Introduction

According to the cultural theory of risk, awareness of all potential dangers is

far beyond human capacity. Thus it is inevitable to select and rank those risks

which appear most important and ignore others. In this sense, prioritising dangers

serves as a social strategy enabling day-to-day functioning. The main assumption

here is that ignoring a particular risk is a choice (usually an unconscious one) which

societies make, rather than simple insouciance. The first step towards

understanding how the people of the Maldives construct their risk ranking is to

recreate this ranking based on data from interviews and participant observation, and

then to search for social rules which determine how this ranking has been

constructed. Therefore, in this chapter I would like to present which dangers are the

subject of greatest interest for contemporary Maldivians.

It can be said that collective worries cluster around one main problem,

which, while not specific to the Maldives, is characterised by its own local patterns,

which I will discuss below. Most of the challenges of the contemporary Maldives

have their origin in the tension between local, traditional island life and the

simultaneous will to participate in the globalised modern world. Therefore, in very

general terms, the axis of concern runs from local to global and from traditional to

modern. The discrepancy with which I have observed the Maldivians struggling is

manifest in almost all areas of life, from the family structure and the role of women

to business and politics. Analysis of chosen aspects of social, political and

economic changes in recent decades of Maldivian history provides a foundation for

a better understanding of what shapes contemporary tensions and how risk ranking

is created.

The key moment in Maldivian history, when the country actually started to

participate in the globalised world, was the introduction of tourism in the 1970s. In

the previous chapter, I described how the first holidaymakers arrived in the islands

and how rapidly the Maldives became popular in the international arena as a

vacation destination. Opening the islands to the world necessitated greater

engagement in international relations. Maloney indicates that the breakthrough in

intensification of communications with foreign partners started with the

government’s rapprochement with Colombo (the capital of Sri Lanka) and greater

interest in the Maldives on the part of the Arab countries. This was followed by

funds being made available and the Maldives being encouraged to participate in

international meetings (Maloney 1980). In the following years, the Maldives

continued to establish relations with strategic partners, for example, becoming one

of the founders of SAARC (South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation) in

1985 (History and mission of SAARC, 2008). At the same time, the rapidly

growing tourism industry led to greater exposure of Maldivians to alternative

lifestyles and world views, even though this process was organised in a way that

maximally restricted relations between local communities and international tourists.

Disappointment with the democratic transition

The next natural step for the Maldives in order to maintain and develop

international relations was to introduce democratic reforms, the most important of

which was the introduction of the multiparty system in 2004 and subsequent free

elections. These significant legislative changes gradually led to the end of thirty

years of authoritarian rule by Abdul Maumoon Gayoom. Probably the most

significant change for people during this time was achieving the freedom to express

their political views and actually being expected to manifest them during elections.

In a society in which, through three previous decades, any statement against the

government led to being threatened with imprisonment and torture, this must have

been a revolution. One of my interviewees brought up a situation from her

childhood which reflects the atmosphere of life under the old regime.

When was little I had this experience, I was about 11 or 12. I

remember I mentioned, president Maumoon’s picture would hang in

every hospital, every school, every government office, and I

remember commenting on one of his pictures, something wasn’t very

nice (laughs). And I remember I got hit by my mother. She hit me.

And she told me never to say such things about the president. I said

something regarding his hair or something, not very flattering to his

image. [Interview #11]

The same interviewee admits that even though she was a child then and did

not understand what the political system in the Maldives really meant, she could

sense the ‘ underlying fear’ in the society. At the same time, she suggested that she

understood her mother’s behaviour and that under Gayoom’s rule people valued

mutual respect much more than today. This opinion was common among my

interviewees: many of them claimed that freedom of speech unleashed the worst in

people. When it was finally possible to criticise and argue, they started to misuse

this opportunity. The right of free discussion of public affairs and the prospects of

actual participation in power have allowed people to express opinions, introduced

new subjects to debates in the cafes, and also engendered new conflicts over

political affinities. Many Maldivians admitted that they preferred to be forbidden to

express their views and to remain quiet instead. Introduction of the multiparty

system gave people a reason to argue and divide themselves. Democracy became a

synonym for conflict.

After the multiparty system had been introduced, the Maldivians divided

themselves into supporters of one of the two parties. This started to have a

significant impact on everyday life in the islands and it is unlikely that such rapture

can be easily repaired. Political animosities can be today observed on every level of

Maldivian society: from the family, through island communities, to the top party

officials based in Malé. The main line of the division runs between supporters of

the Progressive Party of Maldives (PPM), with the current president, Abdulla

Yameen, as its leader, and the Maldivian Democratic Party (MDP), created by the

first democratically elected president, Mohamed Nasheed. The division of the

country into followers of these two parties can be easily observed, because of the

extensive use of party colours: pink for the PPM, yellow for the MDP. During

political events, many people wear elements of apparel in one of the colours and

shop owners organise shop windows, with one colour or the other dominating. In

the local islands, inhabitants also divide themselves into supporters of either

Yameen or Nasheed. They manifest their preference by colouring their belongings

pink or yellow and by organising common areas to watch the news together, as well

as to discuss contemporary affairs and to campaign at election time. These places

are decorated in the appropriate colours with flags and logos of the given party and

matching decor (see Photo 1).

Photo 1. Men spending time in a common area of the PPM party decorated in pink

on one of the local islands

Photo: Justyna Orłowska

One of my interviewees highlights how political division is reflected on her home

island. She blames the introduction of the multiparty system for a rising number of

conflicts within the community.

Politics brought conflicts among the society, so if I look into my own

island it’s more like the island is divided in according how they

perceive the political leader, how they support the political leader,

so that I think, the relationship among the society is bringing a

major change in this one.

[Interview #23]

Persistent accentuation of political views has not only influenced life of

island communities, but also relationships within families and between friends. One

of my interviewees explains how everyone in the Maldives became hostages to

politics, because of the small size of the country and the population.

You know, what I see, everything comes down to the size of the city,

because […] maybe in Malaysia when I was there, [...] like last

elections, there was the big demostration against the government,

like a huge demonstration. But still, you have so many people who

just don’t give a damn about it, who just live smoothly, happily.

Because it’s just, it’s so big, in compare to Maldives. All these things

happen in one one location, right? Because here, I might be friends

with the candidate, I might be related to the president and then, how

can you get away from it? […] The last president ‘Anni’ he was my

dad’s friend. Before he became president, we were having coffees

like this, and now... you know, it’s just, we don’t have it [...]

[Interview #23]

This statement shows that maintaining close relationships with other

members of the community makes it very difficult to stay politically neutral. Some

family members may put pressure on others not to maintain contact with friends

whose family supports the opposite party. One of the young girls I talked to claimed

that she was attacked by a jinni during the elections; her sight became blurry, so she

didn’t know who she voted for. I believe such a psychological reaction must be a

response to the social pressure put on her to act against her own will or views.

Additionally, political views became an important factor in the acceptance or

rejection by parents of their child’s future husband or wife. During my fieldwork, I

witnessed the struggles of a couple who had refrained from getting married because

their parents supported different parties.

To summarise, most of today’s Maldivians believe that allowing the

multiparty system to come into existence was like opening Pandora’s box. During

my research, interviewees representing both the younger and older generations

complained about a loss of peace that went along with the political transformation.

While some younger Maldivians, often educated abroad and willing to be a part of

the modern globalised world, do not reject democracy as such, but recognise its

weaknesses, some elderly people, especially those living in the more remote

islands, sincerely miss Gayoom’s times. Almost everyone is annoyed with ongoing

political debates, consecutive elections and scandals among members of both

parties. People are disappointed, because they believed introducing democracy

would mean reforms in the direction of wider access to education and health

facilities. Instead, innovations in the political system resulted in disagreements

among families, friends and co-islanders.

Peace dearer than freedom

Man prefers peace, and even death, to freedom of choice in the

knowledge of good and evil. Nothing is more seductive for man than

his freedom of conscience, but nothing is a greater cause of

suffering.

Fyodor Dostoyevsky

This fragment from Dostoyevsky’s ‘Grand Inquisitor’ (The Brothers

Karamazov) seems highly relevant for today’s Maldives; it accurately summarises

local disappointment with democracy. The research I conducted in the Maldives

took place exactly a decade after the implementation of political pluralism in the

country and during the long, drawn-out elections. At that time, most people

mentioned democracy, parties, and politics with great aversion. Maldivians who

were used to mostly peaceful, slow-paced island life and raised in a culture where

aggression was perceived as bad manners suddenly engaged in vehement

discussions over public polices and started challenging each other over political

views. It is hard to say, however, whether the freedom to express political views

started conflicts among the Maldivians, or whether it just served as a fuse for

already existing animosities. It sometimes happens in the islands that inhabitants

are divided into factions according to the location of their houses, resulting in

people from the north disliking those from the south of the island. Usually people

are unable to identify the original reasons for such animosities and I found it

difficult to talk with them about it, as they tend to hide problems from outsiders.

In some cases politics may simply serve as a pretext for discussion or

argument. During the protests over the annulled elections at the end of 2013 in

Malé, one could observe how different the Maldivian strike was from others,

known from the news or experienced personally in other parts of the world.

Although there were true activists there in the streets ready to sacrifice themselves

in a fight for their rights, it was hard, while observing the protests in Malé, not to be

struck by the fact that for many the strike served merely as entertainment. The

rather picnic-like ambiance included protesters playing cards in the middle of the

main junctions in the city. While blocking roads, representatives of the opposition

were offered snacks by passers-by. Protesters chanted their demands, but by

lunchtime the revolution was over. Firm resistance and a persevering fight, even if

the cause is serious, seem not to fit the Maldivian way of life.

Just as important as the sometimes light-minded attitude towards politics,

part of the Maldivian society believes that the past regime, which officially ended

in 2008, was not all bad. The leading argument in support of the thirty years of

Gayoom’s rule is that during that time it was forbidden to discuss contemporary

affairs or criticise the actions of the government, and therefore was much more

peaceful. The authoritarian government was known for its repressive policy

towards opponents. Amnesty International criticised it for abduction, detentions and

torture of political adversaries, including former president Mohamed Nasheed. But

despite Gayoom’s cold-bloodedness, some Maldivians appreciated the lack of open

conflicts and the existence of ‘order’ in the country resulting from fear of

punishment.

The tendency to prefer peace and order over freedom which can be observed

among a portion of Maldivians was analysed by Erich Fromm in his book Escape

from Freedom. His argument arises from the question an individual raised in the

cult of freedom, comparing it with the Maldivian way of seeing the world, might

ask himself: Is the desire for freedom natural for every human being, or might it

differ according to cultural context? (Fromm 1942). Defining freedom, Fromm

distinguishes negative ‘freedom from’ social norms imposed by others and positive

‘freedom to’ choose what is important and to control one’s own life. Overthrowing

Gayoom’s government meant, for the Maldivians, to be freed from unfair

institutions and from obstacles to the open expression of their opinions in political

matters. At the same time, it gave them freedom to decide things for themselves and

shape public policies through democratic participation in power. Overthrowing an

authoritarian leader who maintained order on his own terms equalled taking

responsibility for one’s own life, something many Maldivians might not have been

ready, and perhaps not even willing, to do. Fromm compares the process of being

freed from authority, which results in a feeling of insecurity, to the individuation of

infants in the course of development. Cutting the umbilical cord is a traumatic

event in one’s life, just as gaining independence may be. Having all the major

decisions in one’s life made by somebody else is a great comfort and grants

permission for passivity. This may be the reason why some Maldivians, especially

those from the local islands, miss the times of Gayoom and sincerely detest living

in a democratic country.

Growing extremism and the threat of terrorism

The general difference in the ideologies of the two major parties in the

Maldives, the PPM and MDP, comes down to a choice between liberal

conservatism or democratic liberalism. Based on my interviews, it can be said that

people in the Maldives all want development, but one part of the society is not

ready to accept any dilution of religious conservatism which would simplify

cooperation with non-Muslim partners. The conflicts which appeared along with

the recent democratic reforms and granting of more ideological freedom to the

people constitute their argument against the politics practised by Nasheed. It is

possible that if they do not find themselves in power following the next systematic

transition, many of Yameen’s followers would prefer the return of the dictatorship.

It is widely known that Abdulla Yameen, as the half-brother of the former

authoritarian ruler, is highly influenced by Maumoon Abdul Gayoom in his political

activities.

The disappointment of the Maldivian society with democracy, which might

have had a deciding influence on the election of Yameen as president in 2013,

seems to be additionally supported by growing extremism.1Admittedly, the right-

wing Adhaalath Party, which favours an Islamic democracy, holds only one seat in

the People’s Majlis, but for observers of the political scene and recent social events,

there are sufficient grounds to say that the radicalisation of the society is in

progress. In the beginning of September 2014 the media reported a march of about

three hundred people in Malé supporting the implementation of Sharia in the

Maldives as the only source of law and carrying the black flags of the Islamic State

of Iraq and Syria (ISIS), an Islamic extremist state, internationally unrecognised,

known for its brutality in its fight against opponents. The protest ended with a

prayer exhorting people to jihad, or holy war (Tharoor 2014). It is also believed

that Syrian extremists may be financially supporting Wahhabi imams in order to

foster conservative views, and that some Maldivians might have joined armed

Islamist groups in Syria (Wright 2014). In January 2015 Commissioner of Police

Hussein Waheed revealed that there may be around fifty Maldivians working with

foreign rebel groups outside the Maldives (Rasheed 2015). However, in his

interview in The Independent, Mohamed Nasheed estimated that there were as

1On the other hand, radical Islam should not be considered as the only factor which characterizesthe political system in the Maldives. In the opinion of Ebrahim Afsah, ascribing all of the failurescommon to the Muslim countries to Islam leads to essentialist bias (Afsah 2013). Shireen Hunterindicates colonialism and the international economic system as components leading to the limitedsuccess of modernisation and democracy in these countries (in: Bukay 2007, pp. 71‒79). In the caseof the Maldives, this lack of success can be attributed to one common denominator, which isdependency on foreign capital. Its colonial history has led the Maldives to always count on outsidesupport and its economy is reduced more and more to a single source, tourism. Religion here ismore a tool for radical foreign elements to benefit from Maldivian resources rather than the origin ofpolitical problems. This state of affairs leads to unresolvable contradictions between radicalunderstandings of Islam and the desire to participate in the modern world; these contradictions arecurrently the subject of negotiation concerning values at every stage of Maldivian reality, from eachcitizen’s own consciousness, through his household and island, to policymakers.

many as two hundred Maldivians fighting for ISIS (Wright 2014). This information

arouses anxiety about the potential for terrorist activity in the Maldives. So far there

has been one bomb attack in Malé, aimed at hurting non-Muslim foreigners, which

occurred in the centrally located Sultan Park in 2007 and left twelve people injuried

(‘Tranquillity of Maldives shattered by bomb blast’, 2007). A Maldivian citizen

also participated in the 2009 terrorist attack in Lahore, Pakistan, as a suicide

bomber (Tharoor 2014). In 2014, reggae artist Sean Paul cancelled his New Year’s

Eve concert in Malé after receiving a death treat, included in a video message

carrying the logo of a group claiming to consist of jihadis (Buncombe 2014).

Certainly, the growing threat of terrorism is the most extreme expression of

radicalisation of the society. But the rise of conservative views can be also seen in

the changing customs and actions observed on the microsocial level. In subsequent

chapters, I would like to discuss these views, including social regulations of

freedom of expression and behaviour in the ‘grey areas’ of Sharia.

Drugs and gang rule

Concurrent with disappointment with the instability which followed

introduction of the new political system, many interviewees indicated growing

juvenile delinquency,2 usually associated with drug abuse and the activity of gangs,

as a main source of a sense of insecurity. While Malé is the main hub for gangs, the

drug problem applies to some of the local islands as well. According to my

interviewees, however, inhabitants of the local islands feel much more secure,

probably because of the greater social control associated with the smaller island

populations. On such islands, members of the communities maintain closer

relationships; thus it is much more difficult to commit crimes or to hide from

responsibility. Social control is more efficient on the local islands because of the

community watch. Contrastingly, in the Maldives’ only city, home of almost one-

third of the total population, it is easier to remain anonymous and the crime rate is

higher. Gangs in Malé operate in certain districts, and much of the unrest in the city

2. 44 per cent of the society is less than 24 years old (CIA Factbook).

results from their settling of internal accounts.

In 2007, Maldivian police arrested 1,187 individuals for activity connected

with illegal substances (The Statistical Yearbook of Maldives 2011). It is said that

the majority of detainees in the Maldivian prisons are drug addicts, while murders,

thefts or other crimes are scarce. Ahmed Adheeb,3 expert from the local foundation

for drug addicts, called ‘Journey’, estimates that the drug problem may affect

around 20,000 people, or about 6% of the population

in the Maldives. He also believes that about 90 per cent of Maldivian prisoners are

in prison for drug use and/or drug dealing. This information was confirmed by a

prison guard,4 who claimed that 80‒85% of the prisoners detained in the prison

where he worked were drug addicts and drug dealers. He also indicated that they

were mostly younger than 25 years old.

Drugs are neither cultivated nor manufactured within the Maldives. All such

substances are illegaly imported from neighbouring countries by air and sea. Being

very well connected with the outside world makes the Maldives vulnerable to drug

smuggling (UNODC). The country is situated in an area not far from the Golden

Triangle, the main area of opium production in Asia, consisting of Myanmar,

Thailand and Laos (Report of the International Narcotics Control Board for 2014,

p. 68). However, according to Ahmed Adheeba, the most probable direct source of

drug traffic to the Maldives is Sri Lanka. He believes that Ceylonese construction

workers first shipped heroin to the Maldives in the 1980s, when they were hired to

help build the Majeedhee Magu, Malé’s main street. Adheeba believes that the

authorities fail to control all the cargo coming to Malé by sea and air. According to

his information, it is usual practice to drop drug packages in the sea close to the

islands and fish them out by night. As evidence of this practice, he recalled an

incident in 2009 on Villingili Island, close to Malé, when heavy rain washed at least

severalkilograms of heroin onto the beach.5 In its report on drug use in the

3. Ahmed Adheed is one of the experts I interviewed while conducting fieldwork in the Maldives.4. One of my non-expert anonymous interviewees

5. Unfortunately, I was unable to find any press reports on this event. It is possible, however, that it happened despite not being covered in the news.

Maldives, the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime blames the development

of tourism in the 1970s, and calls drug trafficking and drug abuse ‘by-products of

the country’s recent increased exposure to the outside world’ (UNODC).

Intensification of contacts with other countries in the last decades of the

twentieth century is one of the evident reasons for the appearance of drugs in the

Maldives, but certainly not the only one. As mentioned before, the drug problem

affects mainly young people. As it is often linked to gang activity, one might draw

the mistaken conclusion that there are no drugs on the local islands. However, it is

believed that one of the factors enabling drug use is the ability to actually purchase

drugs. Thus, some of the wealthier islands, for example those located in convenient

fishing areas, are believed to be more vulnerable to this social problem: wealthier

fishermen can afford drugs. This is how one of my interviewers replied to my

question whether there are fewer drugs on the islands:

Same. Sometimes worse than this. Because here to take drugs you

have to find a place like room, rooms (laughing). But there, they

have very big, like, jungles, they go there, they wait there until they

are ok, people may not see that, so some islands is easier than here.

[Interview #12]

Most of my interviewees highlighted domestic tensions and lack of ways to

spend free time as the main reasons young people start using psychoactive

substances. Supposedly, one group of drug users includes school graduates who

have not found jobs and who live at home with their parents. Intergenerational

conflicts in the house and lack of privacy resulting from extended families living in

limited spaces may create the background for initiating drug use.

This claustrophobia is especially overwhelming in Malé, where almost one-

third of the nation lives in a total area of less than 6 km2 (Zahir 2011). As early as in

his 1980s book, Maloney recognised rapid population growth as one of the key

issues for the Maldives of that era (Maloney 1980, pp. 390‒401). Today, the

estimated population growth rate for the Maldives is slightly below zero, but the

number of people migrating to Malé is growing. Apart from the registered 133,019

Maldivians (Population and Housing Census 2014), there are also inhabitants of

other islands who work in Malé and usually stay there during the week. They often

stay with their families and friends who own apartments in Malé or sleep over in

their offices, returning to their islands at the weekends. Another numerous group of

inhabitants of Malé includes immigrants, mainly from Bangladesh. In most cases,

they work as small vendors, in gastronomy, and on construction sites. In 2014, there

were 4,122 Bangladeshi citizens registered in the Maldives. It is known, however,

that the total number is much higher, including those hired illegally, without

documents (Department of Immigration and Emigration 20146). If not employed as

domestic help, immigrants usually live in slums or squat in provisional houses next

to construction sites. A large number of them also find homes in the toxic

environment of Thilafushi Island, where many work recycling waste.

The presence of all these groups makes space in Malé an object of great

desire, which only the most affluent can afford. According to law, only families

originally from Malé can own land there, and rentals are very expensive. Not only

is there no space for people inside houses, but the outdoors are also characterised

by a lack of recreational space. The main business and shopping districts,

Machangolhi and Hanveiru, are full of traffic, crowds and noise for most of the day.

Breathing space can be found only in the neighbourhood of Artificial Beach,

Surfers’ Point (Photo 2) and Tsunami Monument. Traditional leisure areas, such as

Sultan Park and Independence Square near the Presidential Jetty, are now being

occupied by immigrants and Maldivians have given up spending time there (they

claim it is dangerous). The main form of entertainment or occasion to meet friends

is to go to a restaurant or cafe. Cafes, however, are usually occupied by older men

discussing their business, and it is not always appropriate for youngsters to spend

time there. There have been attempts to create provisional sport and games centres

for juveniles, but, based on what I have observed, they are usually in poor condition

and teenagers are not keen on socialising there. The lack of alternatives for

6. I received this information from Mohamed Shifan of the Department of Immigration andEmigration (in a personal interview and, partially, via email).

spending free time is definitely one of the reasons for social problems such as

drugs. Some of my interviewees flatly confirm this:

(…) And then the drug addicts, as a whole, they’re nice people, I

don’t blame them for anything, they have their own reasons with

they have gotten into it, there’s no job for them, there’s no sports

place they can go, there’s no other way for them to …

R: So they’re bored?

I: How much for a coffee you can go in Malé? You’ll be bored of

that also, we are barely living there, we go coffees same place

everyday, and they’re like: oh, what a shit of a place, we don’t have

anything else to do. Yeah, like there’s no bowling place, or any game

arcade, nothing is there.

[Interview #72]

This place is so boring. So, like, drugs were something that, which

was so new, and it was so cool and trendy.

[Interview #25]

Photo 2. Young people spending time at Surfers’ Point, Malé

Photo: Justyna Orłowska

The same person said that dealing drugs is an easy source of income. This

can be a serious factor for young people encouraged by the opportunity to earn big

sums of money, especially when compared to low salaries in permissible work.

After school, I remember, it was not that easy to find a job, plus

when we were in teenage, we would really wanna find a girlfriend

and hang out with her, and like, take her to dinner or something, or

maybe for karaoke, or play billiards, or something. So we need

money, right? So that, because it’s a small place, it was easy to find

drugs, it was so easy to sell them.

[Interview #25]

In addition to easy income, interviewees highlighted domestic issues as one

of the main origins of drug use among youngsters in the Maldives. Limited space in

houses, boredom and insufficient acquaintance with proper upbringing may result

in frustration, psychological problems and escape into drugs. This is how one of my

interviewees explain the role played by the family in falling into addiction.

I: There are many people I know who went into drugs, into drugs,

because of family problem, they can’t handle the pressure of the

family.

R: But usually parents want them to do what, to study, work? What

is the main problem usually?

I: I think that neglect, they have many children, they get neglected.

[Interview #7]

One of the most striking results of the fragments of interviews which

touched on drugs was the popular conviction that the authorities have been playing

a significant role in disseminating them in the Maldives.

People say that it’s because of all the politicians, government

people, they are also involved, this I don’t know, because I don’t like

to believe it, but I, there might be something true in that, but I have

no idea about that.

[Interview #12]

This informant was very cautious about accusing politicians of encouraging

drug business in the Maldives. However, in other interviews there have also been

direct charges pointing to the most powerful people in the country. I have decided

not to quote them for safety reasons.

In addition to the common belief that some politicians may be involved in

the spread of drugs in the country, there is also a general conviction that political

parties are one of main sources of income for gangs. About 20 to 30 different gangs

operate in Malé,7 each of them with 50 to 400 members, most of whom are under

the age of 25 and predominantly male.8 According to the report and my

interviewees, gang members are often unemployed drug addicts (Naaz 2012, p. 8).

In 2012 The Guardian interviewed a gang member who admitted that there

is a large demand for ‘political work’, which includes paid attendance at political

demonstrations (£400 for 10 members for an hour), bullying political opponents by

damaging their property (£1,000‒2,000), or assassination (£15,000 or higher)

(Burke 2012). Close cooperation between political and business figures and gang

members is also confirmed by the results of a study of gang activity in Malé

published by The Asia Foundation in 2012. The authors report that apart from the

activity mentioned above, political work may also include instigating political riots

or committing acts of sabotage to divert public interest from a political event.

7 A study published by The Asia Foundation focusses on Malé, because the capital city is mostheavily affected by gang violence. However, it is possible that the extent of criminal activityincludes some local islands, because many Malé inhabitants are from, or have family connectionson, the islands.8

Women are sometimes used for prostitution or to blackmail victims by deluding them and

acquiring embarrassing information about them (Naaz 2012, p. 19).

According to the report, businessmen sometimes use gang members to collect

debts. Cooperation between representatives of political and business elites and

gangs is often mutually beneficial. Apart from money, gangs receive protection

from law enforcement agencies. At the same time, gang leaders have access to

sensitive information about politicians, which they can use to blackmail them (Naaz

2012, pp. 18‒19).

In the above paragraph, I have highlighted the alarming cooperation

between the country’s elites and criminal elements, because this connection is

strongly connected with the systemic reforms of the past years, which are perceived

as a core problem by the Maldivians. This does not mean, however, that gangs in

the Maldives are operating purely at the orders of politicians. According to my

interviewees, a large part of gang violence is actually carried out by one gang

against another in acts of revenge (Naaz 2012, p. 10). This gives some a sense of

security, i.e. they will not be hurt if they are not involved. This attitude can be noted

in fragments of the statements of one of my interviewees. At the same time,

however, it also shows how present the gangs are, sharing the same limited space

with all other islanders.

We have a lot of gangs here, and even in this road, that side, there’s,

near the cemetery, there will be one gang. And in Kudahuvadhoo, in

the (unclear ) there will be one gang. And, usually what they do, is

they have gang-gang violence, like even the political parties safely,

it, sometimes they give money for them and do things, and

sometimes what happens is one of the gang member is past away

because of the an accident or something, due to the other member of

the gang, and other, so they start it, and it’s a never-ending process,

again the other member got hurt so the other, again they will come

back and the, the friendly gang with this gang will again come back,

and that’s what happen. So they are not concerned with us, we can

freely move on, I mean the moto-, motorbike, I can freely go around,

even at night, I am not too afraid, but there are people who are

afraid because people get killed and those kind of thing, but it’s from

the gang usually. Not the innocent people.

[Interview #16]

One of most tragic examples of gang vendettas is the murder of 21-year-old

Abdul ‘Bobby’ Muheeth in February 2012. He was stabbed to death due to being

mistaken for a member of a rival gang (Hassan 2012). One of my interviewees

comments on a similar9 event.

[…] I heard in the report last, recently before I came to

Kulhudhuffushi, only one death because of a sharp weapon this

year, 2013, which is false, there was so many gang violence

happening here, there was so many murders there, like she told

she’ll give you that one, you should see the number of gang fights

and sometimes they’re so high they have by mistaken killed another

dude. They thought he was some other dude, so they have killed the

other dude, and they just told: sorry, dude we thought you were

somebody else. Exactly the words. It was on Facebook, seriously,

like: shit, sorry bro, we thought you were somebody else (laughing).

That was the reply (laughing). Seriously. Can you belive it? It’s

crazy!

[Interview #72]

This emotional statement represents the shared attitude of Maldivians who

can’t find themselves in the new, somewhat violent reality. Loss of the previous

social order and the rule of the gangs have brought new worries to the everyday life

of the islanders and dominate their existence today. They feel insecure because of

the lawlessness in the streets and the chaos which has become apparent since the

political transformation. Creation of fertile ground for juvenile deliquency,

however, is a complex process and cannot be ascribed solely to the new political

9 It is also possible that informant is referring to the same case, but has confused the time of itsoccurrence.

situation. The consensus is that the main reasons that young people join gangs are

unemployment and domestic situations.

Statistics describing the former problem show that in fact more than one-

fourth of Maldivians aged 18‒25 are without jobs (The World Bank Data).

However, the qualitative data associated with this social issue shows a slightly

different reality. Through observing the everyday life and work of Maldivians and

talking to them, I believe I was able to identify what may be behind this statistic.

From my perspective, the problem of unemployment is in fact a problem of

dissonance between the jobs actually available on the labour market and those

young people expect. A guesthouse owner I met in Addu, nicknamed Tom,

suggested that many young people are not willing to start their careers with low-

paid or low-prestige jobs, even though their experience doesn’t enable them to

acquire better positions at first. Many islanders also find it hard to maintain an

office routine and workload. Tom claimed that some people lose their jobs easily

through repeatedly coming to work late or, if they don’t feel like working on a

given day, not at all.10 In addition, the economic freedom which started with the end

of the old regime introduced the concepts of creativity and initiative, which most

Maldivians are still not used to. A different perception of time may also be a

problem for people from the islands coming to work in Malé in administration or

services. They are required to work fast and efficiently, especially in the tourist

sector, which is often the opposite of what they know from slow-paced island life.

Another interviewee points out that young people in the Maldives are not

willing to take jobs in the construction field, because it is associated with migrants

and poorly paid.

Because these days I don’t see youth much around, you know. We

10Losing a job for a young person in the Maldives does not mean losing his livelhood, and poverty,as traditionally understood, doesn’t exist there. The relatively small size of the population, familybonds and maintenance of relationships with many people at once gives every Maldivian access to awarm meal and piece of mattress in a friend’s house. Homelessness is rare here, as proven by thestory of ‘Insane Nasira’. This elderly lady, who passed away at the end of 2014, was probably theonly, and thus the most widely recognised, homeless person living in Malé. There is an urban legendsaying that she was forced to leave her house after a fight with her sister.

only see Bangladeshi doing the work. They don’t/ this youth they

don’t like that construction work at all. Beacuse you don’t see them

on the site and a good pay has to be there and these Bangladeshi

they only, because they earn for work for less salary and not like if it

is a Maldivian needs higher you know, income for everything and I

think in those area we also need more Maldivians to construct a

better way, you know.

[Interview #1]

Photo 3. Bangladeshi workers on construction site

Photo: Ahmed Mahin Fayaz

This is, in fact, one of the important reasons for young people to join illegal

businesses (i.e. those connected with gangs or drugs): to earn a higher income in

less time and with relatively less effort. Most young Maldivians are eager to

achieve a high standard of living, which they can observe in the nearby resorts or

on the Internet. Most of the regular jobs available in the Maldives, however, don’t

provide earnings high enough to fulfil this desire. This is another example of the

dissonance which results from the recent changes and leaves contemporary

Maldivians feeling somewhat lost.

Another widely believed factor behind juvenile deliquency in the Maldives

is family issues. According to the report of the Asia Foundation, ‘a widespread

breakdown in family structures has begun to lead young people to look for new

ways of belonging in an effort to replace the security and structure of a family’. The

authors claim that many gang members come from broken homes and get

insufficient attention from a single parent who often divides his or her time between

home and work (Naaz, 2012 p. 5).

Domestic violence and abuse

A high divorce rate is without doubt one feature characterising the

Maldivian model of the family. According to the UN, 59% of the total number of

marriages in the Maldives end in divorce, which makes it a world leader in this

infamous category (UN 2001). The most widely shared belief is that the

impermanence of marriage results from early decisions to create families. During

my fieldwork it struck me how many very young people were already divorced,

with children. This is what one interviewee says about the possible reasons for the

large number of divorces in the Maldives:

So really I don’t know (pauses) why it is happening here like that.

We don’t, most of the people they don’t take it as serious thing,

maybe they might not, they might not get married having an

objective as to live together for the whole lifetime. Maybe they are

just checking whether this is the right guy or no, and go to another

one or not, second, third, fourth.

[Interview #12]

This insouciant attitude about getting married may be the consequence of

the fact that, even though family is the highest value in Muslim countries, divorce

does not carry the stigma it does in, e.g. Christianity. Polygamy is practised;

informal extramartial relations may not be publicly discussed, but seem to be

socially accepted. Another factor encouraging easy breakups may be the validity of

the verbal male divorce prerogative, talaq (to divorce one’s wife, it is enough to say

‘I divorce you’ before two male witnesses). In 2001, Maldivian authorities

introduced family reform which aimed at limiting talaq and strengthening the status

of women in family and public life. However, Anthony Marcus, who has been

studying the practical effects of this reform in the Maldives, claims that it only

reduced the number of divorces for a short period of time (Marcus, 2012).

The weak bond between many Maldivian husbands and wives may be the

major factor in creating poor conditions for raising children. Tensions between

parents or the lack of one of them, however, are not the only problem local families

face. According to my interviewees and my own observations, another crucial

factor creating tensions in the Maldivian houses is, again, lack of space and privacy

inside homes. Traditionally, after getting married, a young couple moves in with the

husband’s family. It rarely happens that they can, at this point, afford their own

space, separated from the family. As a result, most Maldivian houses are inhabited

by extended families, consisting of sons, their wives and children. From what I

observed, not only in Malé, but in the other islands as well, the members of such

families share one bedroom, and often one bed. This creates a rather uncomfortable

ambience, especially when children become teenagers. Some interviewees

complained that that parents engaging in intimate relations in front of children is

common in the Maldives. I have also learned that when parents tell children that

they are ‘going to make some pancakes in the kitchen’ during the night, it really

means they are leaving the bedroom to have sexual intercourse.

Because there are usually many families living in one house, sometimes an

unequal division of responsibilities between housemates, a difference in world

outlooks, or even variance in children’s performance at school creates conflicts.

Limited private space and poor communications skills may, in the most drastic

cases, lead to symbolic or physical abuse. According to my interviewees, when

black magic is performed in the Maldives, it is usually aimed at neighbours or

family members. One of my interviewees describes domestic tensions in her own

house, which she shares with about ten people.

Sometimes family they do not value you, so at that point I become

very frustrated, and I know that my opinion is not always right and I

am not always right, so as much as I value and respect, you know, I

mean their values, they also should respect the same things, but you

you know. I don’t know maybe due to cultural things it makes me

really really difficult to live among the people, and with different

ideas and it is just not only one family living. It is like two, three

family leaving in the one house, under one roof, so one family may

have a conflict and actaully you know, the bad energy go into

another family. One who is really upset or angry may not speak to

me or maybe another person or another person they try to speak to

that angry person and they get angry again. So two people have

conflict and like ok, I am in the middle. I don’t know where, so just

ignore and now I have really good policy just ignore everything that

comes, so domestic problems may occur in every family in

everywhere, so it’s better to ignore. Even this is ok, we learn

everyday life we grow older we think differently as we um... a

teenager as a young person we made things really in a different way.

Because when I was young, I have been punished... so many times. I

have been physically hurt.

[Interview #1]

This interviewee mentions that she was physically abused during her

childhood. She was one of few people to whom I had a chance to talk who was

willing to share such a painful experience. The majority spoke about domestic

violence in an indirect manner (‘this happens in some houses’). Despite the

growing awareness and efforts of the institutions responsible for protecting women

and families, domestic violence is still a taboo in the Maldives. Sometimes abuse

happens with the knowledge of family members and neighbours, but it is not

reported or discussed, because it is considered to be an internal family affair. In

addition, the local law discourages victims from reporting this crime to the police,

because it is very difficult to prove abuse. One example of this is a regulation

which says that man can be convicted of rape only if two other men or four women

witnessed it (Fulu 2004, pp. 31‒37). Another reason for protecting an abuser is that

he is often the only person supporting the family. In the fragment below, one of my

interviewees describes how this works.

Yeah, so, and you know, mother knows these things, she knows

stepfather or father is abusing him, but she thinks that when I report

this and the father has to go to jails or he has been, he, he may be

sent to another island so there won’t be anyone give protection or

give, mostly the father is the breadwinner, so there won’t be anyone

to financially back them. That’s the reason that these mothers don’t

report these things, and sometimes this stepfathers or father or

uncles are abusing them from their, from the very little, when they

were five or six, yes, and it continues still 12 or 13 or 14 years, so

you know what the effect on the child is, yeah? So and this

sometimes, these fainting and these things happens due to these ...

[Interview #19]

The last sentence of this statement refers to cases, officially ascribed to jinni

possession, of young girls fainting Blame for abuse cases is often cast on

supernatural powers. I will discuss this problem more fully in the chapter ‘The Role

of Magic and Projecting Fear onto Jinni’.

According to ‘The Maldives Study on Women’s Health and Life

Experiences’, one-third of women aged 15‒49 reported experiencing either

physical or sexual violence, or both, during their lifetime. About 12% of them

reported that they had been sexually abused before the age of 15, that is, that they

had experienced childhood sexual abuse (Fulu 2007).11 From January to November

11There is little data available on abuse of males.

2014, 388 cases of child abuse were reported in the Maldives (Maldives Police

Service statistics from January to November 2014, published on the ACR Facebook

page). Child abuse is a problem that has especially agitated public opinion in recent

years in the Maldives. One of the most severe cases of child abuse was reported by

the media in January 2015. The maltreated body of a three-year-old boy was found

on the island of Rakedhoo in Vaavu atoll. Six months later his mother confessed to

killing the child after repeatedly abusing him, because she was angry he was born

out of wedlock. It is symptomatic that the Chief Inspector for this case, Abdulla

Satheeh, stated that the whole island community was partly responsible for this

tragedy (Naish 2015).

Between traditional and modern, local and global

In this chapter, I have analysed chosen social problems in the Maldives

according to data collected during my fieldwork, supported by some previously

existing data. As a result, I can propose a risk ranking for Maldivians. Without a

doubt, the greatest concern of the contemporary inhabitants of these islands consists

of political divisions connected with democratic reforms, especially the

introduction of the multiparty system. Maldivians ascribe all today’s worries to

democracy, including the rise of criminal gang activity and drug addiction among

youth. These last two problems already existed in Maldivian society prior to the

transition, but my interviewees believe that political tensions have intensified their

negative effects.

Other challenges which have probably been present in the Maldives longer

than democracy are those connected with family relations. Early decisions to get

married and the unequal positions of men and women in divorce law may be factors

in family breakdowns. The most alarming effects of family problems are domestic

violence and child abuse. Internal domestic affairs have recently gained more

public attention, which is probably why they were also mentioned often by my

interviewees as major worries. Neglect by parents and domestic tensions are also

seen by the Maldivians as sources of juvenile deliquency and drug addiction.

None of the social problems described above are unique to the Maldives.

However, I believe that there is a mixture of unique factors in this country that

creates a certain background for such occurrences. At the bottom of it all lie the

unique geographical features of the Maldivian islands, especially their dispersion

and small size. This creates the problem of a lack of private space, which is

especially troublesome in Malé. On the other hand, those who decide not to move

to the capital more often have to deal with limited access to important facilities,

such as secondary schools and sophisticated health centres.

Thus, in choosing a place to live, today’s Maldivians have to choose

between different aspects of quality of everyday life. In the local islands, they have

more freedom to lead a simpler, peaceful life, one with few opportunities but at the

same time few worries. Life in the islands is slow-paced and focussed very much

on community life. However, limited access to medical and educational facilities is

a serious problem. Many people from the local islands who have relatives in Malé

send their children to finish school there.12 There is also a trend for many island

men to find jobs in Malé. In such cases, they stay in the capital during the week,

sleep over in the apartments of family members or friends, and only return home at

the weekend. If their home island is distant from Malé, they may visit home only a

few times per year. This encourages polygamy and adultery among men and

growing frustration among women.

Insufficient health amenities are another serious problem in the local islands

of the Maldives. If an islander needs to be hospitalised, the whole family usually

collects money for transportation to and treatment in Malé. Neither are there any

systematic solutions in cases of medical emergency. Islanders are used to the fact

that help does not usually come immidiately. If a community member is in need, he

counts on an ad hoc solution: being taken to the nearest hospital by someone who

12 It was not stated explicitly in the interviews, but I had an impression that hosting members of thefamily from the islands in already limited space also creates domestic tensions. I was asked to leaveone of the rooms I had rented when the large family of the owner visited Malé during school break. Ihad expected this to happen, because at some point there were simply too many people to waste awhole room, as it were, on one person.

owns a speedboat. However, the only fully equipped medical facilities are in Malé,

and some islands are too far away to reach the capital even by speedboat. Recently,

the media reported the extreme case of a foreign diver who died from

decompression sickness after it took nine hours to get her to a decompression

chamber (Jowaheer 2015). It is somehow ironic that the exclusive nature of the

Maldivian islands makes them a picture-perfect getaway, but at the same time, their

distance from places where a person in need can obtain help may be too great to

save his life.

On the other hand, there is Malé, overcrowded, with a high crime rate, but

with access to education, jobs, and medical care. Most inhabitants of Malé seem

tired and stressed through living there, but they appreciate access to modern

amenities. In the limited world of island life, Malé has the most to offer, in terms as

well of availability of imported products. Apart from the capitals of the largest

atolls, it is only here that one can find all the necessary amenities modern man

cannot do without, e.g. speedy internet connections. On the other hand, those who

have never developed such needs seem not to mind the limitations of island life.

Problems appear only when a person has the chance to go abroad and to realise the

whole spectrum of possibilities that the world has to offer. The unique conditions of

living on an island are epitomised by the use of the term ‘island’ by some of the

Maldivians I had a chance to talk to. I noticed that very often it is used as an

equivalent of the ‘country’ (nation). One of my interviewees, who was very

unhappy with her life in the Maldives, used to say ‘in case I stuck in this island’,

meaning the country as a whole. A little boy I met on the streets of Dhuvaafaru

island asked me which island I was from. I answered that I was not really from

another island, but from a country. He did not accept that as an answer, and

repeated his question. The best answer that came to my mind at the time was ‘I am

from island Europe’, which satisfied him. It can be said that in a way Malé

represents the new, modern Maldives and serves as a gateway to the modern world.

On the other hand, local islands remind us of what this country was like thirty years

ago; they preserve local, traditional island life.

Photo 4. Island life, Digura, Ari Atoll

Photo: Justyna Orłowska

Unequal access to education and health facilities is one of the key issues in

the contemporary Maldives, recognised by not only the citizens but also the

government. A policy aimed at reducing this inequality is being conducted in two

ways simultaneously: an artificial increase in the area of the islands and attempts to

consolidate island communities. The area of many islands, including Malé and

Kulhudhuffushi, has already been expanded through land reclamation. The area of

Malé has been doubled by creating new space atop surrounding reefs in the shallow

lagoons (Gardner 2004). An attentive observer can recognise which parts of Malé

have been reclaimed by various facets of construction.

.

Another idea for solving the problem of access to facilities, complementary

to land reclamation, is resettling small island communities in larger, more densely

populated centres in different parts of the country. Consolidating the population

from the now two hundred islands (most of which have only several hundred

inhabitants) to several dozen would be more economical for the government in

terms of investing in hospitals and schools. The authorities are already negotiating

with different islands about the prospect of resettlement. There are referendums in

which the islanders can decide if they wish to be moved to a bigger island; they are

promised governmental subsidies for building new houses on the new island.

Unfortunately, in many cases the results of such voting preserve the status quo,

because the younger half of the community wishes to move and the more elderly

half prefers to stay.13 However, some islanders have decided to leave their island

behind and move to another. One example of such an arrangement is the island of

Nolhivaranfaru in Haa Dhaalu atoll. In recent years, the native inhabitants of this

island have been joined by the population of Faridhoo (86 islanders in 2006 – Maps

of Maldives 2008) and Maavaidhoo (190 islanders in 2006 – Maps of Maldives

2008).

Another idea aimed at improving transportation between islands with better

and with poorer facilities is to build bridges. One widely discussed project is a

bridge connecting Malé and Hulhumale with a stop on Funadhoo Island, which is

planned for conversion to a ‘fun’ island with shopping and entertainment facilities

(author’s information , obtained from

Abdulla Muththalib).

Land reclamation and the construction of bridges connecting the islands

could relieve many Maldivians of having to choose between living on a local,

peaceful island with limited access to modern amenities, or in overpopulated and

dangerous Malé. On the other hand, such heavy interference in the structure of the

reefs surrounding the islands and their ecosystems may have catastrophic

ecological effects. Coral reef is the basic foundation of the Maldivian islands,

which creates the strongest natural barrier against sea-level rise. This should be

taken into account, considering the low elevation and vulnerability of the Maldives

in terms of the effects of global warming.

13Information from an interview with a local expert representing Deputy Minister in Housing andInfrastructure, Abdulla Muththalib. The interview took place on 21 October 2013 in his office inMalé.

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