cumbersome) others are not. For instance. oral vowel acquires nasality before nasal consonant, i.e. v - v I_ [N ] , Where v is oral. v is nasalized and N is a nasal consonant. The source of

this assimilatory process is phonetic and un iversal, but languages with such nss im i l:itory process arc not preponder:rnL In contrast. a process whereby tS becomes k before back vowels is unnatural (more cumbersome), i.e. tS - k I-_ u o o, This requires going up the stricture scale for chnngcs as fnr as

multivalued features are concerned (Williamson 1999: 259). What is more, no language has been reported to covert tS to k before u (\korn \ 989'. \ 6 \ ). It is pertinent to have examined the concept of assimilation, its importance and rule schemata as shown so that the data below will not pose unnecessary problem.

6.2. 7. 1 Assimilation and contraction A boundary has V 1 + V 2 on either side. V 1 before the boundary

completely assimilates to V 2 after the boundary only if V 1 is not a close vowel and V2 is not identical with V 1• Donwa-Ifode (1978: 84) suggests that the process applies vacuously (or is opaque) where V 1 and V 2 are identical and that subsequent to assimilation of V 1 to V 2 the realized V 2V 2 optionally contracts into V2. This could be expressed as in (Ex.6.48) below.

£-,:, 6 . ./9 (a) oki + owi egg child

(h) awia + ote sibling father

GF awja + otc

(c) obH + ajoni native doctor th is one GF obj~ + ajoni

195

/:"lrmr l'honology

As okiiwi cT okiwi Output okf wi

child's egg

AS awjootc CT awjotc Output awjotc

AS obj ~joni CT obj Joni Output obJoni

(the) sibling's father this native doctor

If assimilation is blocked, as in slow deliberate register, both vowels (V 1V2) will simply be juxtaposed. This explains why in Eleme across morpheme boundaries sequences of various types are found, which do not necessarily occur within stems:

otoo + adt house eye

- otooadt spectacles house (of) eye

If iV occurs before a boundary, V1 assimilates to V2 only after the glide formation process, as in (Ex.6.49b). Secondly, if there is iV before the boundary and V2 is a specifier prefix as in (Ex.6.49c) above, V2 will assimilate and contract with the open vowel before the boundary only after glide formation process. The direction is regressive and the condition is phonological. Assimilation is not, however, always regressive in Elcme. It is sometimes progressive, as the discussion below will reveal.

Morphosyntactically, regressive assimilation applies to vowels in N 1 + N2 collocation, verb + Object NP relation or verb + pronominal constructions. According to Donwa-Ifode ( i 978 : 84) assimilation in this direction is blocked if V 2 is not a noun or numeral specifier prefix vowel and V 1 is not a nominal stem vowel. She posits and I agree with her that where V 2 is the prefix vowel of a s p~c i ficr, which is not a noun, or nu111cral and V 1 is nominal stem vowel, V 2

assimilates and contracts with Vi. exam inc example (Ex. 6.50) below.

fa.6. 50 (a) ot5 + aJoni

car thi s one AS ot:35J6nf CT ot5J5nf

Outpul ot6J5nf This car

(b) csaa + cjoni ya111s these ones AS csaaj:Jn.t

CT cs a a j on.l Output csiiaJ onf

These yams

As (Ex.6.5 0) reveals. there is interaction between two tiers. As the a (£x.6.50a), at the segmental tier, is assimilated, its low tone at the tonal tier is erased. The condition is now set for the high tone of 6 to spread. It is the assimilation process that triggers the tonal process. Similar situation applies in (Ex.6.50b), where e, at the segmental level, is assimilated but its low tone, at

the tonal level is deleted. Again, the condition is now set for the mid tone of a to spread to the adjacent assimilated segment. Note that the reason for the nonpreservation of the low tones is to avoid tona l contour since Eleme prohibits

196

s the a

nal tier is . It is the

\' tone, at

tone of a r the non

- e prohibits

196

Phono/pgical Processes

tonal contour on a monomoraic syllabic structure. It is pertinent to note here that the reason for the non-linear representation (following Donwa-Tfode 1978: 87) is that 'some segments lose their syllabicity as a result of the processes they undergo'. The analysis thus far indicates that the direction of assimilation and contraction relies on the morphosyntactic relations in the noun phrase. It is regressive in the N + numeral specifiers (as well as in many other cases where vowels meet at a boundary in Eleme) but it is progressive if there is a concordial prefix after the boundary (Donwa-lfodc 1978: 86). Assimilation is therefore both phonologically and morphosyntactically conditioned as well as bidirectional depending on the construction type. ·

Considering the process of assimilation and contraction in Eleme, the question is why postulate elision, why not account for the data in (Ex. 6.44) for instance by assimilation and contraction. The fact of the matter is derivation by elision is shorter, simpler and more elegant than assimilation and contraction . According to Linguists (Elugbe 1973, 1989, Akinkugbe (1978), Donwa-Ifode 1978, Vobnu 1991 and lkoro 1989) who have studied these processes extensively, the latter process requires multiple applications of the rules to derive the surface fonn in a V 1V2 + V 3 situation. Here, the first application of assimilation and contraction becomes obligatory the final stage optional. To the best of my knowledge in Eleme no obligatory application of the assimilation and contraction rules exist. If assimilation and/or contraction become obligatory, the sequence to which each will apply becomes prohibited at the surface phonetic level. This is because in Elcmc, the output of the the assimilation rule is a permissible surface string, in this instance prohibited and so fo rc es the re-application of an obligatory contraction rule. Therefore an obi igatnry assimilation and contract ion ru k cannot be avoided i r these processes are preferred to elision for the strings under discussion. Examine the process in (Ex.6.51) with two disappointing possibilitic:i.

Ex.6.51 (a)

boa + om5 grow youngest palm frond

l3y AS. boo+ om5 Y2 - Yi: cv,vi + v 1

(obligatory) B:· Y. CT. bo + om5

Y2 + V3

(obligatory) By V. AS. bO + om5

V 1 +V~CV.i+V 1 (optional)

By Y. CT. b0m5 V1+Y1

(optional)

(h)

bOa + om5 grow youngest palm frond

By /\S . boo+ om5 Y1V2 __.Yi: CYi Yi+ Yi

(obligatory) By V. CT. bom5

V3V3 + Y3 CV3 (obligatory)

'grow youngest palm frond'

197

/:'frm(' J1honol<>g1·

As (J.!:x.6.5lb) indicates o a (V 1V2) assimilates simultaneous ly to o (Y3)

followed by a contraction of three identical vowels (V3V3V3). Assimilation and contraction are ob ligatory here otherwise a sequence of Y1Y2V3 or Y1Y 1Y1 results where only assimilation is made obligatory.and contraction optional. As a corollary to the issues just raised, if elision is dispense with, it becomes difficult to make any meaningful statement about elision of boundaries. Recall that contraction occurs only after a boundary is elided in contrast it is the boundary that triggers assimilation (Watters 1981 ). Note that for (Ex.6.51 a), it is not necessary to ndhere to this formulation inflexibly. After the application of the first assimilation rule, it appears that the boundary must be elided to facilitate contraction. The question is should the boundary be re~ introduce to enable the application of the second assimilation rule or to apply the rule without a boundary. According to Nwolu-Obele (1998: I 12), positing assimilation and contraction as substitute to an elision rule to elucidate these data would denote that at some point either the application of an assimilation rule without a boundary or a contraction rule before boundary elision must take place. Elision thus engenders simpler, elegant and more natural rules in instances such as (Ex.6.44) and (Ex.6.51).

Furthermore, examine the surface forms of the morphemes after vowel contraction (cf examples (Ex.6.49alc) and (Ex.6.50), the question is why posit assimilation and contraction instead of elision, or assimilation and elision. In other words, discard assimilation and contraction and apply elision process to realize all the surface forms, since the process is already in operation in Eleme, examine the data in example (Ex.6.52a. d) below.

fa.6.52 a. ak£r£ + om5 hang youngest palm frond

By V. EL. akcrom5 (as in fa.6 . ./9a)

hang youngest palm frond

b. ot5 + aj oni ear this one ot5j5nf (as in E>:.626)

Ex.6.52 ct. (i) oba.6 + oka

your farmland By v. EL. oba + oka By v. EL oboka

your piece,(of) farmland)

c. mbi.e + om5 scare youngest palm frond By Gr. mbj e + om5 By V. EL. mbjom5 (as in Ex.6.49b)

scnrci ty (of) youngest palm frond

*(ii) oba6 + oka oboka

Nok that in Ex.6.52d (i) o is elided first before the boundary, then a after the boundary. As a matter of fact, it could be argued that the vowel after the boundary was elided first. or that both vowels were elided simultaneously, as c-vinccd in EY.6.52d (ii). Ex.6.52d (ii) is rejected because no evidence of

198

becomes . Recall it is the

Ex 6. 5 la), it 'ication of elided to

:. after vowel hy posit

elis ion. rn

fr ond

198


simultaneous elision of two vowels exists in Eleme (cfNgulube (2001), NwoluObele (1998) and Bond (2006) for arguments against this). More so, this alternative cannot be accepted because the assimilation stage actually exists, where a sequence of V 3 V, is heard (Nwolu-Obele 1998: 35). This connotes that the surface form s deriwd via assimilation (in examples Ex.6.49 and Ex.6.50) arc aC1.:cptablc surface Corms. IC elision is prnforred to assimilation and contraction, it will be impossible to account for these forms. Alternatively, to c:-:plnin the assimilntion stage (where Y:iY1 is heard) and the second nlternntive surface form l where only V 1 is heard) instead or in trod ucing contraction, one could posit assimilation followed by elision. Examine Ex.6.52 (e) below:

Ex.6.52 (e)

By V. AS.

By V. EL.

akcrc + om:S hang youngest palm frond akero + om:S akcrom:S hang youngest palm frond

This alternative seems to take care of the data as well as assimilation and contraction. The immediate question is why assimilation before elision? According to Nwolu-Obele (1998: 36) if the assimilation stage is non-existent, it is economical to postulate elision, but once the assimilation stage has been accepted as a stage that one must get to, the next natural process is contraction, unless the assimilation stage is an end in itself. These observations prompted accounting for this data via assimilation and contraction.

_ Besides, It is not pellucid if the length of the vowel after contraction is the same as that of the vowels on either side of the boundary. According to Donwa-Ifode (1995: 97) phonetic evidence suggests that the length ofV3 is not exactly the same as that of either V 1 or V 2• It is mid way between that of a single short vowel and that of a sequence of two identical vowels. Thus, if elision were postulated, I would be wrongly claiming by this process that the length of the vowel here is the same as that of a single short vowel. The contraction process therefore more accurately represents the phonetic facts.

It may sound odd to say that contraction is a different process from elision, since in some cases they have often been seen as alternative terms referring to the same segmental process (Cook 1976, Chumbow 1982, Elugbe 1973, 1989 and Donwa-Ifode 1978). The data from Eleme makes me think that they should be separated. By my analysis, following Gambo (1987: 131 ), elision involves reduction by removal or direct omission of a segment, while contraction (of segments) involves reduction by shortening or merging. Phonologically a sequence of vowels, V 1 and V2, must become identical before they can be contracted into one segment. The sequence of vowels is usually made identical by the process of assimilation. Where V1 and V2 do not become identical, yet one of the two vowels is Jost or no longer exists, I posit elision.

199

Eleme Phonology

6.3 Sumnrnry As demonstrated in this chapter phonological processes arc common in

Eleme, but the specific dimension each process takes differs as are the structural conditions, direction and ordering. We lrnve seen that phonological prm:l!sscs such as glide formation, elision, assimilation and contraction, which vowels undergo in a sequence within stem or across boundaries, are dctcrm ined by the kind of sequence and the grammatical relation between the juxtaposed morphemes. 'The pattern of operation of these processes is of particular interest for typological and theoretical reasons such as the interplay of syntactic relations in the applications of phonological processes, and rule ordering' (Donwa-Ifode 1978: 131 ).

Most importantly, this chapter argues for the necessity of separating the process of vowel contraction from elision. Both of these processes have often (particularly amongst linguists investigating Nigerian languages) been either treated as alternate terms referring to the same set of segmental changes or used in some rather confusing manner. The processes so far identified may be a reflection of the on-going changes in the language, morphosyntactically and phonologically motivated.

200

200

CHAPTER SEVEN TONE AND TONOLOGICAL PROCESSES

7.0 Exordium This chapter discusses the tonal system of Eleme. It is organised into

tone languages (7.1), tone system of Eleme (7.2), tonal patterns (7.3), and uses of tones and tone patterns (7.4 ). The chapter argues and demonstrates that: i) tone has a high functional load in the grammar of Eleme. ii) Floating tones ground leftwards. iii) Tonal alternations and certain morphemes determine tense-aspect and negation in Eleme. iv) Finally, that noun and verb class paradigms determine tonal alternation in the language.

7.1 Tone languages overview Three quarters of the world's languages today the majority of which are

located in Asia, Africa and the Americas are tonal (cf. Yip 2002: l i Crystal 1987: 172). Most of the languages of New Guinea are tonal (Donohue 1997; Cahil 2000). Europe also has lexicnl tone languages, such as the Swedish -Norwegian dialect continuum, Lithuanian, Serbian, Slovene, the Central Franconia and Limburg dialects of Germnn and Dutch, Basque, languages of the Caucasus (van der Hulst 1999). Finally, few languages in the Pacific islands are also tonal (Rivierre 2001). Current literature on tone indicates that some languages of Africa, Mexico, South East Asia and Japan have been described. In contrast, the languages of Caucasus, the Amazon, and the eastern Indonesia archipelago have received little or no attention (cf Yip 2002 for maps of tonal areas).

Pike (1948: 3-13) distinguished between languages with level tones and languages with contour tones. He called the first register tone languages and the latter contour tone languages. Furthermore, according to Gussenhoven (2004: 26),

Tone contrasts have a paradigmatic dimension, the number of tonal contrasts possible on a given syllable, and a syntagmatic dimension, the number of positions in a word where these contrasts are used.

With regard to level tones, Gussenhoven (2004) points out that a large percentage of tonal languages have two-tier contrast (low vs. high). Maddieson ( 1978) notes that level tone contrast could reach five. For instance, Yoruba has a three-tier contrast (Laniran 1990), Mambila has a four-tier contrast (Connell 2000), Bencnon has a five-tier contrast with a tonal contour (Wedekind 1983)

and !au (West Papua) has eight-tier contrast (Bateman 1990). However, some Chinese languages are said to have up to ten-tier contrast (Sagart 1999). Syntagmatically, tone languages also contrast the number of positions where

201

Eleme Phonology

tone contrasts are possible. Gussenhoven (2004) notes that certain languages contrast tone on every syllable; Voorhoeve ( 1973) calls these languages unrestricted tone languages. Conversely, restricted tone languages select a number of tone paradigms from a number of syllables in the word.

More than a thousand languages are spoken in Africa. 900 or more of these languages belong to the Niger-Congo group (Yip 2002: 130); Nigeria alone accommodates well over 400 languages (Bendor-Samuel 1989). Within the colossal spread of this language group throughout the continent of Africa, there is bound to be extensive disparity in their tone systems, though certain features are also common (Yip 2002: 130). Here, I sum up the common chnracteristics of African tone languages following Odden ( 1995) and Yip (2002) as a backdrop to my analysis of Eleme tonal system. -

I) Fluidity (also called mob ility) is one of the most impressive features of African tone. Yip (2002: 133) observes that a particular tone migrates from one morpheme and either spreads to other juxtaposed morphemes or appears on a totally disparate morpheme. She provides three reasons for this; most of these languages have multifaceted agglutinative morphology e.g. Bantu. Secondly, tonal linking is governed by alignment constraints (Yip 2002), the obligatory contour principle (Myers 1997) or Meeussen's Rule (Goldsmith 1984). With regard to alignment constraints, movement or spread is as a result of attraction to a specific domain head or edge by OCP or the need to supply toneless syllables with tones. Movement could be unrestricted or restricted depending on the form of 'locality requirement' (Yip 2002: 134). With reference to obligatory contour principle, it states that adjacent like tones are barred. Regarding Meeussen 's rule, it is the deletion of the second H tone in a sequence of two juxtaposed H tones. In contrast, anti-Meeussen's rule is the deletion of the first H tone in a sequence of two adjacent H tones. Thirdly, tones could flop, spread, or delete and tonal metathesis is widespread (Yip 2002: 132).

2) A two-tier tonal contrast is widespread in Africa: phonetically low against high (non-privative), or phonologically H tone contrasted with the absence of tone (privative) (cf Yip 2002: 133 and Gussenhoven 2004: 209). Within this system of contrasts 'only the H tone is active' where words with H tone are indicated for tone in the lexicon, and L tone is automatically assigned to toneless syllables. Other 'languages have marked L tone and H tone as default' for instance 'Ruwund, Chiluba and Tembo' (Yip 2002: 133). This, according to Yip, obliterates the distinction between tonal and accentual contrast. In the words of Pike ( 1948: 3) 'a language having lexically significant, contrastive, but relative pitch on each syllable is tonal'. In contrast, Gussenhoven (2004: 36) posits that 'if a tone language with free distribution of H and L on all syllables ... were to lose the pattern . .. the new dialect could be analysed as an accentual language'.

Yip ('.2002: 133) observes that although, African languages exhibit rich tonal inventories with ' three, four or even five -tier contrast', there is a dearth of languages with contour tones in Africa compared to Asia. Contour tones are

202

language.

igeria _ ). \ ithin

Afr ica, . ..-~- -·"' certain

_ ~ -"." ears on a st of these Secondly,

.. bligatory 9 ). With _ ~ attraction

/ toneless • -- depending

.. erence to

..re barred.

_::..i ~· assigned .: H tone as

_ : "3). This, accentual

lexically

_r tones are

202

Tone and Tonolog_ical Processes

uncommon and very frequently restricted to word-finally or in 'heavy syllables' in African languages. She observes also that contours are often amalgamation of two level tones; in other instances contour are 'primes, not sequences'. Furthermore, she points out that languages, which. contrast underlying level tones sometimes, also show inclination for contours over levels in the output.

3) In many African languages the tone-bearing unit (TBU) could be the mora or syllable (Yip 2002: 133). Most African languages exhibit downdrift (the reduction of high tone in the environment of a low tone, see Liberman et al 1993, Snider 1998), downstep (the reduction of high tone triggered by a floating low tone, see Connel and Ladd 1990), upstep (upstep is the inverse of downstep, H tone is realised as extra high before either a surface low tone or a floating low tone see Snider 1990) and floating tone (Yip 2002). Floating tone is not linked to any syllable, phonologically present (Hor L) but phonetically empty, floating tone effects lowering of the high tone. In some African languages 'depressor voiced consonants' lower adjacent H tones and block H tone spread across them (Yip 2002: 133). It is unusual for consonants to affect tonal paradigms this needs further investigation acoustically.

4) Lastly, some Africa languages show polarization. In there tonal system, affixes have tones that are directly opposite to that of the root (Schuh 1978: 241, Yip 2002: 133).

7.2 Tone system of Eleme Williamson (l 989a: 26) asserts that a greater number of Niger-Congo

languages are tonal. Faraclas (1989: 388) in support of Williamson demonstrates that all Cross River languages, Ogonoid inclusive show tonal contrast. Contrary to Kana where four contrastive level tones were proposed (cf N. Williamson 1990), Eleme has three contrastive level tones; a high tone (H) marked as ', a low tone marked as ' and a mid tone marked as - . The three

tones are present in the word ekere ' different', which has three identical

vowels c that are successively low, mid and high tones. Tone is a vital feature of Eleme with a high functional load in the grammar. Eleme exhibits a discrete tone system that is there is no automatic or non-automatic downstep. The data in (Ex. 7.1) below provides evidence for the non-occurrence of downstep in the language.

H1 Hi fa. 7.1 a. aml. ndo rii e de nd3a

I SG 1 SG LOC APPL DEl'-eat food ·1 am in the process of eating food.'

H1 Hi b. aml. do rii de d3a

I SG 1 SG LOC APPL DEl'-cat food ·I am in the process of eating food.'

[care fu 1 speech]

[connected speech]

203

Eleme Phonology

In example (Ex. 7. I) above, (Ex. 7. I a) is a deliberate careful speech while (Ex. 7. I b) is a fast-connected speech. A comparison of (Ex. 7. I a) and (Ex. 7. I b) reveals the following tonal patterns: in (Ex. 7.1 a) the tonal pattern is HM LLH and in (Ex. 7.1 b) it is HLH. Furthermore, H 1 as us~d in these examples represent the first high tone of the sequence while H2 is the second high tone of the sequence. Jn a language with a downstep such as Tonga H1 will be higher than H2 this is because 'downstep ... is derived from HLH sequences' (McClawley 1978: 126). It is explicit in McClawley (1978: 126-127) that 'the interval' that pitch lowers in descending from an H to an L surpasses 'the interval' that it increases in ascending from an L to an H. Secondly, downstep results:

When the L of a HLH sequence is assimilated up to the pitch of one of the adjacent H's (here, the following one), leaving a slightly lowered H that immediately follows a H.

But this is not the case in Eleme where H1 and H2 are at the same level both in the careful and connected speeches above in spite of their different intervening tonal patterns. Eleme also exhibits lexical and grammatical tone contrast. Lexical tone differentiates between two phonologically identical words, which differ only in pitch as in the nouns below.

nsa ns~

book/leaf

fire nto nt6

time

ashes

Verbal constructions also display distinctive lexical tone as in: ane ba she ate (flesh)

ane ba she married (a husband)

Very often in Eleme the grammatical meaning of a construction is differentiated by its tonal pattern. That is tonal contrast is responsible for a good number of grammatical distinctions in the language. Consider the following pairs of examples (Ex. 7.2- Ex. 7.4):

fa. 7. 2

Ex. 7.3

(a) e-si 6s6 oka 3.PST-go into farm 'He went into the fann.'

(b) e-si os6 :Jka 3.HORT-go into farm 'He should go into farm.'

Ca) n-ga de-de (b) n-ga de-de I SG-PROG. RPER-come I SG-MOD-RMOD-come

'I am still eating.' 'I should have eaten.'

(

204

_ ~ h while (Ex. 7.Jb)

. HM LLH

- e'rel both in _ • : 'ntervening

· ~ne contrast. ords, which

number of ing pairs of

204

Ex.7.4 (a) n-d3ed3e

l SG -dance dance 'I danced (a dance).'

Tone and Tonologica/ Processes

Cb) n-cf3ed3e l SG - RFUT-dance 'I will dance.'

The example in (Ex. 7.2a) has past-perfective meaning while (Ex. 7.2b) has a hortative sense. In contrast, (Ex. 7.3a) is progressive and (Ex. 7.3b) is an unfulfilled obligation, (Ex. 7.4a) exhibits perfective meaning, and (Ex. 7.4b) is future expectation. In terms of form, the only difference between the (a) examples and the (b) examples are their diStlnctive tone. It is expedient to note that there is a tendency fo r grammatical differences to be indicated by extreme degree of contrast feasible in the Eleme tonal system that is low versus high. It is difficult, however, to distinguish between specific word classes (e.g. nouns from verbs) on the basis of their morpho logical forms as in (Ex. 7.5).

Ex. 7.5 Noun e-cf3e dance e-pa prophecy

Verb cf3e dance e-pa prophesy

In Eleme there is no obvious interplay between consonants or vowels and tone thus any tone can co-occur with any consonant or vowel. Although, it appears that voiced alveolar stop and pause boundaries interact with tones but these need further investigation. Typologically, tone rules are sensitive to both syllables and morns. In Eleme the syllable is the tone-bearing unit.

7.2.l Tone rules In languages like Efik (Winston 1960) or Yala-Ikom (Armstrong 1968)

that have non-automatic downstep, it is suggested that it is hard to differentiate between a mid tone and a downstepped high tone (!H). Such difficulties do not arise in Eleme, because there is no downstep as discussed in section (7.2). As a corollary issue, in Yoruba (cf Akinlabi 1985, Pulleyblank 1986), it is postulated that the mid tone is not a de facto underlying tone, but rather a default tone, whose presence is detem1ined by rules. Likewise, in lgbo, Clark (1990) asserts that the high tone is a default tone. No evidence exists in Eleme for analysing the high, mid or low tone as a default tone.

N.Williamson (1990: 31) posits four underlying tones for Kana and by extension Ogonoid group. He asserts that ' .. . the raised tone is a basic tone in Kana, the fourth level tone in the language'. He was the first to use the expression raised. He observed and described its occurrence in Kana. He pointed out that 'the raised tone is not another mid tone, but a distinct level tone occurring between the high and mid tone'. Furthermore, he indicated that 'the interval between the high and raised ·tone' is very small; therefore, it is sometimes hard 'to hear the difference between the two'. He provided the following minimal pair contrast as authenticating his claim. I have used = in

205

Eleme Phonology

place of N. Williamson's ; to represent the raised tone to avoid confusion with

the high tone symbol.

High Raised Mid Low

fa intestine fa vehicle fa someone weeded fa weed(v)

In what follows, I shall argue that the raised tone is not an underlying tone in Eleme, as the dispersion of tones on Table 7.1 indicates.

Table 7.1: Dispersion of tones in non-derived words

cvv

I cvcv

T2 H R M L HR ML T1 H ,+ - + + I - - - -

' I R I- - - - i - - - -! M I+ - + + i + - + -! i

!+ ! L - + + i + - + + ! I

As Table 7. I indicates, there are two sub-tables, a CVV table and a CVCV table. On these tables, T1 represents the first tone of the sequence while T2

stands for the second tone of the sequence. The plus(+) sign evinces a possible or permitted co-occurrence of T 1 and T2 in contrast the minus(-) sign indicates barred occurrences. Finally, Table 7.1 indicates that with bi-tonal combinations, there are nine possibilities:

3 level: HH, MM, LL 3 falling: HM, HL, ML 3 rising: MH, LH, LM

From Table 7. l, it is obvious that the raised tone never occurs in Eleme as either T1 or T2, in Kana where ·it does, it occurs as T 1 never T2 (Ikoro 1994b). According to lkoro ( 1994b: 213 ), in Kana, 'the raised tone is always in complementary distribution with the high tone' wherever it occurs. Therefore, I suppose that the raised tone is not a distinct level tone in either Kana or the entire group. The raised tone appears 'derived from an underlying high-low or high-mid contour' (cf Ikoro 1994b: 213). The first tone rule to be examined in pursuance of the argument here is high tone lowering I, which states that a high tone is lowered to raised before low tone. This is schematically represented as: High Lowering 1: H~R I_ L. High tone lowering like the floating tone rule is

206

- ion with

hile T2 _;: a possible

ind icates bi-tonal

e as either I 994b).

206

Tone and Tonologlca/ Processes

a very common tone rule in African languages description. lkoro ( l 994b) postulates that within a mono-tonal or di-tonal sequence, if high tone follows low tone either within a morpheme or across morpheme boundary, the high tone is lowered to raise. He cites the nominal predicate with a floating low tone as copula as illustrative of this. He demonstrates that the floating low tone grounds leftwards and replaces the linked tone if that tone is non-low. The high tone before the grounded low becomes raised (see example Ex. 7.6). Note that the Gokana and Kana data in example (Ex. 7. 6 - Ex. 7.10) are from Ikoro l 994b ).

Ex.7.6

f..Y. 7. 7

Kana be + L +tam - b~e tarn kpa + L + ctum - k'paa ctum

Gokana Kana Elcme re.a. ra. oraa. koo ko ek66 gbgg gbg og~b55

Ex. 7.8 Kana nam cow <Hausa nama ktre beans < Igbo ak:f.d{ gia gear <English gear

Boxing is a job. Education is life.

vehicle friend fishing net

My argument is that data from Gokana suggest that raised tones on CVV nouns are re-analysable as high-low underlying. Furthermore, CV nouns in Kana with R tones all have a CVV structure with a complex RL tone in Gokana and LHH tone in Eleme as in example (Ex. 7. 7) above. In Baan, Eleme and Gokana, lexical items with R tone on CV structure do not exist. While Eleme and Gokana retains their V2 Kana appears to have deleted it. lkoro (1994b) claims that this low tone linked with the V2 as the Gokana forms evince, remains floating, and thus lowers the preceding H tone to R and that considering that the Gokana forms are RL and not HL, disallows postulating an underlying H tone. But I think that the fact that long vowels contrast with short vowels in. Ogonoid languages suggests that the Eleme forms are archaic not the Gokana and Kana fonns. This is so because the Gokana forms as exemplified in (Ex. 7. 7) have processed tonal pattern, the lowering of the high tone after a covert floating low tone, while the Kana forms have deleted their original final V2• The Eleme fonns are underived in any fonn or shape that is either in their tonal pattern or morphological fonn. Moreover, 'vehicle', 'friend' and 'fishing net' as in (Ex. 7. 7) in Eleme are identical with the Baan fonns. Secondly, I think that the lack of CV nouns in Gokana with R tone suggests that the rule is not operating in Gokana, as example (Ex. 7. 7) above would suggest. Thirdly, in most studies on Gokana (Vobnu 1991: 27 and Isaac 2003: 52), these items are actually

207

T:leme Phn11nlng1•

marked HL not RL which supports the argument that underlyingly these are HL not RL. Another illustrative evidence put forward in support of high lowering to raised is the tonal pattern of loanwords. According to Ikoro (1994b: 214) Kana has re-analysed high tones of loanwords as raised tones as in (Ex. 7.8) above. This may be the case for Kana but these items remains HL in Baan, Eleme and Gokana. The second tone rule to be examined in pursua1)ce of the argument here is high tone lowering 2, which states that a high tone is lowered to raised before mid tone. This is schematically represented as: High Lowering 2: H ~ R /_M. This rule is specific to Kana. Ikoro (1994b: 215) observes that within a lexical item, a high tone that follows mid tone is lowered to raised. He used the definite future tense as in example (Ex. 7. 9) below to illustrate the rule. The definite future tense takes H tone if the verb root is non-low, but in other tenses, it takes M tone. This M tone before an object NP changes to H as in 1 u 'come'

in the definite future and pass tenses as in example (Ex. 7.9).

Ex. 7.9 Kana m-lu m-weelu m-weelu wH 1-SG OF FUT come 1-SG PTM come 1-SG PTM come farm I will come. I came. I came to the farm.

Ex. 7.10 Kana (i) m-Jl5o (<Jloo) (ii) m-weeJ155

1-SG DFUT COP tall 1-SG PTM tall I will be tall. I was tall.

(iii) m-t&gc (<toge) (iv) m-weetogc 1-SG DFUT teach 1-SG PTM teach I will teach something. I taught something.

There is a piece of evidence, which N. Williamson (1990) appears to have over looked. The fact that High Lowering I has supportive comparative evidence at least in the Gokana data in (Ex. 7. 7) above while High Lowering 2 before mid tone has no supportive comparative evidence. Secondly, within Kana syntax, there is another piece of evidence that supports HM not RM under lyingly. Verbs with LM tone in the imperative behave similarly as non-low verbs in the indicative. These verbs take H tones in the definite future, and M tones in other tenses parallel to (Ex. 7. 9) above. According to him, the tonal pattern on these verbs is realized as RM if H tone is assigned as shown above for the verb 'be tall'.

As example (Ex. 7.10) shows, indicative verb roots with LM tone sequences take the assigned raised tone on the first syllable as in (i) and (iii). But the real tone pattern for these verbs in the definite future is HM not RM because no tonal change is observed on the second syllable. A comparison of the data in (Ex. 7. 9) and (Ex. 7.10) reveals that in the definite future, the assigned H tone is always realized as R before an M tone but remains H elsewhere.

208

·:: LM tone and (iii).

• .. f not RM

208

Tone and Tonological Processes

Deductively, I postulate that in an underived nominal with RM tone pattern in Kana, H tone lowering process has taken place before the M tone.

In sum, Ogonoid probably has three underlying tones: H, M, L and sequences of these. If H tone occurs as T 1 with either L or M, the H tone is realized as R only in Kana. This tone pattern even in. Kana is very scarce, found only in loanwords with CVN syllable. Besides; the R tone never occurs as T2,

and where it shows up as T 1, it is always in complementary distribution with the H tone. Thus, the R tone should not be considered an underlying tone. Although I have reanalysed the R tone of Kana as a surface realization of an underlying HL or HM sequence, this analysis cannot be extended to the entire group as N. Williamson (1990: 34) proposes. This is because each language within the group ought to be examined independently then comparatively. In Eleme, high tone lowering also occurs, schematically represented as: H - M I_ L, this rule states that H tone is realised as M in the environment of a low

tone. The language assigns M tone to all non-low tone verbs. Note that high tone lowering to R is blocked in Eleme because R tones do not occur in Eleme. This is schematically represented as: *H - R I _L. With this I present other tone rules in Eleme.

In Eleme, there are two general tone rules phonologically conditioned: M tone spreading and M tone dissimilation. In contrast, there are three specific tone rules morphosyntactically regulated: tonal metathesis, metatony and H tone spreading. Meanwhile, there is another tone rule whose application is either phonologically or syntactically governed: floating tone grounding. I start with mid tone spreading.

7.2.1.1 Mid tone spreading Schuh ( 1978: 231) posits that in spreading, absorption and copying, a

syllable either acquires or loses its tone to an adjacent syllable. With specific reference to spreading, he asserts that a tone migrates beyond its source syllable to replace (or displace) the tone of the next syllable (s). Gussenhoven (2004: 34) claims that spreading is due to multiple associations and that spreading occurs because of the need to supply tone less syllable (s) with one. These experts have expressed concisely the process and the reasons for it. Here, I focus on the specific dimension involved in Eleme tonal spread. The schematic representation below tries to capture the process of spreading in Eleme. The subscript diacritic marks attached to the vowels (ViYj) imply that the vowels do not necessarily have to be identical for the ru le to apply.

v + v f'......... f .. .......... .. L M

A 111 id tone occurring after a low tone across a word boundary spreads leftwards delinking the low tone. It is p~rtinent to stress here that it is only the tone

209

Eleme Phonology

adjacent to the triggering mid tone that is delinked. The data in examples (Ex. 7.11 - Ex. 7.13) is used to discuss tonal spread the Eleme dimension.

Ex. 7.11 bui + read cbara + pit g~b55 + separate

Er.~. /J be + collect Jore + difficult

1::.1·. 7.13 (i) obcrc + (ii) no + (iii) t1H + (iv) dala +

to home njr.e person

bui-to

- cbara-njee

be - gb55-be fight

nee - be-nee give 03SG nu - j oro-nu thing

nu - oberc-nu nee __. no-nee j& - (*tSilH> mi - (*dalaml)

read(at)home

someone's pit

separate(the)fight

collect for him

difficult thing

two things this person reject him/her/it lift me up

If the site has two segments (V or i';J) capable of bearing tone, tonal contour results as in (Ex. 7.11). But if at the site there is only one tone-bearing segment, contour tone formation is blocked as in (Ex. 7.12). Mid tone spreading is also prohibited if the L tone before the M tone is a subset of a numeral as in (Ex. 7.13i). Likewise, if the M tone is associated with a pronominal, M tone spreading is barred as in (Ex. 7.13ii) . These account for the ungrammaticality of (Ex. 7.13iv) and (Ex. 7.1 Jv). These apparently show that the application of this rule is syntactically governed.

7. 2.1.2 Mid tone dissimilation Schuh (1978: 241) draws a distinction between the rules that govern

dissimilation and polarization. But, he asserts that: 'The phonetic effect of the two processes will be the same, namely, tones on two (usually contiguous) syllables will be the opposite of each other'. In Eleme, if two mid tones occur on either side of a word boundary (M 1 + M2), M1 changes to H as in example (Ex.7.1./) . This is represented by the rule: M ~ H /_##M. The data in (Ex. 7.14 - Ex. 7.20) will be used to discuss this process.

Ex. 7. 14 (i) bee + d3o + ra - bcc-d3o-ra serves my idol (ii) ccf'30 + nee - cd36-nee juju's gift (iii) nu + du+ mi - nu-du-mi something bite me

210

j;:, -

,...

he) fight

I contour

e

210

Ex. 7.15 Ci) abee + nJcc (ii) ::>nee + cf30

- ab9e-nj cc - oncc-cf30


someone's name (an) evil person

While M tone spreading affects only adjacent tone, M tone dissimilation affects sequences of tones (both tones become high). HM and MM tone sequences trigger mid tone dissimilation. The output in both instances is HH tone sequence as in example (Ex. 7.15). Conversely, LM tone sequence inhibits mid tone dissimilation since its application will result into LR tone sequence, a tonal sequence, which Eleme prohibits (cf. Tables 7. I and example Ex. 7.16). In addition, M tone dissimilation never applies to the output of mid tone spreading as in (Ex. 7.17). Mid tone dissimilation is equally blocked, if the M 1 tone is a pronoun or part of a possessive construction as in (Ex. 7.18).

E.x. 7.16

Ex. 7.1 7

Ex. 7. 18

::>me onu

+ +

n-ga nee n-ga nee-to n-ga bcla n-ga baa-nu

owa-je cnu-je ::>to-je

-kasc -

ome-d36 onu-kase

I am walking, I am walking home. I am tearing. I am tearing something.

his wife his thing his home

deity's neck mouth's blessing

These exceptions indicate that mid tone dissimilation is syntactically governed just like mid tone spreading. As a matter of fact, given that mid tone dissimilation triggers change in both mid tones as in (Ex.7.14i) and (Ex.7.15ii) suggest that these tonal sequences are underlying linked as one in terms of the Obligatory Contour Principle (cf Goldsmith 1990). Whereas, the application of mid tone spreading counter suggests that such a sequence cannot be treated as one single tonal sequence underlyingly as in (Ex. 7.11). In Eleme, if two low tones (L 1 + L2) meet across a morpheme boundary, L1 is realised as H before a past tense morpheme with a low tone. This is schematically represented as: L - H I_ ##L. Why L 1 is not realised as M needs further investigation.

fa. 7.19

fa. 7.20

wa + ri - wari drank de+ ri- deri ate d3u + ri - d3uri came drink: PTM SFX eat: PTM SFX come: PTM SFX

eta+ fa - ete fa coconut tree eb6 + fa - eb6 fa co conu t i'rnit

211

Eleme Phonology

Unlike the mid and low tones, tone dissimilation is blocked when two high tones meet across word boundary, what happens is simply a sequence of two juxtaposed high tones as in (Ex. 7.20).

7. 2.1 . 3 Floating tone grounding Floating tone grounding is a very common occurrence in African

languages (Schuh (1978: 222), Yip (2002: 133) and Gussenhoven (2004: 128) but the syntactic structure that triggers it varies from language to language. I represent the process here thus:

v r·· .............. ..

T1 T2

In the schematic representation above the floating tone is unspecified because H, M or L can dock, but floating low tone grounding is prevalent. The floating tone grounds if there is the need for it to be attached to a particular syllable. Similar to mid tone spreading and mid tone dissimilation, floating tone also grounds leftwards in Eleme. Two types of constructions trigger floating low tone grounding: the nominal associative constructions and the nominal predicate. In these syntactic contexts, the floating low tone is grounded. This process triggers vowel lengthening and contour tone formation if the preceding syllable is monosyllabic. In the examples below the L tone is the associative marker as in (Ex. 7.21).

fa. 7.21

Ex. 7.22

oto + L gbc - ot6o-gbc Gbo's house home AM Gbo ot5 + L rfa- ot6o-fia house is good home be good adaa + L b6 - adaa-b6 tooth AM goat abee + L ria.- abee-ria. name be good

(a) goat's tooth

name is good

If there are non-identical sequences of tone (T1T2), the grounded L tone displaces T2 as in (Ex. 7.22). Where the floating low tone in a nominal associative construction and the juxtaposed tone are identical (T1 T 1), floating low tone grounding is prohibited.

Ex. 7.23 ok55 + L gbc - ok55-g~bo Gbo's fowl fowl !\M Gbo etc +Lle - etc-ie Le's load load !\M Le

212

African - 04 : 128)

guage. I

nominal 1 , • oating

212


Ex. 7.24 ok33 + L g'bo - ok33-g'bo fowls are (in) group fowl be group ho + L le - ho-le a load is good

load be good

The floating low tone merges with or is absorbed by the identical low tone in a nominal predicate if there is already a CVV sequence at the grounding site as in example (Ex. 7.24). In a high tone environment, there is a contrast in the behaviour of floating low tone in nominal associative constructions and nominal predicates. With associative construction, floating tone grounding is prohibited, if the previous tone is high (Ex. 7.25i). But, with nominal predicate, floating low tone grounding is allowed, if the previous tone is high. Note that when this happens, the H tone is lowered to M (Ex. 7.25ii).

Er. 7. 25

Er. 7.26

Er. 7.2 7

, , _("' , , ·" (i) owii + t_; 030 - owii -030 juju's child (ii) owff + L d3u - owfi.-cf3u child is life , ( ~

m-Sl.-Sl.

re-si.-si t-nuu-ra

I will go we will go

my thing

(m+H+si)

(rc+H+si)

(pronoun=n-na) Eleme

With the definite future tense as in (Ex. 7.26), The floating high tone grounds if the floating H tone is attached to the subject marker. In this particular instance vowel lengthening is illegal because the subject markers are themselves toneless morphemes. In contrast, Flonting mid tone grounding occurs with emphatic p·oss\.'ssiw co nstructions as in (/;,\-. 7.27). In comparison with floating low tone grounding, floating M tone grounding triggers vowel lengthening and contour tone formation only when the previous syllable is monosyllabic as in (Ex. 7.27).

7.2.1 . ./ Tonal metathesis Yip (2002: 132) posits that tonal 'metathesis abound' in African

languages. My data however suggests that its occurrence in Eleme is highly restricted. In Eleme, the numeral taa 'three' counting form has a low-mid

tonal sequence. It is observed that if this numeral pre-qualifies a noun, the tonal pattern is reversed and realised as mid-low. In tonal literature this process is called tonal metathesis and is here represented schematically as: LM->-ML/ _## NP. This rule states that the tonal sequence low mid becomes

mid low before a noun phrase, only if the low mid tonal sequence is associated with a numeral. In Eleme like any other Ogonoid language, the only numeral with a LM tonal sequence is taa 'three' counting form see example (Ex. 7.28)

below.

213

Eleme Phonology

Ex.7.28 taa-t6 taa-nu taa-jee

7.2.1.5 Metatony

three times three things three people

In Eleme transitive constructions, it is observed that a mid tone before an object noun phrase is realised as high tone. Secondly, a low tone before an object noun phrase is realised as mid tone. These two processes have given rise to what is known as metatony I and 2 in literature on Ogonoid (cfNwoJu.Obele 1998, Bond 2006). The two types of tonal metatony are here represented as: Metatony I: M-..,H/ _##NP0 • This rule states that a mid tone before an object noun phrase is realised as high tone as in example (Ex. 7.29) below.

Ex. 7.29

Ex. 7.30

n-gaa-cf3u-w.H (<ngaa cfau) I SG PROG come farm I am coming to the farm.

(i) maa kala kpaa (<maa kala) 1 quarrel with the drum. (ii) maa mo k'"'paa (*maa m5 kpaa) I am seeing the drum.

Secondly, Metatony 2: L-M/ _##NP0 • This rule states that a low tone is realised as mid tone before an object NP as in example (Ex. 7.30i). The ungrammaticality of examp:e (Ex. 7.30ii) is due to the fact that Metatony 2 is blocked if the L tone is associated with a monosyllabic structure. Similarly, metatony 2 is prohibited in an imperative construction if the object NP is a pronominal clitic. For instance, compare (i) dala mI 'carry me' with (ii)

dala eyi. 'carry eyi '. In (i) no tonal alternation is observed because Object NP

is a pronominal clitic while in (ii) the low tone of 'carry' is realised as mid because the Object NP is a proper noun. Note that both constructions are imperative expressions. These rules are raising rules in contrast to lowering ru !es such as high lowering.

7. 2.1. 6 High tone spreading This process applies when N 1 is modifying an N 2; an adjective is

specifying a noun, a verb and a noun are juxtaposed as in example (Ex. 7.31i) below. The low tone of the prefixal syllabic nasal m is deleted whereas the

spreading high tone from the close front vowel i attaches to the syllabic nasal

m. Secondly, this process equally operates with de·verbal nouns were a proper

name is derived from a verb. This derived noun is preceded by a high tone prefix a-, which spreads rightwards and displaces the next tone. If the

spreading high tone is followed either by a low or mid tone within the verb root,

214

en rise ~Obele

ted as: object

tone is

The

dject ive is :; e (Ex. 7. 3 li)

hereas the

214


it is still realised as high tone. High tone lowering is inoperative in this situation as exemplified in (Ex. 7.31 ii). This process is represented as:

As usual the subscript diacritic marks attached to the vowels (ViVi) imply that the vowels do not necessarily have to be identical for the rule to apply. While erstwhile rules/processes operate leftwards, H tone spreading is rightwards. As with floating tone grounding, the delinked tone is unspecified since any tone may be detached when the structural conditions are ideal.

fa 7.3/i ocf3icf3i + mb6 - ocf3icf3imb6 rope goat tether ekik6r6 + eta - ekik6r6ete empty tree hollow (part of a) tree 0101 + 010.i - e1oia16i tell story tell a story

Ex. 7.3/ii acf3fwa a proper name > cf3I +wa acf3urf a proper name > cf3u + r:f.

7.2.1. 7 Tone raising Tone raising is different from the raised tone. Tone raising is a process

whereby either a low or mid tone is realised as high tone in a given syntactic relation. This is represented as L - H I VO. This rule states that a low tone changes to a high tone on the object of the verb in a verb plus object relation. In Eleme, a low tone on a verb stem is realized as high tone on the object of the verb. The assigned high tone then spreads onto the first syllable of the object of the verb. Tone raising involves third degree change: de ncf3a (<de ncf3a) 'eatfood', whereas all other erstwhile processes discussed so far involved

first-degree change. In the Nchia dialect of Eleme, the stem vowel lengthens, this process does not occur in the Odido dialect; examine the data in example (Ex. 7.32) below. The T 1 in a tonal sequence of Ti. T2 and T3 is assigned M tone because the language assigns M tone to non-low tone verbs. While T2 is high: dee 'eat ·. It is the high tone of T2 that spreads across the word boundary to

T3 of the object of the verb, e.g. dee ndsa 'eat food'.

fa. 7.32 UFs

(a) 1ra+ob6/ (b) ;g'bil + acf301

Odido SFs

- [ ra.obO J - (gb~acf30 J

Nchia SFs (faa6b5] knock(with)hand [ g~baaacf30] pluck palm fruit

215

Eleme Pho110/ogy

( <;) /g~bo + nsa/ ..... [g~b6nsaJ [gbo6nsa] light fire <dl 1cf3u + ot61 ..... [cf3u6t6 J [cf3uu6t6 J come home (c) /kpo + nd3a/ - (kpond3a) r kpooncf3a J ~crvc food

(I) /ku + okofee/ ..... (ku6kofee J [ kuu6kofee) pound pepper <v.l 11u+mk'pii; - r iumk'pfiJ r i oumk~pii J s hout louder

Ex. 7.32i si.i 6ka go to (the) fann rec nd3I.ra kill fish dee akaa nd3a cat good food ro6 6ka cultivute farm

t1uu ncf3Ira take (the) fish gMenu hide something

bo6 adc enu treat a wound <f3a.a nd3ira buy fish

boo nd3Ira tie (the) fi sh muu csaa dig yam jaa nsa know book n56 enu learn something

Ex. 7.32ii d3a ecf3e lit.dance dance cf3i anu steal something

me ncf3a swallow food to oto lit. advise advice

lo oka weave basket ku ate cut tree

ba nd3Ira eat fish bl nsa fold book

cf3I otf3Id3H lit. dive dive

The data in example (Ex. 7.32a) - (Ex. 7.32g) exemplify a number of concomitant phonological processes, the low tones in the underlying forms are raised to high in both dialects of Eleme. In the Nchia dialect vowel lengthening occurs. The underlying high tone in (Ex. 7.32a) is lowered to mid tone as a result of the presence of the depressor consonant (voiced bilabial plosive [b])

compare (Ex. 7.32a) where the underlying H tone is lowered to M tone with (Ex. 7. 32d) where the high is maintnincd in both underlying forms and surface forms. In (Ex. 7.32b), Odido dialect maintains the underlying nasalization, which is lost in the Nchia vers ion. Compare the verbs in (Ex. 7,32i) with the verbs in (Ex. 7.32ii); where no epenthetic vowel is inserted consequently no tonal changes are observed when the verbs take object NPs. If the verb has a suffix as in (Ex. 7.33), it is the tone of the suffix that will be raised and copied on the T3 of the object NP; alternatively low tone dissimilation is also in operation.

fa. 7.33 Vb +SPX+ Obj

/do +ml+ob6/ -.. (domfobo) /kPase +ml+ od/ - [ kpasem!of~] I Ha.ma + ru + &bie/-.. [ Hamaruebie]

hold(my)hand sweep dirt (for me) he told you

Where a specifier occurs between a verb and the noun, which is both the object of such a verb and the word being specified, there will be two sets of tonal copying. The first is between the verb and the specifier, and the second is bet\veen the specifier and the noun, which it specifies as in (Ex. 7.34).

~

216

Ex. 7.34 et1.!i .fporQ §.cte ]llmaml ag1>Q .f.p5rQ mploo ai:ibQ §.kM filploo eplarq fp5rQ Q.pla


He looks (at me with a) bad eye. He has (a) bad mind. He has (a) good mind. He looks (at you with an) evil look.

Instances of tone raising also occur with different persons (I SG/3SG) in Eleme as illustrated below in (Ex. 7. 35). The in itial voiceless consonants of set A are realized as voiced consonants of set B, after the different persons. This process is captured by the following rule: +obs - +voice/ v_ v-v. This rule states that a voiceless obstruent is realised as voiced intervocalically. This does not imply that all consonants are voiced intervocalically as these examples might suggest. A careful examination of my data and my intuition as a native speaker reveals that this is not the case; this is only true of this closed class of items.

Ex. 7.35 Set A

(i) a-su-a 3-go: PTM with 03SG 'He went with it.'

(ii) a-toba 3-advise: PTM 03PL 'He advised them.'

(iii) e-ki1a. 3-COND collect 0 I SG 'He is about to collect it.'

Set B a-cf:su-a 3-go: PTM with 03SG 'He came with it. '

a-doba 3-share: PTM 03PL ' He shared them.' ¢-gila ISG-COND collect 03PL ' I am about to collect it.'

The tones in set A are LLH but these are rea lised in set B as LLL in (Ex. 7.35i) LMM in (Ex. 7.35ii) and (Ex. 7. 35iii). It is therefore not just the change in the segment that accounts for person but also changes in tone. Examples (Ex. 7.35ii) and (Ex. 7.35iii) are instances of tone raising and lowering respectively. The low tones are raised after voiced consonants while the high tones are lowered two degrees, which I call tonal free fall as in (E:x. 7.35i). 7. 2.1. 8 Tone copying

Tone copy is discussed in Gussenhoven (2004: 3 I 5) as a phonological requirement that most tone languages meet (see also Pierrehumbert (I 980: 5 I), Gussenhoven (1987a & b; (1990) and Ladd (1996: 141)). In Eleme tone copy ing is a situation whereby the tone on the ultimate vowel of the verb is copied onto the first syllable of the object of that verb. In other words, the object of the verb takes its tone from the verb. The process is facilitated by the relationship between the verb and its object, a collocational relationship. The acti on or the verb, which is transmitted by tone in Eleme, is passed on to the object by copying. Copying resembles spreading, but unlike spreading, which is phono logically moti vated, copying is nlways morphosyntactically

217

Eleme Pho110/ogy

conditioned, because it is the deletion of the morphological boundary and the relationship between the verb and its object that triggers tone copying. Note that if two identical tones are juxtaposed the process is blocked. rn (Ex. 7.36) the mid tone on the last syllable of the verb is copied onto the first syllable of the object. The direction of influence is rightwards.

Ex. 7.36 UFs SFs

/bi+ onu/ ... [biom1J 1rH + ora; -. r rHoraJ 1uli+nt'Soo1 ... [ulint1ooJ /bo + eb{Mo/ ..... [ bOeblboo] /flrt +opt ti ... [ flrcopcc] /d~3icf3ad + etSu/ ... [cf3Icf3ariet~SUJ

#o+o# 00

I I v M L M

0

shut(the)mouth throw dirt away blow(the)trumpet grow up pull down (the) hut spread(the)shirt

A high tone on the last syllable of the verb is also copied onto the first syllable of the object NP as (Ex.7.37) indicates.

fa. 7.37 UFs

/tor a+ etor /wara. + ckpaa/ /blna + ebl.na/ /k~par.i + oral /kmna +mbo/

rr 0

7.3 Tone patterns 7.3.1 Nouns

Sf's - (toraetof1 ... [warackpaa) ..... l bl.naebl.na] ... [kpar.i6ra] ... [kumamb6J

--> aa

v H

carry load invoke juju ask question sweep dirt care(for)goat

This section examines the tone patterns on mono-, di- and trisyllabic nouns and verbs. The analysis focuses on tonal alternations within the noun and verb phrases. Wolff (1964: 39) asserts that:

Ogoni [i.e. Ogonoid] nouns may be defined as forms, which may occur in association with certain modifiers, including numerals, demonstratives and possessives. There are no specific forms to designate syntactic functions of the noun (such as

218

syllable

:. trisy llabic - e noun and

218


subject or object), nor are there specific plural markers. When plural has to be specified, all Ogoni languages use a form meaning many preceding the noun. Numeral modifiers precede demonstratives follow the noun . I have found no evidence of noun classes.

The general consensus is that Proto-Niger Congo was a noun class language (cf Williamson 1989). Most language groups within Niger-Congo such as Bantoid, Cross River exhibit this noun class system. But as Barnwell (1969a, b), Dimmendal (1978), Alex 1987), and Faraclas (1986) have demonstrated, while this original noun class system is still functioning in some Cross River languages such as Mbembe, it is decaying in others such as Bukuma. In languages such as Eleme (Williamson 1985), Efik (Cook 1969b) and Ibibio (Essien 1990, Connell 1991 ), relics of this inherited noun class system survive as petrified prefixes. Connell (1987: 110-25) posits that even within Lower Cross, where the decay of the inherited noun class system is completed, there is yet one language, Usakade, where a functioning noun class system still exists. Efik is in fact an interesting case study of th is phenomenon. It has large number of nouns with petrified prefixes, with a handful of nouns and adjectives showing the original Niger-Congo singular/plural alternations (cf. Cook 1969b, Winston 1970). Deductively, it appears that the nouns, which no longer contrast singular-plural, are preceded by petrified prefixes. In Efik, Cook (1985) calls these prefixes 'subject concord prefixes'. Winston (1970: 412) observes that nouns commence with one of these vowels:

i ea o o u or N-'

He labels them 'phonological prefix or ?-prefix'. In verbal forms, P-prefixes have grammatical functions that of indicating number-and-person agreement with subject. The analyses envisaged here are in line with that of Winston (1970).

Eleme Nouns are derived or underived. Here, I shall focus on the underived nouns. Underived nouns are classified according to their syllabic and tonal structures. There are no monosyllabic nouns (C) V in Eleme, since all nouns begin with a V- or 1;1- prefix. The noun stems are therefore compared.

The following canonical forms and tone patterns occur in underived nouns.

fa. 7.38 V.CV: V.CVV: H e-te tree HM a-net liver M o-nu mouth I.II maa descendants L e-1u mushroom ML a-too house

V.CVCV: V.CVV: 1111 c-kiiri:l water pol 1111 e-16.i proverb

219

l:'/cme Jlhonolo.~y

llM n-sisii earth llL m-k~p6o fence HL e-saka a name MM o-d3'lii race MM o-waro dish MH m-k~po6 kite rvll I e-Mte axe ML m-kpoo grief ML e-soro crayfish LL ebai cruelty I.I. n-oion shoulctor LH e-kpete chair

V.CVCVCV: HHH m-k'Pirik'pa straw hang bag HHM a-kukurI maize HHL n-selema sun-bird HMH m-s'bak.lni type of ant HMM a-pf para board MMM o-goloma plenty MML n-k1lrube gourd MHL juburu type of ant MHM n-d3Icf3ina spider MMH m-k'Pirik'"'pa thorny creeping plant LLL n-suruhe locust LLH o-kpilrcir6 suffery LllM a-9'bakara heaven LMM ?esurI porridge

These data lets us group underived nouns into 25 tone classes as in Table 7.2.

Table 7.2: Tone classes in underived nouns

H M L HH MM LL HM MH LH HL ML LLL HHH MMM LLH HHM MHL LHM HHL MHM LMM HMH MML HMM MMH

7.3.2 Verbs Eleme does not contrast a noun from a verb or a verb from any other

word class on the basis of morphological forms. In lgbo, with similar situation, Green and Igwe ( 1963) and Emenanjo ( 1975, 1978) postulate the ability of the verb to take an inflectional affix as one of the defining characteristics of a verb in contrast to a noun or any other word class. Therefore, a lexical item with an inflec6onal affix is a verb; otherwise it is another word class. Ikoro (1987: 17)

extends this criterion to Kana. fkoro asserts tfrnt 'in Kana, a ver6 (s any wora' which is capable of taking inflections'. He further suggests that the analysis of tense-aspect indicates that, tense-aspect marking is realised on verbs, nouns,

22

any other ., si tuation,

ility of the -· cs of a verb

_ _ .:em with an (1 987: 17)

_ _, i any word --e analysis of

erbs, nouns,

220

'/'une and '/(mological l'roces.l'e.1'

pronouns and pronominal clitics (see section 7 .5). Therefore, the ability to accept an inflectional affix is not a decisive factor for identifying verbs in Eleme. Bond (2006: 83) observes that sentences in Eleme have a fairly fixed word order. It appears to me th~t word order is a valid criterion for identifying a verb more readily than inflectional affixes. Eleme is a subject focus language; the subject is the first element in a sentence for instance: m-d6-ot5 'I am at home'. The verb is subsequent to the subject NP and precedes its complement except in inverted sentence structure. A verb may come before or after inflectional (independent or bound) morphemes, indicating tense, aspect and mood. Furthermore, a verb root may be derived using derivational suffixes. From a functional perspective, verbs articulate the action or an event executed by an agent.

Tone is a vital feature of the verbal system of Eleme. The tonal pattern of a verb varies in disparate verbal constructions as illustrated for the verb si ' catch ' below. Tonal alternations on verbs are due to the interplay of the general tone rules, metatony and the inflectional paradigms.

m-sI-je m-si-6wia , 1 ( -m-s1-s1-ra

I caught him.

I caught your sibling. I will catch him again.

Mono-and disyllabic verb roots are common in Eleme. Tri-syllabic structures occur less frequently: d3id3ari 'spread', d3ucf:3ula 'drag', alebi 'deal out' and okari 'swear'. All lexical verbs in Eleme that are nonderived begin with an initial consonant, a glottal stop occurs where no consonant is explicitly written. The tone of the verb stem (assenting or nonassenting) and other tonal rules determine tense, aspects, mood and transitivity in Eleme. According to Ikoro (1996: 212):

This may suggest that, unlike nouns, there is no reason for setting up tone classes for verbs. This, however, is not the case since the application of tone rules in verbal constructions obviously depends on the underlying tone classes of verb roots.

The tonal patterns of the verb de 'eat', kwo 'mix', to 'throw', nu 'thing' nd3a 'food', and de ncf3a 'eat food ' as in (Ex.7.39) require

some comments.

Ex. 7. 39 (i)

(ii)

kw5 nu kWo nd3a

mi x some thing mix some food

221

Eleme Phonologv

(iii)

(iv) t6nu t6 ncf3a

throw something up

throw up some food

These constructions are imperative in function. ·As the data in (Ex. 7.39) indicates the verb kwo 'mix' has dual dissimilar tonal manifestations. First,

kwo 'mix' before a mid tone noun is realised as mid as in (Ex.7.39i). Second,

kw o 'mix' before a low tone noun is realised as low as in (Ex. 7.39ii). In other words, this verb derives its tone from the succeeding noun. In contrast, the verb to 'throw' has only one tonal mould. It is high before both mid and high tonal

patterns. The tonal variation on kw o as against the tonal constancy of t c'5

suggest that tonal alternations are not indiscriminate but have regular pattern. This regular pattern is predicated on the inherent tone classes of the verbs in question. The primary tonal opposition in the verbal system of some Cross River languages is H vs. L tone classes. Zee and Inkelas (1990) state that in some Bantu languages the tonal opposition is found in the infinitive. In Efik, Cook ( 1985) posits that, it coincides with the second person singular (2SG) imperative verb form. In Eleme, however, it is tricky to set up an underlying tone class for verbs on the basis of either the infinitive or the imperative. Bond (2006: 68) realising this difficulty proposes a-three-way contrast based on the imperative, dependent and finite each with four different tone classes. Here, I will rather characterise the tonal quality of Eleme verbs based on infinitive (lnkelas et al 1990), imperative (Cook 1985) and indicative (Isaac 2003); this is simpler as the discussion below will show. First, in the infinitive, five tone classes: H, MH, MM, LM and L occur as shown in Table 7.3.

Table 7.3: Tone classes in the infinitive paradigm

H MH a-t6 to throw a-iaa to pick a-d3a to buy a-kpaa to make a-tri to be small a-bet to spoilt a-bee to destroy a-k~ptc to tell

MM LM I,

a-uli to blow jani to yawn a-wa to drink a-Here to rub a-t~ to speak a-iebr to share a-cf3aa to match a-lest to keep a-ctala to lift

a-maa to laugh

Secondly. five tone classes are also observed in the imperative as Table 7.4 indicates. The imperative uses M, HH and ML or LM tone classes in place of H, MH and LL tone classes of the infinit ive as the verbs 'throw', 'make' and

222

.. -~·---·--r.. the verb high tonal

of to

me Cross -rare that in . e. Jn Efik,

_ :: ar (2SG) derlying

i-··--... n: e. Bond on the

- .. s. Here, I __ - infinitive

- •3); this is e. five tone

: : .:::-ink :: 5;Jeak

:.ch - - - ... r

- : :.=.ugh

place of · ake' and

222


'match' illustrate respectively. Note that, the imperative form takes an extra vowel with identical tone class as indicated in 'drink', 'lift' and 'pick'. Besides, the LM and the MH tone classes of the imperative are significantly different from the LM and the MH tone classes of the infinitive.

Table 7. 4: Tone classes in the imperative paradigm

HH MM LM waa drink t§.a speak cf3aa match k~paa make daliia lift maa laugh k~pee tell cf3IH spread b~t spoilt to throw laaa pick na do

MH LI-I la bi say 10ri1 remove tor a carry jori. creep

Thirdly, five tone classes are also observed in the indicative as Table 7.5 indicates: M, MH, L, LM and LH. It is pertinent to note that in the Eleme verbal system, the tone pattern of verb roots does not follow from the usual dichotomy of infinitive versus imperative as in other tone languages, but rather on a trichotomy of infinitive, imperative and indicative mood. For the citation forms 9f the verb the indicative forms are preferred .

Table 7.5: Tone classes in the indicative paradigm

M Mil d3u cover la bi to throw tor a tScre rub laa btt spoilt dala

LM LH janI yawn nwfri} lorii remove

7.4 Uses of tones and tone patterns 7. 4.1 Negation

L say wa drink cRrry t~ speak pick d3aa step on

lift

add

As observed before tone has a high functional load in Eleme. Apart from distinguishing lexical items and syntactic constructions, it is also used to express negation, tense - aspect and mood. Eleme expresses negation in three ways: negating the subject, the verb or another nominal element in the

223

Eleme Phonology

predicate. The subject NP is negated whether it is in focus or not but when the element in the predicate is negated it is intrinsically in focus. Eleme contrasts the indicative and imperative mood. The optative is only present in successive future tense constructions, while the hortative combines with the imperative. I shall present no further distinctions, as these are morphosyntactic concepts.

7.4.1.1 Tonal variations 7. 4.1.1. 1 lndicativity

While the assenting paradigm distinguishes between imperfectivity and perfectivity aspects, the negative paradigm exhibits only the irnperfectivity aspects. In contrast to the affirmative imperfectivity, - the negative imperfectivity differentiates between the fulfilled and the unfulfilled. The fulfilled negative form is deployed to negate affirmative imperfective tenses (I shall not present fine distinctions further as these are morphosyntactic concepts). Negation in Eleme is rather complex; it employs a combination of tonal variations, negative markers and particles for its realization. For instance, it will be difficult to say whether md3ud3u is a positive or negative expression.

The positive expression is mcf3uci3u 'I will come' while the negative

expression is mcf3ucf3u 'I will not come'. This form occurs only with certain verbs where the simple future form appears like the habitual form. For instance the expression mcf3uaa 'I do come' is made negative md3ud3u 'I do not usually come'.

Apart from these simple positive versus negative expressions that uses simple tonal alternations as in the examples above, in Eleme, the negative marker is a floating high tone as (Ex. 7.40) indicates. With the first and second persons, i.e. participants, this morpheme is attached to the pronoun. The underlying low tone pattern of the pronominal subject clitic is replaced by the floating high tone.

b . 7 . ./() Positive

111111 m-ct3u-ct3u l SG RFUT-come l will come.

e-si-si 3SG RFUT-go He will go .

nc-wa-wa 3PL RFUT-drink We will drink.

6-k~pa-k'pa-d

Negative Habitual u 11. m-ct3u-d3u > 1.11111. m -ct3u-aa

ISG RNEG- come ISG -come-HAB I do not come.

e-si-si JSG RN EG-go I k docs not go.

I do come.

e-si-aa 3SG-go-HAB I le goes.

MHL ne-wa-wa > MHHL ne-wa-aa 31'1,-RNEG-drink We do not drink.

o-k~pa -1{pa - d

3PL-drink-HAl3 We normally drink.

2SG-RFUT-swecp-SG 2SG-RNEG-sweep You will sweep. You do not sweep.

o-k'pa-da 2SG-sweep-HAl3 You normally sweep.

224

essive I

_ • e negative and second

The

224

Tone and Tonolf!$ical Processes

As these data (Ex. 7.40) illustrate, the verb stems - d3u 'come', si. 'go', wa 'drink', and kpari 'sweep' are Land MH respectively. The floating high tone grounds leftwards onto the pronominal subject clitics delinking the L tone. Then the grounded H tone propagates rightwards,. replacing the L and the M tones of the stem. The verb stem is observed to have reduplicated in all cases. These data might suggest that the tone of the verb stem is also reduplicated along with the segments but this not the case as observed in the negative · expressions.

In the negative expressions above, the pronominal prefix split tones with the verb stem and crucially, the reduplicated verb stems also split tones, which strengthens the argument that tone and segment operate on different tiers. The polarity is of the highe5t degree: L versus H, M versus H, and H versus L. The same tonal split is observed in the affirmative, LH versus HL, MH versus HL. This tonal split sets aside the negative. This suggests that Eleme uses these tone patterns - LHL, MHL and LHMH, which do not occur in nouns and verbs in isolation, to express negation. Wolff ( 1964: 4) commenting on Eleme negation makes the following observation:

Eleme negative verbal constructions are marked by modiflcatio11 of the subject pronoun or by an n + vowel prefix or by both. The negative element n~ precedes a modified form of the subject pronoun. The tone sequence on the negative forms is highlow, in past tense constructions, low elsewhere. The base is reduplicated in the past tense construction; simple in progressive sequences and preceded by ba- in future tense sequences. When

ba- is omitted, the verb base has high tone; this

later alternation appears to be a matter of choice for the individual speaker.

Ex. 7.41 Wolffs data, literal analysis mine. n-im cf3ucf3ui NEG- I SG RPTM-come I did not come.

' -~ ~' n-ima3ui NEG: PROG I SG-come I am notcoming.

.... ~ -~ ... n-im ba-a3u NEG-ISG FUT-come I will not come.

n-ee-d3ucf3u NEG-3SG: RPTM-come He did not come.

ne-cf3u NEG: PROG-3SG-come He is not coming. ne-ba-cf3u NEG: 3SG FUT come He will not come.

225

Eleme Phonology

Wotfrs analysis is in essence correct but it does not take into cognizance the existence of a floating high tone as a negative marker.

7. ./. I. 2 Negative markers 7. ./. 1.2. I Negation of imperative expression

For a discussion on the imperative mood see section 6.1.2. The various negative markers are for the imperative ka ... ri, the hortative ga ... ri, ka ... ri and baaka ... ri, the perfective saa and basaa, and the unfulfilled

gaba, kaba and baakaba. Imperatives are negated through the affixation of

the negative marker - ka ... r i. Its semantic import is either 'prohibitive', or 'no longer'. It indicates a counter command for an action, which is either in progress or already completed. If the action is in progress, the negative marker is understood as 'you (sg) stop doing X', but if it is already completed, it means 'you (sg) don't do X again'.

Ex. 7.42 (a) de ka-de-ri (b) fS a.-i ka-t1a-i-ri 0 IMP-eat 0 IMP-eat NEG 0 IMP-run-PL 0 IMP-run-PL NEG 'Eat' 'Don't eat.' 'Run' 'Don't run.'

In example (Ex. 7.42) above the non-imperative expression ism-de 'I eat'. In this expression the subject clitic and the verb stem both carry low tones. But in the imperative expression the subject is implied not stated. However, the low tone of the subject is still active. If the two low tones, the low tone of the subject and the low tone of the verb stem meet across morpheme boundary the expected result is the first low tone becoming high following tone raising rule. But what is observed here is a mid tone not a high tone. This suggests that the tone-raising rule is not operating here. What is happening therefore is that the negative imperative marker here is a floating high tone. This floating high tone attaches itself to the low tone of the subject clitic. This low tone lowers the floating high tone to mid tone, which in turn spreads rightwards. In other words, three tonal rules are in operation here, floating high tone grounding, high tone lowering and mid tone spreading. The floating high tone, which has grounded leftwards on the covert subject, becomes mid in the environment of the low tone of de 'eat' and tS a 'run' in isolation. The resultant mid tone

spreads from the verb stem to the prefix ka. This complex tonal interplay is

what makes it difficult explaining negation in Eleme syntax. For instance, Nwolu-Obele (1998: 234) accounts for negation in Eleme thus; 'differentiations between positive and negative expressions are sometimes made through the use of positive and negative tones'. Tonal patterns cannot be possibly characterised as 'positive' or 'negative' but rather as tonal alternations, which results into positive and negative expressions.

226

e the

es. But in _.er the low

• ne of the ndary the

'sing rule. ............. ,_,oC"t., that the

_ -~ ~ is that the

- · ~ high tone e lowers the

. In other _ ding, high

vhich has . · onment of

instance, _ =erentiations

gh the use :: aracterised

results into

226


7.4.1.2.2 Negation of hortative expression Hortativity is the mood form used to express either a wish or a request

(Nwolu-Obele 1998: 236). In Eleme, attach ing the pronominal prefix with the appropriate negative marker -ga ... ri or baaka ... ri negates a hortative

expression. The first person takes the form ga ... r.i, while the second person

takes the same form ka ... ri as the negative imperative; and the third person

takes the form baaka ... ri. Their semantic import approximates 'should not'.

Ex. 7.43 Positive m-dee I SG-PTM-MOD-eat I should eat.

re-dee 3PL PTM: MOD-eat We should eat. a-de 2SG-PTM: MOD eat He should eat. a-de -ri 3-PL PTM: MOD-eat They should eat .

Negative m-ga-de-d. I SG PTM-MOD-eat NEG I should not eat.

re-ka-de -ri 3PL PTM: MOD-eat NEG We should not eat , e-ka-de -d. 2SG-PTM: MOD eat NEG He should not eat. e-baaka-de -d. 3-PL PTM: MOD-eat They should not eat.

Similar to the process observed in the negative imperative expression, it also appears that in the negative hortative expression, the floating high tone is equally in operation. The negative hortative marker is a floating high tone, which attaches to a relevant subject clitic. If there is low tone verb following the subject clitic with the gro'tmded floating high tone, this low tone on the verb lowers the grounded floating high tone on the subject clitic to a mid tone, which then ·spreads rightwards. It is pertinent to note that if the verb stem is already on a mid tone, high tone lowering is blocked when the floating high tone docks because the result will be raised tone, which the language disallows . Furthermore, note that the vowel sequences carry same tone, which might suggest the presence of phonological long vowels in the language this is not the case. An examination of (Ex. 7.4 1) shows a split tone on the sequences suggesting that these are Y. Y sequences.

7J I 2. 3 Negation of pe1:fect ive expression Eleme distinguishes for the perfective aspect three tenses: present, past

and future. A perfective expression is negated via negative markers such as: bas aa t()r the third person plural and saa for others persons. Both negative

227

Eleme Phonology

markers mean 'have/has not '. The pronominal and the negative markers are prefixed to the verb, in each case; there is the reduplication of the verb stem.

Ex. 7.44 Positive Negative m-ma-bere-pu m-saa-pupu I-SO.PRES: PF-pass I-SO.PRES: PF: NEG-pass I have pass. I have not pass.

5-wa-bere-pu 5-saa-bere-pupu 2-SG.PRES: PF-pass 2-SG.PRES: PF: NEG-pass You have not pass. You have not pass. £-baa-bere-pu eba-saa-pupu 3·PL PRES: PF-pass 3-PL PRES: PF: NEG-pass They have pass. They have not pass.

Low tone verbs are realised as mid tone via high tone lowering as noted in the negative imperative and negative hortative expressions above, while non-low tone verbs retain their inherent mid tone pattern for reasons I have already explained above which is that if the verb stem is already on a mid tone, high tone lowering is blocked so that raised tone is not realized, since the language prohibits it. This floating high tone is accompanied by stem reduplication if the structure is CV.

7.4.1.2.4 Negation of unfulfilled expression The negative markers which are used in transforming positive

unfulfilled expressions into negative ones are: gaba for the first person,

baaka for the third person plural and kaba is used for all other persons. All

have the meaning 'should not have' . The pronominal prefixes and the negative markers are prefixed to the verb, which is reduplicated. There are three tonological processes on-going in the realization of negative unfulfilled expression. First, a floating high tone grounds on the pronominal toneless subject clitic. Secondly, the grounded floating high tone upon contact with the low tone of cf3e, it lowers to a mid tone. Thirdly, the resultant mid tone

spreads to the rest of the syllables. Alternatively, one could say~ that the negative markers copy their tone from the pronominal subject clitic where the floating high tone has grounded and metamorphosed into mid tone. The mid tone on the verb stem is as a resu It of the low tone of the verb stem lowering the spreading high tone from the pronominal subject clitic.

fa. 7.45 Positive m-ga-d3ecf3ee I SO.PRES: PF: MOD-dance I should have danced.

Negative m-gaba-cf3ecf3ee I SO.PRES: PF: MOD: NEG-dance I should not have danced.

228

~

.. non-low - e already

":. rone, high _ - e language

· :zrion if the

e negative _ are three

_ ;.mfulfil led

·~-~·mid tone

.: - : that the here the

-=. The mid

228

Tone and Tonologica/ Processes

t-ka-cf3ecf3ee 3-SG.PRES: PF: MOD-dance He should have danced.

t-baaba-cf3ecf3ee 3-PL.PRES: PF: MOD-dance They should have danced.

7 . ./. 1.3 Negative particles

t-kaba-cf3ecf3ee 3-SG.PRES: PF: MOD: NEG-dance He should not have danced.

t-baa-kaba-cf3ecf3ee 3-PL.PRES: PF: MOD: NEG-dance They should not have danced.

There are other means of expressing negation in Eleme that employ reduplication and complex tonal alternation (see Ex.4.31 and Ex.5.20). There are six types of negative particles that Eleme employs in expressing negation:

(i) ne, n:::/re, ni/ri 'will not or cannot'.

Ex. 7.46 ne-ecf3ur~ rf-ebaawa NEG: 3SG-come NEG: 3PL. drink He will not come again. We cannot drink.

Cii) nee, nte/rfe, nil!rH 'did not, unable to'

nI-msH NEG: 1-SG-go I will not go.

Ex. 7. 47 nee-e-cf3ucf3uri nee-e-wawari rfi-m-sfsH NEG: PTM 3-PL come NEG: PTM 3-PL drink NEG: I SG NEG write They did not come. They did not drink. I did not write.

rfi-iii-baas~ NEG: ISG.PTM NEG: write I was unable to write.

(i ii) see/see/sH ... ri 'It is not.'

Ex. 7. 48 see obeleri see be edooori sfi iiib6Jiib6ri

It is not Obele. > obele It is not so. > edo-ri It is not Mbombo. > mb6mb6

Civ) see see ... ri, ste ste ... ri, sH sH ... ri 'but for, ifnot for'

fa. 7.49 see see ekieri cbaakabebe If not for Ekie, they should have fought.

sec sec 516rf mgabaaci3u But for Ollor, I should not have come.

sH sH Mori cka ?U ?U If not for Ndo, he should have died.

(v) nd3e 'not '

Ex. 7 50 nd3e me e?ee kanas~ osila nd3e 6?oni

(vi) nd3est ' must not, cannot ' .

Ex. "'. 51 ncf3ese be osila ebaa 6d6 aj 60 nd3ese be tnas~

If not what will happen?

Osila is not here.

Osila must not marry.

That cannot happen.

229

Eleme Phonology

The negative markers discussed in section (7.4.1.2) are in complementary distribution with the negative particles, which are discussed here. While the negative markers occur after pronominal prefixal subject clitic and before the verb stem, the negative particles occur before the pronominal prefixal subject clitic, which in turn occurs before the verb. This positional possibility is vital as it determines the source of the tone that spreads. It is vowel harmony that determines which negative particle occurs with a particu lar verb, for instance, ne and nee occur only w.ith e ; ne and nte alternates with re and rte respectively, which occurs with e:, and nf and nff alternates with rf and rff respectively, which occurs with syllabic nasals. Recollect that in chapter 4, I did point out that w r j - w f - n j in the environment of a nasal, r - n alternates

depending on the presence or absence of nasality at the insertion site. The situation with the negative particles is somewhat different from those of the negative rmirkers discuss above. The negative particles are mid if CV but high mid if CVV. The mid tone on the V2 spreads rightwards. Note that non-low tones verbs are assigned mid tone because the result of the floating high tone lowering is raised which the language does not allow. In sum, I suggest that there are three major ways of marking negative expressions in Eleme, the use of tlof!ting high tone, the use of negative markers and particles. It is the floating high tone that accounts for the tonal pattern of negation.

7.5 Tense-aspect Variations of the same verb take either the impcrfectivity or perfectivity

fonn depending on the transient view of an action or event. Verbal actions or events can either be progressing, or completed. Each of these aspectual distinctions trigger different tenses, these tenses are marked by a combination of tone and segmental morphemes. In Elcmc these tense markers have three positional possibilities: on the subject, as an independent morpheme, or as a ve rbal affix . With certain verb forms. the tense-aspect marker occurs in preand post verbal positions simultaneously. The component of the predicate (i.e. verbal or nominal)· also determines the position of a tense-aspect marker. If a tense-aspect indicator is not an affix, it compulsorily comes before the verb root, main or modal. A summary of the various tenses and their m-arkers are given in Table 7.6.

Table 7.6: Tense-aspect markers Participant Non-participant

lmperfectivity: Progressive aa,-ga,-ka -kara-Factitivity LM H,M Habituality -a-aa -jaa Continuativity waa waa Past -ma-,wa -baa-Past progressive -ga-, -ka- -kara Futurity baa-. gi, ki H+R

230

- - - alternates -ite. The - of the but high

- non-low ~ hi gh tone _ ggest that

the use of e floating

rfectivity actions or aspectual ination of

230

Perfectivity: Present

Past

Futurity

ma be re ma be re b8.abere-


wabere wabere,baabaabere-

In Table 7.6, waa with different tonal patterns is tl1e only non-affixal form of

the tense-aspect markers in Eleme. This signals that non-affixal tense-aspect markers have the same source, a verbal origin. Most of these tenses interrelate with participant positions, i.e. participating (first and second persons: speaker or hearer) in opposition to non-participating (third person).

A verb paradigm allocates a definite tonal pattern to a verb depending on the intrinsic tonal class of that verb root. Recall that in the indicative mood (see Table 7.5) non-low, L, LM and LH are the various tone classes that occur. This specific assigned tone as dictated by the indicative paradigm alters if metatony, mid tone spreading or dissimilation operates. Note also that with low tone verb having monosyllabic structure metatony is banned. Similarly, with verbs of the indicative low mid class metatony and mid tone dissimilation are prohibited. Derivative suffixes maintain their imperative tone patterns if they take indicative forms. The penultimate syllable of an intensive verb stem is obligatorily mid in the indicative form. Pronominal subject clitics take low tone except involved in an inflectional process. Subject clitic involved in an inflectional process takes the tone pattern of the inflectional affix. This is perhaps because subject clitics are underlyingly toneless. The subject clitics and the tense-aspect markers fuse together in certain environment. The third person singular subject clitic (3SG) is either zero or a-or e- in simple verb

paradigms. The imperfective past and perfective future tenses distinguish relative and absolute time reference. All these will be illustrated as I discuss each aspectual contrast below.

7. 5.1 lmperfectivity 7. 5.1.1 Progressive

The imperfectivity differentiates past, present and future tenses. A number of these combinations produce varieties of different tenses. The progressive and the factitive are two different realisations of the present tense. The progressive tense expresses an action occurring at the moment of speaking with no reference to duration. The progressive markers are -ga-, -kaand-kara. If the pronominal clitic (V- or N-) is the subject marker fusion is

prohibited between the pronominal clitic and the progressive marker as in (Ex. 7.52).

fa. 7.52 > d3u ·come'

m-ga-cf3u l SG-PROG-come 2SG-PROG-come

e-kara-d3u 3SG-PROG-come

I am coming. You are coming. S/he is coming.

231

Eleme Phonology

A monosyllabic verb root with inherent low tone is realized as high, while disyllabic verb root before an object NP obligatorily takes mid tone on the final V due to metatony. Similarly, in a polysyllabic verb root with a final low tone metatony also applies to the final Vas in example (Ex. 7.53).

Ex.7.53 -obj NP c-ka-d'3ira 3-SG PROO-accept 03SG He is accepting (it).

e-ka-d3H 3-SG PROG climb He is climbing.

+obj NP e-ka-cf3lra bi& 3-SG PROG accept case He is accepting our words. e-ka~d'3i! era.a 3-SG PROG climb vehicle He is entering into a vehicle.

Mid tone assigned to non-low tone verb is realised as high before an object NP due to metatony (compare Ex. 7.54i and Ex. 7.54ii), but metatony is blocked with a non-low tone verb whose inherent tone class in the imperative is LM as in (Ex. 7.54iii). The indicative paradigms operate similarly. The prohibition of metatony in these contexts, suggest that this set of imperative (LM verbs) is ditli:rcnt from other non-low tone verbs. Metatony is blocked with polysyllabic structures assigned mid tone as in (Ex. 7.55). Mid tone spreading and mid tone dissimilation apply in environments where metatony is prohibited, unless there is a derivational suffix in that vicinity as in (Ex. 7,56). If LM verb remains unchanged, metatony, mid tone dissimilation and M tone spreading are blocked as in (Ex. 7.57).

fa. 7.54

Ex. 7.55

Ex.7.56

-obj NP (i) m-ga-gbe

1-SG PROG throw away I am throwing away.

<H) o-ka-puu 2-SG PROG pass You are passing-by.

(iii) o-ka-towe 3-SG PROO teach He is teaching.

-obj . NP o-ka-paara 3-SG PROG change He is making a change.

M tone spreading vs. rc-k!i dee nu <(de eat) 3-PL PROG eat thing We are eating some thing.

+obj NP m-ga-g~bceri 1-SG !'ROG throw away crab I am throwing away crab. o-ka-pM pi.a 2-SG PROG pass exam. You are passing the exam. o-ka-towf fisa 3-SG PROG teach book He is teaching reading.

+obj.NP o-ka-paara kpil 3-SG PROG change money I le is changing money.

M tone dissimilation c-ka -paara nu <(paara) 3-SG PROG change thing He is changing s omething.

232

232

Lr. 7. 57 -obj. NI' Ci) m-ga-cf3lbi

1-SG PROG pinch I am pinching it.

(ii) m-ga-plnc 1-SG PROG narrow 'I am narrowing (it).

(iii) m-ga-berc (ru) 1-SG PROG lean ' I am leaning (on it).'

7. 5. I. 2 Factitivity


+obj. NP m-ga-d3lbi nu 1-SG PROG pinch thing I am pinching something. m-ga-plnc k"ak"a 1-SG PROG narrow towel 'I am narrowing the towel.' m-ga-b&rc ru ofaa 1-SG PROG lean vehicle '1 am leaning on the vehicle.'

The factitive is a verb tense used to express a past action in an unspecified manner, without specifying whether that action was repeated, continuing, or completed or how long it lasted. Wolff (1964) referred to this verb tense as aorist. In Eleme the factitive has unspecified time reference and may be construed as either present or past of course that depends on the intrinsic semantic character of the verb. The factitive is understood as past with both action and stative verbs. However, the factitive has an inchoactive understanding of 'has become' with a stative verb, whereas it is construed as present with a locative verb. A factitive action or event either in the present or past cannot be progressive as illustrated in (Ex. 7.58). As with other tenses participant roles affect verb stem tones. Participating first and second persons exhibit similar tone patterns as in (Ex. 7.59i and Ex. 7.59ii), whereas the nonparticipating third person display different tone pattern as in (Ex. 7.59iii and E.;x. 7.59iv). The intrinsic low tone pattern of locative verb 'to be at some unspecified place' never alters regardless of participant roles as in (Ex. 7.59i, ii and iii), this low tone changes to mid tone preceding a non-pronominal clitic object NP. The process of mid tone dissimilation is blocked from applying to the output of metatony as in (Ex. 7.59iv). A non-locative verb belonging to the low tone category is realised as mid low with the first and second persons as in (Ex. 7. 60i and ii) while with the third person, it is realised as mid high as in (Ex. 7.60iib). Monosyllabic verb root trigger contour tone formation and vowel lengthening as in (Ex. 7.60i), while with disyllabic verb root, the contour tone occurs on the two vowels as in (Ex. 7.60ii). A low tone verb is assigned a mid tone with the third person as in (Ex. 7.60iii). Metatony is blocked with CV verb roots. Note that the verb fa 'knock' in isolation has monosyllabic structure CV.

A non-locative verb belonging to the non-low tone class becomes high low contour tone with the first and second persons as in (Ex. 7.61). But with the third person the verb takes a high tone as in (Ex. 7.6/ii), while metatony is aborted. Once more verbs with a monosyllabic structure trigger vowel lengthening as in (Ex. 7.6li), while verbs with disyllabic structure, the tonal contour are realised on both vowels as in (Ex. 7.6lii). Note that in isolation cf3u 'come' is monosyllabic with the structure CV. Low mid verbs take mid tone,

233

£/eme Phonology

the mid tone is realised on the first syllable of the verb i.e. with the participating first and second persons as in (Fx. 7Ji2). But with the participating third person, the mid tone is realised on the entire verb as the second example of (Ex. 7.62) indicates.

£\'. 7.58

Ex. 7.59

Ex.7.60

Ex. 7.61

yewa si owH be: FACT farm

yewa ab05 tall: FACT

yewa pH pc bit: FACT him

Yewa is at the farm. Yewa became tall. Yewa bit him.

(i) ·obj. NP m-doa 1-SG be: FACT I am a r ound.

(ii) ni'.:-doa 3-PL be: FACT we are around.

(iii) &doa 03-SG be: FACT He is around.

(iv) ba-dorH. 3-PL be : FACT

+obj . NP m-dowH l·SG be: FACT farm I am on the farm. nc-do to 3-PL be: FACT house we are at home. &do bcici 03-PL be: FACT bclcl He is at a village called Baan. ba-dod bci~ 3-PL be: FACT bM

They are around. They are at a village called Baan.

(i) -obj.NP m-faa 1-SG knock: FACT I knocked.

(ii) e-cf3H

(iii)

(i)

2-SG climb: FACT 'You climbed.'

ba-d3ira 3-PL accepted: FACT 'They accepted (it).'

o-d3uura 2-SG pull: FACT 'You-pulled (it).'

-Obj. NP in-cf3uu l·SG come: PTM: FACT 'I came.'

+obj.NP m-ra.a-ot66 1-SG knock: FACT house I knocked at the door.'

d3H 6faa 0-climb: FACT vehicle 'He climbed into a vehicle.'

ba-cf3ira. ek'pii 3-PL accepted: FACT money 'They accepted the money.'

o- d3uura ete 2-SG pull: FACT tre.e 'You pulled a chair.'

+Obj. NP m-ci:3uu wH 1-SG come: PTM: FACT farm 'I came to the farm.'

234

- :iarticipating _ ird person,

:: - f (Ex. 7. 62)

" .

234

(ii)

fa 7. 62

m-t6wc 1-SG teach:' FACT ' I teach.'

-Obj. NP m-d3ibi 1-SG pinch: FACT ' I pinched (it).'


t6wc nsi 2-SG teach: FACT b ook 'He teaches book.'

+Obj. NP cf3ibi nsi 3-SG pinch: FACT book 'He pinched a book. '

As the data in (Ex. 7.58 - £> .. 7.62) indicate tone influences and often determines the constituents associated with the inflectional morphology of the factitive tense. This might lead to the false impression that floating tones mark this particular tense as well but this is not the case. Given that in Eleme floating tones dock leftwards, positing a floating tone analysis as a means of explaining the behaviour of tones on the factitive is mismatched with the overall structure of floating tone grounding (Jenewari 1977: 198). It appears that like the progressive, the tonal patterns realised on verbs in this particular tense are not floating tones, but to a certain extent the regular tone patterns assigned to verb stems in this particular paradigm (Ngulube 1987: 119).

Available evidence points to the fact that the underlying tone pattern of the participant verb stem tones in the non-low tone class is high as in (Ex. 7.6lii) above. This high tone is realised as mid because of high tone lowering (cf. 7 .2.1 examples Ex. 7. 9 and Ex. 7.10). Observe that with the verbs in the low toned category, where a sequence of mid low to nal pattern for the participant is evident, there is also a simple mid tone for the non-participant as in emo iiscl 'He looked at a book'. In contrast with verbs having non-low tone class as in e ba dtl 'They bit', there is H tone. The fact that H tone, rather than M tone occur for the non-participant in the non-low tone class suggests that the ML pattern (of eba-cf3Ira) for the participant is likely HL underlyingly.

7.5.1.3 Habi:uality The following bound morphemes -aa, -a, -j aa, and -pa a in

complementary distribution indicate the habitual tense. -paa occurs after

nasalized vowels, - j aa after oral vowel sequences and -aa after single oral

vowels and -a elsewhere. This tense gives expression to a routine or general

action that happened in the past or still happens at present, but not at the moment of speaking. L and LM tone verbs give up their inherent tone patterns, L tone changes to M tone without object NP as in (Ex. 7.63i and ii) and H tone with object NP as in (Ex. 7.63iv). Metatony apply to CV verb roots as in (Ex. 7. 63i and ii). Note that in isolation Zo 'sell' and de 'eat' carry L tones and

have CV structure. Non-low tone verb class take M tone as in (Ex. 7.64i). Metatony applies if the verbs are monosyllabic verbs as in (Ex. 7.64i), but

235

Eleme Phonology

prohibited on polysyllabic verb roots as in (Ex. 7.64ii and iii). With certain verbs i is preferred to ii ii as habitual marker as in (Ex. 7. 64iii).

Ex.7.63

(i)

(ii)

(iii)

(iv)

Ex. 7.64 (i)

(ii)

(iii)

-obj. NP m-'.?oaa 1-SG sell HAB 'I do sell.'

m-dea 1-SG eat: HAB 'I used to eat.'

m-k~pcc-jaa

I-SO tell- llAB 'I do tell.'

o-rdl-paa

+obj. NP m-'.?oaa aCSu 1-SG sell HAB shirt 'I used to sell shirt.'

m-dea nd3a 1-SG eat: HAB food ' I used to e·atfood.'

csai-jaarl nu 3-SG select-HAB thing 'They usually select things.'

o-rH-jaa mmu 2-SG wipe-l-!Af3 2-SG pour-1-IAB water 'You normally wipe.' ·You normally pour water.'

-obj. NP

m-sa.-aa 1-SG filter: HAB 'I used to filter.'

m-puu-aa 1-SG pass: HAf3 'I normally pass.'

m-paara l 1-SG change: 1-IAB 'l used to change (it).'

+obj. NP

m-~a.-aa mm'1 1-SG filter: HAB water ' I used to filter water.'

m-puu-a.a pia 1-SG pass: HAB exams 'I normally pass exams.'

m-paara l kpii 1-SG change: HAB money 'l used to change money.'

7. 5.1. 4 Continuativity The unbound morpheme waa expresses continuative action. According

to Jenewari (1977: 198) the continuative tense 'articulates a repeated, iterative (but not intense) action either holding at the moment of speaking or at a time prior to the moment of speaking'. This tense is commonly used in the imperative and narrative discourse. It is the preferred style for telling story. waa is used once in a sentence, but the sentence is often reduplicated. When reduplication takes place, the subject of the reduplicated sentence is optional. The subject marker carries low tone at all times. In the indicntivc, th1.: third

ith certain

. According

Tone and Tono/ogical Processes

person subject clitic a- is also optional. The low tone verbs retain their inherent tones. Metatony is also in operation as in the previous tenses.

Ex. 7.65

7.5.1.5 Past

oguru waa 11ia (a-) waa 11ia CON look 3-SG CON look Oguru kept on looking.

a-wa.a. 11ia mgba6 wa.a. 11ia mgba6 3-SG CON look dog CON look dog He kept on looking at a dog.

waa cf3u. waa cf311 waa cf3u 6kaa CON come CON come CON farm Keep on coming to the farm.

In Eleme, the past tense markers are bound morphemes -ma-, -wa-, and -baa. This tense expresses a non-completed event or action occurring at a specific time in the past, but pertinent to the moment of speaking. Eleme verb roots of the low tone category give up their inherent tonal pattern; it changes from low to high as in (Ex. 7.66i and ii). Verbs of the non-low tone category take rn id tone as in (Ex. 7. 67i). It appears that there is interplay between tone and relative clause in this tense. Although this is confined to the tonal pattern of the tense marker, which optionally changes to low examine (Ex. 7.67ii).

Ex. 7.66 (i)

(ii)

(iii)

Ex. 7. 67 (i)

(ii)

-obj. NP m-ma-d3u

+obj. NP m-ma-cf'3uwH «d3u 'come')

1-SG PTM-come 1-SG PTM-come farm 1 came. 1 came to the farm.

o-wa-de 2-SG PTM eat You ate.

c-baa d3u

o-wa-dee akaa nd3a (<de 'eat')

2-SG PTM eat good food You ate good food .

3-SG PTM come 3-SG PTM snatch vehicle They came .

m-too 1-SG PTM advise I advised.

They snatched a car.

m-ma-puu c-baa-towc 1-SG PTM pass ·3-PL PTM teach I pass by. They taught.

vs. ontt-raba baa-a wH ontt-raba baa-a wH person J-PL !'TM REL cnll The person whom they call.

person J-l'L !'TM REL call The person whom they call.

237

Uem e !'ho110/ogy

7. 5. I. 6 l'ast progressive This tense expresses continuing action or event occurring at a non

specific point in the past. The progressive verb form is understood as either cooccurring with another situation, or if in a subordinate clause, as a backdrop to the action indicated in the main clause. The past progressive is a combination of the progressive aspect and the past tense. The progressive marker -ga-or-ka- is prefixed to the past tense marker baa to derive it. The tonal

pattern of the past tense marker is LL as in ga-baa. The progressive part of the past progressive formation is a prefix because it is impossible to insert anything between them. The verb stems retain their inherent tonal patterns.

Ex.7.68 -obj. NP m-ga-baa Jlia

+obj. NP m-ga-baa Jlia ogb6

1-SO PROG-PTM look 'I was watching.'

1-SG PROG-PTM look group 'I was looking at the group.'

7.5. l. 7 Futurity While Wolff ( 1964: 48) posits that Eleme no longer shows a distinction

between de.finite and indefinite future, Williamson (I 973a: 13) and NwoluObele ( 1998: 214) records a form, which they call immediate future in contrast to the simple future, which Wolff recorded. Here, I shall adopt the label definite future without implying indefinite contrast. This is because the evidence from my data shows that Eleme does not contrast proximate and non-proximate future. According to Williamson (I 973a: 13), the Eleme immediate future is marked by a prefix -k.i as in (Ex. 7. 70).

Ex.7.69 Wolff(l964: 48; mid tones are unmarked, literal translation mine) m-baba nna e-?u-?u 1-SG FUT eat meat 3-SG FUT die death I will eat meat. He will die.

Ex. 7. 70 Williamson (1973: 12 - 13; mid tones unmarked, my literal translation) m-babaa nna e-?u-?u &t& kit&bc nkikari 1-SG FUT eat meat 3-SG FUT die (a death) father FUT set fish trap I will eat meat. He will die. Father is about to set fish trap.

This tense expresses an anticipative action or event that will certainly occur at an unspecified period in the future. In Eleme a floating H tone marks this tense. This floating high tone grounds to the left on the subject clitic (V- or

N-) as in (Ex.7.7/i - iv). The subject clitic is e- (e) in the third person

singular as in (Ex.7.7lii). If the subject clitic is an emphatic pronoun with a V-CV syllable pattern, the subject clitic and the grounded H tone are required

238

g at a noneither co

- a kdrop to - mbination

• in contrast J definite

_ ~ ence from -proximate

• · a .e fu ture is

238

Tone and J'onologica/ Processes

as in (Ex. 7. 7 Jii). A disparity in tone is observed between the subject clitic o-, second person plural, and ki, the CV grounded tone bearer, as in (Ex. 7. 7 Iii).

Whereas Eleme monosyllabic verb roots belonging to the low and low mid tone categories take H tone coupled with reduplication of the verb stem as in (F:.r.7 7/i and ii). polysyllabic verb roots, also take 1-1 tone but this H tone is realised only on the first syllable as in (Ex. 7. 7 liii and iv). Emphatic pronouns with inherent LL tone pattern are realised as MM tone pattern as in (Ex. 7. 71 ii iiv). Eleme verbs belonging to the non-low tone category also take 1-1 tone pattern coupled with reduplication of the verb stem as in (Ex. 7, 72i-iv). With polysyllabic verb root, the H tone is marked on the first two syllables as in (Ex. 7. 72iii and iv). Metatony is barred because the tone pattern that would have been affected by this rule is already high.

Ex. 7. 71

Ex. 7. 72

(i) -obj. NP m-dede 1-SG DFUT eat I will eat.

(ii) e-cf3H 3-SG DFUT climb

He will climb.

+obj. NP m-decte ncf3a. 1-SG DFUT eat food

I will eat food. o-ki-cf3H oraa 2-PL DFUT climb vehicle

You will climb the car.

(iii) ape e-cf3ira ape e-cf3ira obari 3-SG EMP 3-SG DFUT uccept 3-SG EMP 3-SG DFUT accept god

HE will accept.

(iv) amI m-cf3:f.bI 1-SG EMP 1-SG DFUT pinch I will pinch.

(i) -Obj. NP m-si-si 1-SG DFUT catch I will catch.

(ii) e-d3id3i 3-SG DFUT dive He will dive.

(iii) 6-t6t6wc 2-SG DFUT teach You will teach.

(iv) n£-paapaarii 3-PL DFUT change We will change.

HE will believe in God.

a.zo 6-cf31hI Maa 2-SG EMP 2-SG DFUT pinch vehicle YOU will pinch a car.

+obj. NP m-si-si ru 1-SG DFUT catch you I will catch you.

e-pupu11ia 3-SG DFUT pass examination He will pass the examination.

o-t6t6wc s6 2-SG DFUT teach music You will teach music.

baa-11aa11aara. k'pH 3-PL DFUT change money They wil l diange some money.

239

Eleme Phonology

Ex. 7. 73 o-sHwH 2-PL DFUT go fann You wilt go to fann. o-baa o-Mbai nd3ira 2-PL J:\MP 2-PL DPUT cat fish YOU will eat fish.

aml m-baba ncf3ira 1-SG EMP 1-SG DFUT eat fish I will eat fish. cbai-rc cf3ad3a ncf3ira 3-PL EMP 3· PL DrlJT buy fish WE will buy fish.

According to Wolff(l964: 43) as in (Ex.7.69) in Eleme 'the future is marked by a high tone on the subject pronoun accompanied, with very few exceptions - by reduplication of the verb base.' In essence, Wolff's observation is correct, but his analysis does not take cognizance of data with emphatic pronouns or plural subject clitics. Williamson ( 1973: 9) provides an alternative -analysis; she postulates that the bound morpheme e- marks the future tense. According to

her, the definite future tense marker e- as in (Ex. 7. 70) 'cannot be separated

from the verb and is therefore written together with it.' With the first and second person pronouns, e- is realised as zero. Nwolu-Obele (1998: 214) shares simil<lr view:

'Eleme verbs take a high tone vowel prefix e in the

third person plural. It appears to me that the underly ing forms of the verbs in the future tense occur with a high tone verb prefix, which has been deleted in other cases presently. The tone now floating attaches itself to the pronoun and delinks the inherent low tone. '

Ikoro (1996) ruminates that diachronically e- was perhaps used to indicate the

future tense in proto-Ogonoid. Synchronically, the use of e- as the future tense

marker does not square up. It fails to indicate that different forms marked the definite future tense. Besides, there is no incentive for postulating deletion for e- except for the third person singular. What is more, this analysis will fail to

handle the data in (Ex. 7. 7 3) without resorting to ad hoc ru les for the definite future tense. Conversely, my analysis (section 7.5.1 examples Ex. 7.69 -Ex. 7. 7 3) elucidates the data in a simple, elegant and uncomplicated manner without delinking rules. This lack of complexity suggests that the present analysis (originally anticipated but less clearly stated by Wolff) is to be preferred to the alternative analyses cited above.

The analysis of the future tense marker as a floating high tone raises the question. What is the source of this prefixal vowel e-? The history of proto

Ogonoid future tense marking holds the answer to this question. In protoOgonoid, the bound morpheme Ce almost certainly marks the future tense

(Williamson 1973: 13). In Eleme, this prefix is lost in the definite future leaving behind its high tone. This accounts for the floating high tone, which

240

fish

· marked by • _ ... ptions - by

• orrect, but ...... "'""""~··n s or plural

• _ lysis; she ~ ccording to

separated

- e fi rst and - 1998: 214)

cated manner the present

ft) is to be

240


now docks as at when required leftwards on the appropriate subject clitics. In Kana E3- was recovered and retained in the third person singular, which is

normally zero in other verb forms (Ikoro 1989: 56). In Gokana this original future tense marker has survived, as le (Vobnu 2001 : 40). Eleme appears to

have developed along the same line as Kana, but only shows a tonal trace of the original future tense marker, which is H tone on the subject clitic. The situation in Gokana is uncertain and confusing. This is because the available data give contradictory information (cf Wolff 1964, Williamson 1979, Vobnu 1992 and Isaac 2003), though they all show a tonal trace of the old future tense marker. According to Wolff (1964: 48), in Gokana, the old proto-Ogonoid future tense marker Ce is replaced with H tone nasal prefix attached to the verb root as in

(Ex. 7. 74i). But Williamson (1979) as in (Ex. 7. 74iii) and Vobnu (1992) as in (Ex. 7. 74v) suggest that in some dialects, the old proto-Ogonoid future tense marker Ce is retained in the third person as ge, while in other instances, e survived as in (Ex. 7. 74ii). It is unclear if ge is a bound or free morpheme, though it appears to be a verbal prefix. Internal reconstruction of proto~Ogonoid also supports the history sketched above on the emergence of e- (cf Ikoro 1989).

Ex. 7.74 Gokana (Wolff 1964: 48; mid tones unmarked, lit. transl. mine) 0)m-,-banom o-6-d6 i-,-fi-m

1-SG DFUT eat meat 2-SG DFUT come 3-SG DFUT kill me I am going to eat meat. You are going to come. He is going to kill me.

Gokana (Williamson 1979: 168; mid tones unmarked, lit. transl. mine) (ii) po-sH-m-koo-ee kp6-i

fear catch 1-SG 0-PRO DEM 3-PL DFUT drive 2-PL I am afraid that we could drive you away.

(iii) pa-ba k6o du gee ~"cc ba nc vi SPEC 3-PL friend come DFUT help 03-PL Their friends came in order to help them.

(iv) i-kol deee-i-6-d6 nee: 3-SG name day DEM 3-SF DFUT come give !-k told him the day that he (himself) would come.

Gobn<i (Yobnu 1992:42,44; mid tones unmarked, lit. trnnsl. mine) M i-ge si. i-ge bee si. i-ge laa si m-e zal goe

3-SG FUT go 3-SG FUT go 3-SG FUT MOD go l-SG FUT buy eagle I k will go. She will be going. She can go. I will buy an eagle.

According to Jkoro ( 1996: 337) negation in Kana is predicated on the locative verb ·to be ' . This verb is necessary for negation in the definite future tense; in this context e crops up as a verbal prefix, with the emphatic pronouns and other

241

Eleme Phonology

persons except the third person. This is not surprising since negative verb forms tend to be more archaic than affirmative forms in many other languages (Williamson 1973: 12-13).

In sum, the tonal features of the imperfective aspect are as follows: the tonal pat1erns of the verbs are as a result of the parti"cular inflectional paradigms and the inherent tone classes of these verbs. Generally, Land LM verbs change to H tone, while non-low verbs take M tone. Secondly, participant roles assist in influencing verb tones especially in the factitive tense. Tone patterns on verbs are constantly changing because of metatony, mid tone spreading or mid tone dissimilation. While metatony is blocked if L tone verb roots have monosyllabic structures metatony and mid tone dissimilatio_n are equally prohibited with LM verbs on the contrary mid tone spreading is license to operate without constraint.

7. 5. 2 Perfectivity In Eleme while imperfectivity contrasts seven tenses perfectivity ·

contrasts only three tenses.

7.5.2.1 Pe1fective present The action or event indicated here is completed either at the time of

speaking or at a specific time in the past. The perfective present and the factitive behave similarly with regards to the crucial roles of participants. In Eleme the perfective interflxes are in complementary distribution. While -mabere- is for

first person singular as in (Ex. 7. 75i and Ex. 7. 75iii), -wabere- is for second

person singular, first person plural and second person plural as in (Ex. 7. 75i, E-.:. 7. 75ii and Ex. 7. 75iii), -here- is for the third person singular as in

(Ex. 7. 75iii) and -baaberc- is for the third person plural as in (Ex. 7. 75ii). The

form -baabere- is sometimes alternated with -naabere- as in (Ex. 7. 75iv).

The perfective interfixes arc all assigned a mid tone because high tone lowering applies. CV verbs retain their inherent tone patterns. The perfective present distinguishes five participant prefixes all in complementary distribution : m- for

the first person singular participant as in (Ex. 7. 75i) and (Ex. 7. 75iii) and ne- for

the first person plural participants as in (Ex. 7. 75iv). o- for the second person

singular/plural participants as in (Er. 7. 75i), (Ex. 7. 75ii), (Ex. 7. 75iii) and (Ex. 7. 75iv) and a- for the third person singular participant as in (Ex. 7. 75i) and

(Ex. 7. 75iii) while £- indicates third person plural distal non-participants as in

(Ex. 7. 75ii). The third person plural has no subject marker as in (Ex. 7. 75iv). The above prefixes fuse with the pertinent V-subject clitic or the emphatic pronoun V-CV subject clitic. Disyllabic verbs take the toneless perfective interfix -aa,

which fuses with the V- subject clitic. M tone is assigned because of high tone

lowering in the presence of low tone. The verbs retain their inherent tones as in

242

~ patterns on ing or mid

_ ~ roots have e equally

- license to

perfectivity ·

e time of : the factitive : Eleme the

Tone and Tono/9gical Processes

(Ex. 7. 76). Verbs with inherent Low-mid tonal pattern, the perfective interfix, metatony and mid tone diss imilation are all prohibited as in (Ex. 7. 77).

Ex. 7. 75 (i) m-mabere b:5 o-wabere ho a-here ho

1-SG PRES PF grow 2-SG PRES PF grow 3-SG PRES PF grow I have grown. You have grown. S/he has grown.

(ii) o-wabere b:S-i nc wabere b:5 c-baabere ho 2-PL PRES PF PL grow I-PL PRES PF grow 3-PL PRES PF grow You have grown. We have grown. They have grown.

(iii) m-mabere d3u o-wabere d3u a-bare d3u 1-SG PRES PF come 2.sa PF come 3-SG PRES PF come I have come. You have come. S/he has come.

(iv) o-wabere cf3u-i n& wabere cf3u 0-naabere d3u 2-PL PRES PF PL come I-PL PRES PF come 3-PL PRES PF come You have come. We have come. They have come.

Ex. 7. 76 mM-dala mM-abi mM-cf3ua 1-SG PRES PF lift 1-SG PRES PF share 1-SG PRES PF bring I have lifted it. I have shared it. I have brought it.

maa-dala 26 maa-lebi ns& maa-cf3ua k'"'p55 1-SG PRES PF lift leg 1-SG PRES PF share book 1-SG PRES PF bring vomit I have lifted the leg. I have shared the book. I have brought the vomit.

Ex. 7. 77 e-d3lbl e-d3ibl r~ 3-SG PRES PF pinch 3-SG PRES PF pinch you He pinched. · He pinched you.

7.5.2.2 Perfective past For the perfective past the action is completed before the time of

speaking. Verb stem with L and LM tones retain their inherent tones while non-low tone verbs are assigned M tone. While metatony and mid tone spreading are permitted, mid tone dissimilation is barred.

Ex. 7. 78 e-baabere-d3u m-mabere-d3u o-wabere-d3u abere-d3u 3-PL PF PTM come 1-SG PF PTM come 2-SG PF: PTM come 3-SG PF PTM come

They had come. I had come. You had come. He had come.

7.5.2.3 The perfective future Conditional clauses accommodate the perfective future. Low and non

low verbs take H tone while LM tone verbs remain unchanged. The perfective

242 243

Eleme Phonology

marker fuses with the V- subject clitic and is assigned M tone. The perfective interfix is barred.

Ex. 7. 79 we& 6sisi m-arede nu we 2-SG PF FUT go 1-SG DFUT eat finish Before you go, I would have finished eating.

In sum, the tonal features of the perfective aspect are as follows: the tonal patterns of verbs are as a result of the inherent tone class of the verbs: low, low mid, mid or high. The toneless perfective interfix acquires its _tone from the inherent tone class of the verb root to which it is attached. Low mid and nonlow tone verbs are not distinguished. The perfective interfix is sometimes realised as variation in tones. The data (Ex. 7.52 - Ex. 7. 79) indicate that: the tonal patterns of the verbs rely on particular inflectional paradigms and the tone classes of these verbs. The factitive, perfective present and perfective past, all require participant roles in order to determine tone allotment. Tonal processes in verbal construction alternate frequently such that an allotted M tone or L tone is realised as either H tone or M tone because of metatony. While metatony is blocked with L tone mono~yllabic verb roots, M tone spreading is license to operate. With the exception of M tone dissimilation, H tone lowering and M tone spreading, which are general tone rules of Eleme, metatony is the only specific verbal tone rule applying in indicative paradigms. The different tonal alternations observed in the Eleme verbal system is as a result of the interplay of these rules.

7.6 Tone interchange in noun relations Welmers' (1973) "associative construction" is here referred to as noun

relation a cover term for what other investigators called possessive, qualificatory, specific and genitive constructions (cf Emenanjo 1978, Cook 1985, Clark 1990, Williamson 1986a and Ikoro 1995). These constructions will not be treated separately in Eleme since the only difference between them is semantics and the location of the specifier (Ikoro 1995). Noun - relations incorporate wide variety of associations and what is expressed is either a genitive relation between different nouns or a qualificatory relation between a noun and adjective. The precise relationship is left to inference or context, as Noonan (1992: 156) reports fo r Lango. With regards to tone, noun relations behave similarly irrespective of the differences in relationship. Various tonal interchanges are observed in noun relation. The high tone remains the same no matter the environment so is not included in Table 7.7, but other tones alter depending on the context and structural pressure.

244

d nonetimes

at: the

eta.tony is ense to

--"' .. and M "s the only e ent tonal

· erplay of

244

Table 7. 7: Tone interchange in noun relations

elsewhere T2T1 T1

Tone and Tonolof!jcal Processes

In Table 7.7, high tone is T3, mid tone is T2 and low tone is T1• T1 is realised as T2 following Ti, T2 changes in all environments: T2 following another T2 is realised as TJ. Ti following non-mid tone is realised as T2T1• A construction with ternary constituents, the tone of the ultimate constituent is not affected as in (Ex. 7.80). This shows obviously that the tonal alternations that characterize noun relations operate leftwards.

Ex.7.80 N1 N2 NJ

(i) once + to + d36 - oncc-t6-d36 person house j0i: one who frequents juju shrines

(ii) poo + once + tSi - poo-ncc-t1i fear person market the fear of a customer

(iii) poo + nu + dowa ... poo-nuu-dowa fear thing the fear of Dowa 's property

Ex. 7.81 N1 N2 N1 N2 (i) nil+ mere - nilu-mfre k66 +le ... k6o -le

mouth chief. chief's mouth friend Le Le's friend (ii) bee+ mere ... bee-mere ade + kpil ... dec-k'PU

wasp chief chief's wasp eye money a greedy person

Er. 7. 82 N 1 N2

fa. 7. 83

(i) ML+H otoo + te ... otoo-te house te Tc's house

(ii) HM+H ot6o + ie ... ot6o-ie cold 13 Le's cold (attitude)

(iii) HL+H nua + te ... nua-te second te Te's second daughter daughter

a. mote b. mo enu c. otoo bi ct . too le

look at a tree look at something a house got destroyed house is good

As Ex. 7.80 - Ex. 7. 81 indicate, the Eleme system, like other languages in Ogonoid, appears somewhat different from other instances of noun relations in

245

Eleme Phonology

Benue-Congo or Kwa languages (cf Ikoro 1995). According to Williamson ( l 986a: 196), in lgbo associative construction the tone group of the noun determines the tonal changes: for tone group 1, the tone of N2 altefs; for tone group 2, the tone of N 1 alters. Cook (1985:· 234) asserts that in Efik qualificatory construction, the tone of N1 triggers a change that modifies the tone of N 2• Conversely, in Eleme, it is the tone ofN 1 that alters as in (Ex. 7.81) where two constituents are involved; in contrast it is the tone of N2 that changes in (Ex. 7.80) where three constituents are involved. The various tonal changes aside, vowel lengthening equally occurs in Eleme noun construction as in (Ex. 7.81i) and (Ex. 7.8Jiv) if the noun has CV syllable structure. This process is blocked if the noun has CVV structure as in (Ex. 7.8lii) and (Ex. 7.'81iii). In both cases, the final vowel takes L tone (cf Hyman 1985: 24 and Ikoro 1995: 51 -56 for the situation in Gokana and Kana respectively). In other to be able to explain the sudden appearance of the L tone on the final vowel, I accept the traditional Benue-Congo floating low tone as an associative marker in Eleme. This approach is authenticated by the fact that in most noun relations tonal interchanges commonly fall (e.g. HM, HL, ML). If this condition is accepted, then the derived falling tone is an indication of the existence of a floating low tone. This floating L tone behaves as a linking morpheme between N1 and N2 involved in a noun relation. In contrast to the general conditions that prevail in some other Benue-Congo languages (cf Jkoro 1995), in Eleme, it is N1 rather than N 2 that is affected by the presence of the floating low tone that is where only t\vo constituents are involved. This suggests that Eleme uses 'headmarking' rather than 'dependent-marking morphology' (cf Nwolu-Obele 1998, Bond 2006) and suppo1ts the position that floating tone grounds leftwards.

The data in (Ex. 7.82) above which consists of 'constituents with nonderived falling tones' provides supportive evidence for postulating a floating low tone as an associative marker in Eleme. With non-derived HL tonal sequence as in (Ex. 7.82iii) or ML tonal sequence as in (Ex. 7.82i) tonal interchange is blocked, while non-derived HM tonal sequence as in (Ex. 7.82ii) is real ised as HL tonal seqnence in the associative construction. As the data in (Ex. 7.80 - Ex. 7.82) indicate, various tonal alternations are observed. The propensity is to postulate separate phonological rules to effectively account for the various tonal alternations observed in Eleme noun relations. Some studies on noun relations in related languages use such an approach (cf Clark 1990, Cook 1985, Heath 1985, Williamson l 986a and Maduka-Durunze 1992). In contrast to these other studies but following lkoro (1995), I postulate that no ddinite (or specific) tone rules is required for a sufficient clarification of the various tonal alternations observed in the Eleme noun relations. The varieties of tonal alternations observed. arc because of the common tone rules in operation all through the grammar of Eleme and not necessarily specific to the noun relation. For instance, metatony, tonal metathesis, M tone dissimilation and M tone spreading rules operate in the grammar of Eleme either across word or morpheme boundary every time their structural conditions are met (Ngulube

246

_ able to ept the

_,._.,,_ .. E leme.

ns tonal

,,..._,,._ .. , ,"rl S.

_ •, ith non

= a floating HL tonal

- -. 82i) tonal 'Ex. 7.82ii)

- · e data in -~ ed. The

e studies lark 1990,

.----~ 992). In te that no

246


1987). The framework for the operation of any of these rules goes beyond the present topic. In the same way, floating tones compulsorily ground leftwards. This is usually the situation with any construction that involves a floating tone.

In other to buttress th is argument examine. (Ex. 7 83). As the data in (F:x 7.8Ja) shows, the verb mo 'look' carries I, tone hefore a high tone; in contrast (Ex, 7.83b), L changes to M before M tone. Undoubtedly, M tone spreading is in operation, similar to what happens in noun relations described in (Ex. 7.80 - l!x. 7.82) above. In (Ex. 7.83c), the tonal pattern of too 'house' is

MM in a non-copula construction. Nevertheless, in a copula construction as in (Ex. 7.83d), it changes to ML. This is because the copula involves a floating low tone, hence the tonal realizations of too 'house' in (Ex. 7.83d). If M tone

spreading or floating tone grounding were rules, which apply specifically to noun relations only, these rules should not apply in (Ex. 783d). Therefore, the tonal processes triggering the diversities of tonal changes in Table 7.1 are not owing to the noun relation per se, but rather they are wide-ranging tonal rules in operation all through the grammar of Eleme.

Recall that the consequence of floating tone docking is usually a tonal contour if the landing site of the grounded nonting tone is a CV structure. In this situation, according to lkoro (1995) another vowel is automatically added to the existing one to accommodate the contour since both tones cannot be linked to a single vowel. He asserts that it is this syllable addition that creates vowel lengthening on otherwise short vowels and the subsequent complete neutralization of the contrast between short and long vowels in noun relations. Similar vowel lengthening process is observed in (Ex. 7.81) above. Vowel lengthening, like other processes illustrated in Table 7.1 and Table 7.7, are therefore not unique to noun relations. A re-examination of the data in (Ex. 7.80) is pertinent here to conclude the argument on noun relations involving three constituents. For ease of reference and clarity consider example (Ex. 7.84).

Ex. 7.84 nu + thing

t1I market

+ ne - nuu-t1i-ne 'Ne's market articles.'

In (Ex. 7.84) the tonal pattern on the three nouns (N 1 + N2 + N3) is M tone in isolation. As these nouns come into a possessive relation, the tonal sequence is realised as complex ML tonal . sequence, 1-1 tone and M tone respectively as in (Ex. 7.84). If M tone dissimilation simply applied rightwards, the initial M tone shou Id become H tone before M tone. But the output is rather ML tonal sequence, which is what is expected if it where followed by H tone. The only logical explanation for the phenomenon in (Ex. 7.84) is that first the tone of N2

changes to H tone before the M tone of N3, and then the tone of N 1 changes to ML tonal sequence, because at this point in the derivation it is followed by a

247

Eleme Phonology

high tone in N2• This suggests that the direction of operation is evidently leftwards.

According to Ikoro (1995 : 55-56) previous studies on tone interchange in noun relations in other Ogonoid languages, concentrated on two constituents, e.g. a of /3, and rarely a of f3 of 9. These other stUdies, with dual constituents tend ' to treat morphological constituents as the building blocks of associative constructions in these languages'. Nevertheless, as Ikoro observed a consideration of ternary constituents as in (Ex. 7.84) above provides a completely different picture. In (Ex. 7.84), morphosyntactic consideration is immaterial in the operation of tonological processes. Here, 'market articles' and 'Ne' do not constituent one prosodic unit (cf Bond 2006_ with a similar observation). Rather, Ni. N2 and N3 constitute 'separate domain for the application of tone ... rules, especially floating tone grounding' (Ikoro 1995). It is pertinent at this point to make one more comment about the tonal interchanges in Table 7.1. If the suggestion that a floating low tone marks noun relations in Eleme is accepted, the question is, why does this floating tone not dock in all instances? The answer simply is it will prompt violation of tonal sequences constraints across word boundaries. As Table 7.2 shows, the following tonal sequences do not occur in underived lexical items (nouns): HLH, LML, MLL, LHH and LLM. These tonal combinations are completely barred in the Eleme tonal system. Floating low tone grounding is therefore barred where the operations of the rule will result into any of these sequences (cf lkoro 1995 for similar observation in Kana).

7. 7 Prefixal tone Eleme nouns no longer contrast singular and plural alternation as

Mbembe or Usakade modem Cross River languages (Wolff 1964: 39). In evidence in Eleme are prefixes similar to the Proto Benue-Congo noun class prefixes (Nwolu-Obele 1998: 18 l, Bond 2006: 90). While a few of these prefixes lack synchronic morphosyntactic functions therefore termed petrified prefixes some show singular and plural dichotomy and others evince derivational functions such as diminutive, augmentative, totalizer, and locative markers. Furthermore, in Eleme there appears to be p-prefixes with evidence for a latent augrnent (de Blois 1970: 107, Williamson 1993b). These various prefixal functions will not be discuss here since they are purely morphosyntactic. The following prefixes occur in Eleme as illustrated on Table 7.8 below.

Table 7.8: Eleme pre.fixes

First person

Second person

Third person

Source: Band 2006: 90

Singular m-\n-\n-\iJm-

, I 'V I

o-\:?>-e-\8-

PTUi1iT rc-\nco-\2>e-\8-

248

evidently

a similar fo r the

- 995). e tonal

248

Tone and Tono/ogical Processes

Vowel harmony determines the co-occurrence of these prefixal vowels with the initial vowel of the verb stern: e-1 o- are followed by i, i, e, 0, u, u and e/o- occur withe:, E:, o, 6, a, a. As Table 7.8 indicates the shape of the first person singular is conditioned by the place of articulation of the initial consonant of the verb stem for instance ifi-precedes bilabial consonants,

~-precedes velar plosive, u~-precedes labial-velar and *- occurs elsewhere. As I have already pointed out re-\ne-prefixal form of the first person plural interchange freely. The operation of vowel harmony is blocked in this instance because it is always realised as a nasal vowel and is consequently an open vowel in spite of the next verb stern vowel. These prefixes occur in various morphosyntactic constructions such as perfectivity, habituality, continousity and proximative expressions, etc. According to Williamson (1985: 436, 440-441 ): 'All Elerne nouns begin with a low tone prefix ... Elerne does not have u- as noun prefix. Prefixes of loanwords with close vowels are changed to the possible prefixes of the language; nouns, which in the source language have no . prefix, are provided withe- le-.'

Ex. 7.85 a-ka mother a-bfi cooking pot a-de day o-gf matchet e-te tree a-cf'30 oil palm o-cf3fi tail e-k'pe iron o-wa wife

e-k~po hill o-b.i faeces o-M respect c-moni suffering o-ki egg a-de eye

fa. 7.86 Kana a-de intestine a-kPo& hairbrush a-nu& bird a-sac pity a-kP6 bone a-ku& funnel a-k6r6 cackle a-duas crow

fa. 7.87 i-ra coconut e-r~ light e-d. crab a-jo onion e-wc fish finger line m-s'be sun

Whereas Faraclas (1986: 47) examining Kana data with regards to prefixal tone as in (Ex. 7.86) suggests (a), in contrast Williamson (1985: 441) asserts (b) in Ogonoid. (a) 'There may be just one toneless prefix a- whose tone pattern is

determined by the tone patterns of the root .. . and except for some isolated cases [emphasis mine] the prefix copies its tone from the initial syllable of the following stem.' (b) 'Prefixes were originally of V- or N- shape, and possibly

also of CV- shape; i.e. they probably had not only the typical Kwa shape but

249

Eleme Phonology

also perhaps the common Benue-Congo CV- shape. The loss of the prefixes

was probably helped by the fact that there is no tonal contrast on prefixes; all are low [emphasis mine]'. As examples (Ex. 7.85 - Ex. 7.87) illustrate Williamson's observation about the tone pattern of prefixes for the group and especially Eleme is incorrect, though example (Ex. 7.86 - Ex. 7.87) evidently supports Faraclas' deductions. Note that the so-called isolated cases in (Ex. 7.87) cannot be gloss over as they are as prevalent as (Ex. 7.85 - Ex. 7.86) indicates.

Besides, there is no justifiable motivation for dismissing the examples in (Ex. 7. 87) as isolated cases. a-j 6 may be a loan word, but th is does not ring true for the rest. In Proto-Ogonoid, the tonal pattern of the prefix was most probably low as Williamson (1985) suggest. As both Williamson (1985) and Faraclas (1986) posit, this is still the case in Eleme, where most prefixes carry a low tone as illustrated in (Ex. 7. 85). This suggests that low tone prefixes can be traced back to Proto-Ogonoid. Nevertheless, examples (Ex. 7.85 - Ex. 7.87) indicate that in Eleme, there is a tonal split on the prefixes. The conditions responsible for this polarity are not obvious synchronically.

7.8 Summary Ekme is a discn.:le kvd 10111: la11g11ag1: with three tones that arc

phonemic, various tonal patterns are found on mono-, di- and trisyllabic nouns a11d verbs. To11al functio11s in Elc111e arc lexical a11d grammatical. Tonological processes abound in the language. However, tone copying and tonal free fall, which are phenomena in Eleme, are not found in other Ogonoid languages. These processes so far id en ti lied may be a reflection of the on-going changes in the language, phonologically and morphosyntactically motivated. I observed in the cause of th is chapter that a lot of morphosyntactic underpinnings inform the behaviour and/or the perturbation of to11e. Sandhi is a term used in morphosyntax to refer to the phonological modification of grammatical forms, which have been juxtaposed. Assimilation and dissimilation are two tendencies that engender sandhi. Sandhi rules in Eleme operate within words or across word boundaries leftwards or rightwards depending on the specific process and the structural pressure as illustrated in this chapter.

250

~ pies in _ ot ring

=- inform the used in

_: cal forms, :endencies

250

CHAPTER EIGHT ORTHOGRAPHY AND THE LITERACY SITUATION IN ELEME

8.0 Exordium This chapter is a brief sketch of the literacy situation in Eleme. It is

divided into three sections. The first section focuses on the factors that are responsible for the literacy situation in Eleme as a necessary precursor to the second section, which discusses the relevance of phonology to literacy and the final section that examines the implications of this study for Eleme orthography. The literacy situation in Eleme is such that less than 1 % of the 58, 000 speakers of Eleme are ab le to read and write their own mother tongue (henceforth MT), and ' even those who are highly literate in English express difficulties in reading and writing Eleme' (Bond 2006: 24), these are also attested in Nwolu-Obele (1998: 1-5). A number of factors, over the years, have contributed to entrenching this situation. Language policy and planning, the provisions in the National policy on education (henceforth NPE) and its effect on indigenous language education, the attitude of the elite towards the use of Eleme, politics, the role of the media and the overall heterogeneous language situation in Eleme.

8.1 Language policy and planning 8.1 .1 Language planning

Current literature is replete with terms, which describe the aspect of political sociology of language. Such terms include: glottopolitics (Hall 1953), language engineering, language standardization, language development and language planning (Fishman 1968, 1974; Emenanjo l 990a). Here the term language planning is used because it is more inclusive than the others.

Language planning as used by Haugen ( l 959) is delineated by Elugbe (l 990a: 259) as: a set of deliberate activities systematically designed to select

from, organise and develop the language resources of a community in order to enhance the utilization of such resources for development. Cobarrubias (1983) posits that language planning involves such activities as status and corpus

plannings. The first involves either widening or narrowing the function of a language or dialect and the rights of those who use it (cf Wardhaugh 1986). It also involves 'the selection of official and national languages and assignment of roks ' (J ibri I I 990b: I 59). The latter involves either development or improvement of the structure of a language or dialect. The activities include 'the cultivation, modernization and development of indigenous languages to fulfil educational and technological roles; the graphization, codification and standardization of non-written and semi-standardized languages; the revival, reform or purification of languages' (Jibril 1990: 159).

8.1.1.1 Reasons for language planning A number of factors trigger language planning in a given society:

linguistic diversity, rapid social change, linguistic assimilation, linguistic

251

E/eme Phonology

pluralism, vernacularization and internationalism (cf Cobarrubias 1983, Fasold 1984 and Wardhaugh 1986). These factors are briefly explained below.

Linguistic diversity is a situation where a number of different languages co-exist as a means of communication for diverse groups of people in a given society (Elugbe l 990b: 60). For instance, in Nigeria, there are about 250 ethnic groups who speak over 400 languages (Bendor-Samuel 1989 and Emenanjo I 990a). While these languages include Hausa, lgbo, Yoruba, Edo, Efik and Eleme, which are indigenous languages, English and Arabic are foreign languages used for official and religious purposes respectively.

The world's political, economic, educational and technological activities are rapidly changing. The languages of the world also have to change functionally and structurally to reflect these changes (Akindele et al 1992: 59). For instance, as a country attains independence, campaigning predicated on nationalistic ideas result in advancement, utilization and development of indigenous languages, which were neglected previously. In a more specific instance, Nigeria after independence has reshuffled from three regions to thirtysix states. The control of the country has equally shifted from a two-tier regional - federalist system to a three-tier local - state - federal government. As the administration becomes more decentralized, more languages are recognised and nre assigned functions to perform at different levels of government.

Ikara (1982) explains 'that whereas linguistic assimilation is the belief that everyone, regardless of origin, should learn the dominant language of the society, e.g. French in France, English in USA and Russia in the former Soviet Union, Linguistic pluralism is the recognition of more than one language in a society. It could be territorially or individually based or a combination of the two. Again, it could either be total or partial so that all or only some aspects of life can be conducted in each of the more than one language in a society. This obtains in countries like Belgium, Switzerland, Canada, Singapore, South Africa, Ghana and Nigeria.

Akindele et al ( 1992: 59) clarifies that while vernacularization is the restoration or elaboration of an indigenous language and its adoption as an official language, e.g. Bahasa lndont!sia in Indonesia, New-Melanesia in Papua New Guinea, Hebrew in Israel, and Tagalong in the Philippines. In contrast, iutt:rnationalism is the adopt ion or a non-indigenous language of wider communication either as an official language or for such purposes as education or trade, e.g. English in Singapore, India, the Philippines, Papua New Guinea and Nigeria.

8.1.1.2 The use of language planning The goal of language planning is to solve language problems

(Cobarrubias 1983). In a multilingual setting like Nigeria, an uncoordinated linguistic diversity may generate problems like educational underdevelopment, ethno-linguistic agitation, breakdown in communication between the

252

.., Fasold

,,,, age in a • rion of the

e aspects of d ety. This

South

is the

252

Orthography and The literacy Situation in Eleme

government and the people (Olagoke 1982). These problems have the potential to degenerate into social tension and result in social instability, ethnic rivalries and political crises; they need to be addressed (Sotunke 1990). It is this attempt to check such language stimulated societal problems that is the primary goal of language planning. In order to achieve this goal the diverse language resources of the community must be properly planned. The objectives of such planning will be to carry out the activities stated under status and corpus planning above (cf Aderalegbe 1972, Cobarrubias 1983, Fajana 1982, Fishman 1968, 1971, 1974, Jibril 1990 and Elugbe 1990a & I 990b).

8. 1.2 Language policy If there is a language problem the need for language planning is of

sufficient salience. The community affected demands the attention of the political elite then the issue of language becomes a matter of policy (Adegbite 1991 b: 43). The government then issues a white paper or policy statement on the planned course of action with respect to the language resources of the community. Note that resources as used above do not imply only finance, materials and manpower but also political resources of influence, authority and institutional capacity accessible to the planners (Elugbe I 990a: 261 ). For instance, in Nigeria individuals who are in authority have suggested some policies on education: Jibril Aminu suggested the nomadic education and special education for gifted children while Aliyu Babatude Fafuwa suggested MT education respectively. An example of policy statements is contained in the NPE ( 1981 ). Primarily, 'a policy contains only a general outline of preferred terminal goals and these include: (i) a sequence of realizable objectives and (ii) ordering of priorities' (Adegbite 1991 b: 43). The first involves the number of languages to be recognised and assigned primary and secondary functions. The latter involves which language should function as either the official, national or lingua franca (Sotunke 1990, Jibril 1990, Elugbe I 990a & b). For instance, if more than one language is recognised, which one should come first, at what stage should the others be introduced, will the entire community be involved at once or only those at school initially, would there be enough resources to spread on all the objectives in a balanced manner. Finally, is the community capable of meeting these objectives (Aderalegbe 1972, Fajana 1982, NPE 198 I)?

8. 1.2. 1 Formulation of policy Vital to language planning is the formulation of policy. Fajana (1982:

62) suggests that policy formulation should take into account four factors: development, democratization, unity and foreign relations. Whereas development involves scrutinizing the policy to see if it contributes to the enhancement of the society concern, democratization involves an examination of the policy to see if it creates equal opportunity for members of the society. Unity, on one hand, involves subjecting the policy to severe analysis to see if it reinforces the unanimity of the society concern. Foreign relations, on the other

253

Eleme Phonology

hand, involve a thorough scrutiny of the policy to see that it is not hindering communication with the international community.

8.1. 2. 2 Requirements for a policy Fajana (1982) agrees with Aderalegbe (!'972) that in formulating a

language policy six factors are vital. Elugbe ( l 990a) sums up these factors thus: The first is the 'perceived socio-cultural integration of the society in question' (Elugbe 1990a: 263). In other words, there is the need to find out if the society concern is highly integrated in terms of having great traditions in common at the national levels. These traditions may include religion, culture and literature, etc. The second is 'there is the need for a selection of national language among the various languages that are in use in the society in question' (Elugbe l 990a: 263). According to Adegbite (1991 b: 43) it is obvious that such a decision could lead to role assignment. In assigning functions the basic factor to bear in mind is political integration of the different groups of people. This is called nation ism (Akindele et al 1992: 59)

The third is 'there is the need for the adoption a language of wider communication (LWC)' (Akindele et al 1992: 59). This will involve a consideration of whether such a language will be a permanent national symbol or not, or a transitional language which could be deployed for modern functions, or a unifying language that could only be seen as a working language (Emenanjo l 990a). The fourth is 'the issue of selection of minor or major language, foreign or indigenous' (Elugbe l 990a: 265). If a foreign language is selected, do the users aim at exonomative (foreign fonn) standardization of L WC (e.g. Finland) or endononnative (local fonn) standardization (Jibril 1990)? If the modernization of the traditional languages is to be done, is it the modernization of one or several languages that would be pursued.

The fifth is 'there is the need to consider the goals of bilingualism within the society in which the policy has been designed' (Elugbe 1990a: 265). The issues here are will local, regional or transitional language be upgraded to L WC or will national or transitional language be upgraded to function as the prime language, or to abandon all indigenous languages and make use of the transitional L WC or a consideration of the regional languages to function_ as national languages (Fishman 1971, 1974). The last is 'the issue of biculturalism ... ' (Elugbe 1990a: 266). The issue here is that of taking on the foreign language concern and using it alongside some indigenous languages as the basis for fostering unity or integrating the bi/multilingual community.

8.1.2.3 Indigenous language policy 'It is now 165 years since the first indigenous West African language

was taught in the fonnal school system' (Spencer 1971 ). Given this lapse of time one would have expected education in indigenous languages to be in a booming state by now in all West African countries, consequently, the laying of

254

:. involve a :i.al symbol

_ _ . functions, - e language

:e fore ign or o the users

: :: ~inland) or ernization of one or

"lingualism 990a: 265).

__ pgraded to

v:ion as the • - se of the

language • ~-is lapse of

to be in a . · e lay ing of

254

Orthography and The Literacy Situation in Eleme

a sound basis for scientific and reflective thinking and technological adva11ccmc11t, but the reality is something different. Subsequently, there was demand from politicians, traditional rulers, lawyers, educationists, teachers, the clergy and mass media commentator:-; in Nigeria for the promulgation of an indigenous language policy. In response, the Federal government of Nigeria in the NPE revised and published in l 981 made a significant pronouncement on th\.' pntl.'11tiali1y of local languages as an instrument for promoting unity in Nigeria. First, that: 'Every child will have the opportunity of learning his MT in nursery and primary schools; junior secondary school students are to learn compulsorily one Nigerian language in addition to their MT, and senior secondary school students are to study one Nigerian language and its literature as a core subject'. In response to these stipulations Babalola (1985: 15) observed that: 'It appears to me that this language aspect of the policy when implemented will give Nigerian languages their proper place in the formal school system' but lamented that: 'it is not clear when the implementation of these aspects of the NPE is scheduled to commence' because, the gazette says 'it is subject to availability of teachers and specialist teachers need be trained in thousnnds for th is exercise'. Ngulubc ( 1991 : I 0) commented that: 'while these requirements appear stupendous it might also lead to linguistic hegemony'. Secondly, the NPE ( 1981: 8) clearly indicates that:

In addition to appreciating the importance of indigenous language in the educational process, and as a means of preserving the people's culture, the government considers it to be in the interest of national unity that each child should be encouraged to learn one of the three major languages other than his MT .... In this connection, the government considers the three major languages in Nigeria to be Hausa, Yoruba and Igbo .. . and the medium of instruction in the primary school will initially be the child's MT or a language of the immediate community and, at a later stage English.

With respect to this provision, Nigeria has about 400 languages; some states like Kano, Oyo and Imo have homogenous languages - Hausa, Yoruba and Igbo respectively. ·

Thus, for the primary schools, it would be easy to implement the language policy as it concerns MT education in these states. This cannot be said of such states as Cross River, Plateau and Rivers (and by extension Eleme) where there are many languages and dialects. This is because, with so many languages, language planning and implementation are very difficult. What language should be used in what locality? While this writer is not opposed to this provision, a number of questions are pertinent. Are there enough materials and

255

Li<'lll<' !'ltonulogy

teachers who can implement the language(s) so chosen? Do those in authority feel that it is pertinent to use the child's MT? Answers to these questions seem far-fetched. Bamgbose ( 1985: 22) simply prevaricated when he posits that ·active debate is still going on as to the wisdom of using a country's indigenous language as a medium of instruction'. As Omqjuwa (1978: 27) pointed out: 'Thl' nnvd coni.:cpt or mobilc tcadier trainers in the primary education improvement project in Nigeria is a ready example of brave attempt to cope with the problem of quality of instruction in indigenous languages'. For this writer, this one instance in itself betrays the slow progress being made in this regard. This slow pace may be due to a number of barriers - inherited and attitudinal (see discussion in section 8.2 below).

Hausa, Yoruba, lgbo, as stated above, are the three major languages enshrined in the 1979 constitution and in the NPE as 'national languages' and ear-marked for development for the purposes of use in the National Assembly as well as for teaching as a first and second language. In terms of technological advancement, it is now fashionable to divide the nations of the world into developed and developing. But in terms of language modernisation and overall literacy development 'It appears better to divide the languages of the world into developed, developing and undeveloped' (Emenanjo 1985: 80). The undeveloped languages, e.g. Eleme and Baan, are those without orthographies, without written creative literature, and without metalanguages. The developed languages, e.g. English and French, are those with well-established orthographies, long traditions of writing, a large and varied corpus of written literature and high sophisticated metalanguages. In between these two extremes are the developing languages - Hausa, Yoruba and Igbo. These have some fairly settled orthographies, fairly recent traditions of writing, some amount of written literature and developing metalanguages. The selection of Hausa, Yoruba, Igbo would appear to involve no serious problems. However, 'The question of acceptability looms large for minority groups, for in the absence of a language attitude and language use survey, no empirical data exists on the community's consensus on a national indigenous language policy' (Johnson I 985: 64). Besides, the languages chosen should have certain positive advantages consistent with the objectives (stated in 3 below). These include:

Political neutrality, geographical spread, vitality and therefore easy acquisition, codification and literary resources and mass elitist acceptability. None of the major languages by itself has all these features. Moreover, unless the languages chosen are widely acceptable, they would neither enhance political stability nor national integration but would, instead be divisive. No amount of promotion would win support for an inequitable policy or break the barrier ol' strong beliefs and fears, however unfounded' (Banjo 1992: 3).

256

languages .e ages' and

Assembly _ . nological _ . orld into

end overall • vorld into

_: 80). The . graphies, e eveloped

_ -established

_ sts on the (Johnson

positive · elude:

256

Orthography and The Lile racy Situalion in Eleme

Johnson (1985: 67) also noted that: 'a significant omission is the inoperative state of the linguistic survey committee which should have provided the empirical data on which language policy could have been based'. Apart from the problems of selection, acceptability and codification, the problem of implementation shows ho\¥ 'difficult it is to operate an equitable national language policy and integrate the local languages in the educational system in a way which would reflect the demographic and sociolinguistic characteristics and the multilingualism of the state, and at the same time satisfy the legitimate aspirations and objectives of a specific educational policy and needs of a modern state' (Fyle 1975: 9). Thirdly, the NPE (1981: 10) clearly indicates that:

The objective is to equip students to live effectively in our modern age of science and technology; develop and project Nigerian culture; art and languages ... raise a generation of people who can think for themselves. Therefore, English and two Nigerian languages must be studied at the secondary school.

The policy as cited above is geared towards self-realization, better human relationship, individual and national efficiency, effective citizenship, national consciousness, national unity, as well as towards social, cultural, economic, political, scientific and technological progress. Bamgbose (l 976b: 7) emphasised it differently as 'nationalism and nationism, mass-elite integration and acceptability', while Fyle (1975: 9) stressed that such 'a policy should guarantee easy access to the outside world whilst helping internal development and the preservation of local community identities'. These complex objectives in a multilingual Nigerian setting 'exact conflicting pressures both in the direction of national endoglossic language (Eleme) and international exoglossic language, here English' (Ngulube 1991: 124). This tension would appear to partly detennine the complexion of indigenous language policy.

Though welcome, the policy does not appear to this writer to have been conceived within a coherent, consistent and equitable sociolinguistic language policy and language-planning framework . This is reflected in the initial MT medium or language of the immediate community to straight for English without provision for adjustment (see (2) above). How practicable is this provision, when the child is neither at home in English or in the MT? The data available so far strongly proves that the Eleme child will learn better and fast develop his natural talents if taught subjects other than English in his MT throughout the primary school years. Regrettably the attitude is that the language, which serves as an open sesame to jobs and economic opportunities, is to be chosen over Eleme, which does not confer any special advantages (Jibril 1990: 160). Every Eleme man would like to give his child the best opportunity in I ife and if mastery of a foreign tongue is the ladder to upward mobility, so the

257

Eleme Phonology

argument goes, let the child have it. Fafunwa's (I 977: 89) opinion that: 'a child learns best and best develops his innate abilities when taught in his own MT' is disregarded. The Eleme child who comes to school with a language of his own and is then introduced to literacy and/or learning in another language is bound to have problems which are worse than those of a child who is taught at school in his MT. The Hausa, lgbo or Yoruba child has a decided advantage over the Eleme child in that the former acquires new skills at school in his MT during the first six years, while the latter spends most of the primary school years struggling with English. It is my considered opinion therefore that the issue of indigenous language policy for Nigerian school children should be examined further.

8.2. Indigenous languages in education Babalola (I 985) in surveying the historical development of the use of

African languages in literature trace the beginning of the use of African languages in formal system of education to Senegal, where in I 817, the Christian missionary teachers used Wolof and French as media of instruction. Babalola (1985: 3) citing Awoniyi (1973) and Bamgbose (1976a) said, ' Charlottes Girls School in Freetown was the first Sierra Leonean school in which a West African language (Yoruba) was taught as a subject in August 1831 '. According to him, the British Christian missionaries fully committed to propagating Christianity realised the advantages of preaching to the people in their MT and teaching the people to read the various books of the Bible in their differing MT. This was the motivating force for their labours in committing the languages to writing and teaching indigenous languages at school. It also dawned on the British colonial governments that the ability to speak the local language was bound to be of great asset to the district officer or resident. Consequently, in 1895, according to Awoniyi (1973: 145): 'A programme was launched by the British government, making it obligatory for all colonial officials to achieve proficiency in one or more of the local languages as a prerequisite for increments in salary '. Yet this programme did not have repercussions on educational policy resulting in increased attention to the teaching of West African languages in schools. On the contrary, up to 1926, ' the government policy gave pride of place to English'. From these 't_horny beginnings', gradual progress was made over the decades. The advisory committee on native education set up by the British government, had in its first report in 1927 recommended, according to Bamgbose (1976: 69): 'The use of the indigenous languages in education; but it also stressed that English should be used in all schools to enable the Africans to learn the language'. Awoniyi ( 1973) posits that with the passage of time, some of the major indigenous languages were featured among subjects offered by candidates for the Cambridge Junior Certificate Examination. According to him, during the era of self-government, African politicians seized the opportunity to improve the status of local languages in education. Then West African Universities notably

258

0 uage of guage is

- taught at dvantage

__ :n his MT

~ Afr ican 18 l 7, the struction.

-6a) said, school in

in August - mmitted to

people in 1ble in thei r

_ . mitting the I. It also

the local

= ages as a not have

_ · n to the

• ~ to 1926,

258

Orthography and The Literacy Sit@tion in Eleme

Ibadan, Nsukka, ABU and Legon embarked on first-degree courses in specific indigenous languages with emphasis on literature. Banjo (1992: 3) enumerated major developments of great promise that has recently taken place on indigenous languages in education: (i) The use of Yoruba as the medium of primary education in the six-year (Yoruba-Medium) primary school project at lle-lfe, Nigeria. ( ii) The Rivers Readers Project, which has produced first year Readers in twenty languages; Teachers Notes in nineteen languages and booklets in orthography o f fifteen languages. (iii) The Research Project of the Nigerian Educational Research Council, aimed at reaching a consensus among specialised linguists on appropriate metalanguage for teaching the major Nigerian languages at all lev els of education. (iv) The association of African universities seminar on the teachin g o f African languages in Africanun iversities, held in the univers ity of Lagos - July 1981. Beside these few positive steps indigenous languages are yet to be given their proper place in the formal school system in West African countries. Most states in Nigeria for instance do not have indigenous languages as subjects in the curricula of schools and colleges, nor do they use the MT as a medium of instruction at the prim at)' school level. Baba lo la ( 1985 : I 0) posited two major reasons why indigenous languages have not prospered in education. (I) 'The teacher charged with teaching the local language was almost invariably an unwilling instructor and the one or two lessons in the language per week were placed on the timetable at the weary end of the school day'. (2) In sharp contrast to the majority of primary schoo ls where loca l languages are taught, we have the feepaying private schools largely attended by the children proceeding from nursery ~chools . These schools with few exceptions pay no attention to any indigenous language. English is the only language children learnt at school. A large number of these children enter secondary school unable to read or write it. They are virtually ignorant of poetry for children, riddles and folktales in their MT. Bamgbose ( 1985: 22) in analysing the reasons fo r this unfortunate situation examines the barriers that militate against effective education in indigenous languages. He identified six types of barriers: socio-historical, linguistic cum pedagogic, economic, theoretical , political and socio-psychological. The first four, he regarded as inherited barriers in the sense that the states concerned are not responsible for the situation created by these barriers, but they are certainly responsible for their reaction to them. The last two are attitudinal barriers, i.e. barriers resulting from attitudes adopted by the state or the people to education in indigenous languages. For instance, some parents in Eleme would frown upon their sons' or daughters' choice of a first-degree course in Nigerian languages, say ing erroneously that it is inferior to courses in other subjects. Illfound rumours are rife among school certificate holders that Nigerian languages are very difficult whereas European languages are easy to read, write and comprehend. Measures suggested by Baba lo la ( 1985: 15) for countering the discouragement include "stepping up the students' motivation and special incentives".

259

-£/eme Phonology

Two barriers of a socio-historical nature are multiplicity of languages and the inherited colonial polkies, which varied from tolerance of indigenous languages to total prohibition. The way out, Bamgbose (1985: I 02) suggested is, 'to follow the example of RRP which has demonstrated how much can be done for several languages in terms of production of literacy materials for relatively small school populations'. Linguistic and pedagogic barriers derive essentially from the inferior role assigned to indigenous languages in colonial educational policies. Braun (1981: 185) noted that: 'One of the most important objections to language education in the large number of languages in Africa and elsewhere in the third worlci is the prohibitive cost of developing and producing texts. trnin ing and providing teachers, most t\ frican nations are poor and their resources ar~ already over-stretched'. Again, the RRP has set up a good pattern of a cheaper model. But even if it turns out to be expensive, there is no real alternative to it, for as Ansre ( 1975: 34) has correctly observed, 'Emphasis on cost is an indirect way of advocating education in English language in which there are ready-made materials and teachers. The alternative cost of doing that in cultural, psychological, educational and even economic terms is incalculable'. A running debate in many states has been, according to BrattPau lston (1974) 'the relative merits of education in the first language versus education in the adopted colonial language. How effective is each approach? What is the psychological and educational impact on the child?' The PhelpsStokes commission (1924), the colonial memoranda on education (1943), UNESCO meetings of experts ( 1952) and Makere-Commonwealth conference ( 1961) gave impetus to the principle of initial MT medium as opposed to foreign tongue medium. There is hardly any evidence of policy changes based on these findings, theoretical positions or experimentations. Even such successful experiments as the six-year Ife primary project have not led to any change in policy. A more serious political barrier is the divergence between po licy and practice. Many governments find it easy to declare that they are in favour of MT medium and do nothing about it. Ansre (1975: 48) thinks that the declared policy is not well understood by the political decision-markers. 'There are situations in which the implications of certain policies are not immediately understood by those who decided on them. There are also situations where sound recommendations are ignored, simply because their usefulness -is not immediately obvious to decision-markers'. Ngulube (1991: 143) thinks the African elites are plagued by 'linguistic imperialism'. He explains linguistic imperialism as the policy of extending the linguistic culture and influence of a colonial language over the indigenous languages; a situation where linguistic attitude of the colonial language is accepted and forced on speakers of the local languages; a mentality of seeking to hide under the power or authority of a foreign language rather than develop local languages to the same state of influence. For instance, he argues that what is done for Kiswahili in East Africa could have been done with Hausa, Yoruba or lgbo. But the attitude of the elite

260

• ori ty of a e state of

East Africa __ ;:- of the elite

260

Orthography and The lileracy Situalion in Eleme

is that the language that serves as an open sesame to jobs, economic opportunities and upward mobility is to be preferred.

Teachers' attitude to MT medium of instruction clearly underlines the impossibili ty of implementing language policy in states with heterogeneous language backgrounds, with so many languages; language planning and implementation are very difficult. Etim's (1985: 45) findings are that teachers both in the urban and rural areas preferred the use of English to indigenous languages because it is the language they can use with ease and it is prestigious. This preference is due to the heterogeneity of both the teachers and the pupils in terms of language spoken; the paucity of materials in many indigenous languages and the fact that in the higher institu tions English is used and teachers had to prepare their pupils for this.

In surveying the language situation in Rivers State, Ngulube (1991) observed that the major languages' role vary at the three levels of use. They are and can be media in early primary, subjects for study in late primary and secondary levels, and both subjects for study and objects of research as well as vehicles for adult education at the tertiary level. He further observed that though English is the official language of instruction, the indigenous languages are used unofficially in the three main situations; very frequently in beginning classes to facilitate communication, i.e. in the early primary rather infrequently to develop self expression and creativity in the early primary but diminishing into late primary, and at later stages, contrastively in English language teaching. In order words, the local language is therefore a first and last resort medium, 'receives tacit approval and has no legislation for or against such use' (Jibril 1990: 161 ). The minor languages like. Eleme do not have such roles. This probably could be because teaching a deve loping language as a first language and iH that language is by no means an easy undertaking. Take for instance numeration the weaknesses inherent in the traditional system make it unable to cope with the demands of the modern scientific and technological world (Emenanjo 1990a). To effectively use Eleme, a new numeration system will have to be put in place, the new numeration system should be decimal-based, unlike the older one which was decimal-based up to a point, twenty-based up to another and four hundred-based up to another point. It should have distinct names for the place values: zero, unit, ten, hundred, thousand, million and billion. Eleme had none of these. It should extend to infinity, unlike the traditional one which, in theory, could be said to do so, but in practice could never achieve it because the mathematical processes of adding, subtracting and multiplying in multiples of four hundreds and twenties and tens were extremely complicated and consequently nerve-racking, energy-sapping and therefore exasperating (Emenanjo 1990a).

Technical and scientific terms shou ld be developed by extension of meaning, compounding and borrowing from languages of other culture. These aspects can be achieved partially internally through the maximization of the

261

Eleme Phonology

semantic content of indigenous words, through popularization and enhancement of slang and colloquialism,. through calques, neologisms and telescoped words of various morphological forms (Emenanjo 1985, 1990a, Jibril 1990, Elugbe 1990a & b and Ngulube 1991 ). Until these are done, Eleme cannot be used in a formal school system. Whatever is to be done in the field of language engineering exercise, the teaching learning processes in informal and formal situ;ll ions shou Id be given serious considcrat ions. Much renrnins to be done in the area of indigenous languages in education.

SJ. I Lirurm.:y situation in Elemu The heterogeneous language situation in Eleme is triggered by three

separate but intcr-n:lated factors: migr:ition, the Elcmc language as a medium of instruction and intra-tribal marriages. I shall examine each of these here. The oil exploration and refining activities on-going in the area has attracted large number of migrant workers. As a result of this large number of migrant workers residing in the area, the Eleme - speaking population is considerably less than the total population, 'with perhaps as little as 80% of inhabitants exhibiting fluency in Eleme' (Bond 2006: 22). Consequently, this upsurge in migration into Eleme area by other ethnic groups in Nigeria has made a sizeable impact on Eleme society. It has affected the social importance of Eleme cultural identity, raising concerns over the retention of Eleme cultural practices and language use. This factor is likely to contribute to the long - term instability of the language. The Eleme language is used for instruction in the first three years of schooling in Eleme community, with English use·d in later education in accordance with the stipulations of the NPE (1981). Yet, very limited opportunities are provided to incorporate the study of the Eleme language into the studies of school children. Whereas those who persist in formal education achieve literacy in English, few people can read and write in Eleme adequately, with considerably less than I% of the total population able to write in the present orthography. Even the elites express difficulties in reading and writing Eleme (Nwolu-Obele 1998: I). There are two primary reasons why literacy levels are so low in Eleme. First, teachers and trainee - teachers have been given no formal literacy training in Eleme. Secondly, very few pedagogical materials have been produced in Eleme (Bond 2006). Therefore, with the non-standardization of the Eleme orthography and the non-availability of literacy materials, literacy levels remain very low.

The question that emerges from the discussion above is, is Eleme a dying language? To answer this question effectively, there is need to examine some characteristic features of a dying language such as the number of speakers, the role the language plays for its users, attachment or attitude of the people to the language, is the language being passed on from parents to children, is there literature in the written language? With reference to the number of speakers, the first conclusion that comes to mind is that all is well. According to Nwolu-

262

- :. e;i.hancement =-- oped words

. 90, Elugbe used in a

f language _ and formal

~ of migrant _ ons iderably

, inhabitants · s upsurge in

ea sizeable - ~ of Eleme

• e li teracy in onsiderably rthography .

_ _ - ·olu-Obele

262

Orthography and The Literacy Si(.1Ja/ion in Eleme

Obele (1998: 24) 'Eleme presently appears to be relatively stable'. While intratribal marriages with other ethnic and linguistic groups are prevalent; children born into Eleme speaking families acquire Eleme as · their MT. The Eleme people also regard their language and culture very highly, which leads to a positive attitude towards maintenance of their language within the community. Nevertheless, the dominance or Nigerian pidgin and Nigerian English as languages of wider communication throughout the country clearly determines language choices made by Eleme speakers. For instance, church services in Eleme communities are carried out mainly in English to accommodate the large number of dwellers who do not speak Eleme. Nigerian pidgin is employed informally in the day-to-day interaction or the people. This is because Nigerian Pidgin is lexified from various languages, social and cultural backgrounds. Therefore many people across various linguistic groups are able to use it with ease. The striking increase in the use of Nigerian pidgin and Nigerian English being witnessed in the adolescent and young adults in Eleme indicates that the long-term prospects for Eleme are far from secure.

l have indicated that out of the 58,000 speakers less than 1% are literate in Eleme, and even those who could speak Eleme, the variety of Eleme, which they speak is a mixture of Eleme, Nigerian pidgin and Nigerian English. For instance, an Eleme speaker starts a sentence in Eleme mid-way through he switches to Nigerian pidgin and ends with Nigerian English (cf Jibril 1990 for evidence). A very large percentage of Eleme speakers cannot actually hold a sustained discussion in Eleme; only speakers above 65 years of age can regularly do so (Nwolu-Obele 1998: 2). The reasons for this are not far[etched, these elders are not literate in English or pidgin, and they have no formal western education and have never ever travel outside the community. They constitute about 35% of the total population. The implication is that the bulk of the 58,000 speakers of Eleme is an aging population that will soon die out. The remainder of the population have poor command of Eleme therefore are not properly motivated to use it (Nwolu-Obele 1998: 23).

As it were, Eleme has no functional role in modern day-to-day activities of its users, it is Nigerian English or pidgin that they use depending on their level of fonnal education and the inter or intra tribal nature of their marriage. With the children, the situation is no different, depending on their economic resources, status in society and the type of school the children attend. The very educated types will recourse to English, those with basic education to broken English while the illiterate will use pidgin and employ Eleme lexemes frequently. In these situations, Eleme is not used and this diminishes its importance (Obele ct c Nwaji l 972a: 15). It follows from these situations that,

Eleme is actively perceived as having no functional role therefore its users are not particularly attached to it. They are not sufficiently motivated to engage in its use and this fans a kind of non-committal attitude.

Eleme is, also, never used as a language of the media (Ikoro 1989: 27). The one reason it is never used in the print or electronic media is due to the

263

Eleme Phonology

relatively low number of speakers. The government insists language development and usage must be done for the larger language groups (Banjo 1990). Therefore, parents now prefer their children and/or wards speaking English and the national languages around rather than Eleme because according to them, the knowledge of Eleme offers no benefit, advantage or advancement (Ngulube 1991: 178). Thus English has become a functional language for most Eleme speakers. This situation is not helped by the edict that made English the official language of wider communication, used at the four tiers of our educational system as a medium of instruction, language of the legal system, science and technology, international organisations, aviation and sports. Parents are therefore sending their children to fee-paying nursery, primary and secondary schools where emphasis is on effective use of English as a means of communication. These schools according to Jibril (1990) flagrantly disobey the provisions of the national policy and the government officials do not prosecute them because their children are there too, moreover they accept bribes, kickbacks, etc.

The conclusion is Eleme is on a dying pathway because the language is not written; its speakers are not committed to using it and are not effectively passing it on. It is only a matter of time and Eleme speakers will see their culture and language disappear; of course, The Phonology of Eleme and The Grammar of Eleme currently in preparation will live on in archives to inform professional colleagues that Eleme was once a thriving language. This situation is not totally irreversible if Eleme speakers do something about it.

8.3 Relevance of phonology to literacy The importance of good phonological analyses to any literacy programme

cannot be over emphasized. Teaching the Eleme people to read and write in their own language will be made much easier if all the different significant sounds of the language are identified and represented in different ways according to the principles of a good orthography. This is primarily 'accuracy, consistency and economy' (Williamson 1984: 1 O); this means the representation of all the contrastive sounds consistently and economically in the language. If this is not done and two different sounds are written the same way, it will be difficult to know how to read a word or sentence correctly and meaningfu!ly. This is more crucial where dialectal variations exist. Thus an orthography, which is the necessary tool for a literacy programme, must agree with the sound system of the language for which it is intended. Dalby (1966: 55) had earlier pointed out that: 'a deficiency in orthography can bring about a slow growth in literacy among the speakers of a language'. He used Temne, the major language of Northern Sierra Leone to illustrate the point. Speakers of Temne according to him are not literate in their language because of a bad orthography based on an inadequate phonemic analysis.

An alphabet based on an adequate phonemic analysis is therefore essential especially as I attempt to carry out literacy campaigns for Eleme speakers. It

264

...o language s (Banjo

- speaking cording

ncement

ad earlier growth in the major

... .,...,..,.,,..., of Temne

rthography

_ '!: re essential _ e speakers. It

264


will be recalled that this is one of the objectives of the rural development programme, which was later called MAMSER (mass mobilization for social justice and economic recovery). This programme sets out to sensitize people to what is happening around them. Unfortunately, today, most of what is happening around us is primarily in print. For the illiterate, reading materials need to be written with alphabet, which are easily absorbed. In other words, the alphabets should be based on a good knowledge of the phonetic and phonemic properties of the sounds of the language, which they represent. This will make them much easier to be taught and remembered. The knowledge of the properties of these sounds, their arrangements in words or meaningful units is the subject of phonology.

It is a well-known fact that in setting up orthographies for hitherto unwritten languages, the creation of an alphabet is only part of the task. Important as it is to devise alphabetic representation for the phonemic units of the language (staying as close to the ideal of a one to one correspondence between phoneme and Jetter symbol as is feasible), the orthographer is subsequently faced with the problem of recommending a more or Jess consistent procedure for the division of the stream of speech into 'word' units (Wolff 1962, Williamson 1984). This task is all the more important as the true quality of an orthography - especially its readability and the ease with which it can be taught and learn - may be entirely dependent on the manner in which the word division problem has been :wived (Wolff 1962, Williamson 1984 and Gambo 1987).

For the linguist, according to Wolff ( 1962) 'the definition of a word as a 1-inguistic unit has been, and continu·es to be, a question of considerable interest' . He asserts that, for most linguists,

It has a theoretical, rather than a pressingly practical problem. There are good reasons for this. It is, after all, possible to write a descriptive grammar of a language without having to face the question of word definition. A description in terms of morphemes and morpheme distribution is possible. Some morphemes are bound, others are free; words will be found among the free morphemes, but a precise definition of the word unit may not be absolutely essential for the completion of the description (Wolf 1962: 46).

Moreover, in linguistic analysis it is possible to identi fy the word on a number of different levels. 'One may recognize a phonemic word in contrast to a morphemic word. Other word units may have purely syntactic function and may have to be defined on the level of syntactic analysis. The principal difficulty affecting word policy in a standard orthography may be stated in ten11S of the following question: what should be done about the writing of

265

Eleme Phonology

bound morphemes occurring either singly or in groups with some base? Any minimum free form, any citation form, will always be written as a separate word; such forms cause little difficulty. On the other hand, when such free forms occur in sequence with not only one but also several bound modifying forms, the problem of conjunctive versus disjunctive writing becomes acute' (Wolff 1962: 45). In effect, the orthographer is caught between two equally important desiderata: (a) 'Bound forms, especially monophonemic bound forms, are not usually 'felt' as separate units by the native speaker; when written disjunctively, they frequently become an obstacle to fluent reading. (b) There appears to be an optimum length beyond which orthographic word -unit become difficult to learn and retain' (Wolff 1962: 47). It is difficult to find a way out of this dilemma, but it appears certain that compromise strategies are quite inevitable. Because of this need for compromise, it seems impossible to set up any two orthographies by following exactly the same line of approach.

8.4 Implications of this study for Elcmc orthography The question is, since Eleme has already been written down, why make

proposals for orthography. First, the fact that there are some writings in Eleme does not imply that there is a standard orthography in place. The search for a standard orthography for Eleme began with the choirmasters and the primary school teachers in the early nineteen-thirties. One would have expected that by now a standard orthography. should be in place but that is not the case. NwoluObele ( 1998: 33) reports that the Eleme orthography has been subjected to frequent changes yet the inconsistencies and in-accuracies remain. With regards to frequent changes, Wolff, in 1953, ~'>roduced orthography for Eleme. The orthography contained redundant segments, therefore, was not practically useful. For instance, he introduced cw, jw, and sw and removed gh, n, sh, v

and z. Well, his efforts marked the beginning of the development of a standard orthography for Eleme. Next, the Eleme bible translation committee began a series of reviews. A workshop was held in January 1987, another in December 1988. Even after their concerted effort the inconsistencies did not go away. Kay Williamson and Obele ete Nwaji met and improved on Wolff's proposed

orthography. For instance, Wolffs c and cw were replaced with ch and _chw respectively. This improved version of Wolffs orthography was used in writing the Nsa cka Eleme 1 (The Eleme Reader). The Eleme social club setup

a language and cultural committee. This committee re-examined the orthography used in writing the Eleme reader and dropped 8 and o proposed by

Williamson and Nwaji and adopted ~ and 9 instead. In 1985, this same

committee further dropped chw, jw, sw, nw and ny from the orthography. In

1987, the Elerne Bible Translation Committee re-introduced chw, jw, sw, nw, ny, v and z. These inconsistencies, chopping and dropping, inclusion and

266

__ .: ecome - - _ . ay out of

: __ 2.re quite : • to set up

make

-ee began a December

_ ~~ go away.

- s proposed

~ - and chw

266

Orthography and The Literacy SilJJalion in Eleme

exclusion continue till today. This is why; there is the need for a standard and a generally accepted orthography for Eleme.

Second, the existence 0f an orthography does not immediately resolve all the problems associated with committing a language to writing. Temne is a case study. According to Dalby (1966: 55): 'A deficiency in orthography can bring about a slow growth in literacy among the speakers of a language.' He used Temne, the major language of northern Sierra Leone to illustrate the point. Speakers of Temne according to him are not literate in their language because of a bad orthography based on an inadequate phonemic analysis, Third, the current orthography is plagued with a number of problems: (i) conjunctive versus disjunctive writing. for instance, Nwolu-Obele (1998: 228, 235) favours conjunctive writing. Examine this data from him (a) and compare this with Bond's (2006: 69, 74) who favours disjunctive writing (b).

(a) jujulasemi mbori mjuju

(b) n ga d3u d3u ebai ne f6 §. d3a

Drag this goat for me. I will come. I am coming. We farm food.

(ii) Word division, tone marking and tone rule, the use of diacritic marks, spelling and spelling rules and phonemic representation are clearly difficult issues in the present orthography. For instance, Williamson (1985), NwoluObele (1998) and Bond (2006) advocate and practice leaving the mid tone unmarked, whereas Nwaji Obele (1972) and Ngulube ( 1987) mark all instances of tonal occurrence. In the same vein,· Nwaji Obele (1972) and Nwolu-Obele (1998) prefer the use of diacritic marks while Bond (2006) and Ngulube (1987) favour non-use of diacritic marks. (iii) Finally, there is no spelling rule in place; phonemes are variously represented depending on the inclination or persuasion of the writer. It is therefore essential if literacy is t<> thrive in Eleme to develop a standard orthography. This is the hallmark of this section. · Let me now examine the facts above (8.2 - 8.3) with reference to the· findings of this study. I will begin with the syllable and phonemic interpretation. Since Eleme has a syllable structure similar to the other Ogonoid languages (Baan, Gokana, Kana, Tai and Yeghe), the structure of words are bound to be identical and the rule for word division will apply equally. Reading and writing will therefore be more meaningful and easy in that the literacy programme in Kana, for instance, will be of help to those planning the literacy programme in Eleme, vice versa. By interpreting the ambiguous segments in Eleme as the same as in these other languages implies that these sounds segments should be given the same symbol . of representation based on the existing principles in the alphabet.

According to Williamson (1984: 4) 'the orthography of a language consists of the symbols and the rules, that are used in writing a language'. In other words, orthography includes the rules for spelling, rules for writing tones (if the language is tonal), rules for the use of punctuation, capitalization and

267

Eleme Phonology

rules for how to divide words correctly. Concerning the alphabet, Pike (194 7) says 'It should represent in so far as possible a wide area. It should serve more than one dialect. It should receive popular support and approval of the people'. From my experience so far, an ideal orthography may be impossible, but in searching for the best possible, the five principles of a good orthography -accuracy, consistency, convenience, conformity and acceptability need to be carefully considered and balanced (Williamson 1984). With these principles in mind, I will in the rest of this section consider the representation of vowels, consonants, tones and morphemes in Eleme.

First, the vowels, the seven vowels of Eleme are made up of five letters i e a o u similar to the five in English and two others e and o . The vowels e

and o could b'e represented by: (i) the digraph eh and oh respectively. (ii)

Diacritics El' and 9 respectively. (iii) Special symbol e and o. Alternative (i) though practicable, involves the introduction of a silent letter, which contravenes our principle of consistency. This solution will also be problematic where these vowels have nasal counterparts. The second alternative (ii) is rejected on the basis of conformity. No Ogonoid group of languages uses it. I am left with the third alternative (iii) as the only option that is adopting the use of special symbols like Baan, Gokana, Kana and Tai. In support of this idea, Yul-Ifode (personal communication) points out that the main objection to the use of these symbols has been on the extra cost to publishers interested in publishing materials in indigenous languages. However, with the wide spread use of the computer and the use of different font types this no longer constitutes a problem since manuscripts could be·type-set by the use of computer which can also be programmed to produce the required special symbols for every language. I suggest that these five letters i e a o u should be represented just as they are in English in accordance with the principle of acceptability or familiarity. People are already familiar with them. As for nasalized vowels, they could be represented in three ways: (a) the use of digraphs VN. This is the system used for Yoruba, Edo, Urhobo and ljo languages. In this system the letter 'n ' after the letter for the vowel marks nasalization. It works well for the

languages mentioned because they do not have word final nasal consonants. This will not work for Baan, Gokana, Kana and Tai where only nasal consonants occur as word-final consonants. In that case it will be difficult to show the contrast between a nasalized fi nal vowel and a nasal consonant. For instance, in Baan sa 'blacksmith' will be represented as san, while san ' castrated dog ' will also be represented as san. Even though this solution

conforms to the syllable structure of the Baan language, it fails in the principles of accuracy and consistency in not distinguish ing between 'blacksmiths' and 'castrated dog' and so should be rejected for Baan and Ogonoid. (b) Represent nasality by NV. This second alternative, which has been employed in Ikwerre and Ogbah langu!lges of Rivers State in Nigeria, will neither work for Eleme

268

: serve more _: •· e people' .

-~ le, but in - ography -. need to be • ~rinciples in _;-i of vowels,

_ -. . :.emative (i)

.-rrer, which __ problematic

m e (ii) is -es uses it. I

· g the use . of th is idea,

____ ._tion to the • _ :nterested in

_ . ide spread =- constitutes

.;:iuter which _ s fo r every _;.resented just __ ptability or

·:zed vowels, ·. This is the

. · - system the ·- v ell for the

consonants. - _ -e only nasal

e difficult to

• e principles __ srn iths' and

, ) Represent -: eel in Ikwerre

k fo r Eleme

268


nor Baan. This is because these languages do not have CCV syllable structure patterns. This pattern requ,ires the following representation in the orthography, data from (Gambo 1987: 56).

Ex.8. l (i) g'"'bcc to be represented as g'"'bnent

(ii) baa to be represented as bnana

(iii) sa to be represented as sna

I realize that a rule could be made for sequences of vowels so as to avoid the repetition in (i) and (ii) in which case one could say that once the first vowel of a sequence is nasalized the second is also nasalized. Nwolu-Obele ( 1998) and Bond (2006) adopted this approach throughout their data representation. I reject this approach because it is cumbersome and where a rule is involved it is sometimes easy to forget. (c) Represent nasality with diacritics: Here, the vowel is written with a tilde on top e.g. sa. I propose that this solution be adopted for Eleme since other Ogonoid languages already use it. Besides, it does not produce extra abstract or surface syllables. In support of this idea, Nwolu-Obele (personal communication) points out that the argument against this solution is always centred on convenience and the extra cost it involves for printers or publishers. This disadvantage no longer holds with the use of computers. These special symbols involving some vowels and the tilde are amongst the special symbols in the font system of most computers and can be easily programme in preparing photo ready copies for printers. This study identified seven oral vowels Ii e e: a b o u I and five nasalized vowels Ii e a o u I for Eleme, incidentally these also occur in other Ogonoid languages. It is easy therefore, in the face of lack of funds, to introduce these vowels in a common literary programme.

The knowledge of the distribution of the segments helps in knowing the order in which the sounds are to be introduced in the primer series. This should depend on a balance between their frequencies of occurrence, productivity and difficulty level in the language. Knowledge of this distribution further guides the teacher in identifying the area of concentration during his/her classes. This is so, because the distribution and function of the segments in the sound system of the Baan language for instance, causes pronunciation difficulties in the learning of Baan with the existing orthography (Ngulube 1991 ). This problem is not new. Broughton (1980) observed that, though German and English have /b d g I in their sound systems, their distribution is different. These stops are

neutralized into voiceless oral stops in word-final positions in German and so a German learner of English pronounces English words with these voiced stops in the final position as though they were voiceless ones.

From the co-occurrence pattern of vowels, I observed that, having nasal vowels, as V 2 in CVCV structure is not a preferred pattern of vowel combination. This means that the use of words with such combinations as key

269

Eleme Phonologv

words in our primer construction should be highly discouraged. For instance, in teaching a, it is better to use tasci 'hop' as key word rather than tus~ 'prick

oneself", since the latter is not a preferred pattern. I also noted that the cooccurrence of identical vowels is a preferred vowel combination. This means that proper nouns with such vowel combinations will be of great importance in teaching the sounds of the language. I propose the following:

Ex.8.2 esoro crayfish for the teaching of o sara comb for the teaching of a sibi hold for the teaching of i koro woody gong for the teaching of o kuru rake for the teaching ofu

I must not fail to point out here that the frequent occurrences of a with other oral vowels irrespective of the order, in which the vowels occur, show the importance of this vowel. It should therefore be taught later in the primer since it is common without any special instruction it will be easily learnt, as it will show up in many words.

It is significant that Eleme has a similar inventory of consonants to that of the other Ogonoid languages. My concern here is, the order in which the consonants should be introduced in the primer. This should be done based on their productivity in the language(s). There is need to find out their frequencies of occurrence in the languages. Consonants, which have high frequency of occurrence in one language and low frequency in the other language is likely to be problematic in a common literacy programme. Such consonants should be handled with care. I discovered too that Ogonoid languages have the same medial consonants p t k s . r 1 n. This implies that any of these consonants

can be taught either in the morpheme initial or medial positions. The differences observed in the phonological processes will not be a

problem in a common literacy programme if one looks at it as an on-going sound change. I suggest that the form that is common to the languages should be used in the orthography. That is use d3 and S, which occur in all the

languages instead of z and t'"'S, which occur in some and not the others.

Similarly, use k"'p and gb instead of kw and gw, which is only found in Eleme,

Gokana and Kana but not in Baan and Tai. Representing Eleme consonants present no problem because they are similar to those of English. However, I propose the following sounds be represented by the use of digraphs.

fa .S.3 S to be represented by sh Q to be represented by ng

J1 to be represented by ny

270

instance, in -us~ 'prick

· at the co-

_ _ ~ a with other

-- ~ , show the • rimer since

as it will

_ _,ts to that of wh ich the

:_ e based on

not be a

in Eleme,

onsonants

270


From the analysis of tone, Ogonoid languages have the same number and types of contrastive tones (H M L). As section 7.3 indicates apart from these tones having lexical functions, they equally have grammatical functions. This means that tone is an essential part of the word structure. It is as vital as the consonants and vowels which make-up the semantic word. I will like to state here that the success of a literacy programme in Eleme depends on how tone is treated in the orthography, since the functional load of tone is great. Regarding tones in the orthography, two general methods have been employed for languages that have three level tones like Eleme. They are complete or partial tone marking (Williamson 1984). Complete tone marking involves the marking of every syllable. This approach is cumbersome and most orthography does not use it. Partial tone marking involves: (i) marking of the uncommon tones while leaving the most common tone unmarked (Faraclas 1985). This has been found to be successful with languages without much change in tone in grammatical contexts, e.g. Gokana, Kana and Yoruba. (ii) Tone marking of isolated words for items, which are ambiguous, even in context e.g. Echie in Rivers State of Nigeria (Ndimele 1999). In this language an exception is made for a few common words (Ex.8.4), which are always ambiguous even in a sentence. These are to be learnt with the tone mark as part of the writing system, data from Ndimele ( 1991 ).

fa.8 . .f m

ya 'my'

'his' m 'that' ya 'the'

(iii) Indicating tone patterns, which ar~ of grammatical significance only e.g. Engeni and Abua in Rivers State of Nigeria (Jenewari 1977). These last two methods (ii) and (iii) are usually recommended for languages with lots of minimal pairs. In this way minimal tone marking is of great advantage. Kana, Gokana and Tai are discrete level tone languages with three tones: H, M and L and have adopted the convention of leaving the mid tone unmarked (lkoro 1989, Nwolu-Obele 1998, Bond 2006 and Isaac 2003). The case of Baan is somewhat more complex and will require a further investigation. In Baan, it appears that the mid tone is going through a transition. This is apparent from the absence of MH and ML . sequences. Furthermore the associative constructions with the head nouns having MM sequences show that the displacement is automatically affecting the two syllables giving rise to HH surface forms.

In which case Baan should be concerned at the moment with marking the low or the high so as to reduce the complexity of marking all of them. Even if I do chose one of the two for Eleme, should I mark all occurrences of it? I recommend that isolated words for items, which may be ambiguous even in context, be tone marked. I further suggest that only the low tone is to be marked in such cases because the high tone does not change on the surface form even when it associates with the floating tone, whereas the low tone changes. Marking it will be a signal to the reader that the tone on the syllable before the

271

Eleme Phonology

'\:\'U-n\\~\wg, "'"'"'"' \"f. -n '"?'"'"~"~."f>~ '"'"'~· ~\\.~ \.\'\"' "'~~i.~"''\"'"• \. ~""m \.~'¥..\\\i, ~~"~"''~i.~ of the fact that linear visual assimilation is the normal process people use in reading (Williamson 1984) . . Another advantage, which I will have in this great reduction in tone marking, is that it will not be a complete departure from Kana or Gokana, which is the dominant language of the area. In Gokana and Kana the mid tone is left unmarked even though there are both lexical and grammatical tones (Vobnu 2001, Ikoro 1989, Isaac 2003).

finally on word division, th~ int1:nt lwr~ is not to provide one definition of a word that covers all types of words (morphemic, phonemic and syntactic words). The objective is to propose a cons istent procedure for the 'division of the stream of speech into word units'. Two parameters are pertinent here: phonological and morphosyntactical criteria. A word in Eleme is fonned through the intricate system of vowel prefixation, inflxation and suffixation. The pattern of affixation in combination with a (consonant) root results into a word with specific meaning. Considering morphemic function and morpheme distribution in Eleme, I propose that words are found among the free forms. Minimum free forms and citation forms should be written as separate words, they pose no difficulty. For instance,

Nouns: odeH 'vulture', ek.ikci 'insect', mba 'a name', ete 'tree'; Specifiers: eb.ibirA 'black' akaa 'good' m?.i?6r6 'white'; Verbs: cf3u 'come', si 'go', labi 'say' , t1a 'run', d3ucf3ula 'drag'; Adverbs: soisoi 'quickly' gbtrt 'because' okpenwe ' lastly'; Connectives: bafa 'and', ekarabe 'but'; I . . t~ ·1 h I . 1 I nter1ect1ons: -.}9l., ee., JS ee .; Independent pronouns: aml 'I', a?o 'you', tbai 'we', aba 'they'; Demonstratives: ajoo 'those', nn55 'that' as in mb6 aj55 'those goats'

onwf fm55 'that man'; Possessives: nna/ra 'my', nnje 'his', jaba ' theirs', ate ra 'my father'

awia nje 'his relation', otoo nno bid fijaba 'this house is theirs'

The problem is what to do with the writing of bound morphemes occurring alone or in-group with some base. When such free forms occur in sequence with one or several bound modifying forms, I propose conjunctive writing knowing that bound forms, especially monophonerilic bound fonns, are not usually 'felt' as separate units by Eleme speakers; if written disjunctively, they frequently become an obstacle to fluent reading. Moreover, since Eleme expresses a good many grammatical categories by affixation, these affixes should be written with the verb or noun or any other word class for that matter as one word. Therefore, pronominal prefixes and aspect markers should be attached to the verb stem as one word as in (Ex.8.5). If the length of the word is

272

~advantage

-: - pie use in this great

~from Kana a and Kana

xical and

finit ion of d syntactic

~ 'd ivision of • __ rtinent here:

=:. _ e is formed _ suffixation.

. . suits into a morpheme

_ · · e fre e forms. - _ arate words,

ete ' tree';

!. ::ag' ;

-::~ father'

_ .f!ITles occurring _ .... ur in sequence

ctive writing ~ orms, are not

_ -·unctively, they ,,.:. since Eleme - '

these affixes -- fo r that matter .:.. ·ers should be

of the word is

272

Orthography and The literacy Situation in Eleme

more than eight syllables, it should be parsed into two words using syntactic function of the structure.

fa.8.5 m-ga-cf:3u - mgacf3u I will come. m-ma-pu - mmapu I have pass. c-ka-k'po - ckak~po He his vomi tting. c-kara-sI - ckarasI They are going. c-saa-lab.i ..... csaalab.i We have not said so.

Furthermore, the following suffixes (pronominal suffixes, instrumental suffixes, benefactive suffixes, reciprocal suffixes, complementary elements, emphasizers, interrogative markers, pause markers, consent markers and reference markers) should be annexed to the verb stems that they immediately follow as in the examples below: i) Pronominal suffix (-a, -i, -mi, -ba) Ex.8.6

m-ma-H.ma-a ..... mmalamii.ii. c-baa-lama-I - cbaalamaaI o- wa-wH-mI - owawHmI rc-ka-t6c-ba-+ rckat6cbii.

I told him/her. They told us. You invited me . We will show them.

ii) Complementizers (-i, -i/u, -ii, -a) fa.8. 7

o-ki-cf:3u-.i - ok.id3ul o-ka-de-.f. - okadei m-cf3u-i!u - mcf:3ul1mcf3uu c-cf3a-a - ccf3aa o-do-H - ode.ii

iii) Emphasizers (-e, -we, -oo) fa.8.8

You are about to become a man.

You arc about to cat something.

I come from somewhere.

S/hc bought something.

S/hc shared something.

Ndo-e - Ndoe Nd6-we .... Nd6we Nd6-oo - Ndooo

He is Ndo. (Mild emphasis)

I le is Ndo. (Moderate emphasis)

He is Ndo. (Serious emphasis)

iv) Interrogative markers (-wo? -se? - mee? -a? -ye?) fa .8.9

e-labi-wo - Clab:f.wo?

e-doma-wo - edomawo?

o-cfau-se - ocf3ucf3use? e-dada-a - edadaa?

e-waal-je - ewaalje?

He said what?

How is it?

Will you come?

What of Dada?

What about Waai?

273

Eleme Phonology

(v) Pause markers (-erl. I -eerl., -jerl. I -jeeri and -Jlerl. I -Jleeri) communicate the same idea as the English expression 'so ...

happened', and 'as a result ... happened'. Words with low or mid tone take the appropriate short forms while words with high tone take the appropriate Jong form as in:

fa.s.10 beebe eraob6 oluj.ieri beebc tiama 6loeeri

so he slapped Oluji.

so he told Ollor.

(vi) Reference markers (a I aa, e: I ee, o I 06) communicate the idea that the speaker is either referring to a specific person previously mentioned in the course of a discussion, narrative or report as in:

Ex.8.11 o-waa-k!..,.cf3u-e - owaakacf3ue The woman is coming. o-waa-cf3u-m6 - cf3um6owaa Come and see the woman.

(vii) Consent markers (a, e:, ye: and nye:) communicate the idea that the speaker has given his assent to the actions denoted by the verb as in:

fa.8. l 2

a-wa-a - awaa a-kai-je - akaije

Let him drink. Let it dry.

(viii) Instrumental suffix ma 'with' introduces the means; method or manner of

performance of the action denoted by such a verb e.g. de-ma - dema 'eat with'.

(ix) Bene fact ive surtixes se I see, s e: Is e: e: dl!notcs action performed on

behalf of another person as in: fa.8. 13

cf3i-se-mi - cf3isemi ewa-se-mi - ewasemi

(x) Reciprocal suffix la/na Ex.8. 14

e-si-la-ri - esiiari bo-la - bola i-1a- i1a pl-na.- plna

... ~ ... t. ... ~ ... ! e-p1-na-r1 - ep1nar1

Answer for me. He drank for me.

They held each other. Tie one another Marry one another Flog each other They flogged each other.

274

- - Jlcrl'. I ~~ss·on ' so . ..

e take the ,..-....,...,.,,..,riate long

~ .. ed in the

that the

manner of

~rformed on

274


The fallout from all these is that in learning Eleme words and/or word formations, the pupil is at the same time learning the various grammatical functions expressed by the affixes.

8.5 Summary In this chapter, I have presented the general issue of language policy and

planning as a precursor to the specific discussion of the literacy situation in Eleme. The relevance of phonology to literacy is demonstrated as are its implication for Eleme orthography. A number of suggestions and proposals are made to facilitate the rapid growth of I iteracy in the language.

275

9.0 Exordium

CHAPTER NINE SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION

In this final chapter, I summarise the various aspects of the phonology discussed in the previous chapters: vowel and consonant systems, syllable structure, nasality, vowel harmony, phonological processes, tone and tonological processes in Eleme (9. l ). Secondly, I conclude with some of the salient points of the study (9.2). The third section takes up the issue of whether there are further lines of enquiry that follows directly from this study (9.3). Firn1lly this study recommends a common literacy programme that will save cost, whilst making for unity and conflict resolution.

9.1 Summary The purpose of this study has been a description of the phonology of

Eleme. This study presents the Eleme people, their location, ethnographical background and the linguistic classification of the language. Contacts with neighbours have fuelled intra and inter-ethnic migration, marriages, wars and political conflicts, leaving many Eleme speakers polyglots and multilinguals, thus enhancing pidginization and creolization of Eleme in some of the settlements. These have a serious linguistic implication, that of making indigenous language education hydra-headed or amorphous.

Eleme could be classified as demonstrating a 'moderately sized phoneme inventory' with a rich phonological system that exhibits nasal and vowel harmony, tonal contrast, and oral/nasal vowel contrast. Eleme has twelve vowel phonemes, seven [-nasal] (/i e ea 0 0 u/) and five [+nasal] (/i e a 5 u/) vowels. Eleme has a symmetrical set of front and back vowels and a low a11tr811 ~·owe11 /a/. Ekare vowd segtrreats are w1kxxi, caa fin the SJ'}}ab.1<:

nucleus and are not subject to allophonic variation. Eleme has 23 distinctive consonants; minimal pair contrast abounds for

all contrasting consonants. Some of these consonants have allophones that exhibit diverse and very complex phonological relationship and distributions, e.g I j /, /w/ and /1/. While [ j] alternates with [Jl], [w] alternates with

[nw ]. [Jl] I [nw] and [n] I [ 1] I [ r] exhibit very complex allophonic

alternation as well. The phonemes /p b t d kg 'l kp gb kw gw r f sh tS d3/ do not exhibit significant allophonic variations.

This study further described the principles of syllabification and uses the combined phonetic evidence and phonological argumentation to resolve the phonemic status of the problematic segments. A consonantal interpretation was proffered for [ j ] and [ w], which show a greater degree of constriction than

their corresponding vowels [ i] and [ u], while a vowel interpretation was

adopted for [ i] and [ u] whose formants appear in 'well-defined bars'. [ k""'p],

277

Eleme Phonology

[gb), [kw), [gw], (t'°"S], [ci3], [Sw], [t'°"Sw] and [ci3wJ were interpreted

as single phonemic segments. Nasalized vowels [ v] are interpreted as

phonemic vowels in their own right and syllabic nasal [1';1] as a vowel, which

bears a definite tone and it occurs only in word-initial position. The contrast between oral and nasalized vowels is neutalized word-initially. The operation of nasality relies heavily on the morphological distribution of consonants as either C 1 or C2.

Eleme makes limited use of vowel length contrast; most often the distinction between short and Jong vowels is neutralized due to vowel lengthening. Sequences of two vowels (V 1V2) within the stem are very common. Two types of vowel sequences occur in roots: iderltical (Vi Vi) and non-identical vowels (ViVj). Non-identical vowel sequences are also of two types. The first is the opening sequence, in which Vi is a close vowel and Vi is an open vowel. The second type of vowel sequence is the closing sequences where vi is an open vowel and vj is a close vowel.

Constraints on vowel combinations in disyllabic roots are of two types: roundness constraints and positional constraints. The vowels e, o ranked third

on vowel height scale cannot combine with first ranked vowels i, u or second

ranked vowels e, o . The

Combinations of u-i, u-e and o-e are possible, but i-u, e-u and e-o are

prohibited. In Eleme syllables are composed minimally of a nucleus (V or l';/). The

syllables begin with a consonant, and end with a vowel, although, V-syllables are not prohibited. Eleme limits the complexity of its syllable margins; it prohibits codas, complex onset and nuclei. Eleme has syllabic nasals, which bear tone and also onset nasals, which do not. Nasality is a vital feature of the Eleme phonological system. Vowels in the vicinity of nasal consonants are automatically nasalized. Eleme has m n IJ J1 as nasal consonants and I e 5 a u as distinctive nasalized vowels. Nasalilty is distinct from the segments on which they are realized, therefore a segment could be deleted and its nasality preserved on the contiguo~s segment. This leads to the presence of significant nasalized vowels, which contrast with their oral counterparts in the language. This is why [±nasal] vowels show evidence of minimal pair contrast. There is a severe restriction on occurrences of consonants with respect to nasality, while all C 1 oral stop, alTricatcs and fricatives can occur before oral or nasalized vowels, l can only occur before oral vowels. C2 consonants are subject to

similar distributional restrictions. Note that in onset positions, 1 can occur

solely in the context of[-nasal] vowels, while r j, can both occur in the vicinity

of [±nasal] vowels while m, n can only occur in the vicinity of [+nasal] vowels.

A set of sequence structure conditions due to nasal harmony within a foot was suggested as follows: (a) [-nasal] consonants (not stops or continuants) are

278

_ e interpreted

. el, which

often the o vowel are very v.vi) and

_ lso of two ·e and Yj is

sequences

: - and e-o are

' or N). The '

: - ,,h, V-syllables ., le margins; it

• - _ nasals, which I feature of the

e segments on - d its nasality

-" of significant the language.

rasl. There is a asality, while

I or nasalized - are subject to

, 1 can occur

__ r in the vicinity

- nasal] vowels.

hin a foot was

278

Summary and Conclusion

barred in the context of [+nasal] vowels; (b) [+nasal] consonants are barred in the context of (-nasal] vowels; (c) [±nasal] vowels cannot co-occur. These sequence structure conditions places strict restraint on the occurrence of 1 n j w r vis-a-vis the nasal segments. The direction of nasality in Eleme phonology

depends on the structural pressure and the morphosyntactic constituents of the construction. Nasal spreading is bi-directional. If the spread originates from a suffix to the root, leftward spreading occurs, whereas, if the spread originates from the root to the suffix or from prefix to root, the spread is rightwards.

Phonological processes are common in Eleme, but the specific dimension each process takes differ as are the structural conditions, direction and ordering (Donwa-Ifode I 978). Phonological processes such as liaison, glide formation, elision, assimilation and contraction, which vowels undergo in a sequence within stem or across boundaries, are determined by the kind of sequence and the grammatical relation holding between the juxtaposed morphemes. 'The pattern of operation of these processes is of particular interest for typological and theoretical reasons such as the interplay of syntactic relations in the applications of phonological processes, and rule ordering' (Donwa-Ifode 1978).

Eleme is a discrete tone language with three tones that are phonemic. There are four general tone rules phonologically conditioned: High lowering I, high lowering 2, mid tone spreading and mid tone dissimilation. In contrast, there are three specific tone rules syntactically governed: tonal metathesis, metatony and high tone spreading. Meanwhile, there are other tone rules whose applications are either phonologically or syntactically governed: floating tone grounding, tone raising and ione copying. The direction of mid tone spreading, mid tone dissimilation and floating low tone grounding was, as presented from right -to -kft. Furthermore, when floating low tone grounding applied, the result was \'Owe! length and contour tone format ion i r the preceding syl !able was monosyllabic .

9.2 Conclusion The study of the Eleme language of southeastern Nigeria concludes

'' ith the following salient points. While this study, which is the first detailed investigation of the sound system of Eleme, accepts the external classification of the group, it seriously reassessed the inlL'rnal classification and suggested that Yeghe be considered a distinct language in its own right, and not a dialect of Kana or Gokana. This study has demonstrated that Elcme vowels fall into two h:mnonic sets each distinguished by [±/\TR]. While the close-mid set /e o/

are (+ATR], the open-mid set If.. 8 o 51 are [-ATR] and/ii a au u/ are

neutra I. Th is contradicts Faraci as ( 1989: 3 88) and lkoro ( 1989: 25) who posit that 'there is no vowel harmony in operation in Ogonoid languages'. This study through phonetic experimentation has resolve the argument that [a] is a central

vowel in Ogonoid group contrary to Williamson (1985), Jkoro (1989), Vobnu

(2001) and Isaac (2003) who argue that [a] is a front vowel. It identified and

279

t:leme Pho11ology

described four very unusual phones in Eleme: [ S w], [ t1 w], [ cf3 w] and

[ p j ] . which do not occur in other Ogonoid 1'1nguages. This study has also shown that contrary lo many Cross-River languages

which show two-levels of vowel contrast Eleme vowels contrasts on three levels: [-nasal] vowel contrast. r +nnsnll vowel contrast and [±nasal] vowels also contrast. This study notes the significant distinction in the syllable structure of the western Ogonoid (Baan and Ele111e) and the eastern Ogonoid (Gokana, Kana, Tni and Yeghe) languages. The western bough has open syllables, whereas the eastern bough admits a coda. It also notes that the syllable template in Eleme (V, N, CY, CYV and CVCV) contrasts with the archetypal syllable tc111platcs for Cross-River langungcs, which arc CYC. CGV, CVN, CVVC, and CVV . Eleme is markedly distinct from other Cross River languages in that it significantly contrasts oral and nasal vowels. a feature to be found only in the Ogonoid group within this family (cf Faraclns 1989: 388). Contrary to lkoro (1989: 34) who claims that m is the only phonemic consonant in Ogonoid, Eleme data suggests that like the syllabic nasals, nasal stops have two contrastive phonemes m/n. It is clear in this study that while canonical nouns

in Eleme start with a harmonically conditioned syllabic vowels /a e e o o/ or

a homorganic nasal/m n :o um/ and arc typically disyllabic Eleme verb roots are typically monosyllabic with CY structure and an inherent tonal pattern. Reduplication of the first mora of the verb stern is widespread in Eleme in a variety of construction types and signals a number of different morphosyntactic categories. Constraints on the vocalic quality of verbal affixes suggest that 'participant reference morphology' (Ndimele 1999) is phonologically bound to the verb stc:m. Prosodically, imlcpcndcnt clc111cnts following a conjugated verb stem most often become phonologically integrated with the stem following the elision of the final syllable nucleus of the verb stem. This is sometimes barred by the presence of specific affixes within the 'participant reference paradigm' (Ndimele 1999). However, this is most likely related to the phonological properties of Eleme and not the morphological ones. While elision processes in Eleme often results in partial phonological integration of a verb and following noun, constructions of this type are not necessarily instances of noun incorporation in the sense of Mithun (1984) since they commonly do not show the grammatical properties of this process. The processes observed in Eleme are compared to the systems in the most closely related languages and West African languages in general. In the study of liaison, it is argued that Eleme epentheses are principally marked for perfectivity and imperfectivity. This study also argues for the necessity of separating the process of vowel contraction from elision. Both of these processes have often (particularly amongst linguists investigating Nigerian languages) been either treated as alternate terms referring to the same set of segmental changes or used in some rather confusing manner (cf Chumbow 1982, Donwa-lfode 1978, Emenanjo I 978, 1990). The processes so far identified in Eleme may be a reflection of the

280

nguagcs on three

- tructure of - id (Gokana,

., syl lables, • _ le template

_-: al syllable • CVVC, and

..--.,,.....·~es in that it on ly in the ry to lkoro

· in Ogonoid,

have two

• e verb roots

• nal pattern. Eleme in a

rphosyntaetic - - - suggest that

= :.ally bound to • ;jugated verb

:- llowing the - imes barred

~ processes in d fo llowing

:es of noun do not show

- -- iv ity. This __ :s of vowel

part icularly e treated as

r u ed in some - , Emenanjo

~e:: ection of the

280

Summary q11d Conclusion

on-going changes in the language, phonologically and morphosyntactically motivated. Eleme exhibits a complex system of tonal contrast. In this study, a number of tonal paradigms expressing grammaticalized aspectual and modal distinctions are identified. In other words, a Jot of syntactic and morphological underpinnings inform the behaviour and/or the perturbation of tone. With regards to the verb, a vital feature of the verbal system is tone. The tone pattern of a verb may vary in different verbal constructions. These tonal alternations on verbs are due to interplay of the general tone rules of Eleme and the inflectional paradigms. In Eleme verbal system, the tone pattern of verb roots did not follow from the usual dichotomy of infinitive versus imperative as many tone languages do (cf Cook 1985, Zee and inkelas 1990), but rather on a trichotomy of infinitive, imperative and indicative moods. This study explains language policy and planning and argues that in the Nigerian situation the policies and especially the problem of implementation have not helped the minority languages like Eleme. It discusses the relevance of phonology to a literacy programme, the implications of the findings of this study to developing a standard orthography. The phonological analysis presented here has shown the pattern of interaction between morphology and phonology in the language. 'The pattern of interaction is of particular interest for typological and theoretical reasons, such as the interplay of syntactic relations in the application of morphological and phonological processes and rule ordering' (Donwa-Ifode 1978: 71). This work is one of the pioneering efforts in the language and Eleme may play an important role in the synchronic and diachronic study of BenueCongo languages. If I am correct, then this description of the sound systems of Eleme is an important coi1tribution to our understanding of the world's languages.

9.3 Topics for future research The topics raised here concerning Eleme phonology represent just a

fraction of possible topics for research on this language. Future analysis of Eleme will benefit significantly from (i) phonetic investigation of the interplay between depressor voiced consonants and high tone lowering. (ii) Phonetic investigation of the interaction between pause boundaries and tonal alternations. Since it is clear from this study that many of the unanswered questions raised by this research relate directly to the domain of tone, a study of tonal alternation in Eleme pronouns and verbal complement would allow a more insightful understanding of Eleme syntax. The sphere of mood and modality are also topics that remain largely unstudied, as is the way in which the many negation strategies in the language interact with the expression of tense-aspect marking categories. In terms of language endangerment, it is important that detailed documentation and revitalisation of Eleme is encouraged.

281

Appendix 1: Sample texts

This section contains two te,<ts. The first is a folk tale featuring the famous

Eleme trickster Tortoise, and a rich man called oguru. Miss Tekara Ngulube,

a ten-year-old girl who has never lived outside the village of Alesa, where I conducted my fieldwork, narrated it. The story teaches a specific lesson for life, those you trust might turn against you. The second text contains I 0 proverbs. Then.~ arc hundreds of proverbs in Elcmc, but I have selected I 0 random representative samples. These were collected from Chief Dada Nwolu-Obele, a bib le translator who is also a nat ivc or t\ lesa. Fnch of the ten proverbs is followed by a brief indication as to its meaning and a note on its practical application in real life situation . Ench is first presented with a close interlinear translation and then a free translation. Tlwsc proverbs arc attributed to animals, insects, reptiles, fishes and plants. They are structured in a way that reflects the Eleme man's understanding of the intricate and delicate balance in nature. Gunner (2007: 1) sums up the functions of proverbs in West Africa thus: 'Proverbs are the palm oil with which words are eaten,' and lgbo proverb says. The art of converation and argument depends, in fact, on their use. By them the speaker shows his learning. Use of proverbs also enables the speaker to attack an opponent obliquely, without mentioning his name or the subject of the dispute. Proverbs express not only a people's inherited wisdom and code of behaviour ('If a child washes his hands, he will eat with kings') [Igbo] but also imagination and sense of humour 'If the earthworm does not dance in front of the cock, he will still be eaten, but at least the cock cannot say that he was provoked') [Yoruba]."

I. Tortoise (da) and oguru Narrator: el6i j e Audience: nd3ara Narrator: nne egata one day

Audience: d33?a existed

Narrator: onu plonu do we all agree to be silent?

Audience: onu gbe yes, we agree with you.

Narrator: nJ e bar a nna bare ek66 people CONN animal COP: PAST friend

Human beings and animals were friends.

oa bara oguru bare ek66 tortoise enter: PAST friend Tortoise and Oguru were fi·iends

obere jaba bare ek66 waari t3 a.a two them COP: PAST friend leave house leave

283

F.leme Ph()ll()fogy

They were ve1:v close.friends.

oguru bee onee rag~b6 enu bafa nj ime bafa akaa etit66 COP: PAST AM - richness CONN hardworking CONN good physique

Og11r11 11•as a hardworking, rich and liallllrnme man.

oguru bee once i?6r6 mpi66 once njimc g~boosi bafa ocf3{cf3{ 6b6 COP: PAST person: AM - happiness person: AM - good - luck CONN enmity

He was a happy, lucky but mucn envied person.

we£. a?ec aj6 6wa bafa aj6 ewiwi bafa ogtl he: PAST has many wi fe CONN plenty children CONN barn He had several wives, many children and a harn/111/ ofyams.

abere wee cf3u 6bere at~SU ag~ba atcj £.do ecf3u CONN he: PF PAST come fifty year his father be: PAST AT life Even though he was already fifty years old, his.father was still alive.

tla bafa oguru bere wolaa jlmejime t0rtoi sc CONN get: PAST along very well Tonois<' i111d Og11r11 got along ve1:1· well.

rrnE. E.geta atE. cguru a'lu ,rnc day father die : FACT One day Oguru 'sfather died.

oso pn nkele nto nne osila j t lira LOC-AGR-NEG pass small time one daughter his died-REP Wi1hi11a1·e1:v short tim e, one of his daughters (oguru 's) died too.

oguru bafa Ha said egeta ewara k~paa CONN tortoise keep day: AM sacrifice

Oguru and Tortoise choose a date to offer sacrifice to the ancestors.

ti t6 egeta eela tia bat a oku 6tooj £. aarI to CONN SPEC: SG day PRE: PF reach: PS tortoi se CONN his household leave house On the day appointed, Tortoise and his entire fam ily left home.

oguru dore nd3a esaa bafa mb6 cook: FACT AUG - food yam CONN goat

Oguru prepared yams and goat meat.

~ , ' waa a3aa otaa eka i ?6r6 oko he buy: PAST three CL white male cocks He! also bought three white cocks.

284

enmity

:::: ~2.ri t5 ve house

284

Appendix J: Sample texts

batSu nnenne eka ok5 timaru eka oneone oku 6t5o oguru they take: FACT each CL fowl pass-INST body each SPEC: PL house: AM Thc:y passed c:ach of the cocks over each 111e111her ofOguru 'sfamily. ba lira mmi si ecf3i we de nu we et i.?6r6 mpi.66 they pour: FACT wine before give ancestor: cat thing CONN has happiness They poured libation to the ancestors, ate and had a great feast.

6s6 nne o?e oguru asai egeta raj e kowe ob6 LOC one month choose • day him rite of manhood In another month, Ogurufixed a date when he will pe1form the rile of manhood.

time obere ek66 oguru as.i a.lama tla like two friends go: FACT CONN say it tortoise As friends Oguru went and informed Tortoise of his plans.

,, ,, ,, -~ oguru la bi nc daamo oku ek66 k6o eka ta.a alao nema fia3a edaamo fij e say: FACT give all his friends CONN he: OF kill cow give food all people

Oguru informed his friends that he (i.e. Oguru) was going to kill a cow and that there would be plenty of food at the ceremony.

Ha lama k6o eka d.ci je o?6 nwee tortoise say: FACT him give support: DF leg behind-LOG Tortoise assured him of his support.

ba tluia b6 wee oguru anee t5 they take: FACT hand CONN AM-one go home They shook hands with each other and then Ogum lejij(1r home.

bebe k6o nat1u1a ob6 mpi.66 na. rt6?6r6 weer-G AT they-take: FACT hand mind: AM-NEG white be: PAST him Even though they shook hands, Tortoise was not happy.

ok5 6b6 senu rekara bone naari rite of manhood ceremony AGR-NEG: all person do: PL The rite of manhood is not an event that could be carried out by everybody.

okaeeenu ob6blfl5ka you-has INF-has hand CONN honour You must be wealthy and also be a man of honour.

so oko ob6 karabo onee ka11arus.i wee COND you: DF-do rite of manhood eve1ybody person DF - known you SPEC: PL kara weru emere karat1u apaa-go wuuru ebete CONN t11ey OF-install your richness they take feather: AM-eagle you pin hat If you perform the rite of manhood, you will become very popular, the chiefs will give you a chieftaincy title and your hat will be adorned with an eagle feather.

285

Eleme Phonology

Ha wee t1u mpi666j c ag'b!ma enu enaa be e?ema oguru loru ok5 ob6 tortoise PAST take mind his wonder think MOD thing do SPEC stop OF-do-LOG rite of manhood Tortoise thought of the rewards of the rite and wondered what could be done to stop Ogurufrom performing it.

Ha dodoru 6gbfogbi oguru rera nne eka mb6 bar a acfaa nne eka a1cl6 tortoise be-AT think think kill-MY one CL goat CONN buy one cow While Tortoise was still thinking of what to do, Oguru killed one goat and then he bought one big cow.

8.la6j e si ta.a e'.?6 karabe egeta cow his go-PAST-INST eat grass every day His cow went out to graze everyday.

tla at6ru eg~biije ogbiog~bi rtbast 6g~bog~b6 enu oguru tortoise keep: PAST think PAST OF-come rich thing Tortoise kept 011 thi11ki11g c~f'how rich Og11r11 would he.

anaa k6o efte ala6je he-arrange CONN he: OF-kill-LOG cow his He (Tortoise) decided to kill the cow.

nne egeta a-si mu oguru one day he-go-PAST: FACT see One day he went to visit Oguru. ba g~bari wa mmi wee golaogola they-together drink INST wine: FACT CONN conversation They drank and had deep conversation.

tia. li'ibi net oguru koo eka deej e akara ads ag~baj e ok56b6j e tortoise say: FACT give CONN he-MOD-LOG fall-CAUSE rain his rite of manhood Tortoise told Og11r11 that he, Tortoise, could i11voke rai1?fal! during his ceremony.

oguru f'suma k6o enu biri me karabe k6o me tla aka mp.i6611.iasaru take: PAST-AT thing play CONN AM PAST CONN be: mind ready

Oguru took it as a joke, but Tortoise meant what he said.

wee tla na 8.lamaa ek66je k6o ti naki ke 8.la6wo aje ka CONN tortoise PF: FUT-go he-say friend his CONN DF do kill cow FOC DF REL f'sue egbaj e take-LOG stomach Before Tortoise left, he told his friend that when the cow will be slaughtered, he (Tortoise) would only take the stomach of the co11'.

286

_: :-':: ok6 ob6 o-LOG rite

286

Appendix J.: Sample texts

oguru apeisaru karabe k6o nelabi nne enu shock: FACT CONN but he-AGR-NEG say one thing

Oguru was shocked but didn't say anything. - , , ,, , :"'). tt Ha egwa oto 8.lama ewiwiije k6o kasi& bot.1ec CONN tortoise PF.PRE-reach: PS home he say his children CONN he: PROG travel When Tortoise got home, he told his children that he himself was going on a journey.

a.iamaba k6o se oguru rt a.1a6j ea baa Ou cg'ba momo lase he-say: FACT them CONN if kill cow his they-HORT-take stomach only keep He told them that if Oguru kills his cow they should collect the stomach and keep it.

- , -~ ,,. , , a?aa t6 so lare sa gwija aa3c owii ne ala6-oguru t8.ija he leave: FACT house AUG-morning CONN hide -MV within grass place cow graze He left home very early in the morning and hid himself among the grass where Oguru 's cow grazed.

wee 8.la6 gbama tia bafa ow.ii gba me SPEC: SG cow together tortoise CONN grass eat: PAST swallow The cow swallow Tortoise and the grass together.

eia. ctaia. to11oise begin: PAST scratch stomach cow small small Tortoise began to scratch the cow's stomach slowly.

eg~ba aH.6 ctaia. bee ek~p5~ru belly-AM cow start: PAST SPEC: SG hurt The cow's stomach began to hurt.

wee dala d33wa nkikc waa adala eto it-CONN begin: PAST hit-MY-INT ground he-start cry It kept on hitting itself on the ground until it began to c1y.

Howa be doori he: PAST cry like this It cried like this.

tla cf3ibi mi gba tortoise scratch my belly Tortoise eats up my stomach.

cf3ae cf3ae oguru tla cf3ibi mi g~ba tortoise scratch my belly Tortoise eats up my stomach.

!sung by the narrator]

[response by audience]

287

rteme F'h0110/ogv

d3ae d3ae oguru [response by audience]

gwa oto wee lama oguru k6o Ha kaa cf3ib.i mi gba arrive home CONN you-say CONN tortoise PROG scratch me belly Get home and tell Oguru that Tortoise is eating up my stomach.

cf3ae cf3ae oguru mm baba de nu I: NEG MOD-REP cat thing 1 can no longer graze. cf3ae cf3ae oguru

[response by audience]

oku rtdori 6s6wH d&d. t6 wee nia ptt SPEC: PL people LOC farm hear cry CONN watch stare Farmers heard the cry and stared as if it was performing a show.

a toru et6wa et6 gwa ii tor& osaro oguru cf3u he: keep-PAST cry cry till fall-time first-son: AM come-PAST It kept on crying until Oguru 'sfirst son came.

owi6 nee d~ nu rf alao ko karabe ad§. abee Ha child: SPEC SG AGR-NEG hear PROG cow say CONN he hear name tortoise The child did not understand what the cow was saying, but he was sure he heard the name tortoise. ow.ij e tl ate nee to si laba ne ateH enu ala6 aa 6 child his run: FACT go home go tell his father thing cow PROG sing His child quickly ran home and told his father that the cow is singing.

at£ amaa doo klaaklaaklaa his father laugh like sound of laughter His father laughed heartily.

ttnawc a sI mo ala6wo CONN he: PF.PRE-finish he walk see cow: SPEC: SG later he went to examine the cow.

amo koo Cdodoru et6wa et6 he-see-PAST: FACT CONN it-be-AT PROG cry He smv that it was still crying.

,, , , .{"'.' -oguru a11ia b6 waa a11ia nkikee kara nne na3eekpa look: PAST up CONN look down NEG-one near him

Og11r11looked11p and down, but neither heaven nor earth seemed closer to him.

atSuj e ncma. to he-take: PAST: FACT him go home He took it home.

288

288

Appendix I: Sample texts

al8.o agwa oto wa u cow reach-PAST: FACT house CONN die The cow got home and died

b£-oguru bar a oku otoj £ nebarf t6wa TOT CONN his family AGR-NEG cry Oguru and the entire members of his family could not cty.

£kpilj£ bara ok5 ob6 apee money his CONN rite of manhood PF.PRE-lost.PS His money and rite of manhood have been lost.

oguru tSu cwai fuma nna rauo take: FACT anger cut-INST animal dead

With anger, Oguru cut the animal into pieces.

ba t'Suri egbaje sima oku oto tia they-send: FACT belly his go to TOT house tortoise They sent the stomach to Tortoise'sfami/y.

ewiwi tla eru wabari egba wee atejaba do os6 children tortoise gently tear belly CONN father their fall-out The children carefully opened up the stomach until their father fell out.

tla at1aete si wee mo ek66je tortoise run: PAST: FACT go CONN see friend his Tortoise quickly ran oflto see his friend

mis a wa t6wa et6 d3:icf3imaa aj e sorry-he console: FACT CONN cry cry REP surpass him He console him and even cried more than him.

o?oni be 0 ne el6ira kusa place-LOC-ADV FOC my story reach stand This is where my story ends.

be enu renaa edamo oku :r:-ek6ri ebeba ek66 sebe doori TOT thing why say all REL. PRON profess INF friends BE-NEG-ADV Th,11 is ll'hy it is said that a!I who profess to he.fi'icnds are not really friends.

2. Proverbs (""' ...... , '('""' ,...., , ' '

I. abura k6o aa3iije o?u 03iije ogba me epipHH £bara ejaa ob6 lizard say: PAST climb cotton-tree iroko tree CONN shallow pit AGR-NEG hand Th,• li::ard said. 'alt/1011gh 1 have c/imhed the cotton and iroko tree, I am unahle to comi: out of a shallow pit'. Application: No matter one's ability to solve great and difficult problems, there may

289

Eleme Phonology

be an instance where he may not be able to solve a seemly simple problem. Context: when problem arises.

2. a.cf3ic13a. k6o eka'.2ue ek'Pik'pi.i 6k6 doe 6nu fox say: PRE MOD he: die bone fowl LOC mouth The fox says that even though it is dying yet it still has the bone of a fowl in its mouth. Application: No matter what adverse or difficult situation in which some people find themselves, they never let go of their 'bad' habits. For instance some people are hell bent on maintaining the status quo at great expense. Context: when a habitual drunk is ill from drinking yet still drinks .

3. acf30 k6o okukula 5b6 bee o'.2aa nn66 oil-palm-fruit say: PRE together: AT hand plenty oil The palm fruit says that they produce more palm oil when there are several of them. Application: A united people will archieve more. Context: A situation that demands collective effort.

4. ak'"'p~ k6o mpii mpif 'bee ot1 ee snail say: PRE slow slow FOC walk The snail says slow and steady wins the race. Application: We foil to attain our goa ls because we arc often in hast. When we are hasty we are not able to forsee obstacles but with planning and patience, slow and steady approach, we will accomplish our desires. Context: When hurrying is not required.

5. akpf k6o onu dor-6. ete snail say: PRE mouth clingc: PAST ART: tree The snail says that its mouth is glued to the tree. Application: My mouth is busy; I am eating, no time for talking. Context: When eating.

-, - - ' , - -~ , , , ' 6. akpe k6o egboogboo onuri bee ree ea3imaaa ogigacfri

snail say: PRE soft mouth CONN FOC climb: PROG thorning tree The snail says it uses its soft mouth in climbing the thorning tree. Appl ication: We can use soft and/or soothing approach to overcome difficult people. Context: When faced with very difficult opposition.

7. ebulu k6o 620 kc aj e rH ciw~~ osaa nj e kaiw~ ram say: PRE LOC: FACT him CONN AGR NEG neck hair MOD: FUT place The ram says that its neck-hair will reach places where ii is unable to reach. Application: It is the tradition in Eleme for young wrestlers to tie hairy skins from rams on their waists as part of the wrestling costume, as wrestling matches rotate from one village to another, so the wrestlers move about with the ram's hairy-neckcostume. Context: The proverb applies to people who in their live time are unable to personally attain a particular social status but whose children or relatives have attained it.

290

::: of them.

290

Appendix I: Sample texts

8. egwH. afl.i k6o me reesie ow6 6gbere mi nt5 rf e aj e rat (type ot) say: PRE CONN AOR-NEO-go clear road AOR-NEO-time FOC him etfte ebo 6gbere pa nd3e pass LOC road pass AGR-NEO The rat says that it cannot participate in communal road clearing because it does not use the road Application: People who have no personal interest and need for a particular activity which demands general participation by members of the community or group use this proverb. Context: Group work or activity.

9. ekik6rebete k6o ade ke akanj e ki ?ue woodpecker say: PRE day: FACT CONN mother his PROO: die he: FACT bury katii~ okwaa weej e 6so agw~ ade ke aka ?u me em1g6ri.trfi6nii peck hole ironwood LOC reach day CONN mother: die CONN boil mouth The Woodpecker says that on the day its mother will die, it will make her coffin with the iron-wood through pecking it and making a hollow space in it, but on the day its mother died, It had a painful boil on its mouth. Application: People who brag and boast of the great things they will accomplish in the future, very often meet with disappointment or disaster when the appointed time comes. The boil on the Woodpecker's mouth could not allow it fulfil its inordinate ambition. Context: Warning against overconfidence.

10. bo6wa k6o ekaraa wi.aa me rfe ebaba~ ak~ toad say: PRE TEMP-LOC stoop: PROO CONN FOC challenge wrestling bout The toad says that it is just stooping/or pleasure and not inviting an opponent for a wrestling bout. Application: It is the custom in Eleme that in inter and intra-town wrestling feastivals, the wrestlers from each town stoop in group while the spectators stand to watch those wrestling. So, anybody seen stooping in the arena is regarded as wrestler who is challenging for an oppenent. This proverb is usually said by anybody who wants to let those around know that he has no intention of challenging his superiors in a fight or argument. Context: When seen as an opponent or a rival in cause of an argument.

3. Generational differences in expressions Older Younger

_,,... , ' _,,... , ' 1. mmua3i abaa mmua3i aabaa 2. nne ewa fsaa 3. one anj5 bef amee? 4. mgak"'para s. kanari be edoo 6. anj5o bff ep6r6

(be edoa nc&e akaa)

nne eka fsaa amee bf f one anj 5? mgakei kanari bo odoo bo doo nd3e aka.a

goodnight

one tuber of yam

who is that person?

I want to

don't do that

that is not good

7. ebaabere kw.ii epompu ep5iilpu abere cf3i/?a the tap is closed

291

Eleme Phonology

8. H 9. ko acfao 10. see aj eri se? 11. gba off 12. cf3aa be edo cf3aa 13. m5 osilard ad~ 14. kwisemI 5t5o bai 1 s. nisemI fit5/ekoloki 16. njenna 11. 01iloa.2u 18. mpicS nH a2oto?6r6 19. ekat1a eta g'bert 20. mg'bi.i k6o owaaj a

enu rH mgalabi 21 . ed5 fine one 22. owagbo e boke t

otilma mmu se? 23. obo raag ...... walru ereni 24. nee ecfauo bee

ow{ aj5 St , -~ ,

25. ok5 nna a3aa nsi fU ew.i

26. r f m5m5na nj lme e 21. tuu mmii 6s6 nkikee

(ewel) maml 28 . mmapi mmaku nt6e? 29. ami m?tte edaamo

(ebaamo) jaba 30. nne okp6r6 ok6k6o 31. nne obaa okanl 32. nne ekere ekuu

eefiwe ta acfao

yes

chew palm nut

aaj e (aj e) se? is it not so?

10 off harvest mango fruit

cfaa.a we how is it

m5rfi ad~ os.ila love Osila

k'wH otoo ba.i neemi close the house

nia Haim mamilneemi check the time

njennar~ 01.i.1oapu mpf6 nje a26r6 &daa ekat1a eta edaa

oowahotami ed52a fine one owag'bo edr6H boket se? mmag'bord ereni nf e ecf3uo be f dat pas.in al tink

, -~ , ok5 nna a3aa nsi ' maowi

rf m5m5na nj imenwe

his/hers also

the bottle burst

s/he is happy

s/he runs fast

you understand me

there is a person

do you have bucket

for drawing water?

I have got you now

I think he is the

person who came

my hen hatched

its chicks first

we shall see later

eemmft (ewel) neemi draw water for me

mmaku raa? how many times have I played?

ami m?Ue edaamo jaba nne eka ok6k6o nne eka okanl nne eka ekuu

I own all of them.

one raffia palm

one-piece firewood

one piece of cloth-

292

292

Appendix 2: English - Eleme wordlist

This is a short English - Eleme wordlist made up of 376 entries based on the Ibadan wordlist. The morphological category to which an item belongs is indicated by an abbreviation, e.g., N for nouns, Adj for adjectives and Pro for a pronominal word. This infonnation is given directly after the lexical item. For nouns, the appropriate numerical classifier is given in parentheses. With compounds, which may be either nouns or verbs, the different components of the word are separated by hyphens. Verb compounds are listed as V + N in terms of morphological categorisation.

miscarriage (i.e. leave+ belly) egba-aaru N

coffin (i.e. box+ corpse+ person) egbe-nee u N

bleed s.i mi.I V + N

sing6 es6 V+N

For some items, especially cultural vocabulary, there are additional comments in parentheses. They are either a literal translation of the word or a brief explanation of the event. Note that some nouns have lexicalised prefixes. These prefixes may be either petrified or non-pretrified. In order to avoid extensive marking of morphological boundaries, such prefixes are not indicated in this wordlist. abuse koc v animal nna N (cka) arm (lit. joint ofa hand) at6-b6 N (okp6r6) arril·e agwa 1'

ashes nt3 N (nsikuree) ask (question) blna V

1ne cbate N

back nwc Prep

bad cp6r6 Adj

bag (also pocket) cb&rc N

banana obin6o N

bark (of a tree) ck~p{kpa-te N

basket oku bat ckp6 N

beans E: t1 a t1 a.ma N bear (a child) ma-owH v + N

beared e<f3la (om1) N brother (elder) g~b&rc awia. owH oku6d6 N

build (house) tS i V

bum5 1'

b111y li 1'

beat (drum) kpa V

beat (person) pH V

bee fld3aa'i'6 N belly cg'ba N

big g~b&rc Adj

bird &n6 N

bite dd V

black bibi.ra Adj

bloodmmI N

blow (of wind) ti V

blow (with mouth) 1lll V

body ogb5ru (ckpa) N

bone (not of fish) ekplkp.f.i N D bow (weapon) ob'U N

break (a stick) b\ltu V

break (pot, calabash) fe V

breast (female, male) mmima N

dieu v dig mu v divide doc v doctor onccokpaa mbIC N

293

Eleme Phonology

bush e?6 (agbara, owH, Un Cf foe) N

bullocks oc:f3.0. N

buycf3a v calabash eg~buu N

call (summon) wH V

carry (load) toora v carve (wood) toi V

cassava (cooked) oc:f3akpo (cwa, 5ba.a) N

cat &bo6si N

catch (wait) banami v charcool e bi bH N

chicken (domestic fowl) ok55 N

chief &m~f~ N

child owH N

children ew.iwH N

chin abcHk~ N

choose sai v climb d3li V

close (artifact) kwH v close (body-part) bH V

cloth (material) ekuu N (eker 1~)

cock duduu-k55 N

cold (of water or climate) ad3II N (ot65) co111e cf3u co1111111111ity (city, town, village) eta N ,·0111po1111d ak~pata N

cook dor& V

corpse once Adj

co/ton ekuu N (obaa, Jiipoo) co11111bui ,.

cover (a pot) d3unu V

cow a.1a6 N

crab okor0 N

crocodile (giant) aba crocodile (dwarf) abaa dance d3e I'

darkness muc:f3H N

daughrer (first) osila N

dawn bee egeta Adv

day ade N

defecate ncobi V + N

descend ti ta v (oso) food (gen.) nc:f3a N

forget isami V

dogm9'ba6 N

door onu-too N

drink wa v dry kai Adj ca, abere) dry season eb6 mgbe N

duck k55reed3H N

dust oburu N (apcc) dwell tbb V

ear ot6 N

earth nkikc c N

eat (fresh nut) ko V

eat (fish, meat) ba V

eat (solid food, or fruit) de V

eat (vegetable) taa V

egg okf N

eight aataa Num

eighteen a?6raataa Num

eighty ta.ale a(\U Num

elephant nnl. N

eleven a'26rfnnc Num

enter baaoso v extinguish d3lc V

eye adf N

faeces obi N

fall do v farm oka N (obaa) fat g66ra N c9b&rcpata) father atcN(jo,jc) fear &poo N

feather apail N

female (non-human) ua N

fetish ('juju') &d3o N

fifteen a'26rcew6 Num

fifty ob&r&rafN rlla?6 Num

fight be v find (look for) kpafa N

finish ata v fire ns~ N (kapcc) firewood okani N

fish (gen.) ncf3i.ra five ewo Num

jlypU. v hot cwara Adj

house otoo N

294

294

forty oberc atS'Ci Num

four tM.le Num

four hundred 6b6 Num

fourteen a?6rctaale Num

ji·iend ek66 N

fly~~ v full awa v (owaa) gather kurc v girl okwnb8. (ow.i) give nee v go a v gnat mb6 N godobad N

good akaa Adj

grass 6w.i. N(e?6) greer maa wHru 6wee v + N

grindgbf N

gri11di11g s1011e nj adf gbe fmam1 V + N

ground gbcc v groundnut asukere N

guest once od3ud3u N

hair ecf3.i.a. (eb6, ogb5ru) N

hand obo N

hard a.iv hat, cap ebete N

hawk nkuk~wa N

he-goat ek~pii mb6 N

head eb6 N

hear (also undersland) da V

hearr ancf N

heavy awccpcc V

hoe ckpab6 N

hold (i11 hand) slbl-b6 V + N

horn nfSoo N

horse ojfj§. N

man okundo N

monkey Of~ni N

moon o?t N

mortar mbuu N

mosquito mfife N

mother aka N

mould (pot) de V

mouth onu N

mudogba N

Appendix 2: English - .f!.leme word/isl

housefly ntS I N

hundred ewoatSu Num 0 hunger katam.i N (mmu, ncf3a) hunter once taafina N

husband od6 N

iron ekpe N (ekwerere) jaw abcHkc N

jump pct v kill re v king cmfi'f Adj. N

kite ckwoo N knee at6?6 N kneel down k1l1lk~p6?6 N

knife ngugua N

know ja V

kola nut eg'bH N

laugh maa v learn no v lejl (side) otSie (oho) N

leg o?6 N

leopardna?6r6 N

lick da v lie (down) ma nklkcc V + N

like abela v lizard abura N

long (of stick) ngeb6 Adj D loose (something) tS ia. V

louse etSuu N

maize akukur i N

make kpaa V

male (non-human) nd6 N

matchet og~ N

meat nna N

medicine mbH N

moneyekpH N

pound (in mortar) kfi V

pourura v pull cf3uura v push t~a V(b6) rain aka r a N

rainy season ncf3um.i r .i. N

rat afH N

redmi.i.mi.i.Adj

refuse tSI V

295

Eleme Phonology

nail (of finger or toe) ab.lbf5 N

naml' abee N

nawl opU N

neck omc N

needle aglga N

11c11· l?n Adj

night ndc N

nine slra?6 Num

nineteen a?6rcsira?6 Num

ninety taalet1urcsira?6 N11111

nose mbf5 N

obtain cf N

oil (gen.) nn5o N

oil palm nn5oacf3o N

okra okod N

old nnono~ Adj

one nn& Num

orange oloncf3a N

palm - wine mmiQko palm-frond om5 N

pass (by) tHpu V

paykpt V pepper ok6fee N

person one N

piece t~Sf v plait (halt~ g~ba v plant (tubers) fo V

plantain obln55 N

play (games) blraebirii V + N

pot (cooking) abii N

show (present) to& V

sibling (from the mother's side) awia N

sing ocs5 V + N

sister (etderJ gbere awia owHokumba sit down (lit. put bi;tto_cks at a place)

i?ntitc V+N+N

six oro Num

sixteen a?6rcoro Num

sl~ty otaatSu Num

skin (flay) ckplkpa v

skin ckpa N

sleep ocf3H N

sleep cf3H V

remember gbimpl66kuru reply cf3lraecf3lra V + N

return kpewc c v right (side) ob6le N

river okul u N

road ogbere N

roast o V

room onQokoo N + N

root onI N

rope ocf3icf3i N

rotten obib.i v rubbish heap ekPofa N

run €Sa v saliva nta N

salt nl6 N

sandnsfsa N

say la.bi (k6o) sea odoo N

see m5 Vp

sell o V

selling price tS lj f V

send (an errand) tooma V

seven araba Num

seventeen a?oraaraba Num

sevety otaa-tSura?o Num

sew gb6i V

sheep nnaara-b6 N

shoe akpaaka N

shoot tiiii V

short (of human) nkele-gebO N

sweet (tasty): be IDk~pfkpee V

swell up (from a disease or a curse

from the gods) at6 v tail ocf3d N

take t1u v

take o.ffloora v taste da111a v + N

tear ba V

ten a?6 Num

thiefcf3l V(oncc) thigh mbo1026 thing enu N

thirst mmu kat~iiml N +Adj

296

e or a curse

~; i N + Adj

296

sleeping mat ebuu N

small nkele v smoke et'SH N

snail akpf N

snake nnara N

son osaro N

song cs6 N

soup/sauce mbal6 N

sow (in holes) gwo V

spear cgd N

spit k~penta V + N

split baa v stand {up) era-b6 v star s'1'1rf-d3frd N

steal cf3i V

stick (lit. little tree) ete (nkele) stomach cgba N

stone njade N

story el6i N

strong: be airu V + N

sunmg'ba N

sunshine mgbe amoo N

surpass ad3ima v swallow m~ V

sweep kpar i V

urine mmani N

vehicle (boat, car) ofaa N

want (desire) otata N

war a?6 N

wash (body) biramuu v wash (things) loi V

wine mmf N

wife owa N

watcrmmuu

waterpot karamuu wear {put on cloth, shoe, ornament) usa v ll'eave (cloth) lo V

weep towa v well baramuu N

wetness t66t66 Adj

white l?6r6 Adj

Appendix 2: English - Eleme word/isl

thirteen a?6r6taa Num

thirty at1ura?6 Num

thorn esu N

three otaa Num

throw to V

tie bo v toad (not frog) bo6wa N

tobacco mbia N

tongue ad.f.df N

tooth adaa N

tortoise ckara?6 N

touch kufboro. v tree ete N

turn round tS i tS i ba V

twelve a?6r6berc Num

twenty-one atSO.r.lnn& two oberc Num

two hundred a?6-tSu Num

untie t'Sia V urinate tclamani v vagina o?obi N

vomit kpo V

vulture Odcl& N

. walk t15. V

wall (of a house) nk:J,6 N

think ghi. V

wing, branch at6 N

witch tcla N

word cbie work nt f. t6 N

yam csaa N

yearagba N

297

Appendix 3: Basic Elements of Eleme Grammar

1. Nouns In section 5.3 .1, I remarked that nouns may be defined as forms which may occur in association with certain modifiers, including numerals, demonstratives and possessives. There are no specific forms to designate syntactic functions of nouns (such as subject or object), nor are there specific plural markers. When plural has to be specified, all Ogoni languages use a form meaning 'many' preceding the noun. Numeral modifiers precede, demonstratives follow the noun, and I have found no .evidence of noun classes. Even though there is no evidence of noun classes synchronically, such a system seems reconstructable but no such attempt is made here.

Nouns denoting a particular person, group or place awala, tS aagba, wuuwu, j eaj e, akara, dada, tSuu, acf3.ie and ng6lol6; denoting a

class of things or objects okund6 'male', okumba 'female', ot5o 'house',

oka 'farm', ate 'tree', en6 'bird' and nna 'animal'; denoting group of

persons og'"'bo 'age grade', eg'"'ba 'persons of common descent', mkp5r5 'council of chiefs', eta 'inhabitants of a town', alu 'inhabitants of a village';

denoting quality eb6 amo 'truth', nj.ime 'goodness', ek""pik'p.:i.i 'power',

ep6r6 'evil', ad.id~ 'falsehood', nlilome 'pain', a?u 'death', ncf3u 'life',

aka t e 'race'. ot'"'s e e 'journey' and verbal noun ob.i"bi 'decaying'.

ocf3i.cf3ari 'spreading', osai. 'selection', ob~e 'destroying'. otSara rubbing.

1. 2 Singular/plural expressions Singular Plural ami &bai we

a?o you obaa/obao you

an& he/she/it aba they

ra my bai our jo your baa/bao your

ne his/her/its jaba their

nna/r§.m.l mine re ebai/ne ebai ours

njo yours re obaa/re oba6 yours

nne his/her/its njaba theirs

owi child ew.iw.i children

one person nje persons

Some Eleme verbs have singular/plural dichotomy. In other words they have two forms, one governing singular objects and the other plural objects. For

299

Eleme Phonology

instance~. the form kpe 'pay ' is used with the singular object while kptbi 'pay' is used for plural objects as in kpfbimi od3oo5 rff owademi 'pay

your debts'. In this example, it is the verb form kptbi that expresses the idea

of more than one payment. Other examples are:

Singular forms (i) 2ara

bin a bl re bore fire

(ii) k6o eble ku loo eble m6 md

Plural forms 2at1a bi.ts~ bits& bot1e ritse kobl ebie kubl iobl ebit m6bi mdbi

redeem ask bathe

loan

demolish abuse

cut reveal (secret) see dig

In this data tf, bi and bi are plural indicators and trigger a number of

phonological processes. The r and n of the singular fonns are deleted and tS the plural indicator inserted. Secondly, the nasal of the first syllable of the singular form is observed to have spread to the second syllable in the plural form as in 'ask'. It is also observed that vowel length in the singular form is reduced and bi inserted in the plural fonn as in 'abuse ' and 'reveal'. Eleme also uses pluralizing quantifiers/qualifiers

I. Definite quantifiers (numerals) ob&re eta orf. at1u eke~e ekuu ewo eka mb6

2. Indefinite quantifiers daam6 esaa ra oguru mb6 jo og~bo otfal oku 6t6 osel nt5 ep66si nje

3. Pluralizing using reduplicated adjectives ekere ekere tcf36 egberc eg~bert eka awe aka.a aka.a esaa ep6r6 ep6r6 6rf.

two mango trees

twenty fathoms of wrapper

five goats

all my yams

your goats

gang ofthiefs

group of advisers

sometimes some people

di fferent habits

big rabbits

good yams

bad mangoes

300

hi le kptbi ~ ademi 'pay

=-esses the idea

=- a number of

- _:eieted and t1 _ ~:liab le of the

e in the plural : gular form is

fwrapper

300

Appendix 3: Basic Elements of El£me Grammar

ok'pot1l okpot1l og~ cf3i.ri d3iri es6ro egetS e eget1 e nwabo

blunt matchets tiny crayfish slim fingers

ekere ekere, eke re ekere nj e various sorts of people

~ote that in the last example, the reduplicated adjective is further reduplicated to convey the sense of multiple varieties. Two processes are observed quadruple occurrence of an adjective conveying the sense of multiplicity of the various types of people and ideophonic tonal variations so that the varying

-= · ·._ further convey an additional sense of plurality, so as the tones vary, so the people. Apart from the above, there are numerical quantifiers, these are:

nne one ob&re two

a.20 ten at1u twenty

mbuma forty ob6 four hundred

.::a a co all ow a a plenty oguu majority ekarabe any eka eka each ekere/osei/epoosi some

pies of the usages of some of them are: nne one obere otoo mbuma obaa esaa

ob6 ewa esaa

ekere nje karad3u

osei nje kara2a

ep66si nj e dodoriwe

I .2 Pronouns (i) Independent pronoun

ISG: ami 2sa:a20

3SG: aje

IPL:eba.i

2PL:obaa/obao 3PL:aba

one person two houses fourty yam seedlings four hundred tubers of yams

some people are coming

some people are going

some people are left behind

you

s/he/it we

you

they

ISG: ami mbee owf ej6r6ka

2SG: a2o bee ek6o ra

I am Yoroka's son

you are my friend

3SG: aj e bee osf la esaka

IPL: ebal rewas.ir~ 6ka 2PL: obaa oka 26£ es& 3PL: aba karawa mmu

she is Saka' s daughter

we also went to farm you are singing

they are drinking water

301

Eleme Phonology

(ii) The pronominal prefix JSG: m- 'I'

mgacf3u mcf3ucf3u maberecf3u

2SG: o/o 'you '

(i) o harmonizes with e i i o u u as in:

ocf3eaa ecf3e osiH. mm6o? ogbiii wo? of6o esaa ocf3uaa otora opuaa o?oni

1 am coming

I will come

I have come

you dance

where did you go?

what did you think?

you planted yam

you do come to my house

you do pass here

(ii) o on the other hand harmonizes with a a e f 5 as in:

6cf3acf3a ncf3ird se? will you buy fish?

6dad!a em1 s e? do you not hear?

ofee en6 se? you killed this bird?

okpee ocf3055 ra? you paid my debt?

odo liimoo? ocf305mI nwf

3SG: e, a or c 'slhe '

(i) e harmonizes with e i i o u u as in:

ede ncf3ar§ ' ( , , es1 oka epiirli ob6 etoomI oto efua ewi je

edtiru adaa

where are you?

you followed me

s/he ate my food

s/he went to farm

s/he slapped you

s/he advised me

It hatches its chicks

s/he bite you

(ii) e harmonizes with a a e f 0 5 as in:

ebaa ncf3ira s/he eats fish

s/he hears ed§§ enu etebea 6ki ' = ~ ' -esea enu

It lays eggs

s/he writes

302

302

e'.?6a es5 ed3oami fiwe

Ap11e111lix J: flu.vie: l:'lemenls of /;/eme (irummar

s/he sings

s/he follows me

It is a when it occurs with the hortative, definite past and the perfective forms of the verb as in:

ape -~ , , -~ ''

aa3ii 6a3ii adore ncf3a abere cf3e ecf3e

JPL: cbiil 'we'

It should fly.

he slept

she cooked the food he has danced

This pronominal prefix is realized as ne, ne or re. Some speakers use the

form re as an alternative form for ne or ne. It is realized as ne or re before

the following vowel segments e 1 i o u u as in:

nedede nd3a we shall eat food

net1 Ia.a otoo we build houses

repfpi ntate we do not flog

neloaa okd we weave basket

net1ut1u acf3ur:U. we shall rest - - - ' rfpuaa we do pass

The I PL is realized as ne or rf before a a e f o 5 as the examples below

indicates: nf baba ncf3.ira nedaada em1

!. , ,_ - ' repepee ape - ==~' -neseaa enu

nf?5aa es5 rekoa~olond3~

2PL: abaa/ab§.o 'you'

we do not eat fish

we do not hear

we shall jump

we do write

we do sing

we do pluck oranges

The 2PL pronominal prefix is realized as o/o before i or ii. The forms

o ... i, or o ... ii are used before e ii o u u as the examples below shows.

6dedeincfaa you (pl) will eat food

okici3uI you (pl) are about to come

ogbf~ffnt1 o5 you (pl) set trap

otoiimioto you (pl) advised me

303

E/eme Phonology

okuaiiete oktii3.f incf3a

you (pl) cut the trees

you (pl) pound food

The forms o ... i, o .•. ii are used with a a e e o 5 as the examples below illustrate.

olabiii wo obanaaii amee ofeii nnard ok'P&aii od3o55 o?6aii cs5 okoi.i olond3a

what did you (pl) say?

who are you (pl) waiting for?

you (pl) killed a snake

you (pl) pay debts

you (pl) sing

you (pl) plucked oranges

Note the alternation between the 2PL and 2SG, where the 2PL pronominal prefix ends in ii for the simple past and the habitual, the 2SG terminates in i.

3PL: aba 'they'

This form is realized as e, e or a. To differentiate it from the 3SG in some

verb forms, it takes the suffix ri. It is realized as e with the suffix ri before e

i i o u u as shown below.

eder.i nd3a esiar.i et1il epir.i ntate edori 1116 ekuar.i ate

", ' -~ ekuari na3a

they ate food

they go to market

they flogged

they shared salt

they cut sticks

they pound food

It is realized as e with the suffix ri before a a e e o 6 as the examples

illustrates. ed3ari ncfaira etari amoo eferi en6 ' !. !. ~ ' :!. eteari oge ecfa6ari ocfa6 eg6ari eb6 &bie

they bought fish

they talked (a lot)

they killed the birds

they sharpen machetes

they swim

they hide the truth

It is realized as a with the suffix r I when used with the hortative form of the

verb as the examples below indicates.

304

es below

ronominal

:-i before e

,.,..,e examples

! -rorm of the

304

aderi asiri ad3uri ad3ari af eri akpori af ori

Appendix 3: /Josic Elements of Eleme Grammar

they shou Id eat

they should go

they should come

they should buy

they should kill

they should vomit

they should plant

In emphatic expressions, the pronominal prefix is used with the proper noun or the independent pronoun compare examples A and B below. Note that the co occurrence of the independent pronoun and the pronominal prefix as the examples below indicates is only possible with the 1 SG, 2SG, I PL and 2PL. It is not possible with the 3SG and 3PL.

A B alamaml. he told me

mgad3u I am coming

og6osu alcimaml. Ogoosu, he told me

ami mgacf3u I, I am coming

In Eleme, where a pronominal prefix is the subject of coordinated sentence, it is nom1al to repeat it with each verb e.g. nwi.i. mtii oZomo msi., nwH. mnee ' and I passed through the!e, I yven} and gave it to him'. 0th~~ exampl~s,:

(i) wee osi s6is6i see ocf3u wee otlu mpii acf3urii Go quickly so that you return and you have some rest.

Cii) nwH mk'Pe nwe .mcf3u mcf3uu .miamaru And I came back and I told you of it.

(iii) ajoo naa wee aZa eb6 ad8.la otSte akpe nwe as.ie ate So he got up and he returned back to his father.

(ii i) The pronominal suffix JSG -mi '111e'

The 1 SG pronominal suffix -mi 'me ' takes any vowel segment e.g.

ek'"'p6mI he drove me (away)

ek6mi ebie he abused me

odalaami you carried me

2SG - ru 'you '

This pronominal suffix -ru 'you' like the one before it takes any vowel

segment as shown in the examples below.

ekp6ru he drove you (away)

ek6ru ebit they abused you

efaru ob6 he knocked you

305

Eleme Phonology

3SG -a, -a, -e, -e, -j e, or -nj e The 3SG unlike the first two before it changes its sound so as to harmonize with the vowel sound that precedes it, therefore depending on the dictates of vowel harmony the 3SG could be -a, -a, -e, -e, -je or -nje. It is [-nasal]

vowel -a when preceded by an identical [-nasal] vowel a as in bura-a ·uproot it' and k'Paa-a ·make it·. It is [+nasal] vowel sound -a when

preceded by an identical [+nasal] vowel a as in kp§-a 'shake it' and t aci-a 'choose it '. It realized as -e when it is preceded by e e i o o or u as in the

examples below. slaughter it re-e kill it ke-e

cf3.icf3ari-e kwo-e

spread it drive it

to-& t~Su-e

advise him/her take him/her

It is -e when preceded bye i 5 or u as shown below:

9bf-e grind it p.i-e beat him go-e hide it gb\i-e bend it

It is -j c if preceded by two identical vowels such as aa ee e e ii oo oo or

uu and the verb to which they are attached are in simple past forms, whose

subjects are l SG m '!', o/o . 'you ' or the l PL re 'we· as in: mraa-jc ob6 OfU:-jc rck~p6o-jc

rckuu-jc

I slapped him/her mdee- j E

you (sg) killed him os.i:f.i.- j E

we drove him (away) rcboo-jc WC cut it

I ate it

you caught it

we tied her

It is :i lso -Jc before ai ei ci ii oi oi or ui as the examples below indicates. sal-jc select it kel-jc you (pl) slaughter il g~bci-j E you (pl) throw it fli-j t pour it away

g~bo i- j E stitch it bo.i- j t you (pl) tie it

kul-jc you(pl)cutit

It is -nj c when preceded by two identical nasalized vowels such as aa e e ii 55 1111 attached to a verb stem used in its simple past form whose subject is

e ither, the I SG, 2SG or I PL pronominal prefix, as the following examples i l lustrat~ .

ok'paa-nje r~kH-nje ocf3li-nje mko6 -nje msuli -nje

you shook it

we distributed it

you climbed it

I plucked it

I tied it

306

' ' harmonize e dictates of - is [-nasal]

bur a-a -a when

- ~ u as in the

it ·. ise him/her

e him/her

_ ; .: i oo aa or

laughter il

- as aa ee ii se subject is

'lg examples

306


-njt: also occurs after two nasalized vowels occurring next to each other at the

end of a verb stem, where the second of such nasalized vowels is i as in ai ei ii oi ui as the following examples show.

r§.i -nje wipe it out ' ' -nje sei write it

pH -nje nog it

koi -nJe . pluck it g'bih1-nj e bend it

-nj t: is also used when it is immediately preceded by the following vowel

sequences ai ei ii oi ui as in these exam ples. - , moi -nj e see him - , mui -nj e dig it - ,

-nje nai do it

senif-nje massage it - ,

-nje wai dry it - , -nje wei put it - - , -nje pi§.i look at her

The I PL/2PL pronominal suffix i 'we' or 'you (pl) ' as in: £baat6£i og~bere they showed us the road

nebinaanj £ og~bere we£ at6£i we asked him the road and he showed us

obinaanj £ og~bere we£ a t6£i you asked him the road and he showed you

The 3PL pronominal suffix ba ' them ' as in:

mmalamaba I told them

slblba hold/arrest them

1.3 The Possessive 1 SG: nna/r~mi. 'mine', ra 'my' as in:

nsa fino bii nna this book is mine

nsa fin5 bee rami this book is mine

fin5o bi.l nsaf a this is my book

2SG: n-j o 'yours', j o 'your'

esaa fin5 b.l.ln-j 6 this yam is yours

nn5o bee esaajo this is your yam

The possessive prefix 'o/o' is attached to some kinship terms only as in:

owia o?ek66

your relative

your friend

307

Fleme Pho110/ogv

at£ dt£ima dkaima a?o6ga a?aag66

The 3SG nj e 'his/her' as in:

mb6 fmo bH nj e nnoo bH mb6 nj e

your father

your grandfather

your grandmother

your-in-law

your namesake

this goat is hers

this is her goat

The possessive prefix a is attached to some kinship terms such as :

at & her father

aka at&ima akaima awia a.2ek66 a?06g6

her mother

her grandfather her grandmother

her relative

her friend

her-in-law

a?aag66 her namesake

The IPL: ne/rc, &bai 'ours', bai 'our'

nkikH ajo bee re &bai that land is ours

aj5o bi.i nkik~~ bai that is our land

The 2PL: rt/ne obaa/obao 'yours', baa/bao 'your'

otoo nn5 bee reobaa this house is yours

opee nn5 bee reobao this hall is yours

nnoo bee otoo baa/bao this is your house

The 3PL: nj aba 'theirs' j aba 'their'

okrr bii nj aba the basket is theirs

okil j a ba their basket

I. 4 The Demonstrative There are two fonns of demonstrative, the long and the short forms. The long fonns occur in a subject position while the short forms occur in object position.

nnao bet akaa ebie this is true

nil liigatSu bee ajao that is the one I will take

&nu rln5 tiwo nasaa? How did this thing happen?

owa ii.Jo bee osila that woman is osila

308

308

Appendix 3: /Josic Elements of Eleme Grammar ·-

2. Verb Phrase 2.1 Verb

(i) The imperative (a) 2SG (IMP) de eat 2PL (IMP) dei. eat

2SG (IMP) dell a carry 2PL (IMP) da1a..i carry

si ' ' JSG (IMP) go 2PL (IMP) sii go

2SG (IMP) tl'u take 2PL (IMP) t1Ui take

2SG (IMP) wa drink 2PL (IMP) ' ~ drink Wal.

2SG (IMP) be fight 2PL (IMP) be.i fight

2SG (IMP) bo treat 2PL (IMP) bo.i treat

2SG (IMP) 0 sing 2PL (IMP) ol sing

2SG (IMP) tl'a run 2PL (IMP) t1ai run

2SG (IMP) da leak 2PL (IMP) da:i leak

2SG (IMP) d~ hear 2PL (IMP) ddi hear

(ii) The hortative The hortative is the equivalent of the imperative in the first and third persons. It has no form markers; the pronominal prefixes, which carry high tone, are attached to the verbs.

I SG: mtoo/mto.i I should advise

3SG: ate s/he should advise

lPL:netoo/netoi ; ' ' 3PL:atori

1sa:mlabii 3SG: alabi lPL:rilabii. 3PL:alabiri

mder§.a mdear§.a illkaraa de illkaraa der§. illkaraa dea illkaraa dear§. mteree de mteree dear§.

we should advise

they should advise

I should say

s/he should say

we should say

they should say

309

Eleme Phonologv

(iii) The simple past In Eleme the simple past form like the hortative has no form markers, it is realised by tonal alternations.

lSG:mtoo/mto.i 2sG:otoo/oto.i JsG:etoo IPL: netoo/netoi 2rL:oto:f.i 3PL: etori

I advised you advised s/he advised we advised you advised they advised

Note that I SG, 2SG and I PL have double forms; the first forms take objects while the second forms do not accept objects. For instance, mdee nJ3a '!ate

food' and mdei. 'I ate',

cf3a 'buy' 1 so: mcf3aa/ cf3a.i 2sG: ocf3aa1 cf3ai 3so: ecf3a 1 PL: ned3aa/ cf3ai

~r:- , ' 2PL:oa3aii 3PL: ed3arf

de 'eat'

1sG:mdee/dei 2so:odee/odei 3so: ede IPL:nedee/nedei 2PL:odei.i 3PL:oderi

do 'fall'

1so:mdoo/mdoi

2sG:odoo/odoi Jsa: edoo IPL:nedoo/nedoi 2PL:odo.ii 3PL: ed5rf

re 'kill ' 1so:mfee/mfei 2sG:ofee/ore.i 3sa: ere IPL:nefee/nefei 2PL:oree/ofei 3PL:eferi

si 'go'

ISG:ms.ii 2SG: osi.i

' ' 3SG:esi IPL:nesi.i 2PL:osiii JPL:esiri

do 'share'

1so:mdoo/mdoi

2sG:odoo/odoi

3SG:edoo lPL: nedoo/nedoi

2rL:odoi.i JPL:edori

310

·ers, it is

: e objects -=~ ~c&a '[ate

' : :.5i

_edoi

310


kii 'pound '

1sG:mkuu/illkui 2so:okuu/okui 3SG: ekuu IPL:nekuu/nekui 2PL: okuii 3PL:ekuri

(iv) The definite past

lo 'weave'

1sG:m1001m1oi 2sG:o1001010.i 3SG:eloo lPL:neloo/neloi 2PL:o1oii JPL:elori

The definite past form of the verb has the following form markers occurring between the pronominal prefix and the verb : 'ma' for I SG, 'wa' for 2SG, I PL and 2PI while 'baa' is for the JPL. The JSG does not attract a form marker;

therefore the pronominal prefix is directly attached to the verb. I SG: mmabfna I did ask

2SG: owabfna you did ask

3SG: abfna s/he did ask

IPL:newabfna 2PL:owabfnai JPL:ebaabfna.

M The pe1fective

mder~a mmadera mmabere der~ ffikaraa de ffikaraa der~ mteree de mteree der~

we did ask

you did ask

they did ask

The perfective uses 'mabere' for l SG, 'wabere' for 2SG, l PL and 2PL, 'here' for 3SG and 'baabere' for 3PL as form markers. Note that for the 3PL there is alternative 'n8.abere bo '.

1 SG: mmabere bo 2SG: owabere bo 3SG: abere bo 1 PL: newabere bo 2PL: owabere bo:i 3PL: ebaabere bo

I have grown

you have grown

s/he has grown

we have grown

you have grown

they have grown

311

£!.• 111,• Pho11ology

(vi) The progressive The progressive expresses continuous present action through the markers: 'ga' is used for I SG, 'kara' for 3PL while 'ka' for 2SG, JSG, I PL, and 2PL.

I SG: mgacf3u I am coming 2SG: ogacf3u you are coming

3SG: ekacf3u s/he is coming IPL: r!kacf3u we nrc coming

2PL: okacf3ui you are coming 3PL: &karacf3u they are coming

In Elcmc. there is the emphatic rrogrcssion, which is realised through r..:d uplicution of the verb. Th is form appears similar to the unfulfilled form c:-;c ept that it uses 'kara' in pince of 'luwka' for its 3PL.

I SG: mgasf sf I am still going 2SG: okas:isi you arc still going 3SG: ekas.f sf s/he is still going I PL: nckasisl WC nrc still going 2PL: Okasis!I you are stil l going JPL: ckarasi.s:f. they arc still going

11·i i) Thu 11njidjilled

mgader~ mgadeder~ 01gate:e de mgatere der~ u1gatetere de mga tetere dar~ ulknrnn den ffikaraa dear~

This vcrh form expresses the id ea that one has failed to do what ought to ha ve bl·cn dl)t1c . Thi! form markers arc 'i,:a', 'ka ' and 'baalrn'.

1sa:mgasisi

2SG:6kasisi 3SG:ckasisi IPL:nfkasisi

2PL:6kasisiI 3PL 'b' 'k' ( ( :t aa asisi

I should gone

you should have gone

s/he should have gone

we should have gone

you should have gone

they should have gone

}1 2

. -~d th rough _ .-_ ii led form

ghl to have

J12

Appendix 3: Basic Elements of Eleme Grammar ·

mgade mga der§ mga deder§ mgakarade mgakara der§ mgakara dede mgakara deder~ mgatere de mgatere der§ mgatetere de mgatetere der§

(viii) The simple habitual It expresses a simple habitw~l action. It has no form markers.

I SG: m?oaa/m?oal I do sell

2so:o?oaa/o?oaI JSG:e?oa IPL:ne?oaa/ne?oal 2PL:o?oaII JPL:e?oarI

cf3a 'buy'

1so:md3aaa/mcf3aaI 2so:od3aaa1ocf3aaI JSG: ·ecf3aa JPL:necf3aaa/~ecf3aaI 2PL: ocf3aaII JPL: ecf3aarf

re 'kill'

1so:mfeaa/mfeai 2so:ofeaa/ofeai JSG: ff fa IPL:nefeaa/nefeaI 2PL:ofeaII JPL:effarf

you do sell

s/he does sell

we do sell

you do sell

they do sell

de 'eat'

1so:mdeaa/mdeaI 2so:odeaa/odeaI JSG: edea IPL:nedea/nedeai 2PL:odeaII JPL:edearf

si. 'go' 1so:mslaa/mslal 2so:osiaa/oslaI JSG: esla lPL:nesiaa/nesiaI 2PL:oslaII JPL:esiarf

313

Eleme Phonology

do 'share'

isG:mdoa/mdoaI 2sG:odoaa/odoaI 3SG: edoa IPL:nedoaa/nedoaI 2PL:odoaII 3PL:edoari

kil 'pound'

iso:mkuaa/mkuai 2so:okuaa/okuai 3SG: ekua IPL:nekuaa/nekuai 2PL:okuaII 3PL:ekuari

do ·raw i so: mdoaa/mdoai 2sa:odoaa/odoal 3SG: edoa IPL:nedoaa/nedoal 2PL:5doaII 3PL:&doari

lo 'weave'

1sa:mloaa/mloal 2so:oloaa/oloal 3SG:eloa IPL:neloaa/neloal 2PL:oloaII 3PL:eloari

The simple habitual can also have a progressive sense, for instance, the answer to the question onaaa ePe_e? 'What are you doing?' could be mdeaa ncf3a 'I am eating food'. If the verb ends with the sequence cc, ii, ai, ei, oi, ai, and ui the complement must be preceded by j as shown in the example below.

filk'Peejaa oriljaa mmu ' - :- . ' ~ esai Jari

I do tell

you (sg) do pour water

they do select

On the other hand, if the verb has a nasal element in it the complement will be preceded by n as the examples below indicate.

or~injaa <" , ' ea3iinja

ebefnjari

(ix) The past habitual

you wipe

s/he climbs

they spoil

This form has no marker, but the modifier 'bere' occurs between the pronominal prefix and the verb.

I SG: mberee dea I used to eat

2SG: oberee dea you used to eat

3SG: ebere dea s/he used to eat

314

-=•ween the

314


I PL: reberee dea 2PL: oberee dea 3PL: ebererf dea

(x) The simple future

we used to eat

you used to eat

they used to eat

This verb form has the marker 'baa/naa' for the 3PL and zero for all the other persons; this is followed by a reduplication of the verb stem.

I SG: fiik'"'pakparf I shall sweep

2SG: 6kpakpar f you shall sweep

3SG: fkpakparI s/he shall sweep

lPL: rfkpakparI we shall sweep

2PL: okpakparII you shall sweep

3PL: ebaakpakparI they shall sweep

mdederci mgfdercl mgfdedercl mtetere de mtetere derci mgftere de mgf tare der& mgf tetere de mgf tetere der& mgakara de mgakara der& mgakara dede mgakara dedercl

Note that except for the tonal differences, and the 3PL where there are slight differences in form, the simple future appears similar in form to the simple habitual expressed negatively e.g. mkpakPar :f. 'I do not sweep'.

(xi) The immediate future This fonn takes the markers 'gi' for the 1 SG, 'kiri' for the 3PL, and 'ki' for the rest of the persons.

I SG: mgict3U.d3U.la I am about to drag

2SG: okicf3ucf3ula you are about to drag

3SG: ekicf3ucf3ula s/he is about to drag

315

Eleme Phonology

1PL:neklcf3ucf3u1a 2PL: oklcfaucf3ulal 3PL:ekiricf3ucf3ula

I SG: mglslslbl 2SG:okisisibI 3SG:ekisisibI lPL:rfkisisibI 2PL:okisislbi 3PL:ekirisisibI

Summary of the verb forms

Verb form

Definite past

Form marker

baa

Perfect

Simple future

Unfulfilled

Progressive

Emphatic progress

Immediate future

ma wa baa ma wa baa baaka ga ka ga ka kara ga ka kara

, gi ki

we are about to drag

you are about to drag

they are about to drag

I shall be holding

you will be holding s/he will be holding

we shall be holding

you will be holding

they will be holding

Example

&baacf3u mmacf3u owacf3u &baaberecf3u mmaberecf3u owaberecf3u & baacf3ucf3u & baakacf3ud3u mgad3ud3u 6kacf3ud3u mgad3u okacf3u &karad3u mgad3ucf3u okad3ud3u &kar a.cf3ucf3u mg:f.ci3ud3u ok:f.cf3u

316

316


2.2 Verb and complementation In Eleme the verb and its complement share a common root as illustrated in the sentence osfla kacf3e ecf3e 'Osila is dancing'. The verb cf3e and the

object ec&e have a common root, in most cases this is accompanied by an interfix. There are two types cognate and non-cognate.

(i) Cognate t1§. ot1e& walk kPaaokpaa entertain t1ori nt1ori insinuate kPoek'PikP6o be joyful

t1u1a. at1u1a favour k'poromkporo be lazy dal ndal go astray lomaoloma give a present dt odtdt create ioi 016£ tell (a) story do ododo rule maema lie down do &do fall

' ... - , ' maaomai laugh

ria inria be beautiful m55 m:Sm:S see (a) sight gola ogola discuss nanl enanl be scarce

cf3i ocf3ici3H dive nuonu groan d?.'''cf?.'' 3ii 0 3ii sleep para apara be smart

cf3Iri 6d3irl swear sfni osfni sneeze kpaa mk~paa play (the) drum ?uu a?u die

(ii) Non-cognate pi ob6 slap bii adt wink (the) eye

kpafa am6 cause trouble t1aa nwurd be ashamed k~pe nwe return daia eb6 raise up

166 tbit revea·, secret dee 6g'be swear iu.u. mk~p§. shout m:Srd adt love nee ok~pufafu worry do &bit command

zora et1ll make (an) offer ru et1ll quote (the)

price ta.a mpi6 forget d3i ob6 persecute

t§. amoo speak ta ob6 push

cf35 nwe follow k6o &bit abuse

ta mpi66r'1 trust k~pa§. ot6 listen

wi.ma ob6 beckon

Note that when these verbs take the pronominal suffix, it is attached to the verb not its noun complement as in ekomi' eble 'he abused me' and newap.itd ob6 'we slapped you', If the suffix ri is on a high tone, it will be attached to

317

Eleme Phonology

the noun complement and not the verb as in owafu etf I:irf you quote a

very high price' and a tel am5orf 'he spoke very well'. But ifthe suffix ri is on a low tone, it will complement the negative element and will be attached to the verb and not the noun complement as in kat~r i ob6 'you (sg) don't

push' and kakpaalri ot5 'you (pl) don't listen'. If the object of the verb

maru ade 'love' occurs between mo and ru, the element ru is attached to the

last syllable of the object as in rewam5tru §.de 'we love him'. ' Adult: 5wamo osaro ru ade 'you (sg) love Osaro'

Children: awam5ru ade 5saro 'you (sg) love Osaro'

2.3 Verb and the benefactive suffix se/see, se/s~f 'for'

There are two sets, se/see °[-nasal] vowels while se/s~f [+nasal] vowels.

(i) d3istmi. ecf3ira answer for me ' - - :-, f e:wasemi mmi mcf3esterd ecf3e ofosteba esaa ebasemi. obdn.i. ekp~semi ocf300

' , ' ' -~ okuseemi na3a

he drank the wine for me/ on my behalf

I danced for you

you planted the yam for them

he begged for me

he paid my debt for me

you pounded the food for me

It should be noted that whatever form is used short or long depends on the person and the verb as exemplified in (ii). Also the number of syllables in the verb is reduced by deletion and subsequent insertion of se: or se as illustrated

in (iii) . (ii) osemi. es5 you (2SG IMP) sing for me

o'.?6seemi es5 (iii) k~pasemi of~ ,.. ' , a3usemi mb6ri

you (2SG PERF) sang for me sweep for me > k~par 1 sweep

drag this goat for me > cfauc/3ula drag

2.4 Verb and the reciprocal suffix la/na 'one another, each other'

Like the benefactive discussed above, the reciprocal also has two types la [nasal] and na [+nasal]. This extensional suffix expresses reciprocal

relationship. (i) sI catch sila catch one another

bo tie bola tie one another

t1u take t1u1a take one another

i marry Ila marry one another (intermarry)

cf3a buy cfaa!a buy one another (ii) ku cut kula cut each other

318

Eleme Phonology

2PL: okatere del 3PL: cbaratere de kara 'barely' cfaira. 'accept'

1 sG: mgakara cf3Ira 2sG: okakara cfaira. 3SG: ckakara cfaira. IPL: rfkakara cfaira 2PL: okakara cfaira. 3PL: ckarakara cf3Ira.

t6t6 'able to' me 'swallow'

ISG: mtoto me se? 2SG: ototo me se? 3SG: etoto me se? IPL: rhoto me se? 2PL: ototo meI se? 3PL: ebaatoto me se?

3.2 Ideophones

2PL: owa ?oto labI 3PL: ebaa zoto labI kp6r6 'succeed in' tSulaa 'meet'

1 SG: iiimakporo tSulaa 2sG: owakporo tSulaa 3SG: akporo tSUlaa t PL: rfwakporo tSUlaa 2PL: owakporoI tSU:lalje 3PL: ebaakporo t1ulaa

baba 'ever' wa ' drink'

ISG: mbaba wa se? 2so: 6baba wa se? 3SG: ebaba wa se? 1 PL: rfbaba wa se? 2PL: 6baba wal se? 3PL: cbaababa wa se?

Ekmc uses ideophones in the naming of birds and as verbal extensions, that is as substitutes to adverbs of manner.

!) Naming of birds wii.joo honey guides

"" "" piipii sand grouse

mkp.i6r00 touracos

okeeku secretary bird

kwooo magpie

j oo j oo ostrich

2) As verbal extensions

tfnde(ek~pa-a1a6)

p.i6r.i (ako6) wororog~

! ! ' ' gaanwa osila-ngaad66 rnJao,mbabaa-ot]ui kpaak~paa tS .ir .i r.i

hammerkop

shoebill

larks

bustards

crow

by children)

sun bird

In Eleme ideophones are used in place of adverbs or adjectives to capture the sound being modified, for instance in the statements:

(i) (a) akara kad5 ibtri: the rain is falling heavily

(b) akara kado wuru wuru (ii) (a) okcila pee ape the frog jumped

(b) okala pee ape cf3wa1a.i

The ideophone wuru wuru replaces the adverb gbere (heavily) in (i) above

while in (ii) cf3wala.:f. replaces the adjective ape. In the examples that follow,

320

~ eet'

ds

apture the

320


the italic words convey a verbal ideation and the underlined words are the ideophones used as modifiers of the verb.

1. ada t6sa do tu. 2. a.af kanaa eb6 tori tori tori. 3 ' f ' _(" ( ( ' ' l ' .., ' ' b , . a 0031 wisa so om "a e o.

4. agbakara kat1ina g~bururu. 5. akara kas~ k'ptte kpete. 6. a.iao 1 umk'P~ muuuu.

, ,,_, ~, , , , ~, , , , 1. apina kadaa uifif'ifi uHififi. 8. dokt6 wue aglga puru. 9. eb6 kanaa 6me: fU egf nj fot. io. eb6 aJut 6me: k'poo kpo6. 11. eb6 ncf3ofa do6 pi.ra 0 ira tu. 12. 025 rff odo-osila-mgboka ta! asu kpuuu. 13 . epiinJe obo &k'p!-nsi koiasl. 14. ewurutu kado gldlm gldlm. 15. itSa ete s6m s6m s6m. 16. tk'Pa emerf ekwerere g!rH a!rH. 17. am5o egbfre cmerf naa ibaai wom wom wom. 18. eswt eto nkikff cf3wa. 19. ekpo one kawa af5ncf3e p6m p6m porn. 20. Heje ka]lia o?o pe&e. 21. mba.16 ka.?arf k~por0 kpor0 kpor0.

' '""', ... ~,,, ,,, , ,,, 22. mmoto kpa nt.100 pipiii pipiii. 23. illkp55 dii k~pfH n6r6r6r6. 24. mmu a.?o nsf faaaa. 25. mmu nno abf ra tM tH tH. 26. mmu nti to bi kado toi toi toi. 21. obel9 t6raa eb6 wuuutu. 2s. osilakatJ~ ekeebe keebe otSct pe. 29. okeeku taA amo6 koo kuukuu kukuu kukuu. 30. mmasi kanu mm m. 31. ok6 did k6k66wa ko66o. 32. gooja lumkpa mba koo witHi wHH wHi, wutuuu wuuuu wuuu.

4. 1 adjective The adjective is used to describe or qualify a noun or pronoun; it denotes the nature or quality of either a person or an object. The following are examples:

ep6r6 bad m?i.?6r6 white

321

E/eme Phonology

aka a ewara '-~ '' aa3ii ekpo eg~be:rt

nnono~ oplar6

good ebib:f.ra hot njlme cold mmasi senior nkele big m?i?a old ogbara pure mb~sa

black

nice

fine

small/junior

new young ugly

These words perform more of qualifying functions than of denoting the nature of people, objects or qualities. Thus ewara 'hot' can be used to qualify nouns

such as mmli 'water', egeta 'day' it can a lso be used to denote 'heat' perse.

So b.ib.ira 'black' serves as both adjective and noun as in:

bibira one black person , , _("

bibirakaa3u Bibira is corning More examples of their uses as adjectives are:

- &p6rond3a

5. Connectives

' ~ ' ... ' cwarammu ebibiramb6 ek'poone m?i ?6r6mg'ba6

bad life

hot water

black goat big person white dog

The connectives perform the same grammatical functions in Eleme as the English conjunction. It is therefore a connecting or linking word. In Eleme, we have such connectives as:

bAfA and

we/we/nwl and

wee/wee/nwii and

re/ri ekarabe gbere ncf3encf3e see/ste/sfi

and

but

because of

either .. . or

if

The following are examples of their usage in sentences: (i) aseerdgbcre od3ularu baa/ba6

Forgive him because of your relationship. (ii) mmad~. me ikarabe k6o mlrf mbaa'i'arii

I have heard, but I will not leave it. (iii) mgat1u nne nc&enc&e ober& &ka mb6 lemaaru

322

.g the nature ualify nouns

__ ·heat' perse.

:=:Jerne as the _ In Eleme, we

322


I will beg him with either one or two goats. (iv) wee a26rtobere eka mb6e

What of (ten and two) twelve goats? (v) kara la.bi k6o a.f·su-ri-rme eka mb6e

Just say twenty and one goats. (vi) si we kpaaba ot6

Go and listen to them. (v) esi. wee k'""paaba ot6

He went and listened to them. (vi) osaro bfifa osila karacf3u

Osaro and osila are coming.

Note that I have used the five Eleme connectives re, ri, we, wee and bara to represent the English conjunction 'and', it should be further noted that the connective r e/r i could sometimes be used as an alternative to bar a. Thus,

we can either say: otS le r~ ole be rf nct36 literally: Left and right are yours . otS le bafa 010 berf ncf30 idiomatic: Both are yours.

The same cannot be said of we and wee 'and', they cannot be used as

alternatives to each other. The choice of which of them to use depends on the type of connecting function, which it performs within the sentence in which it occurs.

(i) The connective bar a is used when the connecting function is required either

between two nouns, pronouns or noun phrases, both of which are governed by the same verb as in:

016 bara og"'b6n1 karacf3e ecf3e olo and ogboru are dancing.

a?obaraamlbeeek66 You and I are friends. osi 6ka bara otoo Ha mmoor6 riairu'? Going to the fan11 and staying at home, which do you prefer?

Also note that we and wee as used above are just two out of the six various

forms of one and the same connective: we/we/nwi; wee/wee/nw.Li.. The

first set are the short forms whereas the second set are Jong the long forms. Unlike the connective bar a whose function is to connect two nouns, pronouns,

etc this connective is used when the ideas expressed by the relevant verbs denote uncompleted actions, as in :

sl. we kpe nwe d3u la.bi we na

go and return

say and act/do

323

Eleme Phonology

The long forms are used when the ideas expressed by the relevant verbs denote compkted actions.

osaro si wee akpe nwc Osaro went and returned

akara do nwH tic13H the rain fell and I slept

6. Interjection An interjection is generally an exclamatory or ejaculatory utterance used in indicating a feeling or an emotion. In Eleme, the interjection expresses an emotional state, as in: Set I: tSei, njelee, njelee n-jaooo

tSei! mga?ueee hee hee ... ooo! njelee! oku Eleme egbereta osila eleleewa kabira mmueee, wee kasari eka nj ee sere sere! ekere ra njelee! n-jaooo! nwolu mi mgid3u bafu ogbo eso joee!

set 2: hee/huu! hee heeee!huu huuuu! heel owamomi se? nne one ra nd3ee! heel heeee! oku e?eeeru asibiirue! Mi.ti, huuuu! njiami nsi njiami nwee!

Set 3: ee !ii! tlei! ee okoo abere ?umaru se? ii be odora njofri tlee ebie nno akara gbufamiE:!

Set 4: rs ee f~ ee tS ee! tlee! owa okatSa lomi onuruE:! tS ee tS eeosila a bee kpe nwe d3uae!

Set 5: huu! wiitii/wntuuuu! njelee huu! d3aabi nnaa ereni d3aawe'? Witiii, wiiii wiiii! njelee!njelee!njelee!amE:eed3uE:mi?aa?

Note that the various sets express different emotions such as set I, hyperrnanic emotions, set 2 expresses warning, set 3 expresses surprise, set 4 expresses attention seeking and set 5 expresses helplessness in the face of problem or trouble.

7. r nterrogative expressions Eleme uses relative pronouns, verb particles and tonal variations in interrogation. (I) The relative pronouns such as e? ea 'what?' rlun5o /mm5de 'where?'

rlun55r5 'which?' amee 'who?' rlune 'what?' are employed in interrogation in

Eleme, as the examples below illustrate. e?ee kakp6rti cgba'? What is a1111oyi11g you?

okasi. mmoo? Where are you going?

324

~ verbs denote

~xpresses an

ee

:;permanic

ations 111

·where?'

gat ion in

324

ote do ID.mode? amee do o?6moo? mmt ekpikJ,60? et6 bara omaI ot1u mmoor3?

(2) (i) The particle sc?


Where is your father?

Who is there?

Which box? Which will you prefer, crying or laughing?

The interrogative particle se is placed in a post statement in order to make it a

question. In the examples that follow, the first expression is the statement while the second is the question. 6d3ud3u You will come 6d3ud3u sc:? Will you come?

mmalabi I said it

cdo aka.a It is good

Ndo a.bare d3u Ndo has come

cbaabere d3u They have come

(ii) The particle c&aa ... c&aa? cf3aa be edo cf3aa? d3aa ekusa ogol8. bai cf3aa?

mmalabi sc:? Did I say it?

cdo aka.a se? Is it good?

Ndo abere cf3u se? Has Ndo come?

cbaabere d3u sc:? Have they come?

How are you?

J' ; ;; ' - ~ a3aa be eti ref okakomi ebH u3aa? How do we conclude our discussion?

Why are you abusing me?

(iii) The particle wo?

The particle wo (what? how?) usually occurs at the end of interrogative

expressions, although it sometimes occurs within the sentence. For instance:

Ha.bi wo? Moma wo? ew6marfr WO ecf30 ajo'?

(3) Tonal alternation

What did he say?

How is it?

How did he behave to you?

Tone plays a vital role in interrogation, for instance, it is the tone that differentiates between the meanings of the following pairs of questions, which otherwise would alike.

(i) mdee e?ee? What did I eat?

ID.dee ezee? Cii) mdeaa ezee?

mdeaa ezee? (iii) msHmm6o?

msiimm66'? (iv) msiaa mm66?

msiaa mm66?

What should I eat?

What do I normally eat?

What should I be eating?

Where did I go?

Where should I go?

Where do l normally go?

Where should I be going?

325

Eleme Phonology

(4) The relative marker The relative markers in Eleme are: nee 'what', nee/ref 'who', ni.i/rl.I ' what' as illustrated in these utterances.

d§.~ enii nee ek66 jo kalamarfi Listen to what your friend is telling you.

s.U oka rf~ ekaw:f.ini eb6 eb.ie bi.l rH. mgalab.i

Go to your mother who is calling.

The truth is what I am saying.

326

·. nii!rH:

ng.

326

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ELEME PHONOLOGY

This is a seriously impressive book. It is nothing less the entire body of knowledge on Eleme, and while this might seem an impossible arcane subject for a commercial publication, in these clays of' the Internet, the minority readership that this book will inspire is accessible. In its 385 pages, it commands and inspires respect, for the knowledge that it displays, it seems effortlessly, the communicative skill of the author. This is an immaculate text. It is nn education for the already educated specialist in one volume.

Prof Mark Sykes, London

I read this book over the weekend, and I like the book very much indeed, in my opinion, there is no doubt that it would form a significant addition to the expository literature on language, besides presenting some genuinely original perspectives. The documentation is impeccably organized.

Prof Richard Hogg, Manchester

We are pleased to add a prestigious work such as this to our list. Athena Press

This is a considerable work. Prof Francis Katarnba, Sheffield

Isaac Eyi Ngulube is a distinguished scholar who holds a PhD in English Language and Linguistics from the fine University of Manchester, England, UK. He has to his credit Eleme Phonology cast in the Optimality tradition and published by Athena in UK. Dr Ngulube also has a number of academic papers in the various Learned Linguistic Theories such as LFG, OPTIMALITY, LMT and /....-LFG published in reputable International Journals in Nigeria, America and Britain. Some of his published papers are: '/....-LFG', 'Translating Headswitching Cases in LFG-DOT', and 'LFG for Eleme: Issues of Representations and Computation'. Papers currently in preparation are: 'Cultural Constraints on Eleme Prosodicity', 'Eleme Noun Incorporation' and 'Eleme reduplication as Rhyme and Alliteration'. He has taught Linguistics especially Phonological The01y and Phonetics at The University of Manchester, UK; Modern English Syntax , Advanced Phonology and Sociolinguistics and Research methods at the University of Port Harcourt, Nigeria. Dr Ngulube is currently a Consultant Linguist with the Rivers Readers Project.

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