RESETTLEMXNT OF GHANAXAN REFUGEES IN METROPOLITAN TORONTO

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Graduate Programme in Sociology York University

North York, Ontario, Canada

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RESETTLEMENT OF GHANAIAN REFUGEES IN METROPOLITAN TORONTO

UY EDWARD OPOKU-DAPAAH

a dissertaiion submitted to the Faculty of Graduate Studies of York University in partial fulfillment of the requtrements for the degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

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Abstract

This dissertation explores the hypotheis that poor

official response to refugee claimants contributes to their

weak economic and social integration. High levels of pre-

departure trauma and other factors also contribute to their

weak integration. These hypotheses were explored through

intensive interviews with a small sample of Ghanaian

refugees who came to Canada as refugee claimants or asylum

seekers and who have since been granted permanent residence

status. The f indings f rom the dissertation supported the

general hypothesis that a combinat ion of previous trauma,

and an unwelcorning response by the host society created

economic dependency among the majority of Ghanaian refugees

in Canada. However, there were exceptions to the above

findings. In nearly one-third of the cases that were studied

relatively favourable conditions along with perseverance

appeared to have given rise to mainly medium levels of

integration.

With respect to the relative importance of the various

factors that influence integration, findings of this study

clearly indicate that the type of reception in the host

society is the most important factor in determining

integration of refugee claimants. For example, in most cases

Ghanaian clairnants £ r o m divergent educational, occupational

backgrounds, and pre-flight trauma, who encountered

v

difficult conditions in Canada exhibited weak economic and

social integration patterns. By contrast, instances where

pre-departure trauma alone had slowed integration were

limited to a few cases where the pre-departure trauma was

particularly severe, or was aggravated bythe poor reception

in Canada.

Acknowledgements

This dissertation is dedicated to rny late uncle Matthew

Kingsley Opoku. He had a sincere interest and genuine belief

in m y intellectual scholarship. H e has always been the

fountain of moral support and encouragement for my academic

pursuit.

1 must express m y deepest and most sincere gratitude to

my supervisory cornmittee -Prof essor A l a n Simmons, Prof essors

C.M Lanphier and Professor L a r r y L a m - for al1 their

patience, confidence, encouragement, support, suggestions

and assistance. Without their direction and understanding,

especially given the great distances that we communicated,

1 would not have been able to cornplete this thesis. 1 would

also like to thank Professor Ato Sekyi Otu who strongly

motivated m e to explore the circumstances of Ghanaian

refugees living in Canada.

1 am deeply grateful to my fiance Nana Amma Osei

Afrakoma, for giving me the time to complete this work, and

also for her continuing encouragement. My daughter Amma, and

the twins Ednah and Amandah of fered love and unflagging

support when needed . Finally, 1 wish to extend m y sincere gratitude and

appreciation to the many Ghanaian refugees in metropolitan

Toronto who participated in my research. They generously

shared with me their thoughts, insights and concerns.

vi i

Although they remain anonymous, the study would not have

been possible without them. A l 1 of those mentioned above

have generously contributed to the study. Any errors within

i t , however, are my respons ib i l i ty alone.

viii

TABLE OF CONTENTS

TITLE PAGE COPYRIGHT PAGE CERTIFICATE PAGE ABSTRACT ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF TABLES PREFACE

PAGE i ii iii iv vi

viii xiii xvii

Chapter 1 : Introduction

Introduction ................................l . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Main Arguments of the Study 5

Research Strategy ...........................8 Research Methodology .......................13 Qualitative Data Sources . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 8

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Plan of The Study 23

PART 1: BACKGROWND

Chapter 2 : Post-Independence Ghana: P o l i t i c s , Economic Conditions and Society

Introduction ............................... 26 Background to Contemporary Refugee Movements ................-........-........27 Ghana Political History . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 31

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Economy of G h a n a 35 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Social Structure 41

Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . - - . . . . . . - . - - . . . . . 4 6

Chapter 3: PNDC Dictatorship and Origins of Refugee Flight from Ghana

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Introduction 48 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . PNDC Emergence 50

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Loss of C i v i l R i g h t s 54 . . . . . . Revolutionary O r g a n s as Source Terror 56

Stringent Econornic Policies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 59 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Opposition to The PNDC Regime 67

. . . . . . . . . . . . Categories of Ghanaian Refugees 75 Summary ...........................summary.............-..........-.-......summary.............-..........-.-...............8O

C h a p t e r 7 : Theorizing The Integration of Ghanaian Ref ugees

Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 177 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Assimilationist Models 180

.... Ethnic Segmentation and Enclave Models 183 Historical Structural Approach ............ 187 New International Division of Labour

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Approach 192 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Linkage Approach 197

Theorizing The Integration of Ghanaian . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Refugees in Canada 204

Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 208

PART 111: ANALYSIS OF SNTEGRATION

C h a p t e r 8 : Pre-Arriva1 Factors and The Integration of Ghanaian Refugees

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Introduction 209 Social and Economic Position of Claimants Prior to Departure . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 211 Context of Exit:Repression in Ghana Prior to Flight . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 222

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Migration Motives 222 . . . . . Experienced Events P r i o r to Departure 228

Operational Measure of Predeparture Trauma: I1Lightl1 and I1Severely" Traumatised Respondents . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .a * . . . . . . . 239 Deciding to Flee . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 244 The Dynamics of Flight £rom Ghana ... ...... 247 Flight to Neighbouring West African Countries . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 255

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Fragile Asylum 258 . . . . . Duration in country of F i r s t Asyium.. 272

Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 275

Chapter 9 : Canadian P o l i c i e s and The Besettlement Experiences of Ghanaian Refugees

............................ Introduction 279 Entry of Ghanaians as Claimants and Canada's Administrative Response . . . . . . . . . . 280 Delayed Rights to Work . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 283 Acquisition of Landed Status: Effect of "Delayed Hearingsn and "Delayed Landing" . . 285 Operational Measure of Post-Arriva1 Insecurities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 295

Economic Characteristics of Ghanaian Refugees in Toronto . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 299 Labour Force Participation Levels . . . . . . . . . 300 Public Assistance Utilization Rates . . . . . . . 308 Social Characteristics of Ghanaian Refugees ........................-........319 Participation in Ghanaian Networks . . . . . . . . 320 Participation in Wider Canadian Society . . . 328 Cultural Racism Against Ghanaians . . - . . . . . . 329 Measuring Integration of Ghanaian Refugees................~..Refugees.......................-....-..-.Refugees.......................-....-..-Refugees.......................-....-..-Refugees.......................-....-..-..........33S Summary and Discussions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 340

Chapter 10: Factors Affecting Integration: An Interpretation

Introduction ..............................344 Effects of Pre-departure Trauma and In-Canada Insecurities on Integration . . . . . 345 -Light Trauma and Light Insecurities......348 -Severe Trauma and Extreme Insecurities...356 -Counter Cases . . . . . . . . . . . . . . - . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 6 4 Surnrnary and Conclusions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 368

Chapter 11: Reflections on Findings and Outstanding Research Questions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 371

APPENDICES :

Table 1.1

Table la:

Table lb:

Table lc:

Table Id:

Table le:

Appendix A: Interview schedule . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 393

Appendix B Ghana: Economic Trends: 1976-1982 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 405

Ghana: Economic Trends: 1983-1990 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 406

Ghana: Selected Background Data 1980-1985 . , . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 407

Ghana: Selected Background Data 1986-1990 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . A 7

Ghana: Annual Growth Trends 1965-91 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 408

Table 2.1 RSAC: Refugee Status . . . . . . . . Determinations 1978-1988 408

Table 2.2 Quarterly Summary of Refugee Status Determinations 1989-1994.409

Table 2.3 Refugee Resettled 1979-1994 (mid-Sept) By Programme.-.......41O

Table 2.4 Refugee Status Determinations 1989 -1994 (June) : Major Sources.. . . .411

Appendix C Table 3 Marital Status of Respondents

Prior to Departure . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 411

Table 4 Respondents Ethnic Background ..Al2

Table 5 Participation in Political Activities ..................-.--412

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Table 6 Extent of Threat 412

Table 7 Experienced Events:Targets and Activists Compared . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 413

Table 8 Relationship between Injuries and . . . . . . . . . . Access to Medical care 414

Appendix D Table 9 Days Spent on Journey outside

Ghana . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . - . - . - . - . . 4 1 4

Table 10 Seeking Official Assistance at . . . . . . . place of Temporary asylum 414

Appendix E

Table 11 Eligibility for Durable Settlement . . . . Assistance By Class of Entry 415

Table 12 Delay in off icial Hearing. . . . . . .416

Table 13 Ghanaian Religious Sects in . . . . . . . . . . . . Metropolitan Toronto 416

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Bibliography 417

xiii

LIST OF TABLES

Table 1: Combination of Extreme Experiences . . . . . . . . . . . . . of Ghanaian Refugees 16

Table 2: Average Local Prices of Some Basic Ghanaian Items Showing Inflationary Trends . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 64

Table 3 Asylum Appiicants in Five Leading Industrialised Countries 1983-92 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . * . 83

Table 4a Gross National Product per capita (1984-1990) of Receiving West African Nations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 94

Table 4b Aruiual Population Growth of The Receiving West African Nations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 94

Table 4c Food Production per capita index 1975-86 ............................ 95

Table 4d Receiving West African Nations Gross . . . . . . Domestic Tnvestment 1965-91 95

Table 5 Asylum Applications ln European Countries By Ghanaians . . . . . . . . . . . 99

Table 6a Incoming Refugee Claims in Canada: (Top 10 Source Countries 1981- Sept 1994) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 106

Table 6b Sources of Information, Funding for . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Journey to Canada 109

Table 7 Highlights of Major Developments in Canadian Refugee Policy since 1960 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 127

Table 8 Refugee Claimants in Canada 1989- 1994 (Sept), Gender Breakdown.. -138

Table 9 Ghanaian Exiles: Beneficiaries of Canadian Refugee Programmes 1984-91 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 151

xiv

Table 10 Educational Background of Ghanaian Refugees 1983-90 . . . . . . . . . . . . - - . - 158

Table lia Ghanaian Asylum Claims and Landings by the RSAC . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . - - . -165

Table llb Ghanaian Asylum Claims and Landings by the IRB ...................... 165

Table 12 Age of Respondents on Departure.212

Table 13 Highest Level of Education Completed Prior to Leaving Ghana - . . . . . . . . . 215

Table 14 English Speaking Ability at the time of Arriva1 . . . . . . . - . . . . . . . * . 216

Table 15 Previous Occupations in Ghana ... 217

Table 16 Exit Motives . . . . . . . . . . . . . - . . . . . 2 3

Table 17 Experienced Events ..............230

Table 18 Experienced Events and Degree of Pre-arriva1 Trauma . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 243

Table 19 Persona1 Security Prior to Leaving .........................245

Table 20 Decision To F1ee:Immediate Reasons . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 247

Table 21a Place of Origin of flight . . . . . . . 248

Table 21b Year of Exit £ r o m Ghana . . . . . . . . . 248

Table 22 On-Route Hardshlps . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2 4 9

Table 23a Places of First Asylum in West Africa . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 256

Table 23b Reasons for Choice of Destination . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . - . . . 257

Table 24 Physical Security in Place of Asylum . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 270

Table 25a Length of Tirne in Place of Asylum. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . - . . . . . . . . . . 2 7 3

Table 25b Reasons for Leaving West African Destination . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . - - . . . 274

Table 26 Waiting Period Before being granted Work Authorization . . . . . . . . . . . . . - 284

Table 27a Period of Arrival in Canada....-286

Table 27b Year of Arrival and Year when status changed . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 287

Table 28 Delays to Subsequent Hearing . . . . 289

Table 29 Level of Post-Arriva1 Insecurities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . - - . . 303

Table 30 Labour Force Participation Rates (1994) : Canada, Province, City and Sample (Males Only . . . . . . . . . . 303

Table 31 Current Occupations of Respondents in Toronto: A Breakdo m . . . . . . . . . . . . 305

Table 32 Distribution of Respondents in Industries . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 306

Table 33 Measure of Initial Economic Dependency . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 311

Table 34 Respondents Receiving Public Assistance: 1994 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 1 3

Table 35: Annual Incomes Levels: Respondent, Canada and Ontario . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 314

Table 36 Poverty Rates: Canada, Province and

Sample compared . . . . . . . . . . . . . - - . 315

Table 37 Delays in Obtaining Work Permit and Current Employment Status ....... 316

Table 38 Summary of Economic and Social Integration of Respondents......339

Table 39 Impact of Previous Trauma and In-Canada Insecurities on Integration . . . . . . . . . . . . . . - - . . - . 347

PREFACE

1 began this dissertation in 1995 with some general

concems and interests related to Ghanaian refugee

clairnants. These broad interests included: the social,

economic, and political influences behind the flight of

Ghanaians £ r o m their homeland; the factors attracting these

people to Canada; Canadian immigration policy and response

to Ghanaians; and the conditions affecting the successful

integration of Ghanaian claimants into Canadian society.

Undoubtedly, my motivations are related in part to my

yearning to know more about how my own circumstances as a

f oreign student compared with those of my cornpatriots who

have corne to Canada as refugee claimants.

1 came to Canada in 1986, to undertake graduate studies

in Sociology. In that same period. a large number of

Ghanaians who were fleeing the widespread abuse of the

Provisional National Defence Cornmittee military regime, also

came to Canada seeking refugee status. Ghanaians who came to

Canada originally as refugee claimants. now form a sizeable

proportion of the African immigrant population in Canada.

Precise figures are difficult to assess, but the best

estimate is about 10,000 (chapter 6) . Their flight to

Canada, motivated by the desire for physical, social and

economic security, has not however, been without dif f iculty . They have encountered institutional barriers, which add to

xviii

the stresses and strains of their traumatised departure £rom

their homeland-

For four years 1 lived with some of the Ghanaian

claimants. I soon found out that to a large extent, my own

experience in Toronto was unlike that of these refugee

clairnants. First, in contrast to the claimants, 1 did not

endure any abuse or traumatising ordeal prior to leaving

Ghana. 1 did not bring with me any after-effects of exodus

and transit. Secondly, unlike these claimants, on arrival,

1 did not encounter any protracted delays, nor profound

uncertainties and anxieties with respect to my legal status.

However, there were some aspects which 1 did share with

the Ghanaian claimants. Like them, 1 was subjected to

sporadic incidents of racism. Some of my worst mernories

occurred on the street when strangers would hurl racist

language at me or yell "refugee, go back home to your

jungle-

Despite Our common experiences of racism, the very

nature of refugee status, particularly the abuse prior to

flight, trauma of exodus and its after-effects, and the

permanency of their separation £ r o m Ghana, made the

experiences of the Ghanaian claimants different £rom mine.

The decision to undertake research on the Ghanaian

refugee community was strongly motivated by the fact that,

xix

their experiences w e r e so different from mine. In order to

understand the strategies which they devised to deal with

the disadvantages and discrimination that they encountered

in Canada, 1 decided to explore the following research

questions :

How do pre-flight experiences in Ghana including persecution, and traumatised departure affect Ghanaian claimants in Canada?

How do the protracted delays in obtaining legal status and great uncertainty about their eventual status in Canada impact on the integration of these claimants?

How does racism and other socio-cultural factors constrain the economic and social participation of Ghanaian claimants in Canadian society?

1 began to examine these questions by reviewing

existing theoretical literature and prior research on the

integration of refugees. Costly and extensive efforts have

been made to resettle refugee claimants in Canada. However,

very little work has been done on the integration of

Africans and other refugee claimants per se. I did not corne

across any specif ic theoretical f ramework for understanding

the experiences of refugee claimants as they settle in

receiving countries such as Canada. IfDelayed status" and

Vorced dependency" are unique to the experience of refugee

claimants . Moreover, existing theories that have examined the integration of immigrants and refugees have not paid

sufficient attention to the influence of racism on

integration of Third World origin immigrants.

This study addresses the integratio~ of refugee

claimants differently than most contemporary studies. By

reviewing existing theoretical literature, 1 was able to

develop a specific theoretical framework for understanding

the particularly serious problems faced by claimants £rom

developing countries as they seek integration into Western

receiving nations. At the most general level, the mode1 was

based on the view that the integration of claimants is

conditioned by both structural and experiential factors that

constitute the context within which claimants act or

respond, and also by networks in which the individual

operates.

1 then proceeded to examine the personal life accounts

of 30 Ghanaian men who came to Canada originally as

claimants, and who have been deemed Convention refugees and

also granted permanent residence status. Their narratives

suggested that there were remarkable differences between

these men with respect to their pre-departure and post-

arrival experiences. Regarding their post arrival

experiences, a srnall minority had endured a full range of

unfortunate events--including threats, imprisonment,

starvation in jail and torture- - prior to arrival in Canada.

By contrast, a majority had endured some or few unfortunate

events relative to their counterparts.

xxi

Similarly the in-Canada experiences of the Ghanaian men

depicted marked differences. A minority encountered

relatively shorter delays in being granted legal status and

full access to socio-economic opportunities. By contrast, a

ma j ority encountered prolonged delays and denial of

entitlements . The interplay of these pre and post arriva1

experiences influenced the integration of these men. Overall

the lives of these men provided some insight into the human

struggles that Third World origin claimants endure in

resettling into Canadian society. This dissertation is

timely in that Canada is in the process of changing its

immigration and refugee policies. Findings from the study

indicate that, special consideration m u s t be given t o the

multiplicity of post-arriva1 difficulties that impede

refugee claimants as they begin their new life in Canada.

Chapter 1

Introduction

Since the late 1970s and particularly in the course of

the 1980s Canada has witnessed an unprecedented inflow of

migrants £rom developing countries who seek refugee status

upon their arrival in Canada. It is estimated that about

5,000 refugee claimants entered Canada in 1981 (CIC

1994:17). This figure increased steadily and dramatically,

particularly between 1986 and 1988, averaging over 36,000

claimants per year (CIC 1994, Simmons and Keohane 1992,

Richmond 1990) . Since 1993, the in£ low has dropped

significantly to below 21,000 annually ( i b i d . ) .

Refugee claimants are very diverse ethnically and

racially. Traditionally, immigrants to Canada came from

Northern, and later Southern European countries'. By

contrast, refugee claimants have originated mainly £rom

countries in Asia, Africa and Central America, while only a

minority have corne from Central and Eastern Europe. On

arrival in Canada refugee claimants encounter series of

insecurities, including delays in the acquisition of

permanent residence status, initial restrictions on their

'ln fact results £rom several surveys conducted in the past have indicated that Canadians prefer immigrants who will assimilate into mainstream Canadian culture (Gallop Poll 1959 and 1969, Decima and Maclean Poll 1989, Angus Reid 1991).

activities, such as exit controls, and restricted access to

employment and educational programmes. These various

distinguishing features raise questions about the speed and

nature of social, economic and cultural integration of

refugee claimants in Canada.

This dissertation is concerned with Ghanaian refugees

living in Metropolitan Toronto. These refugees began their

life in Canada as refugee claimants (EIC 1994)~. Ghanaians,

like others who arrive as refugee claimants from developing

countries, are "disadvantaged" in multiple respects

comprising the following: their econornic and social

background, conditions of departure, security in Canada

after arrival, and acceptance by other Canadians. It is in

the process of their integration into Canadian society that

Ghanaian refugees experience the full impact of these many

disadvantages. This dissertation argues that the economic

and social backgrounds of Ghanaian refugees, conditions of

departure and f light, along with their experiences in Canada

creates "economic dependency." It is further hypothesized

that the lack of "econornic independence" will restrict

participation in other dimensions of social and cultural

lif e.

2~early al1 Ghanaian refugees in Canada began their life in Canada as refugee claimants (EIC 1994). Moreover, over 70 per cent of al1 Ghanaians living in Canada were admitted as claimants ( i b i d . ) .

Definition of Kev Conce~ts

People who press refugee daims from within Canada have

been referred to by several names, such as "refugee-

claimants" and "asylum seekers". Those who fa11 into these

categories will al1 be referred to as uclaimantsrl in this

work. Claimants who successfully complete the inland refugee

determination process are granted refugee status in Canada

under the United Nations Convention. They are also granted

permanent residence or landed immigrant status in Canada.

These people will be referred to as 'landed claimants" in

this context. Landed claimants have permanent residence

status which is similar to that of other Canadian residents

such as "sponsored ref ugees and "regular irnmigrantslr3 to

Canada. The Ghanaian refugees who are the focus of this

study are al1 landed claimants.

The study defines integration as the degree to which

newcomers become full and equal participants in mainstream

Canadian economic and social activities. This definition

does not assume the assimilation of newcomers, that is the

abandonment of pre-migration values. Rather, ethnic

attachments may occur alongside integration (Neuwirth 1987,

'~egular immigrants are those admitted mainly on the basis of their potential contribution to Canada's social and economic development. Sponsored refugees are asylum seekers who are screened and selected abroad and are adrnitted to Canada under the auspices of private sponsors or officia1 humanitarian programmes.

4

Richmond 1989). Breton (1992:2) argued that integration is

a two-way process that engages both refugees, who are being

incorporated, and the receiving society. Ghanaian refugees

have to adjust to the Canadian environment as part of their

integration by acquiring, for example, English-speaking

abilities, and employment-related skills. Similarly, the

receiving Canadian society has to adjust to the presence of

Ghanaian and other newcomers by providing them with

resettlement assistance that they may require, and by

creating an environment of inter-racial respect which can

facilitate the integration of the newcomers.

Several migration researchers have argued that

integration is a gradua1 process that occurs as migrants

spend more years in the host society (Breton 1992, Massey et

al 1987) . This may be so, but the needs of the immigrant would Vary over different periods.

The concept of "integration" is complex. It normally

encompasses rnany dimensions--language, marriage patterns,

customs, employment patterns, religion, friendship patterns,

and so on. The present study is limited to two dimensions:

employment and social participation. With respect to

employment, the study is particularly interested in the

extent to which Ghanaian refugees, now settled in Canada,

have been able to make independent contributions to their

own livelihood, some power to shape decisions on

5

consumption, saving and contribution to the Canadian

economy. Reliance on government financial programmes for

one's livelihood is viewed as lack of economic integration.

Social participation refers to social interactions and

involvements withother Canadians (especially non-Blacks) or

beyond one's primary network of kin and compatriots.

Main Arguments of The Study

In line with the central argument and corresponding

hypothesis the thesis argues that three main reasons are

responsible for why Ghanaian refugees find it difficult to

integrate into Canadian society. The research indicates that

the two most important reasons relate to a negative

resettlement experience in Canada, arising from policy

ambivalence, and racism in Canadian society. Pre-departure

trauma appears to have played a less significant rule in the

difficulty Ghanaians face in their integration process.

The most important factor is that Canada has show a

very ambivalent policy response to Ghanaian claimants who

came to Canada in course of the 1980s. Canadian refugee

admission policy clearly recognized the right to the asylum

requested by Ghanaians. But it has done so reluctantly. The

reasons for Canada's policy stance are complex and nuanced.

For instance, whereas Somalis were known to be fleeing a

bloody and widely newscasted war, Ghanaians were fleeing

less known, and certainly less publicised, interna1

political repression. Whereas Vietnamese refugees (accepted

in large numbers between 1975-79) were fleeing communist

dictatorship, the Ghanaians were fleeing a rnilitary

dictatorship which eventually realized a high level of

accommodation with the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and

other Western nations. These and other geo-political

considerations seem to have created more doubts about the

legitimacy of Ghanaian refugee daims. Consequently,

Ghanaian claimants faced great uncertainty about their

eventual status in Canada, and this uncertainty has

contributed to their slow integration. By contrast,

sponsored ref ugees may have also experienced discouragement

and depression before being officially selected for

admission to Canada. However, these experiences occurred

outside Canada and, therefore, they see Canada as a fresh

start .

Another important reason is the presence of racisrn in

Canadian society. Although Canada's immigration laws are

neutral with respect to race or country of origin, there are

reasons to believe that systemic barriers and ethnocentrism

influence refugee policyto the disadvantage of some groups,

such as Ghanaians. Immigration rules have unintentionally

restricted the admission of Ghanaian refugees through a

variety of neutral policies. These include the refusal to

offer designated refugee admission status to Ghanaians. in

addit ion, previous studies have provided evidence that

minority groups in Canada do face socially prejudicial

barriers, which either make it difficult for thern to enter

the labour market, or relegate them to poorly rewarded

segments of the labour market. These arguments are relevant

to the Ghanaian case. Such barriers comprise systemic

discrimination (Henry l994, Henry and Ginzeberg 1985 : 5 2 ,

Richmond 1990, 1992, Cummings et al 1989), non-recognition

of credentials obtained prior to arriva1 (Mcdade 1988 : 11,

Neuwirth 1987:11, Bassavarajappa and Verma 1990, Kosinski

1992), and the requirement of Canadian experience as a pre-

condition for skilled jobs (Lam 1996, Cummings et al 1989,

Samuel and Jansson 1987, Richmond 1989, Boyd 1987:21) .

Furthemore, the integration of Ghanaian refugees has

been slow due to the trauma, persecution, and other forms of

human rights abuse. Many experienced an unplamed, hasty and

traumatised departure fromtheir homeland. Ghanaian refugees

in Canada have also been affected by stress related to their

Eailure to find refuge in neighbouring West African

countries. Many sought refuge in Nigeria, Ivory Coast and

Togo, but were not welcome to the extent that they faced

profound hardships and insecurity. The trauma and

persecution were similar to that experienced by many other

8

claimants, such as Tamils, but t h e long trajectory through

other African countries, and the rejection from these

countries, makes the experiences of the Ghanaians

distinctive.

The present research is directed toward developing a

mode1 of integration which draws attention to the particular

challenges faced by Ghanaian refugees. This mode1 builds on

useful arguments in the existing literature, but goes beyond

earlier work to specify n e w elements which need to be

incorporated in order to interpret the case of Ghanaians

ref ugees .

Research Strategy

Data collection and analysis i n the dissertation were

oriented toward interpreting t h e role of the following

factors in the integration of Ghanaian refugees i n

Metropolitan Toronto: lack of preparation for migration, due

to crisis and repression in Ghana, trauma arising £rom the

crisis, uncertainty due to Canadian refugee determination

procedure, economic dependency and restricted social

involvements as a result of insufficient access to work and

ski11 training during the determination process, and

exclusionary practices, such as racism in Canadian society.

Each of these themes relied on particular kinds of data and

9

different level of analysis. Gold (1992 :23l) argued that

refugee status, as a product of Cold War politics and the

modem state, is another key structural aspect of the

refugee experience--one that fixes benefits, residency

status, and access to training. Hence, to understand the

repression and flight of Ghanaian exiles fromtheir homeland

to Canada one needs to interpret the literature on the

political, and economic relations among the worldts nations.

Such an effort requires a macro-level of analysis. Further,

the factors which precipitated the flight of Ghanaians in

the early 1980s w a s assessed through documents and texts on

the rise of the Provisional National Defence Council (PNDC)

military regime in Ghana; the political violence and

repression that ensued; and other forces, including economic

collapse, which lay behind the flight of Ghanaian citizens.

On the other hand, the specific experiences of Ghanaian

claimants are assessed primarily from field interviews with

Ghanaian refugees on the following issues: the degree of

trauma in relation to flight, uncertainty arising from

Canadian refugee determination policies and practices,

economic dependency, restricted social participation, and

perceptions of racism.

The analysis in the dissertation is based on two time

periods. First, a macro-phase covering the crises in Ghana

f rom the immediate post - independence era (early 1960s) until

10

the early 1980s; and a micro-post arriva1 period which is

concemed with the early 1980s to the present. In addition,

the post-arriva1 period is sub-divided into two--the

claimant and post-claimant phases. Keeping a time period

sequence is particularly important for showing how early

experiences (in Ghana, en-route, and immediately on landing

in Canada) were distinctive and have had a direct bearing

upon later Canadian experiences.

Sample selection was limited to Ghanaians who came to

Canada as claimants between 1980-90, and have since been

landed. The study assumed that Ghanaians who arrived in that

period have lived in Canada long enough to have a chance to

make measurable progress in their integrat ion. Moreover,

studying the settlement pattern of landed Ghanaian claimants

is more meaningful due to their permanent status in Canada.

Regarding geographical focus, the study is limited to

Ghanaian refugees in Metropolitan Toronto for two reasons:

Firstfy, nearly 90 per cent of a11 Ghanaian refugees

resident in Canada live in Metropolitan Toronto (EIC 1992).

Secondly, this geographic focus allows for the analysis of

ernployment and wage differences between Ghanaians and other

Canadians who live and seek employment in the same labour

market.

The exact sarnple design and research strategy could not

be specified fully in advance, due to uncertainty about the

Il

degree to which certain classes of Ghanaian claimants and

immigrants could be located and interviewed. Of particular

concern was the extent to which claimants would be willing

to report on traumatizing pre-arriva1 experiences. Only a

pilot phase of interviewing could clarify the final sample

size, structure and interview questions which could best

address thernes relevant to the study. The pilot phase could

also clarify whether the interviews should focus on

individuals, or households (including all members). It was

after these various questions were answered, through

preliminary interviews, that an ideal sample size and

structure were determined.

A pilot phase of 25 interviews (18 individuals and 7

households) were conducted between May-June 1994, to select

a feasible design £rom the following options:

1). One design stressed cornparisons between claimants and

sponsored refugees. Such a design would permit a focus on

major di£ ferences between these two groups, with respect to

post-arriva1 experiences, and the subsequent implications of

these experiences for integration. But this design depended

on the extent to which sponsored refugees could be

identified and interviewed.

2) A complementary design would stress cornparisons between

those claimants who appear to have integrated rather well

(that is, they have completed schooling in Canada and/or are

active in the labour force, etc.) and those who have

integrated poorly (that is, they are still dependent on

public assistance, etc.). This kind of cornparison seemed

quite feasible, however it would lead to some problems in

analysis . Ideally, one would want to restrict the

cornparison to individuals with similar levels of schooling

and language ability, prior to arrival. Whether this will be

possible could not be known prior to initiating the

fieldwork.

3. A third design possibility placed more emphasis on

divergent pre-arriva1 experiences, çuch as the extent of

trauma arising £rom threat, abuse, torture and

flight-in-panic. This approach required identification of

individuals with extreme experiences--either high or low

trauma. Again, the extent to which people would report their

experiences and permit such identification could only be

determined through a pilot phase of fieldwork.

The outcome of the pilot study led to choice of option

three as the final research strategy. This outcome was

prirnarily based on the inability to find sponsored refugees

who could be cornpared with claimants. Even though 1

approached the then-Employment and Immigration Canada (EIC)

for assistance in tracking down Ghanaians who were admitted

13

to Canada originally as sponsored refugees, my efforts were

fruitless. EIC records indicated that approxirnately 184

Ghanaians had corne to Canada through the ref ugee sponsorship

programme between 1981-1990, but their exact locations in

Canada were not known. Considering my time and financial

constraints, 1 was not in a good position to track down

these individuals. Claimants on the other hand, were more

visible due to the fact that they have organized themselves

in various ways including community organizations and

religious groups. Though the study would have liked to give

greater attention to within-Canada experiences, however, it

was also realised that to properly situate and interpret the

signif icance of the in-Canada experiences of subjects, it

was necessary to understand the pre-arriva1 experiences of

the individuals interviewed. Option 3 could handle this

aspect.

Research Methodology

The dissertation relied on qualitative interviews and

illustrations, rather than on quantitative coding and

statistical analysis. A study of the integration of

claimants required data on their pre-arriva1 trauma, on-

route difficulties and post-arriva1 insecurities, as well as

the processes that connect the two. The quantitative

14

approach is ill-equipped to capture such details. Using a

qualitative research strategy enhanced collection of

ernpirical illustrations that conveyed the viewpoints of the

subjects as much as possible, and also lent support to my

arguments and theoretical commentary.

Overall the methodological strategy involved several

steps: First, developing measures of economic dependency--

the dependent variable--with sufficient clarity and

precision to permit development of the key hypotheses in the

study . Second, conceptualizing extreme experiences in a way that could lead to the identification of individuals who

could report on them and on their implications for

integration and economic dependency. Third, constructing an

interview schedule which allowed respondents with extreme

experiences on some particular dimension to also indicate

whether they had undergone extreme experience in others, and

if s o l what. These points are discussed below.

Economic Dependency

Economic dependency is defined in this context as the

lack of financial independence; a clear indication of this

is reliance on public assistance for one's livelihood.

Economic dependency is assessed on the basis of these

scales.

a). Number of months on public assistance as a proportion of al1 months in Canada;

b) . Percentage of annual income £rom public assistance in proportion to earned income; or number of months on public assistance as a proportion of months in labour force .

Indicators of extreme experience

E x t reme experience is conceptuali z e d as an

combination of events which either greatly

integration or which greatly impedes it. Table

event or

f avours

1 below

provides a framework for identifying a potential sample

whose background characterist ics, experiences prior to

departure and in Canada, represents extreme experience of

sorne sort.

Following the logic in Table 1, criterion sarnpling

technique was employed to identify 30 Ghanaian subjects who

reported significant variations with respect to their

experiences. Criterion sampling was oriented toward

strategically maximizing the scarce resources available for

interviewing, that is time and f unding . Moreover, random

sampling methods assume accessibility to every single member

of the targeted population. However, there is no reliable

list of al1 Ghanaian refugees in Metropolitan Toronto, thus

1 had no way of reaching the whole target population.

T a b l e 1: Combination of Extreme Experiences of Ghanaian

.

STRESSORS

EXTREME EXPERIENCES ON DEPARTü2U

Did the person suffer physical abuse, repreçsion? How much?

Was the flight basty? How hasty?

Did the person live in a refugee camp, underground abroad? How long?

EXTREME EXPERIENCES IN CANmA

Did the person enter as claimant?

Did the person encounter delays in the refugee backlog? How long?

Did the person encounter lirnited working rights? How long?

Did the pesson encorinter lirnited access to education? How long?

Did the person face racism /cultural prejudices? In what way?

Factors such as gender and education, which w e r e likely

to influence the ease and degree of integration of

respondents were controlled through sample selection. With

respect to gender, sample selection was limited to males

since there were problems in obtaining reliable data from

females. For instance, during the pilot study, Ghanaian

females were reluctant to talk about pre-departure abuse

(which in many cases included rape) in front of a male

researcher. Inclusion of f emales would have created the need

for a female interviewer or special interviewing techniques,

which were beyond my resources. Education was controlled

through quota sampling, respondents with varying levels of

education were intenriewed.

The in-Canada circumstances of respondents were then

measured to validate the argument that experiences upon

resettlement tend to influence integration. Finally, extreme

cases within the two groups were cornpared to detenine the

impact of variations in experiences on integration.

Other Measures of Intesration

The following dimensions were also studied for the

purpose of determining the degree of integration of

respondents: social interaction pattern, and acquisition of

requirements for participation in Canadian institutions.

Social integration is measured in t w o ways : by the level of

contact respondents have made with Canadian institutions;

and the extent to which respondents interact beyond their

primary groups of social relations. Participation in

activities such as language training programmes, ski11

upgrading and retraining schemes were studied, to determine

how f ar respondents had gone with respect to the acquisition

of requirements for integration into Canada.

Qualitative Data Sources

The objective of the interview component of the study

was to develop and elaborate , with empirical illustrations,

18

the hypotheses on how at the micro-level, the experiences of

Ghanaian claimants, prior to departure and a£ ter arriva1 to

Canada, had affected economic dependency at the time of the

interview.

A semi-structured interview schedule with both closed

and open-ended questions was used (çee Appendix A 1.1). It

had 79 questions. A semi-structured schedule was deemed more

appropriate towards studying refugees, since it allowed me

to be informal and as non-threatening as possible. Moreover,

as argued by Massey (1987:13) a serni-structured interview

can allow some standardization in order to collect

comparable information from each respondent. The interview

schedule was pre-tested during the pilot phase of the study.

Interview questions f ocused on the indicators of extreme

experiences outlined in Table 1 and corresponding

hypotheses. The actual field research for the study was

conducted over five month period between September 1994 and

March 1995. However, there were many follow-ups even after

the interviews were completed. On average, each interview

lasted approximately four hours. The longest of al1 lasted

for 14 hours and it was conducted in three sessions.

Respondents were interviewed in their own homes to make them

feel more at ease in talking about their persona1

experiences,

1 personally selected al1 the respondents and conducted

19

al1 the interviews. Over two-thirds of the respondents were

found at Ghanaian social functions, such as naming

ceremonies, parties, religious gatherings, shopping malls,

libraries and also at meetings of Ghanaian voluntary

associations, while close to one-third were found through

the snowball method. In the latter case participation of

subjects was facilitated by prior introduction by the

subjectls own colleagues. 1 sought cooperation from

participants by explaining to them the aims of my research

and also how it could lead to a better understanding of the

integration of Ghanaian refugees. To protect the identities

of those 1 interviewed al1 the names used in the study are

fictional. Since participants would not allow me to tape the

interviews 1 had to take notes of their responses to the

intenriew questions.

Information from the interviews is supplemented by

observations on the interaction between Ghanaian claimants

and the host community. To learn about the social activities

of Ghanaians, 1 attended numerous community events that were

organised by Ghanaian refugees including rnonthly meetings of

ethnic associations, religious gatherings and cultural

ceremonies. While working as an interpreter for the

Immigration and Refugee Board ( I R B ) between 1992 -1994, 1

observed the experiences of clairnant s during the ref ugee

determination process. To increase my understanding of the

20

resettlement system, 1 interviewed six persons working with

Ghanaian and Af rican immigrant service agencies4. In

addition to the survey data, contextual issues, such as

refugee determination and the general impact of racism on

immigrants are examined through a review of popular and

ethnic media reports, documents and library materials on

these topics.

Limitations of the Research

Collecting qualitative data on Ghanaian refugees

offered many methodological challenges. Some of the

incidents and events that were reported by respondents fa11

into the purview of widely known events. Examples were

university demonstrations in 1983, 1984, 1987; and massive

strikes by the Ghana Civil Service in 1984. Conversely some

of the incidents described by respondents were not

publicized, and hence they could not be verified. Typical

examples were harassrnent and intimidation by revolutionary

organs/soldiers which tended to happen in the privacy of

military controlled barracks. Moreover, since individuals

'The agency officiais 1 interviewed were from the following community organizations: Ghanaian Canadian Organization, National Council of Ghanaian Canadians, Ghana Refugee Group, African Resources Centre, Canadian African Newcomer Assistance Centre of Toronto and Ashanti Canadian Multicultural Association.

SI

had to describe events and experiences which happened

several years ago, sometimes it was difficult for them to

remember the precise

of the latter were

military custody, or

arriva1 .

dates and duration of events. Examples

exact number of weeks or months in

delays before obtaining work permit on

It is possible that precision of the data is affected

by the insecurity and even loss of memory that went with the

experiences of respondents, including physical abuse and

dif f iculties during their f light f rom Ghana. However, the

ability of respondents to describe their experiences

effectively and sometimes with corroboration from their

colleagues provides credibility to the assessrnent and

conclusions in the study.

Another challenge in the course of the field work was

the changing pattern of my own private feelings as 1

listened to the successive litanies of trauma and abuse from

respondents. As show by excerpts of notes on my private

feelings, which 1 exchanged with my supervisory cornmittee,

the interview process was difficult for myself as well as

the respondents.

There is obviously no simple way for me to portray every source of emotional or psychological difficulty encountered in course of the field work. 1 am however certain about one thing, 1 feel very ambivalent at the moment. On one hand there is a feeling of accomplishment from having completed some interviews.

1 have assembled pages and pages of rich ethnographie data comprising, interviews, lif e histories, transcripts of refugee hearings and professional medical reports on clients. Yet, on the other hand 1 feel powerless and confused. It is still not clear to me what 1 can do with the data 1 have assernbled s o f ar. 1 am particulary disappointed over my inability to f ind any s2onsored Ghanaian refugees to interview. 1 am annoyed over the fact that the Canadian authorities at immigration headquarters were unwilling to provide me with adequate leads or hints towards finding sponsored Ghanaian refugees. When I first contacted the authorities, I was told that there were about 1000 sponsored Ghanaian refugees in Canada. Official data 1 have received points to the contrary.

Persona1 Feeling af ter interview conduc ted on October 14, 1994 at Etobicoke

This interview w a s very taxing energy-wise and emotionally. The interview went on and on. There were numerous interruptions by phone calls, neighbours who wanted to borrow salt, pepper etc; and Ghanaian peddlers who wanted to sel1 "kenkey" and fish to respondents. 1 found the testimonies of this subject very difficult to listen to. 1 felt quite uncornfortable. Especially, listening to a middle-age ex-school principal revisit and re-live most of his painful experiences is very dif f icult to handle. I wish there could be other ways of getting the same information without having to be here myself. This person and his family has suffered al1 kinds of indignities. It will be extremely difficult for him to re-build his life again. He mention several times that he was confused and did not know what to do. A middle- age Ashanti man revealing al1 this to me ! (1 can be his son) ! 1s this an indication of the depth of his predicament, frustration and powerlessness? .... Where should he begin the process of rebuilding his life? Hovr about his family?

Though these experiences were very stressful, in the

end 1 managed to cope. Since it was not my intention to give

up my acquisition of knowledge, 1 had to corne out of this

23

difficult emotional state. One of my strategies w a s to slow

d o m on my research activities. A~SO, keeping in contact

with rny colleagues and my supervisos. cornmittee proved

helpful indeed.

Plan of the Study

The dissertation is organized around the three main

thematic arguments outlined in the first part of this

chapter. However, the arguments are dealt with in tems of

their historical sequence, rather than their importance in

the overall explanation of Ghanaian integration. Chapter one

outlines the main arguments and the general strategy of the

dissertation.

Part 1 (comprising Chapters 2 , 3 and 4) analyzes the

pre-migration history and background characteristics of

Ghanaians. Chapter 2 discusses the pre-migration history and

social characteristics, noting the relationship between the

unstable social, economic and political conditions in post-

independence Ghana and integration of Ghanaian refugees in

Canada. Chapter 3 examines the rise of the repressive

Provisional National Defence Committee (PNDC) military

regime in Ghana in 1981, and the profound social and

economic dislocations which led to the flight of Ghanaians

in the 1980-90 decade. Chapter 4 considers the destinations

24

of Ghanaian exiles and why these have shifted from

neighbouring West African countries to overseas destinations

including Canada.

Part 2 (Chapters 5, 6 and 7) reviews the evolution of

Canadian immigration and refugee policy and how it has

affected both the way in which Ghanaian refugees were

received in Canada andtheir subsequent integration. Chapter

5 offers an overview of Canadian refugee policies and notes

the relationship between refugees and their resettlement

conditions. Chapter 6 reviews the specific response to

Ghanaian refugees in order to show how Canada's immigration

and refugee policies have historically discriminated against

Ghanaians. Chapter 7 reviews existing theoretical approaches

for understanding integration of migrants. It also builds on

previous mode1 in order to devise a preliminary framework

for understanding the integration of claimants.

Part 3 contains the most original contributions of the

dissertation. This section gives particular attention to the

role which Canada's ambivalent response to Ghanaian

claimants, ethnocentrism in Canadian society, and previous

trauma play in the integration of Ghanaian refugees. It is

based on the qualitative data from the interviews. Chapter

8 depicts the position of respondents while they were in

Ghana and their pre-flight abuse. It also distinguishes

respondents in terms of their degree of pre-arriva1 trauma.

25

Chapter 9 offers a detailed analysis of the economic and

social characteristics of respondents in Metropolitan

Toronto. Particular attention is given to the insecurities

that respondents encounteredimmediately on arrival. Chapter

10 examines why Ghanaian refugees find it difficult to

integrate into Canada. It explores the differential

integration of respondents, by analyzing the degree of

previous trauma, and the extent of insecurities encountered

in Canada on the sequence of events leading up to current

integration. In so doing the chapter put forward f indings

that help to clarify the predominant patterns of influence

on the integration of claimants. Chapter 10 also pursues in

greater detail thames from the theoretical chapter.

Finally, chapter 11, reflects on the relationship

between f indings f rom this dissertation and that of previous

studies, the changing context of asylum seeking in Canada

and finally, what these considerations suggest for future

research strategies.

Chapter 2

Post-Independence Ghana: Po l i t i c s , Economic Conditions and Socie ty

Introduction

This chapter examines the political economy and social

conditions in Ghana during the post-independence era in

order to understand the social world of Ghanaian refugees

prior to their migration to Canada.

Most Ghanaians were optimistic that the end of

colonialism would bring rapid growth, prosperity and

political orderliness. Contrary to popular expectations, the

political, economical and social conditions in post-

independence Ghana has been highly unstable. This is because

Ghana continues to experience declining economic conditions,

ethnic divisions, and political upheavals. The consequent

social and economic dislocations, scarcities, persona1

hardships and insecurities exert enormous influence on the

livelihood of Ghanaians. This chapter argues that these

conditions are responsible for the mass exodus of Ghanaians

abroad in searcb of political asylum.

Generationally, rnany of the Ghana refugees in Canada

were born in Ghana' s post - independence era ( 1950s and early

1960s). They had developed political and economic

expectations based on their class positions and the

evolution of national sentiment in schools. But Ghana,

27

similar to other Third World nations in Af rica and Asia, has

been struggling to llmodernizell and "integrate" as an equal

partner in the world system. This process- -agonizing and

difficult both socially and personally--is clearly

incomplete. As a consequence the integration of Ghanaian

refugees in Canada is not only influenced by these earlier

experiences in Ghana, p r i o r to migration, but the struggle

for economic and social integration of Ghanaian refugees

within Canada is perhaps a continuation of the same effort,

albeit under different circumstances.

The case of Ghanaian refugees is but one aspect of the

growing flight of Third World refugees to the West that

began in the 1970s. This study will examine the Ghanaian

case in the context of these broader issues.

Backsround To the Contemporaw Refuclee Movements

The immediate post WW 11 era was filled with hope and

anticipation of a better and a prosperous world. Zolberg

(1989) argues that, to Western nations, the post war period

was the time for rebuilding shattered national economies

particulary in Europe, and also expanding global trade to

new f rontiers . Following the breakup of traditional empires, and decolonization of European territorial realms, many "new

nationsm were created in Asia and Africa. Subsequently,

self -sufficient econornic zones were incorporated into the

28

global network of trade and production. Through improvements

in mass communications systems, distant parts of the globe

becarne linked to a network of cheap transportation and

nearly instant communication systems (ibid-1.

However, for the developing world the hope and

anticipation of stable societies in the post war period

turned into despair. Global social, economic and political

developments generated international disorder, ethnic. and

interstate war, and a widening of the economic gap between

the developed and developing nations. The reasons for these

are explained below.

First of all, as argued by Gallagher (l989:583),

protracted struggles for political recognition as well as

continuing confrontations over the interna1 social and

political order in developing countries, converted

comparatively stable regions into areas of social and

political volatility. Moreover. the wars of national

liberation and the formation of new states out of colonial

empires produced large refugee outflows in Africa and Asia

(Zolberg 1989: 230).

Second, developing nations have been incorporated into

the global market on disadvantageous terms--as producers of

raw materials whose prices are subject to constant

fluctuations (Amin 1972, Ake 1981). Declining revenues £rom

the export of prirnary commodities, along with the

29

expropriation by a parasitic ruling class, who sought

economic and political consolidation, have severely

constrained socioeconornic development in these nations. It

has also generated tensions. inter-ethnic conflicts and

political instability. Kraus (1986: 1641, for example, noted

that politics in developing nations have become strongly

influenced by prevailing class structure and political

turbulence, and that political choices are narrowly

structured by the conditions of the domestic and

international economy .

Furthemore, rapid population growth in developing

countries has led to increased urbanization and poverty,

while poverty-stricken rural populations have alço increased

due to the diminishing ability of cities to provide better

living conditions. Growing populations have tended to

accelerate depletion of arable resources, pressure on the

land and environmental degradation (TOM 1990) .

By contrast, developed nations have experienced a

considerable degree of prosperity as a result of

technological advancements, political stability and the

supply of cheap raw materials from developing countries. As

a consequence, the gap between developed and developing

countries have been widened considerably in terms of

economic prosperity .

Third, bipolar superpower rivalry governed East/West

3 0

relationship for nearly five decades after WW Il. Each

superpower was preoccupied with keeping its allies in line,

and international institutions and regimes were devoted

towards the prevention of a possible superpower

confrontation (Schnabe1 19% : 5) . Frequently, some

developing nations became strategic pawns in the Cold War

(Ake 1981, Schmitz and Hutchful 1992 :20). Between the 1960s

and 1980s promoting Western-style democracy abroad was a

strategic and ideological foreign policy imperative at that

time. Ex-colonial powers expected that "caretakerW

governments in the developing world would establish pro-

market and western style democracies . The preceding global

developments have had two noticeable impacts on

international migration: a) economic migration toward

developed nations have grown signif icantly, and b) increased

political instability and conflicts have forced millions of

people in developing nations, whose basic existence is

endangered, to leave their traditional homes for safe haven

elsewhere (Zolberg 1989, Borowski et al 1994).

To a large extent, refugee inflows have occurred among

poor nations, a phenornenon which places severe strains on

the absorption capacity and frai1 economies of poor host

societies (IOM 1990 :36) . However, availability of modern transport and communications systems have also facilitated

international mobility. The greater portion of roughly two-

thirds of al1 refugees, who normally emigra te f rom one Third

World country into another, instead find their way to

developed nations (IOM 1990 : 9 ) . Mounting immigration

pressures have led receiving countries in the West to

reinforce their border controls and to impose stricter

entrance requirements in a n effort t o direct potential

immigrants into organised immigration channels ( i b i d . ) .

However, as official immigration policies are tightened,

more people attempt to enter as either asylum seekers, or as

illegal immigrants.

A. Ghana Political History

The Immediate Post Independence era 1957-1966

Ghana becarne independent on March 6, 1 9 5 7 . The new

government was formed by the Convention Peoplef s Party (CPP)

led by Kwame Nkrumah. He ruied the country from 1957 until

his overthrow in a military coup in 1966. Nkrumah created

the political symbols and political psychology of patriotism

and sovereignty in Ghana against which al1 f u t u r e leaders

are still measured (Apter 1986 :13).

Events moved very quickly in Ghana's political arena

a£ ter independence. Ghana became a republic in 1960. To the

dismay of the Western cold war contenders Nkrumah sought to

transform Ghana into a socialist society. Several functional

bodies were created including: a youth movement-the Young

Pioneers, The National Council of Ghana Women, Workers

Brigade and many others (ibid) . Nkrumah' s ob j ective was to penetrate the entire organized network of existing social

life with CPP nuclei and create new institutional groupings

on a corporate basis for the transformation of social life

at home and elsewhere in Africa (Ray 1986). He also sought

to create a socialist economy which comprised state

enterprises and cooperatives (Ray 1986, Apter 1972 : 357) . Private enterprise was acceptable as long as it was

expedient, such as the attraction of foreign investment

(Apter 1972, Konings 1992, Ray 1986) . With opportunities

opening up for individuals in Ghana's political economy a

seedbed was laid £rom which sprouted a "Ghanaian elite"

(Apter 1972).

Nkrumah's efforts to create scientific socialism in

Ghana engendered the rise of inter-elite conilicts. It also

led to his downfall in 1966. The main opposition to

Nkrumah's rule came from the National Liberation Movement

(NLM), a political movement which was formed in 1954 under

the patronage of the ~santeheneband his council of elders

(ibid. I . The leader of the NI_IM was Baffour Akoto, a

prominent cocoa £armer and a linguist of the Asantehene.

Membership was drawn mainly among Ashantis, but it also

6 H e is the king of the Ashanti ethnic group, which is the most populous ethnic group in Ghana.

33

attracted other groups, such as a section of Western-

educated lawyers and commercial efites. The NLM was able to

galvanise anti-CPP sentiments in Ghana. 1 ts main platf orm

was a free market economy, higher prices for cash crops, and

a federal system of government in the country. The latter

sentiment was shared by other regional based opposition

groups such as the Northern Peoples Party and the Moslem

Association Party. Nkrumah rejected the NLM and the other

groups as ethnic based and separatist (Apter 1972 :341) .

Following the establishment of Ghana as a one-party state in

1964, Nkrumah consolidated political power in Ghana and

quashed al1 forms of opposition in the country ( i b id . ) .

Nkrumah's socialist leanings may have led to his

downfall. Ray (1986) has argued that Western capitalist

countries disliked Nkrumah's relationship with the then

Soviet Union. Concerned that Nkrumah will lead Ghana toward

Soviet domination, the American CIA instigated the military

coup which dethroned Nkrumah in 1966

(ibid. : 14) ,

The post-Nkrumah era: 1966 to the present

The rnilitary junta which overthrew Nkrumah--National

Liberation Council (NLC) ruled from February 1966 to

September 1969. CPP leaders, and sympathizers were arrested

and harassed (Ray 1986 :15). The rnilitary junta conducted a

34

campaign against what they considered to be manifestations

of socialism (Apter 1972) . For instance they broke off

diplornatic relations with Eastern bloc countries, and

privatized several state enterprises ( ibid. .

Ghanar s economic decline which had began under Nkrumah,

worsened under the NLC. Unemployment grew and the poor

people fourid the price of imported goods growing beyond

their reach ( i b i d . ) . The reign of the NLC also saw the rise

of a new rnilitary elite who held key executive positions in

the country.

Ghana's second republic (September 1969 to January

1972) was led by the civilian administration of Prime

Minster Kofi Busia and his Progress Party (PP). Despite a

certain democratic promise at the start of Busiars

government, he became authoritarian and was unable to deal

with the growing economic problerns of the country (Apter

1972 :347). Busia banned the Trade Union Congress in

response to major strikes (ibid. ) . "Cocoa prices dropped in 1971, sparking off an economic crisis reminiscent of

Nkrumah's last days in power (Ray 1986 : 6 - The "cedi",

Ghana's currency was devalued by 45 percent in 1971 (Apter

1972). On January 13, 1972, the Second Republic was

overthrown by a military junta-the National Redemption

Council . Between January 1972 and June 1979, Ghana was ruled by

35

a series of military generals, variously entitled: the

National Redemption Council (1972-75) , led by General

Acheampong; the Supreme Military Council 1 (1975-July 1978)

led again by Acheampong; the Supreme Miliary Council 11

(July 1978-4 June 1979) led by General Akuffo. Despite

rhetorical statements about socialism and anti-imperialism,

these governments were marked by greed, economic

mismanagement and political chaos (Ray 1986 : 16, Hutchful

1986 :813).

Widespread corruption, economic decl ine and the

undemocratic beliefs of the military generals, were key

elements in their overthrow by a new generation of junior

military officers--the Armed Forces Revolutionarf Council

(AFRC) in June 1979 (Ray 1986) . The AFRC which was led by

Jerry Rawlings handed over power to a civilian

adminstration--Peoples National Party ( P N P ) , led by

President L i m a m . Limannfs ineffectiveness in solving

Ghana's economic crisis and the growing gap between rich and

poor led to his overthrow by the Provisional National

Defence Committee (PNDC) in December, 1981 (Ray 1986,

Hutchful 1986).

B. The Economy of Ghana

Ghanaians enj oyed a relat ively high standard of living

in the immediate post-independence period (World Bank 1992

:218, Apter 1972). Ghanats per capita income was US $260 in

1960, it was among the highest in Africa at that time (Apter

1972 3 5 7 ) . Since the colonial days, Ghana's economy had

been integrated into the world market system mainly as an

exporter of cocoa. Other exports include : timber, industrial

diarnonds , gold and bauxite. Increased demand for primary

products in t h e post-war era earned the country considerable

revenue from exports (Ray 1986 :13). In addition, Ghana had

a large reservoir of skilled and trained human resources due

to an elaborate educational system established under the

British colonial administration (World Bank 1988 :Il.

However, the Ghanaian economy has been steadily

declining since the mid 1960s. It appears t ha t t h e situation

became even more critical in the 1970s. From that time

onward Ghana's economy has been characterised, with varying

intensity, by persistent inflation, low industrial output,

declining food and cash crops production and rising

unemployment . M a j or trends in Ghana' s economy between 197 6 -

1990, are presented in Appendix B Tables la, Ib and lc. In

brief Ghana's economy is characterised by:

a) low per capita income which has fluctuated between US $300-400 since the 1970s;

b) high poverty levels as result of the slow growth, for example the annual average growth of GDP was negative between mid-1970s-1983;

c) declining export earnings due to low cocoa production and fallen world market price;

d) persistent balance of payment problems and shortfalls in export earnings which have increased Ghana's indebtedness;

e) a considerable decline in the contribution of industrial and agriculture sectors to GDP due to shortages of inputs;

f) a rapid population growth of over 3 percent annually, creating enonrious pressure on social services and food SUPP~Y

Among the causes of Ghana's economic problems are sharp

declines in export earning, low levels of production in the

few industries, budget deficits and over concentration of

citizens in retailing concerns (Oppong 1986) . The discussion

below shows the state of the economy since 1970.

Ghana's economy is dominated by agriculture and mining.

Cocoa, the chief export commodity, accounts for nearly half

of her exports and between 60 to 70 percent of foreign

revenue (Konings 1992). In 1963, Ghana's cocoa production

reached a peak of 520,OOO metric tonnes, that was 70 percent

of al1 exports at that time. As show in Appendix B Table

lb, by 1980, Ghana's total exports declined by over 60

percent from the peak level of the 1960s to reach 218,000

metric tonnes. It fell again to 166,000 metric tonnes in

1983. The situation was further worsened by the sharp drop

in the world prices of cocoa, from an average of US $6,000

per ton in 1977 to about US $1,600 per tonne in 1982 (Dei

1992 :47) . By the latter part of the 1980s, the average

38

price f e l l £rom US$2,300 per tonne in July 1987 to $1,800 in

July 1988, to under $1,400 per tonne in 1989 ( i b i d . ) .

Persistent shrinkage in foreign earnings has been a

major blow to the countryr s economic development and created

shortages of inputs for Ghanaf s industrial and

transportation sectors, shortages of medical supplies and

spare parts (World Bank 1992) . Import-substitution rnanufacturing is an important

component of Ghanar s economy. In the 1960s Nkrumah

identified industrialization and the modernization of

Ghanaf s economy as one of his major political obj ectives . He

wanted to diversify the economy and break away £rom

dependency on the exporting of primary products . Nkrumah established several import-substitution factories, including

those which manufactured fibre products, aluminium roofing,

drugs, soap, enamel goods, matches and milk (Apter 1972

: 3 5 7 ) . The Volta dam was constructed to generate

hydroelectric power for the new industries and cities in the

south ( i b i d . ) .

Nkrumah ' s massive industrialisation programme

encountered set-backs. Econornic planning created grave

organizational problems which put unanticipated obstacles in

the way of development i d . 1 . Furthermore, the new

infrastructural programmes resulted in a dramatic increase

in external indebtedness, making the country dependent on

3 9

foreign creditors and money markets ( i b i d - ) . Mismanagement

and corruption arnong state off icials appears t o have led to

t h e wastage of resources. Consequently, by the time the

Nkrumah government was overthrown in 1966, economic chaos

could not be avoided.

In the post-Nkrumah era, lack of inputs irnpaired

productivity in Ghana's industrial sector. The shortage of

foreign exchange affected the importation of raw materials

for the import-substitution industries including tire

rnanuf acturing, bus and truck assembly, oil ref ining, food

processing and textiles (Ray, 1986 2 . Consequently,

Ghana's industrial sector has failed to make any subçtantial

contribution to domestic growth (see Appx B Table la).

Shortages of fuel, lubricants and spare parts imrnobilized a

large part of the trucking and road maintenance fleet, this

negatively affected t h e i r operations (World Bank 1992).

Frequently, the movement of cocoa frorn the rural areas to

the ports for export, as well as the distribution of

essential items, including cutlasses, cloth, fertilizer to

the rural peasantry are hindered as a r e s u l t of

transportat ion problems ( ibid - ) .

Beside the problems mentioned above, the Ghanaian

economy also suffers £ r o m rapid population growth. In 1980

Ghana's population was 10.2 million. It rose sharply to 14.4

million by 1990 (see Appendix B Table lb) . A high fertility

40

rate (7%) and high crude birth rate (49/1.000) and a

comparatively low crude death rate (13/1000) led to a

natural increase of 3.6 percent (World Bank 1992) . If these trends continue the population of Ghana will reach 24

million by the year 2000 ( i b i d . ) .

Given the high rate of population growth, Ghana's

econornic development efforts are seriously constrained. For

instance, rapid population growth has increased the pressure

on scarce public resources and social services, such as the

health and educational systems . Basic health services and

safe water are accessible to only about half the people

(World Bank 1992 : 2 1 8 ) . Rapid population growth has worsened

the employment situatior? in Ghana's weak economy and has

strained the already shrinking food supplies. The percentage

of al1 ages in the labour force fell from 38 percent in 1980

to 35 percent in 1990 (see Appendix B Table lb).

Ghana faces a debt crisis, mainly as a result of

unfavourable terms of tirade and shortfalls in export

earnings. The external debt has rose steadily from US $1.3

billion in 1980 to over 3 billion in 1990 (Appendix B Table

lb) . Since 1984 a substantial portion (about 40 percent) of

Ghanat s f oreign exchange earnings f rom exports have been

consurned by foreign debt servicing (see World Bank 1992

: 220) . Food shortages have often led to queuing for consumer

goods such as sugar, rice, milk, soap and flour (Konings

1992, Dei 1992) . In 1983, under the PNDC Ghana began an

economic recovery programme as part of the IMF' s economic

restructuring programme and GDP growth has averaged over

three percent a year. Yet, the economic stagnation of the

1970s has left its mark; the 1990 per capita income remains

low at $390. This will be explained further in the following

chapter during the discussion of the activities of the PNDC

regime .

C . Social Structure

Ethnically, Ghana is a very diverse country. Some one

hundred ethnic groups contribute to Ghanaf s rich cultural

heritage, as well as to considerable political tensions in

both historical and conternporary times (Boahen 1966 and

1975, Apter 1972) . These ethnic entities include the Gonja, Dagomba, Mamprusi and Nanumba kingdoms which are located in

the northern part of the country (Boahen 1975 7 . In the South are the Ashantis, Ewes, Fante, Ga and Nzima (ibid. ) . During colonial rule the British submerged the numerous

ethnic groups under the powerful alien rule. In the post-

colonial era on the other hand, with the levelling influence

of the British gone, ethnic conflicts have frequently re-

surfaced (albeit on a small scale) over the allocation of

political and economic resources.

Apter (1972) noted that ethnic groups have tended to

42

depend on ethnicity to provide ideological cohes ion of their

group. As an example, governments have corne to be

interpreted by many Ghanaians according to their ethnic

affiliations. The accusation of "tribalism", i.e, favouring

those from one region or ethnic group, is hurled at

political opponents to damage them, whether or not the

accusations are justified (Brown, 1986). Ethnicity has been

an important political consideration that has cut across

party lines, and stunted the growth of class consciousness

among peasants and traders (Ray 1986 : 6 ) . Rapid social and economic transformations in the

country have engendered the phenomenal expansion of regional

capitals such as Accra, Kumasi, Sekondi-Takoradi and

Koforidua into major urban centres. Accra, Ghana's capital

had fewer than 20,000 people before the 1914, between 1948

and 1960 the population grew £ r o m 135,000 to 325,000 (Lloyd

1968 1 1 1 . By 1986, Accraf s population had grown to 636,067

(Ray 1986).

In contrast, as a result of persistent biases in favour

of urban development, rural Ghana has seen little economic

development and experienced little change in the social

structure. As government activities have been predominantly

centralised in the cities, this has made the urban centres

the focus of political life. Moreover, the various

governments that have embarked on massive infrastructural

developments, including roads, water, power, offices and

heath-care facilities have created these services mainly in

the urban centres as part of national development programmes

(Apter 1972, Brown 1986) . Furthermore, industries have been established in the

cities to take advantage of the readily available supply of

skilled labour, power, transport, and other infrastructural

facilities. Ghana has been linked to the outside world and

international markets through port cities such as Accra,

Tema and Takoradi. As a result, the cities offer modern or

a new range of occupations and social stratification not

found in the rural traditional setting. Educational

attainment has become an important avenue of social mobility

for professional and bureaucratic elites (Assirneng 1972:

132) . The extremes of affluence and poverty exist side by side in the t o m s as new forms of social stratification

develop ( i b i d . ) .

On the basis of occupational position, educational

attainments, and prestige, three social classes are

identifiable in Ghana's urban centres.

At the apex are Ghana's political, professional and

commercial elites. The political elite comprises cabinet

ministers, members of parliament and key political party

off icials. Also, Ghanaf s military rulers and their circle of

advisors have tended to hold honour and status. Included in

the professional elites are university lecturers, medical

practitioners, directors of public boards and comrnissions),

self-employed medical and legal practitioners. Ghana's

commercial elites comprise those engaged in the import-

export business, representatives of expatriate trading and

mining concerns, wholesalers and owners of major retail

outlets. In occupation, in residence, and in lifestyle, the

elites tend to be distinctive, however these same elites

continue to interact with their illiterate, lower-class

family connections (Konings 1992 :123).

Beneath the elite strata axe two other socioeconomic

categories : these are classif ied as "~ub-elite~~ and

"generalN categories. The sub-elite category comprises

individuals who occupy medium to junior level bureaucratic

positions (such as clerks, receptionists, typists etc) ,

storekeepers and students in Ghana's institution of higher

learning .

The "generalu category comprises masses of urban

dwellers with different socioeconomic background. It ranges

from the partially-unemployed such as peddlers, porters to

those who are unemployed. Also included here are recent

rural-urban migrants who are yet to establish themselves

socially and economically in the city. Individuals in this

category tend to be employed in the lower levels of

industrial concerns and service occupations, some also work

as peddlers and retailers.

Patterns of political participation also reflect

structural and material biases against rural areas. In the

urban centres, arnong the most politically active are

students, lawyers and other members of the professional

classes. "At the same time, rural dwellers, unemployed

youth, women constrained within patriarchal social relations

tend to be excluded from political activities" (Schmitz and

Hutchful 1992 : 10) . While modernizat ion and rural -urban migration have

engendered rapid growth in urban areas, to a large extent,

Ghana's rural areas have remained a society of kinship and

tribal organization, customary laws , local chief s, f etish

priests and small-scale farming (Assimeng 1986 : 122) . The inhabitants of rural Ghana are predominantly peasants. Even

though about 60 percent of Ghana's population lives in the

countryside, the level of physical infrastructure services

here is very low. Progressive deterioration of the rural

environment and of its productive resources such as land,

fuel and water tend to encourage rnigratio~ to urban centres,

particularly Accra and Kumasi.

In the cocoa producing belt (Ashanti, Brong Ahafo and

Eastern regions), the cocoa industry has not only provided

the base for the rural cash economy, it has also created

sharp social distinctions (Okonjo 1986 : 5) . These comprise:

46

a small planter class which employs no paid labour, seasonal

workers who are hired as labourers on the farms, and lastly,

plantation owners who rely on paid labour and seasonal

workers b d ) - The plantation owners constitute a

capitalist agricultural class who control over 80 percent of

cocoa production in Ghana (Konings 1992). Also, in rural

Ghana, indigenous ethnic rulers (such as chief s, and elders)

constitute a traditional political elite. Hence, they wield

considerable influence over their ethnic territories.

s-ry

At independence Ghana had a strong economy, it also had

the potential to develop into a stable society due to the

vast human potentials and natural resources. However,

Ghana's economic performance has been limited by several

constraints: political instability, declining foreign

earnings, high population growth, and an inadequate and

fragmented economic infrastructure. The export sector, which

is central to the Ghanaian economy both for its contribution

to foreign exchange and domestic income, has declined

significantly since the 1970s. Ghana tends to experience

high inflation and unemployment levels, and slow economic

growth. The ensuing socio-political tensions have made

governments unpopular; it has also been the root cause of

political instability and repression.

It should be noted that the above social and economic

conditions contributed to the flight of Ghanaians abroad.

Many young and middle-aged Ghanaians, including those who

have corne to Canada as refugees, are familiar with the

prosperous conditions that existed in Ghana during the f irst

half of Nkrumah's regime. Hence Ghanaian youth and middle-

agers tend to have diverse social and economic expectat ions.

As shom in the next chapter, it is not surprising that they

rejected the life of social and economic deprivation, and

repression, that characterised the military regimes which

dominated Ghana's political scene in the l a t e 1970s and

1980s. For instance, since the early 1970s Ghanaian youth

have been at the fore-front of the fight for political

accountability, better education, employment and access to

medical care .

Chapter 3

PNDC Dictatorship and Origins of Refugee Flight from Ghana

Introduction

This chapter examines principally factors leading to

the exodus of Ghanaian refugees abroad. It gives particular

attention t o the--Provisional National Defence Council

(PNDC)--the military regime which ruled Ghana between 1980-

90. The PNDC was foned by junior ranks within the Ghana

army. They vowed to eliminate political corruption,

introduce accountability into the system and solve Ghana's

economic crisis through a revolution. The chapter contends

that the PNDC's repressive political machinesr, harsh

economic conditions and widespread intimidation by

revolutionary organs created insecurities which served as an

impetus for the flight of Ghanaians abroad.

The flight of Ghanaians abroad is not unique in modern

history. In the 1960's clashes between President Nkrumah's

Convention People's Party (CPP) and opposition parties led

to the flight of small numbers of political activists who

opposed Nkrumah. Sirnilarly, the repressive policies of the

National Liberation Council (NLC) also led to a flight of

Ghanaians abroad ( I R B 1989) . Between 1972-1979, continued

economic and political instability, reflected in a series of

military takeovers, also precipitated the exit of Ghanaians

in search of refuge abroad.

Although the flight of Ghanaians abroad is not new,

this study argues that the exodus which occurred under the

PNDC was distinctive in two respects: in terms of its

magnitude and destination of the migrants. The 1980-1990

decade witnessed flights of Ghanaians that was unparalleled

in volume. The exodus was poorly documented, but estimates

frorn the records of United Nations High Commissioner on

Refugees (UNHCR) suggest that approximately 50,000 Ghanaians

sought refuge abroad between l98O-l99O. In that decade Ghana

emerged as a source of substantial refugee outflow £rom

Africa, next only to the crisis countries--Somalia and

Ethiopia--in the Horn of Africa. In that same period, Ghana

also emerged as one of the top ten source countries of

refugees to Canada (IRB Statistical Digest 1990). Nearly

8 , O 0 0 Ghanaians came to Canada as ref ugee claimants between

1980-90 (ibid. ) . Historically, Ghanaian refugees tended to

flee to neighbouring West Africa and the United Kingdom. In

the 1980-1990 decade the destination of Ghanaian refugees

was strikingly re-oriented to new destinations such as

Canada.

The final section of the chapter distinguishes three

kinds of Ghanaian refugees. This section argues that while

Zolbergls (1989) classificatory scheme is useful for

analyzing refugee outflows, the framework is insufficient

for analyzing Ghanaian refugees. This is because the

frarnework is based on a single dimension, which is t h e

refugee's relationship to the source of violence. On the

basis of their specific experiences the dissertation

classifies Ghanaian refugees into three categories as

follows: "elites" who flee as a result of ties to the former

administration or social and economic insecurities; "semi-

elitesl' who are opposed to the policies of t h e military

regime, and the "general groupu who fa11 prey to repressive

measures by soldiers and revolutionary organs . Factors

behind the exodus of Ghanaians are explored below. The

following chapter explores the options available to Ghanaian

refugees in the face of the global refugee explosion.

PNDC : Emergence

The PNDC was chaired by Flight Lieutenant Jerry

Rawlings. He seized power from t h e former elected

government - - People' s National Party (PNP) - -on December 3 1,

1981. Rawlings wanted to unleash revolutionary change,

cleanse and reinvigorate state institutions, restore the

economy and create the means whereby ordinary Ghanaians

could play a direct role in running their cornmunities and

their major institutions (maus 1985). The essence of the

PNDC involved two inextricably combined characteristics:

military-dictatorial tendencies and revolutionary-socialist

ideals.

Soon after it assumed power, the PNDC established a

dictatorial grip on Ghana. Under the Establishment

Proclamation of January 11, 1982, the PNDC assumed al1

powers of governrnent. In practice, Chairman Rawlings

dictated al1 government policies, assisted by a number of

close advisers. Suspending Ghana' s constitution, the PNDC

ruled through decrees. No guarantees of freedoms and rights

existed. Public tribunals were set up to bypass the reguiar

court system (IRB 1989). Criticisms of the revolution were

never tolerated by Chairman Rawlings or PNDC members. By

severely crushing al1 coup-makers and conspirators, the PNDC

expressed its aversion to dissent, opposition and what it

termed "reactionaryU attitudes. Also the revolutionary

vigilance of PNDC organs, such as the Bureau of National

Investigations and the overwhelming presence of armed

personnel in public places, perpetuated the predominance of

the regime.

The PNDC launched policies designed to usher in what it

proclaimed would be a new revolutionary-socialist era. These

policies w e r e stated to be essentially anti-imperialism,

anti-bourgeois and relentless in their denunciation of al1

capitalistic tendencies. There were sustained attacks on the

wealth and power of the Ghanaian elite, the merchant-

professional-state bourgeoisie, whose bank accounts were

frozen and incomes scrutinized for ill-gotten gains, leading

many to f lee abroad (Kraus 1985 : 166) . The intimidating

bodies, Citizens Vetting Committees (CVC) had been

established in January, 1982 to screen assets and economic

activities of people suspected of profiteering, corruption

and tax evasion ( i b i d . ) . The ordeal of appearing bef ore such militaristic cornmittees caused a section of Ghana's business

community and their families to flee.

In the early days of the regime the main preoccupation

was with the nation-wide mobilization of citizens into

revolutionary organs, such as People's Defence Committees

(PDC) , Workers Defence Committees (WDC) , People's Militia,

mobilization squads and Task Forces (Hutchful 1986 :819).

Both the People's Defence Committees (PDC) and Workers

Defence Committees (WDC) were quasi-politicai organs,

designed to give hitherto under-represented and under-

privileged masses a voice in the government i d . . Drastic

changes occurred in the social location of power, in higher

political and government offices, in urban and village

communities, and in work places where PDC's and WDCrs were

rapidly established by the able, angry and discontent (Kraus

1985 :166). The PDC's and WDC's were collectively renamed

Tommittees for the Defence of the Revolution' in December,

1984 (IRB 1989).

Leftist intellectuals and activistç from Ghana's high

53

institutions, such as the University of Ghana, were CO-opted

as key supporters of the new regime. The latter were

organised in networks of influent ial and vanguardis t bodies

like the Pan-Africa Youth Movement and June Fourth Movement.

It was from within such networks, partly composed of

Rawlings' confidants and partly those who subscribed to his

revolutionary ideals , that the PNDC appointed leaders for

para-revolutionary organs, and key state institutions such

as the media, state boards, energy commission, tribunals and

other powerful committees (Kraus 1985) .

In essence the PNDC regirne created a revolutionary

political tradition in which the state was considered

supreme and al1 individuals, as well as ethnic and political

groups, were subsumed and submerged under it. The absolute

powers of the state were used to ensure that everybody -

persons and associations alike- fell into line. Given that

military dictatorship was the very foundation of the PNDC

government, it is not surprising that the reign of the PNDC

saw a massive flight of Ghanaians abroad. How the

dictatorial policies and practices of the regime caused the

f light of Ghanaians from their homeland is examined below

under the following headings: loss of civil rights,

revolut ionary organs as sources of terror, and stringent

economic policies.

Loss of Civil Riqhts

Throughout the decade of 1981-91 the impact of

Rawlingst dictatorial grip on power was profound. Government

policies stemmed £ r o m the PNDCts insistence that covert

irnperialist agents within Ghana were working with capitalist

forces outside Ghana to topple the regime and derail the

ongoing revolutionary socio-economic programmes. PNDC Law 4

-Preventative Custody Law, was established in 1982 for the

arrest and indefinite detention without trial of perçons

determined to have engaged or engage in activities not in

the interest of national securi ty (Amnesty International

1991) . Other laws that ignored civil rights included: the 1984 PNDC Law 91, which prevented a person detained under

the Preventative Custody Law £ r o m f iling for Habeas Corpus;

the Newspaper Licensing Law - PNDC Law 211, which was used

to terminate the critical press; and the Religious Bodies

Registration Law, which interf ered with f reedom of

conscience and religion (US Dept of State, 1987, Amnesty

International 1991).

These laws were frequently used against cri t ics of the

regime. According to Amnesty International, in 1983 up to

492 former officiais of the erstwhife PNP, and members of

other political parties, were detained under PNDC Law 4. In

1988, two organizations, the New Democratic Movement (NDM)

and Kwame Nkrumah Revohtionary Guards (KNRG) , issued a

statement

cont inued

55

in Accra demandlng why four of their members

to be detained, without charge or trial, since

their arrest in May and July, 1987 (West Africa March 1991) . The NDM/KNRG statement pointed to the continued detention of

these four as an instance of the wider problem of repression

of democratic rights in Ghana.

Amnesty International reported in 1991 that at least 40

political detainees - possibly more - were still held in

administrative detention at the end of 1990. The report

indicated that the rnajority of detainees had been held since

the first half of the 1980's on suspicion of involvement in

conspiracies against the government. The conditions which

detained people endured w e r e notoriously punitive

(Flinterman 1984, Amnesty International 1991). Allegations

of torture, sometimes leading to death, were widespread and

appear to be factual. Released and escaped prisoners talked

about being brutally whipped while tied dom, beaten by

rifles and so on (Adjei 1993). Other forms of maltreatment

included deprivation of food, water and medication.

Adjei (1993) pointed out that throughout the 1980-90

decade personnel £rom the PNDCrs security arm, Bureau of

National Investigation (BNI) , frequently took people into

custody, with or without warrants. In addition, the

imposition of curfew at the inception of the PNDC rule,

facilitated secret abductions of people at the whim of the

regime. Tribunals established to trial political prisoners

depended on judges with little legal experience (Howard 1984

:174, Flinterman 1984). The tribunals were noted for their

adoption of shortcuts to legal safeguards and due process in

order to provide 'roughr and 'readyr justice (IRB 1990,

Flinterman 1984). There was no presumption of innocence on

the part of the accused (US Dept of State 1987). It was

alleged that political factors influenced the decision to

send accused people to the Public Tribunals, where there was

a higher chance of conviction, rather than to the ordinary

courts (Howard 1984 :174, Kraus 1985).

In short, given the PNDCts preventive custody laws,

abolition of freedom of speech and the politicization of

Ghana's judicial system, Ghanaians lost their civil rights

during the reign of the PNDC.

Revolutionar~ Organs as Source of Terror

Relentless harassments, intimidations andterrorization

f rom revolutionary organs narnely : Committees for the Def ence

of the Revolution ( C D R ) , Civil Defence Organization ( C D O ) ,

People's Militia and the Ghana Armed Forces were also

responsible for the outflow of Ghanaians during the PNDC

adminstration. These groups were charged with mobilizing

people for the implementation of government policies. They

were also vested with responsibility for tracking and

57

reporting dissident activities, conducting anti-smuggling

operations and working with security agencies in their local

communities (IRB 1989) . That revolutionary organs were a source of unceasing harassrnent and coercion to Ghanaians can

be discerned from their activities throughout the nation.

In state owned enterprises CDR members accused workers

and management of being counter-revolutionaries, the

consequent friction and clashes caused loss of employnent

and promotion. CDRfs appointed themselves as committees of

enquiry to investigate mismanagement in both government and

business, sometimes ejecting the management (Kraus 1985

: 167) . In some instances workers and managers were framed on

charges of corruption and hoarding in order to settle

persona1 scores (US State Department 1987) . Thus, the

exuberance and misplaced enthusiasm of CDRs had the

potential of causing h a m in the economy.

Within the community, CDR' s passed on information about

peoples political affiliations, activities, and so on, to

military officials. This led to their arrests and/or

persecution. They also engaged in forced entry into homes,

monitored telephone conversations and intercepted mail

during security investigations (US Dept of State 1987). In

rural areas revolutionary organs constituted their own

courts and meted out justice according to their own

arbitrary procedures. Outspoken people at community and town

58

meetings were occasionally accused of inflaming anti-

revolutionary sentiments and reported to military

authorities. The presence of CDR officiais undoubtedly

constituted real terror and discomfort among Ghanaians.

Military personnel also posed a threat to Ghanaians.

Operating under emergency regulations soldiers physically

assaulted, brutalized, abducted and killed civilians as part

of their ' house cleaning exercise' . The most widely reported

execution occurred on June 30 1982, when three High Court

Judges and a retired amy major were abducted from their

homes during curfew hours and çhot (Howard 1984, Flinterman

1984). This incident galvanized enormous public opposition

to the PNDC. One PNDC member was arrested and executed for

involvement; another, a sergeant, fearing he was being

unjustly implicated, sought to mobilize his CO-ethnics in

the army in a half -hearted coup in November, 1982 (Kraus

1985 :166). Others resigned in disgust and went into exile

( i b id . ) . Soldiers went on rampages as a result of their own

persona1 disputes. In the ma j or urban centres f requently

lower ranking members of the rnilitary arbitrarily imposed

price controls, appropriated goods and cars, beat and

harassed civilians, causing death and widespread fear (Arhin

1992) . The victirns of such squads came from al1 sections of

the society and it included journalists, students, trade

59

union leaders, lawyers and political leaders. In some

instances family members of the victirns were also attacked.

Given the rampant abductions and intimidation by

revolutionary organs, coupled with news and rumours of

disappearances, many Ghanaians f elt insecure in their own

homeland.

Strinqent Economic Policies

General economic conditions, as well as the economic

policies of the PNDC, perhaps had the largest negative

impact on the life of ordinary Ghanaians. As discussed in

chapter two, the PNDC assumed power in a Ghana where

declining foreign earnings, low industrial and agricultural

production and rising foreign debts had created chaotic

economic conditions (see appendix Tables la-c) . In addition,

Ghana had no external financial reserves. and because of its

large debt arrears for that year (about $348 million) it was

unable to obtain external credits (Kraus 1985 :165).

In tackling these dire economic problems, the PNDC

rhetoric was socialist but their actions were more like a

f orm of pro-market restructuring . When the regirne took power in 1981 it proclaimed a dedication to socialist economic

ideals including: a) the creation of an egalitarian

economic development programme which would benefit ordinary

Ghanaians, particularly peasants. famers and low-wage urban

workers, and b) a rejection of market-oriented policies in

favour of state intervention in agricultural marketing,

direct production and retail distribution (Dei 1992 : 5 1 ) ,

and c) the direct participation of workers and farmers in

government and other national institutions (Kraus 1985

: 164) .

In practice however, the PNDC pursued an austere pro-

market economic restructuring programme, dictated to them by

the IMF. This raises questions about the regime's cornmitment

to socialism as proclaimed by its leaders. It seems the

PNDC's economic policy was dominated by a scapegoatist

philosophy, in which corruption was taken as the cause, and

not as a symptom, of deep economic malaise. The PNDC

launched an Economic Recovery Programme (ERP) in 1982. It

contained plans to rehabilitate roads and infrastructure,

revive ailing industries, increase agricultural production

and conduct a house-cleaning exercise against profiteers,

smugglers and tax evaders (World Bank 1988 : xvi, Kraus 1985

:168). To ensure external cash flow, the PNDC entered into

agreement with the International Monetary Fund (IMF) in

April 1983, to institute economic reforms in line with a

Structural Adjustrnent Programme (World Bank 1988 : xvii) . In 18 months, Ghana devalued the local currency ' cedi' by a

factor of 18, leaving it worth about £ive percent of its

prior nominal value (Kraus 1985, Lancaster 1985) . This also

raised real costs of imports more than 18 times.

Several stringent fiscal measures w e r e instituted as

part of the structural adjustment programme (SAP) .

Surcharges on water, power, gasoline, railways and

telecommunications were increased substantially (World Bank

1988 :xvii) . Government controlled prices were eliminated on needed imported goods such as drugs, textile and spare

parts. This permitted the full impact of the increased costs

to be passed on to the consumers, with devastating impact on

al1 but a small minority of wealthy individuals with savings

and incomes in foreign currency (Kraus 1985). In an atternpt

to reduce the government subsidy of most basic items, there

were substantial increases in the official prices of

foodstuf f including rice, rnaize and sugar (Dei 1992 :49) . To

alleviate the plight of Ghanaian farmers, the price paid to

producers for cocoa w a s increased by 65 percent ( f rom 12,000

to 20,000 cedis per ton) in 1983 (World Bank 1988 :xvi) . A

price and income policy was instituted whereby the minimum

wage w a s doubled and civil servants' salaries increased by

an average 60 percent b d . ) . In reality however, the

alleviating effects of both these income policies were

surpassed by more significant increases in the prices of

much needed items.

In short, the ERP and SAP constituted the PNDCrs plan

to correct structural imbalances, rehabilitate the economy,

62

and to pave the way for restoration of economic growth.

Contrary to the socialist rhetoric of PNDC leaders economic

policies were mainly market-oriented. There was little

political organization in the country, aside f rom salvage

operations with Peoples Defence Cornmittees (Ray 1986:133).

Given the stringent nature of the SAP\ERP policies, and also

given that the measures that w e r e implernented ro alleviate

the plight of ordinary Ghanaians provided no real relieve,

the SAP\ERP was a major blow to the well-being of most

Ghanaians. The major areas of impact are discussed below.

a. S o c i a l and Economic impact of ERP/SAP

Ghana halted over a decade of severe economic decline

f ollowing the irnplementation of the PNDC' s economic recovery

programme in 1983. GDP growth rate averaged over 5 percent

between 1984 and 1990, and an average GDP per capita growth

of about 2 percent in the same period (see Appendix Table

lb). Despite the improvement in aggregate economic

performance, the ERP/SAP were associated with considerable

socioeconomic hardships, they also created political

problems for Ghanaians.

The programmes exacerbated Ghana's indebtedness and

balance of payment problems. Ghanaf s long term borrowing

rose sharply from US $46 million in 1984 to 127 million in

1985, by 1990 the level has reached US $284 million,

reflecting a significant deterioration in the terms of

trade . Furthemore, the austere economic ref orms which

accompanied the SAP/ERP had profoundly agonizing e f f e c t s on

t h e vast majority of Ghanaians. Among the hardest hit were

salaried urban workers, unskilled labourers and peasantç .

The average Ghanaian worker f aced great dif f iculty in making

ends meet on t h e basic salary in 1989 as inflation rose a t

an alarming rate (see Table 1) . The annual growth rate of

inflation was over 39 percent, partly due to marginal

increases in food production.

Scarce foreign exchange compelled the PNDC to compress

the range of imports. As a consequence the country suffered

severe shortages in a wide range of essential items

including: medical supplies, spare parts, instructional

materials for schools and inputs necessary to maintain

production in industry and modern agriculture. Scarce

foreign exchange also had negative consequences for the

transport and communications sector. The near-collapse of

basic infrastructure, road and railways, undermined the

PNDCfs efforts to move pangas, seed and fertilizer to food

producers in t h e countryside (Arhin 1993) . Due to the harsh economic rneasures, real wages did not

increase (Table 2) . Real wages in 1989 were only 16 percent

of their 1975 level.

64

Table 2 indicates that, minimum wages rose in

successive stages from US $1.45 in 1984 to 1.89 per day in

1985, by 1989 the level has fa l len to $ US. 60 per day. This

left wage and salary earners worse off than they were in

August 1985. The SAP also called for large lay-offs or

redeployments in order to reduce employment, incomes and

effective demand.

Table 2: Average Local Prices of Some Basic Ghanaian Items Showing lnflationary Trends

Dai ly Wage 1 .O5

Yam (tuber, 1.81 2.5kg)

Cassava ( tuber , 1 . 0 3 l k g )

Plantain (Slbs) 1 . 0 1

Maize ( t h , 9 . 0 9 3kg)

R i c e (tin 3kg) 1 16.36

Bread (loaf

Meat (beef Ib) 5.45

Gasoline (gai)

rate (US $:

Source: Del, G.S.J 1992

Feb . Jul Aug . 1983 1984 1985

1.45 1.08 1 . 8 9

. 0 3 2 . 7 0 2 . 5 2

Sept. 1989

disapp 1 disapp 1 2.40

1. Prices quotations are in US $ equivalents. 2. Disapp:Item was not available in the market due to

shortages of inputs;

On the other hand the economic liberalisation appear to

have exacerbated social cleavages. Dei ( 1 9 9 2 ) points out

that the establishment of new managerial boards for national

economic ventures including mining, power, oil refinery,

airline and food processing created economic opportunities

for a section of Ghana's army. In addition, the economic

liberalisation policies benefited a new private bourgeoisie7

whose capital accumulation came at the expense of peasant

farmers, wage-salary workers and workers in the srnall scale

artisan-service sectors. This private bourgeoisie was able

to monopolize Ghana's import-export trade, due to their

access to financial resources (particulary foreign exchange

and governrnent allocated irnport licenses) . On top of al1

these, t he IMF and World Bank demanded that the funds they

provided under SAP be used by managers and entrepreneurs for

vtechnicall' purposes and that there should not be any

lfpoliticalll interference from workers (Ray 1986 : 136) . As a

result, the PNDC was too weak economically and politically

to argue with the IMF reasoning which happened to favour the

new commercial class. These factors enabled them to benefit

immensely under the SAP. It also enabled Ghana's new

commercial class to gain economic dominance over peasants

and salaried urban workers.

The new bourgeoisie consisted of the then rnilitary leaders, junior rank soldiers, and civilians who had ties with PNDC or influential military personnel.

b. Socio-Poli t i c a l impact of SAP/ERP

The massive unemployment, scarcities and the resultant

deterioration in the living conditions of the majority of

Ghanaians attracted criticisms of the PNDC from several

groups such as the Association of Recognised Professional

Bodies (ARPB), university lecturers and students (IFE! 1989,

US State Dept . 1987) . PNDC leaders along with revolutionary organs labelled such critics as reactionaries. Spokespersons

amongst the critics became targets of abuse, surveillance

and militaq terrorization. There was also military clamp

down on university students, trade union members,

journalists who frequently demonstrated against the PNDC,

and other groups as well.

Petty traders in central markets in Accra, Kumasi,

Sekondi, Takoradi and Koforidua also endured considerable

abuse and harassrnent. Soldiers and revolutionary guards

persistently denounced the traders as profiteers who were

responsible for al1 forms of economic malpractice including

hoarding and over-pricing. Frequent army swoops on traders

combined to endanger the life and livelihood of these people

(Kraus 1985 : 165) . Actions taken against traders also

included public whipping, subjecting females to gross

indecencies, tireless arrests for profiteering, seizures,

and so on (Howard 1986, Adj ei 1993 . Given the powerlessness

67

of the traders and merchants in the face of unparalleled

revolutionary measures, many were compelled to flee.

Ironically, the new commercial class that was created

by the PNDCrs economic liberalisation policies did not face

any of the so- called revolut ionary and "house-cleaningfl

exercises that was unleashed against existing business

people by agents of the PNDC regime. This obviously, stemrned

from the political and economic ties between the new

commercial class and the PNDC regime.

In brief, considering the harsh nature of the PNDCfs

economic refoms, it is reasonable to conclude that it

played an important role in the exodus of Ghanaians abroad.

The exigency of Ghana's economic development and the

policies for its eradication were associated with arrests,

imprisonments without trial, abductions and terrorization of

citizens. Some members of Ghana's elite and sub-dite

categories who felt physically insecure were compelled to

flee £ r o m the country. Ghanaian professionals including--

teachers, nurses, fresh post-secondary graduates also

emigrated because of the harsh economic conditions (World

Bank 1992).

Opposition To The PNDC Regime

Ghanaians expressed their dissatisfaction with the PNDC

regime in several ways. The most common were attempts to

68

overthrow the PNDC by force, organized demonstrations by

students and criticism £rom church groups. This section

deals with the activities of these dissenting groups and the

PNDC's response to them.

Coup Plotters and Coup rnakers

Political opposition to the PNDC was largely expressed

through plots and atternpted coups. Between December 1981 and

January 1985 there were nine coup plots and attempted coups

to overthrow the PNDC (Ray 1986 :112). These were instigated

primarily by army officers who were hostile to the Rawlings

coup (Kraus 1985 : 167) . As it turned out, army off icers who

were exiled in neighbouring Togo and Ivory Coast assurned

leadership of exile groups working for the PNDCf s overthrow

( I R B 1989, Kraus 1985). Civilian groups (including leaders

of students and professional movements, as w e l l as top

business men and the press were alleged to have collaborated

with soldiers in some instances (Ray 1986 :112).

Regionalism may have played a role in the attempts to

overthrow the PNDC by force. Northern Ghanaians played

leading roles in most of the coup attempts ( i b i d . ) .

Following the resignation of two Northerners (Chris Atirn and

Sgt Akata Pore) £ r o m the PNDC regime in 1982, the

Northerners felt they had little influence over the PNDC

government i d . It was also alleged that the Northerners

felt aggrieved over the perceived inequalities in the

distribution of economic projects in the country. These

grievances may have caused thern to seek revenge by

instigating coup plots against the PNDC.

The PNDC1s unusual reaction to the plotters and would-

be coup makers generally took the form of death sentences,

executions and sumrnary convictions. (Ray 198 6 : 112 , Kraus

1985 :168) .

S tudent s

The 1981-91 decade was replete with students and

military clashes. Ghanaian students speaking through their

mouthpiece, the National Union of Ghana Students (MJGS) ,

acted as a formidable pressure group through the criticising

of government policies. Two issues were of major concern to

the student movement; namely educational policy and the

PNDC1s respect for human rights. Students recurrently

expressed concern about these issues throughout the 1980s.

The first student/ PNDC clash occurred on May 4, 1983

when over 2,000 mine workers f rom Obuasi charged ont0 the

campus of the University of Science and Technology ( U S T ) ,

provoked by the students' criticism of PNDC's austerity

budget, and calls for a return to civilian rule (Tipple and

Tipple 1983 : 18%) . The miners were armed with pick-axes, machetes, clubs and other weapons i d . ) . Campus sources

70

alleged that the workers had been induced to corne by the

government ( ibid . ) . Upon reaching the entrance of the university, they

daubed the entrance to the campus with a message "students

we wont feed you any moret1 in red paint ( i b id . ) . They then marched along the main campus road to the university's

sports stadium where they held a meeting. From here, they

moved into the wornenf s hostel, where they raided the kitchen

and caused considerable damage (Briefing Paper May 27,

1983) . In the clashes between workers and students people £rom both sides were injured, and the buses of workers were

burnt ( i b i d . ) . On May 6. 1983 students at the University of Ghana also

demonstrated through the principal streets of Accra. This

invited a violent counter-attack by militant workers

organized by the PNDC (Briefing Paper 1988).

Folfowing the above incidents the PNDC closed dom al1

three universities in Ghana for a year, from May, 1983 until

March, 1984 b During the closure security agents

sought out and arrested students accused of ' misleadingr and

'rnisguiding' other students.

Student agitations subsided in 1984 only to £lare up in

1987/88. The imrnediate source of the latter conflict was a

PNDC proposed educational reform programme. The government

had proposed to curtail government subsidies for meals and

71

boarding allowance to students (West Africa, April 25,

1988). The students cornplained that the marner in which the

policies were fomulated was undemocratic since they had not

been consulted i d . ) . Students demonstrated publicly

against the PNDC and called for its resignation. In the

midst of such student agitations, the PNDC took swift and

punitive rneasures. The universities were closed for a second

time, undercover agents terrorized students and t h e i r

families (Adjei 1993) . Student leaders were denounced as imperialist stooges, paid by outside forces to ferment

dissent among other students.

In their annual congresses and demonstrations students

had persistently denounced the PNDC as dictatorial and

corrupt (Briefing Paper 1988) . They had also expressed

concern about kidnappings and killings, destruction and

confiscation of property, and t h e constant fear and

insecurity which gripped the country (Tipple and Tipple,

1988:1855). They demanded that the adminstration of the

country be handed over to an elected civilian adminstration

( i b i d . ) . Some writers, including Ray (1986) and Trevi (19881,

have inaccurately attributed students' anti-PNDC stance to

conservatisrn on the part of the student movement. However,

such an explanation fails to account for the close

association which existed between students and PNDC in the

past . Prior to the military coup of 1981, Rawlings maintained

a close relat ionship with university students (Tipple and

Tipple 1988, Trevi 1988). NUGS was most vocal in support of

the PNDC in the early stages of the revolution (IRB 1989).

Between January and March, 1982, students mobilized into a

task force, and helped transport piled-up cocoa £rom rural

areas to the ports. Some students served as replacement

tutors in high schools, while others engaged in political

educatîon and the formation of CDR's (then PDC1s and WDC1s).

Notwithstanding these signs of cooperation, military-

student relations saw its awkward moments. Students felt

shocked and betrayed by a PNDC member's involvement in the

abduction and killing of three High Court judges and a

retired army officer in June 1982 (Tipple and Tipple 1983).

As Ghana's hurnan rights situation and economic crisis

worsened it attracted dissent £rom various quarters,

including university students. In 1983, NüGS withdrew its

support for the governrnent and, since then, the students

have expressed opposition to many PNDC measures ( I R B 1989) .

In a situation of civilian helplessness and powerlessness

under military regimes, the concentration of diverse

acadernic minds granted students the necessary socio-

political power and inspiration to act.

Reliqious Bodies

Though the PNDC was not necessarily anti-religious,

some religious groups came under £i re during the PNDC

regime. In particular there were attacks on religious sects,

while the activities of some groups were frozen.

Ghanaians are essentially religious people. About 40

percent of Ghanians are Christians, 45 percent are followers

of traditional Af rican religion, 10 percent are muslims, and

5 percent have no religious affiliation (Assimeng 1980 : 18) . Such a huge following of religion stems £ r o m the fact that

religion has traditionally been an important part of

Ghanaian society, it permeates every aspect of Ghana1 s

social structure. Yet, under the PNDC, intimidations and

violent persecution of religious bodies were pervasive.

Several factors appeared to have been responsible.

Allegedly, in the early phase of the revolution, the

PNDC attempted to persuade Christian churches to use their

influence and organization to mobilize their congregations

in support of the governmentrs Economic Recovery programme,

as well as the formation of new political structures (Ray

1986) . The churches rejected such advances and some

religious groups embarked on systematic criticism of the

PNDC .

In 1983, the hierarchies of the major Protestant and

Roman Catholic churches called for the resignation of the

74

PNDC (Amnesty International 1984). A Ghanaian coalition of

churches-the Ghana Council of Churches-also vehemently

condemned the PNDC for the outbreak of rnilitary violence in

Ghana and the attack on students (Catholic Standard 1984).

Following their widespread criticisms of goverment

policies, the PNDC became concerned with the activities of

churches. It then moved to curb the activities of certain

fundamentalist and evangelical sects, which it perceived as

disruptive to Ghanaian society (IRB 1989). One such attack

occurred in February, 1982, when over 50 soldiers from

Kumasi's Fourth Battalion Infantry Brigade, launched an

attack on "The Lord is my Shepherdn religious sect (Tipple

and Tipple 1983 : 1854) . The Pastor, Odiyiefoo Asare, was killed, then his body was dismembered and put on public

display i d . ) . The church building was set on f ire.

Typically, in the course of such attacks, church elders and

members would endure physical abuse at the hands of soldiers

and people militia.

The PNDC's intimidation of religious bodies

crystallized in 1989, when PNDC Law 221 (also called

Religious Bodies Registration Law) was introduced on June 14

(US Dept of State 1992). According to the Ministry of the

Interior, PNDC Law 221 was created because certain

individuals and groups were using, or planning to use,

church premises as meeting grounds in furtherance of their

political schemes i d ) - In practice, however, this law

penitted the governrnent to screen al1 existing religious

groups in order to weed out those deemed prejudicial to PMIC

interests.

In June 1989, the governrnent banned the activities of

Jehovah Witness and the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day

Saints, also known as Mormons i d ) . The PNDC' s ban

stemrned £rom its concern that these local branches of

worldwide religious sects could be used as havens for

international spies. It was alleged that, in spite of the

ban, Jehovah Witness followers worshipped secretly in

schools, back rooms and in the bush. Consequently, some

worshippers became prey for CDR and security officiais.

Categories of Ghanaian Refugees

Even though the flight of Ghanaians abroad occurred

throughout the period when the PNDC was in power, perhaps

the exodus peaked during two periods: in the early 1980s

when the widespread clamp d o m on alleged "anti-

revolutionariesu displaced vast numbers of businessmen,

members of the dethroned PNP regirne and their relatives; and

during the mid and late 1980s when civil servants, students,

traders and peasants were increasingly attacked by soldiers

and militia groups for re j ecting the harsh structural

adjustment policies. Findings in this regard are consistent

76

with other Third World nations who are also ruled by

undernocratic regimes such as China, Afghanistan, and

Nigeria. The flight of citizens increased in periods of

great insecurity and economic hardships.

Zolberg (1989) proposed a useful analytic f ramework for

classifying individuals who are involved in refugee

outflowç. The framework considers violence--instigated by

the state or beyond it--as the cornmon denominator. He

identif ied three types of refugees : the "activists" who are

the rebels forced to flee the regimes to which they are

opposed; the I1targeted" who are singled out for violent

action because of membership in a particular group; and

"victims" who are randomly caught in the cross fire of

violent situation.

Regarding patterns of outflow, Zolberg has noted that

"old elites" and their associates tend to form the first

wave of refugee outflows. Some elites also flee due to

economic insecurities and inability to enjoy their previous

privileges. The elites are then followed by subsequent waves

of people who are affected by the revolutionary and

oppressive measures of the new regime. Nurnerically, the

elite outflow is small and cornprised of people who either

possess some independent means of support- or have amassed

s u f f i c i e n t resources abroad to protect against any

eventualities.

77

Though Zolberg's framework is useful for the

classification of different kinds of refugee outflows, it is

insuf ficient in explaining the outflow of Ghanaian refugees.

The scheme is based on a single dimension-the refugees'

relationship to the organization of violence. The case of

Ghanaians where the flight of individuals was precipitated

by military repression, harsh economic reforms and

terrorization by revolutionary guards requires a more

detailed classification scheme. Furthemore, Zolberg's

scheme leaves no room for individuals such as former

political elites, who belonged to the I1target" category but

did not flee at the onset of political violence. In

addit ion, the f ramework is unable to account for extended

relatives who flee with the targets or activists.

On the basis of their preflight socioeconomic status

and political activities. three categories of Ghanaian

refugees are identifiable. These are elites. sub-elites and

general categories.

The "elite group1I comprised key members of the PNP

administration that was dethroned by the PNDC in 1981. It

included high level state officials such as members of

parliament, lawyers, judges, university lecturers, heads of

governmental boards, corporations and top political party

officials. Many left at the d a m of the PNDCrs takeover.

According to Zolberg this group is compelled to flee since

their ties to the old regime makes them "targets" for

violence. In the Ghanaian case, however, not al1 the elites

f led once the PNDC had assumed power . Some former political

elites (including regional ministers and district officers)

stayed in Ghana. When viewed in this light, the role of

individual elites in the former regime can be a determining

factor in the decision to flee or not. Such people endured

harassment, imprisonment and other foms of abuse £rom

soldiers. Yet , Zolbergf s f ramework does not account for such

a behaviour, neither does the framework distinguish between

those who flee £rom those who tend not to.

Secondly, there was the serni-elite group. This class

was relatively young and well educated. It was composed of

university students and journalists who, as a result of

their outspokenness, anti-military demonstrations,

pamphleting and criticisrns of military policies, clashed

with the military regime. Also included in this group were

civilians and armed personnel involved in unsuccessful coup

atternpts. Zolberg categorises this rebellious group as

activists. Yet, the extended families and sympathizers of

activists were also cornpelled to flee, even though they

played no part in the rebellion.

The third and largest group was the 'general categoryf

which consisted of those induced to flee as a result of

revolutionary measures such as raid on traders, control of

79

religious activities, stringent economic measures, clashes

with revolutionary organs and those accused of engagement in

illegal economic activities. Those included in the general

group consisted of traders, peddlers, factory workers,

drivers, artisans, comrnodity srnugglers and peasants. This

last group formed the bulk of Ghanaian refugees abroad,

since they easily fell prey to military raids and

' revalut ionary measures ' . The foregone categorization may not be exhaustive,

however it provides a general framework for classifying

Ghanaian ref ugees . Zolbergt s classification, " act ivist l1 can

be applied to the çub-elite group; while I1targets" is

partially applicable to the elite group. The last category,

ltvictimsll may be applicable to some individuals in the sub-

elite and general category.

s-ry

The flight of Ghanaians to Canada, and other

destinations in the 1980-90 decade, was rooted in the

repression which prevailed in Ghana during that period. The

PNDC1s dictatorial policies, created an atmosphere of

insecurity, discornfort and fear for Ghanaian citizens. Harsh

economic reforms which were adopted as part of the Economic

Recovery and Structural Adjustment Programmes led to hyper-

in£ lat ion, unemployment and the impoverishment of many

8 0

Ghanaians. On top of these hardships, the PNDC maintained a

tight grip on Ghanaians by suppressing al1 foms of

resistance through, abductions, imprisonment, physical abuse

and intimidation through the use of the revolutionary

forces. Following political independence many Ghanaians, on

the other hand, have come to expect better social and

economic conditions £ r o m their governments. Given the

insecurities that accompanied the PNDC's dictatorial

policies, repression, and harsh economic ref o n s , many

Ghanaians were compelled to seek refuge outside their

homeland.

Chapter 4

Ghanaian Refugees in Global Context: The Explosive Growth of World Refugee Movaments and Options f o r Ghanaian Refugees

Introduction

This chapter examines the options available to Ghanaian

refugees in the face of the explosive growth of world

refugee movements, and the exclusionist resporise on the part

of Western receiving nations. Using information £ r o m the

interviews, this chapter explores some of the strategies

that claimants employed to circumvent the immigration rules

that have been established among Western receiving nations

to deter potential asylum seekers.

The chapter argues that anticipation of better

conditions in Canada--which was fuelled by exaggerated

reports about Canada's asylum conditions--made Canada a

popular destination for Ghanaian refugees throughout the

1980s. Ghana's proximity to neighbouring countries (Togo,

Ivory Coast, Nigeria and Burkina Faso) , which maintained no

effective border control measures, made it both possible and

inexpensive for Ghanaians to flee en masse during the 1980-

90 decade. Yet, on arriva1 in the West African places of

first asylum, Ghanaian exiles were unwelcome to the point

that they faced physical insecurities and profound

hardships. Consequently, many of the exiles were compelled

to look elsewhere for refugee status. In the United Kingdom,

and other parts of Europe, n e w policies adopted in the 1980s

to stem the inflow of unauthorised migrants appear to have

been effective in keeping potential Ghanaian asylum seekers

out of these countries. Similarly, the United States was not

a popular destination for Ghanaian claimants, due in part to

the uncertainties about their chances of being granted

political asylum. By contrast , as far as the Ghanaian asylum

seekers were concerned, Canada offered better chances for

asylum due to its relatively relaxed asylurn policies. This

chapter examines these issues in depth.

Backsround

The number of people seeking asylum around the world

has been growing rapidly since the early 1980s (Zolberg 1989

:278, IOM 1990, UNHCR 1993), and this has irnposed serious

constraints on the institution of asylum in Western

industrial nations. In 1983, about 100,000 people requested

asylum in Europe, North America, Australia and Japan (UNHCR

1993, 3 ) . By 1992, the number had risen to over 800,000 ( ib id . ) .

In a l l , some 3.7 million people applied for asylum

worldwide during the period 1983-1992 ( i b i d . ) . As shown in Table 3 over 70 percent of the applications were made in

£ive industrialised nations, narnely: Germany, USA, France,

Sweden and Canada.

83

T a b l e 3 Asylum Applicants in Five Leading Industrialised - -- -

T o t a l

Ger 228,600 160,000 314,400 694,300 1,397,800

II Fra 1 80,300 1 56,600 1 108,600 1 72,700 1 318,100 1 I 1 I I

II Cda 1 43.500 1 66,000 1 58,400 1 67,200 1 236,000 I I I I

1

ref ugee

S w e

T o t

Analysts (Zolberg 1989, UNHCR 1993) of

movements have noted two distinctive patterns in the global

refugee c r i s i s . Each of these imposes different pressures on

the institution of asylum.

In the first pattern, which occurs rnainly in the

developing countries, it has been noted that the majority of

those seeking asylum leave their own countries as part of a

mass outflow and find refuge in neighbouring countries

(Zolberg 1989, UNWCR 1993: 31, Borowski 1994). The

coincidentaf crises in Afghanistan, Indochina, and the Horn

of Africa in the 1980s generated massive refugee flows into

neighbouring countries (Zolberg 1989 : 2 7 8 ) . Analysts have

argued that such large refugee movements challenge the

absorptive capacity and hospitality of developing countries

which are already struggling with poverty, economic decline,

political instability and environmental degradation ( W C R

1993, Kibreab 1985, Gallagher 1989 :58S) . Y e t , these poor

44,100 37,700 I

Source: UNHCR (1993) The State of the World's Refugees 482,400 407,600 716,500

59,800 110,600 252,200

countries continue to receive large proportions of people

fleeing £rom wars, violent conflicts, chaotic breakdown of

civil order and environmental hazards (Zolberg 19 89, Kibreab

1987, Richmond 1993) .

In the second pattern, industrialised countries have

attracted large numbers of spontaneous asylum seekers,

mainly from the developing world. The dramatic rise in the

number of asylum seekers, soaring expendi tures on ref ugee

application systems, along with high unemployment among t h e

foreigners, have aroused both official and public concern

(IOM 1990 :6) . Simmons and Keohane (1992) noted that it is often

alleged that most of the asylum daims are spurious,

representing a disguised movement of "economic migrantsu

rather than "political refugees". In Europe this sentiment

has been reinforced by the observation that both migrants

and refugees of ten use similar routes. Also, t h e increase in

asylum applications lodged in Europe came after restrictive

labour policies were introduced in several European

countries in the mid-1970s (Zolberg 1989) . Others have

expressed concern over the fact that the new influx threaten

to transf o n the social composition of Western receiving

societies in terms of the increasing c u l t u r a l and religious

dissimilarities between migrants and the receiving societies

(UNHCR 1993, Zolberg 1989 :279) . These concerns have been

85

exacerbated by the fact that the surge in asylum

applications has coincided with a period of slow economic

growth, recession and rising domestic unemployment (Zolberg

1989, UNHCR 1993 :36, Borowski et al 1994) . Despite the political, social, and economic pressures

created by large scale refugee influxes, many Western

nations continue to grant asylum to applicants . However, the

rising number of asylum seekers has elicited exclusionist

responses and stringent control rneasures for dealing with

asylum seekers in many Western nations. In addition, at the

global level, there have been wider consultations among

ma j or receiving countries including European states ,

Australia, the United States and Canada on the need to

harmonize policies with respect to controlling the inflow of

asylum seekers (Borowski 1994, IOM 1 9 9 0 , Zolberg 1989) . These attitudes have raised obstacles to asylum seeking in

developed nations.

Destinations of Ghanaian Refugees

The flight patterns of Ghanaian refugees are complex

and the analyses of their final destinations are challenged

by t h e dearth of reliable statistics. Kibreab (1985) argues

that the absence of reliable statistics on African refugees

is an impediment to any meaningful assessrnent of the

magnitude of the refugee crises on the Af rican continent.

86

For instance, reliable statistics on Ghanaians who were

exiled in neighbouring West African countries, or those who

stayed here temporarily on their way to destinations beyond

West Africa, are not available. None of the receiving West

African countries kept reliable statistics on Ghanaian

exiles, since these countries did not operate any refugee

resettlement programme for exiles who arrived in their

countries spontaneously. Typically, the Ghanaian exiles

arrived unexpectedly and then self-settled among the local

population.

Statistical data on Ghanaian refugees who went to

certain overseas destinations are also hard to find. In the

US, and also European countries such as Austria, Greece, and

Luxembourg, which only received small numbers of Ghanaian

refugees, Ghanaians are usually lumped into the I1other

Africanu category (see for instance US Department of State-

World Refugee Reports) . This makes it dif f icult to ascertain

the actual number of Ghanaians in these destinations.

Notwithstanding the above handicaps, on the basis of

the available qualitative information and estimates, three

major destinations for Ghanaians who fled their homeland in

the 1980-90 decade can be identified. These are, a)

neighbouring West African nations, b) Europe, and c) North

America. Neighbouring West African nations such as Togo,

Ivory Coast, Burkina Faso and Nigeria w e r e important

87

destinations for Ghanaian refugees and about half of those

who fled in the 1980-90 decade settled here pemanently.

However, the flows to destinations overseas in Germany,

France, Belgium, USA, and Canada were also significant. The

patterns and the major changes in the final destinations of

Ghanaian refugees are examined below. The discussion is

broken into three sections which also correspond with the

major destinations of Ghanaian refugees.

a) . Neighbouring A f r i c a n Nations

Traditionally, neighbouring West African countries,

including Togo, Ivory Coast, Burkina Faso and Nigeria, had

been the destinations of Ghanaian refugees. In the 1980-90

decade these countries served as the places of temporary or

permanent asylum for a signif icant number of Ghanaian exiles

(UNHCR Reports 1985) . L i m i t e d information from UNHCR

sources, estimates that approximately 15,000 Ghanaian

refugees entered Togo between 1981-89 (UNHCR l983/84,

1989/90). Other unofficial sources, such as the Ghana

Refugee Group and the Canadian Ghanaian Organizations, which

are al1 based in Toronto, estimate that over 30,000

Ghanaians fled to Nigeria and the Ivory Coast in course of

the 1980s.

Apart f rom Ghanar s close neighbours , other Af rican

countries also received a disproportionate number of

88

Ghanaian refugees. Countries such as Sierra Leone, Gambia,

Liberia, Algeria, Egypt and Cameroon a l 1 witnessed a

trickling in of hundreds of Ghanaian refugees between 1980

and 1990 (Canadian Ghanaian Organization 1990) . Several factors help to explain the flight of Ghanaian

exiles to mainly neighbouring West African countries. The

first factor was the relaxed immigration requirements which

existed in the West African region. Ghanaians, as members of

the Economic Community of West Africa (ECOWAS), are

generally allowed to travel without a visa for up to 90 days

in West Africa (IR3 1989, Arhin 1994). As a result of this

arrangement Ghanaians without the necessaq travel

documents, and opponents of the PNDC who are denied

passports, have managed to travel to neighbouring countries

without much difficulty from border authorities. However, in

some instances, especially in the context of large inf luxes,

regardless of the freedom of travel under the ECOWAS

agreement, Ghanaians fleeing into some West African

countries were arrested at the border or denied entry by

border authorities. For example the Toronto-based refugee

group, the Canadian Ghanaian Organizat ion ( 199 0 ) noted that ,

in 1983, some Ghanaian dissidents who were fleeing £rom

Ghana to the Ivory Coast through small border toms along

the Ghana-Ivory Coast border were refused entry. The f ate of

the dissidents remains a rnystery ( i b i d . ) .

Historic ties also induced movement to countries such

as Ivory Coast and Nigeria where, even before the crisis,

Ghanaians resided as migrant workers . The prior existence of these migratory networks made these countries a favoured

destinations for fleeing refugees.

Laçtly, proximity was a reinforcing factor in the

flight of Ghanaians to destinations in West Africa.

Nearness to these nations made them accessible to Ghanaians

who fled on foot, by vehicle, boats or a combination of

these means of travel. Flight to neighbouring countries was

relatively inexpensive. In some instances, Ghanaian refugees

fled into adjacent nations covertly through bush paths or

small communities located on the borders. Ghanaians who f led

from the Volta, Western and Upper regions proceeded only a

short distance to cross into the border of Togo, Ivory Coast

and Burkina Faso respectively. Relatively calm areas in

Togo, Ivory Coast and Burkina Faso which were close to the

Ghanaian border served as natural places of refuge for

Ghanaian exiles. Some encountered painful experiences

including mugging, physical assault, and a lack of food or

water during their flight. In December 1986 the Ghana News

Agency reported that about 200 Ghanaian asylum seekers, who

were on their way to Algeria, were stranded in Tamanrasset,

an Algerian desert tom. The asylum seekers were afflicted

by thirst, hunger and dehydration £ r o m the hot temperatures

90

of the Sahara desert. Some Ghanaians died as a result of

similar ordeals in the past (GNA 1986) .

In s p i t e of the above predisposing factors, Ghanaian

ref ugees who f led to the neighboüring West Af rican countries

did not encounter favourable resettlement conditions.

Rather, they encountered considerable hardship ,

impoverishment and insecurity, which made their stay there

very tenuous . Experiences in these countries of f irst asylum were instrumental in the flight of Ghanaians to destinations

outside West Africa.

To begin with, the neighbouring African nations, where

the Ghanians fled to, lacked administrative mechanisms for

recognizing the needs of the refugees or providing them with

relief and assistance, While these countries were

signatories of the international conventions on refugees,

namely: the 1951 UN Convention, its Protocol, and the 1969

OAU Convent ion, they have not enacted the appropriate

legislation to implement these agreements at the national

and local levels (Refugee Studies Programme, 1986) . As a

consequence, the West African countries had no refugee law

or a structure for refugee determination (Essuman-Johnson

1994 p 8 ) . Surprisingly, the United Nations High Commission

on Refugees did not maintain a branch office in West Africa

in the 1980s (UNHCR 1983 :70, 1986 :163). Most of the

UNHCR's activities in West Africa were administered through

the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) which was

based in Senegal (UNHCR 1986 :163). The UNHCR, working

through the UNDP, offered assistance on a relatively minor

scale for displaced persons (typically ex-state officiais)

who were identified by the local UNHCR authorities as

eligible for assistance and protection (UNHCR Report 1982 :

xll, 1984 : 151) . UNHCR operations in the West African region were

therefore not only limited in scale, the available

programmes catered to the care and maintenance of high

profile personalities who easily qualified for refugee

status under the UN Protocol. In reality, the beneficiaries

of UNHCR programmes were generally Ghanaians who, by virtue

of their former status, could avail themselves of assistance

from a small UN programme.

Stemming from the above, a majority of Ghanaians who

fled to neighbouring Togo, Nigeria, Upper Volta and Ivory

Coast had no national or international authority £rom whom

they could seek protection or assistance. Given this state

of affairs, the Ghanaian exiles were compelled to self -

settle or live "underground" as unregistered exiles among

the local population. Yet, it makes a great difference if a

refugee enjoys the official protection of asylum or only a

favourable reception from those whom he or she happens to

meet. Official protection can mean direct security £rom

attack. Moreover, it permits the refugee to benefit from a

series of well def ined rights and obligations under the 1951

UN Convention relating to the Status of Refugees (Nobel 1978

: 6 . Ghanaian exiles who self settled in respective West African destinations had no such protection or guarantees.

Furthemore, in matters of great significance to displaced

persons, such as accommodation, subsistence and health care

needs, the Ghanaian exiles virtually had to fend for

thernselves. This situation placed individuals in

considerable difficulties.

The absence of officia1 recognition or protection had

a profound effect on Ghanaian exiles in Nigeria during the

ejection of aliens £rom that country. In 1983, and also in

1985, Nigerian authorities expelledapproximately 1, 0 0 0 , 0 0 0

illegal Ghanaians over the allegation that Ghanaians and

other foreigners had taken jobs from native Nigerians (Arhin

1994) . The expulsion order was apparently welcome to the Nigerian public and the police who reportedly enforced it

through threats, molestation and beatings, which, in some

cases, f orced the victims to abandon their property ( ib id . ) . Under the circumstances, undocumented Ghanaian exiles who

were equally affected by the expulsion order found

themselves unshielded and caught in an extremely hopeless

situation. Some were compelled to move to other

destinations. Others disobeyed the expulsion order and

stayed on in Nigeria while some went back to Ghana.

Adding to the problems of the Ghanaian refugees was the

fact that, in the 1980s, the neighbouring West African

nations themselves were faced with severe socioeconomic

problems caused by declining dornestic investment and rapid

population growth (see Tables 4a-4c). In poor sub-Saharan

nations such as Togo, Ivory Coast, Upper Volta and Nigeria,

public finances cannot keep up with the costs of basic

education, the provision of health care, and other basic

services for the rapidly increasing population (World Bank

1993 :65) . As show in Table 4a. annuai GNP per capita in

al1 the four West African countries have been persistently

low, this has given rise to widespread poverty among the

citizens. Both food production and domestic investments have

declined significantly since 1965 (see Table 4c and 4d) .

Given these state of a£ f airs, supporting a continuous influx

of Ghanaians would have exacerbated the difficult economic

conditions in these nations. The poor economic conditions

made it extremely difficult for self-settled Ghanaian

refugees to find employment to support thernselves.

Togo, a very tiny country of 56,800 square kilometres

and an average low per capita income of US $250, has tended

to receive a substantial portion of Ghanaian exiles. Togo's

economic collapse began in the mid-1960~~ and grew worse in

the 1970s. Annual food production had declined since 1975

94

due to dependence on rain-fed agriculture and vulnerability

to drought (World Bank 1993 : 6 3 ) . Domestic investrnent in Togo

was negative between 1973-1991. The high rate of population

growth tends to place additional strain on basic social

services.

Table 4a Gross National Product per capita of Receiving West African Nations (1984-1990)

Country

Coast c Burkina Faso

84

Togo 1260 1 250 1 Source: The World B

85

190

Nigeria

1 I 1 Y

ank (1993) World Tables 199

190

, John

1

7 9 0

Hopkins U n i v Press, Baltimore

850

T a b l e 4b: Annual Population G r o w t h of The Receiving West Af rican Nations

Population Rate ( % P e r Year) 1965-91 Country 1965-73 1973-80 1980-91

Burkina 2.0 2.3 2.6 1.Coast 4.2 4.0 3.8 Nigeria 2.5 2 .4 3.1 Togo 3.8 2.4 3 . 5

Source : World Bank (1993) John Hopkins Univ Press, Baltimore

T a b l e 4c: Food Production per capita index 1975-86

Average annual % g r o w t h Countrv 1975-80 1980-85 1986

Burkina -0.9 2.5 -3 - 8 1. Coast 0.8 0.2 - 0 . 8 Nigeria -1.6 -2.4 -0.9 Togo -0.4 -2.7 - 0 . 8

Source : World Bank (1993)

T a b l e 4d Receiving West African Nations Gross Domestic Investment 1965-91 G r o w t h Rate (% per year)

Country 1965-73 1973-80 1980-91 Burkina 13.7 -2.7 - 5 - 6 1. Coast 7.8 1.5 -11-5 Nigeria 15.2 1.4 -8 - 4 Togo 3.3 -2.3 -2.0

Source: World Bank (1993)

Even in Nigeria, a country which had a relatively

better economy due to the oil boom of the 1970s, the

socioeconornic circumstances of Ghanaians was disquieting. In

key areas, such as labour and housing, there was a tendency

towards marginalization. Arhin (1994) noted that in Nigeria,

undocumented Ghanaians (comprising both political exiles and

economic migrants) were scattered throughout the country in

the kinds of jobs that were scorned by Nigerians. A report

in West Africa magazine described the life of some of the

illegal Ghanaians in Lagos (Nigeria) in this way:

A visit to the Ghanaian village of I jo ra revealed an area of f ilth, stench and squalor. 1 j ora is a sprawling area of one mile radius, and almost al1 the buildings, are wooden structures suspended on wooden poles.

Underneath these wooden structures, the liquid is stagnant and anything imaginable is dumped there. 4,000 of the 5,000 inhabitants are Ghanaians. Certain types of Ghanaians live at I j o r a . They are usually labourers, roadside hawkers, drivers, prostitutes, or unemployed. . . . . . The fact that the work of some able-bodied men at Ijora is to peel cassava and help pound 'fufu' in chop-bars is indicative of the level of unemployment (West Africa, 24 January 1983) .

Beside the socioeconomic hardships, Ghanaian exiles in

neighbouring countries did not find such places as

physically safe for refuge. These fears were reinforced by

the lack of any fonn of legal recognition or protection. In

Lome (Togo), which is a well noted haven for Ghanaian

exiles, Ghanaians who had no fixed address were frequently

arrested and detained (West Africa 1991) . It was also

alleged that PNDC hit-men, who were operating undercover in

Togo, were responsible for the attack and murder of many

Ghanaian exiles in Lome ( i b i d . ) .

Overall, given the lack of effective refugee

settlement programmes, socioeconomic hardships, and the

physical insecurities, Ghanaian exiles found neighbouring

West African nations unfavourable for permanent settlement.

Some Ghanaian exiles were cornpelled to remain in the West

African nations despite appalling conditions. Those who had

the means and access to the necessary information rnoved

beyond their immediate environs in search of refuge in

Europe or North America.

97

One factor which exercised considerable influence on

the movement of Ghanaian exiles abroad was the flow of

information about asylum conditions in different

destinations overseas. International econornic and political

links between nations, and an improved communication network

around the globe, have facilitated a greater flow of

information among distant nations. Considering the hardships

and insecurities which the exiles encountered in the West

African nations it was likely that they would seek

information about asylum conditions elsewhere, particularly

overseas. Through the news media, acquaintances and informal

sources, the Ghanaian exiles could access information about

the comparatively better asylum conditions in affluent

Western nations. Ghana's exiled dites, for instance, could

obtain asylum-related information from UNHCR and foreign

consulates. A great many of the refugees, however, received

information from kin and CO-ethnics who were already living

in Western countries including Canada (Opoku-Dapaah 1992).

No matter how limited the contacts between the exiles and

CO-ethnics living overseas, it was sufficient to carry

information across borders. Kin and CO-ethnics abroad also

provided diverse assistance including information on travel

routes and airfare. Such support was instrumental in the

movernent of Ghanaian refugees to destinations in Europe and

North America. Under such circumstances, the neighbouring

West African nations served as temporary stations for many

Ghanaian refugees en-route to final destinations in Europe

and beyond.

b) . Europe

Due to the rapid flow of information between Africa and

Europe, Ghanaian exiles in West Africa are able to easily

acquire knowledge of asylum conditions in ma j or European

destinations, such as UK, Germany, France and many others.

Frequently, the expectation of better asylum conditions has

led some Ghanaians, particularly political elites, to seek

asylum in European nations. For the most part, at least

until the 1980s, there was some basis for such expectations.

Nearly al1 European countries are signatories to the Geneva

Convention. As such, they assumed a responsibility to ensure

certain minimum standards regarding the treatment of

refugees and other displaced persons (Joly and Nettleton

1991) . Off icial settlement assistance and programmes for refugees were quite good, especially as compared to

facilities in neighbouring African countries. Even in

nations where governments took few direct responsibilities

in the settlement of refugees, non-governmental

organizations (NGOs) were f inancially assisted by

governments to provide settlernent services for refugees

(ibid. ) . Thus, Ghanaian ref ugees who sought asylum in Europe

99

could anticipate a better life in terms of settlement

assistance for housing, education, vocational training and

health than in the host West African countries.

In 1990 the British Refugee Council maintained that the

largest concentration of Ghanaian political exiles were in

Britain. At that time there were 3,228 Ghanaians with

refugee status in Britain (British Refugee Council 1990

quoted in West Africa 1991) . However, considering the

colonial ties between Ghana and the UK, the above figure is

small . Apparently, British authorities only grant asylurn to Ghanaian elites, such as former ministers and key officiais,

while al1 other applicants are denied asylurn. In fact, far

larger numbers of Ghanaian refugees are found in other

European countries.

Lwernbourg 1994. *&rce : Refugee Policy ~roup 1987. N/A Not available .

T a b l e 5 : Asylum Applications In Europe By Ghanaians

Source:Eurostats: Asylum Seekers and Refugees: A Statistical Report

1989

6

330

1409

812

59

3178

n/a

-

1990

4

1020

1095

715

111

3786

1534*

TOTAL

46

1,984

9,228

5,104

265

18,814

4,934

40,375

1988

2

172

1240

920

95

1304

n/a

COUmRY

Portugal

1986

27

196

'1822

142

-

5769

1900

1985

4

1987

3

125

1081

2515

-

783

n/a

UK

France

Netherlands

Spain

Germany

Belgium

14 1

2581

-

-

3994

1500

100

As shown in Table 5, a substantial number of Ghanaians

(4 0,3 75) sought refugee status in seven European nations

between 1985-90. The Federal Republic of Germany was the

most important destination of Ghanaian claimants in that

period. In the five-year period 1985-1990, 18,814 Ghanaians

went there to seek political asylum. A considerable number

of Ghanaians also made refugee applications in France,

Belgium and Netherlands. France received 9,228 Ghanaian

refugees between 1985-90, while 5,104 were received by the

Netherlands in the same period. Belgium also received at

least 4,934 applications in the five year period 1985-1990.

The progressive increases in the number of Ghanaian refugee

applications in major European countries in the mid- 1980s

was an indication of the importance of Europe as a

destination for Ghanaian exiles.

The increasing number of asylum seekers f rom the Third

World to Europe throughout the 1980s led to governmental

anxiety about immigration and asylum. From early 1980s

onwards immigration became a central issue of politics,

public policy and public reaction in Europe. This in turn

led to the adoption of restrictive measures by European

nations to deter Third World origin asylum seekers including

Ghanaians.

In fact the increasing arriva1 of asylum seekers from

the Third World led to a growing similarity among European

101

nations in tems of the policies chosen to control

immigration, the efficacy of immigration control measures

and public reaction to immigrants from the Third World.

Miserz (1991) argued that due to concern over the economic

recession, and the heavy financial burden arising £rom

asylum-seekers whose cases often took years to determine,

European governments were no longer prepared to rnaintain the

generous admission criteria of former years. A clear example

is that of federal Republic of Germany which, in 1980,

abolished work permits for asylum seekers and reduced the

duration of the asylum determination procedure (see Joly and

Nettleton 1991, Andreasson 1987, UNHCR 1986).

In France political parties and groups adopted anti-

immigration issues as profitable platforms on which to

campaign, which led to the enactment of restrictive laws and

actions against Third World immigrants (West Africa 1991) . Both Belgium and Netherlands imposed a Refugee Admission

Quota in 1984 (Joly and Nettleton 1991). In some of the

European countries crude instruments, such as visa

requirernents and carrier sanctions, were increasingly used

to bar refugees £rom exercising their right to seek

protection (Hathaway and Dent 1995). For instance, in 1986

Britain, which has traditionally rnaintained no formal

restrictions on Ghanaians travelling to the UK, imposed

stringent visa requirements . This meant that Ghanaians

travelling to the UK had to obtain a visa £rom the point of

departure. Considering that British consular authorities

will not issue visa to individuals for the purpose of making

a refugee daim in the UK, the visa requirement predictably

checked the flow.

Asylum seekers who managed to reach Europe's borders

were also increasingly exposed to the risk of rej ect ion, due

to the broad application of the principle of "manifestly

unfounded clairns" (Miserez 1991, Andreasson 1987) .

Typically, these were daims which were deemed to lack

credibility. And this was so for Ghanaian asylum seekers as

well. In Finland approximately half of all asylum seekers

who went through the refugee determination process were

detenined to have no credible basis to their daim

(Bodtcher et al 1993) . However, those rejected had no right

to appeal negative decisions. Miserz (1991) noted that in

several European countries the decision making took place at

the borders, including airports, which increased the risk of

refoulement in cases where the d a i m was found to lack

credible basis.

As the numbers of refugee applicants from Turkey and

African states increased they constituted a growing visible

rninority, which gave rise to animosity and intolerance,

bordering on xenophobia, arnong indigenous populations (Dirks

1994 :20) . Neo-Nazi, and other anti-immigrant organizations

103

scored propaganda victories; virtually forcing public

figures to take a tough stance against immigration in

general (West Africa 1991). Refugees became scapegoats for

many frustrations unleashed by an unhappy unification, a

global recession, and a general distrust of government

(Schnabel 1994 :4, UNHCR 1993) .

On-going attempts by Western European countries to

harmonize irnmigrat ion control measures will make it much

harder for potential asylurn seekers to enter the European

Union (EU) . The Schengen Agreement of 1985, and its follow-

up, the Dublin Convention, have led to the tightening up of

immigration and asylum policies. Provisions of these

international agreements stipulates that refugees must have

valid travel documents, and face sanctions if they cross

into EU territory illegally (Schnabel 1994) . If rejected,

the unsuccessful asylum seekers cannot reapply for asylum in

another EU country ( ib id . ) . Overall the non entree tactics, including the

imposition of restrictive visa on prospective migrants to

Europe, massive rejection of asylum applications at the

border and the withdrawal of socio-economic rights for

refugees, has stemmed the f low of Ghanaian asylum seekers to

Europe. Although many of the restrictive policies were

increasingly used in other parts of the world, such as North

Arnerica and Oceania, it was in Europe that they were most

104

highly fonalized (Hathaway and Dent 1995 : 6 . Ghanaian asylum seekers who managed to reach European countries were

conf ronted with denial of employment rights, rising anti-

immigration sentiments and high re j ection rates. Between

1984-90 the rejection rates of Ghanaian refugee claimants in

the Federal Republic of Germany, France, and Belgium al1

exceeded 90 percent (Refugee Af f a i r s 1990) . Ghanaian exiles whose refugee claims were rej ected in Europe had to look

elsewhere. Also many of those who intended to travel to

Europe from Africa had to re-orient their plans towards

different destinations which offered much prornising asylum

conditions.

c) N o r t h America

The stringent measures which were incrementally adopted

in Europe had an impact on Ghanaian refugee claimants,

causing t h e m to look at North Arnerica, particularly Canada.

United States of America

The United States has never been a major place of

resettlernent for Ghanaian refugees because of a prevailing

in£ lexible asylum regime . Rather, many Ghanaian asylum

seekers have gone to Canada due to the relatively better

asylum regime and opportunities. Speaking about US Refugee

Policy in 1986, Roger Winter, the-then director of the US

105

Comrnittee for Refugees, noted that , "with respect to

granting asylum, the US standards are among the tightest in

the world" . To be accepted for resettlement the prospective refugees should have departed directly from the country of

nationality rather than from countries of first asylum (ORR

1992) . Xsylum seekers who arrived f rom destinations which US authorities deem as safe, could be deported to such

countries. In addition, in order to deter asylum seeking in

the US, aliens arriving in the US without valid documents

are detained (Helton 1991) . This made it remarkably

difficult for many Third World origin asylum seekers,

including Ghanaians, to travel to the US to seek political

asylum. Considering the geographical distance between Ghana

and the US, and also the fact that Ghanaians could not flee

directly from their homeland, it was nearly impossible for

many Ghanaians to meet the asylum requirements of the US.

The stringent conditions surrounding refugee

resettlement in the US may have discouraged many would-be

Ghanaian claimants from travelling to the US. Available

statistics show that the number of Ghanaians asylum seekers

in the US is relatively small. In 1990, 34 Ghanaian applied

for asylum in the United States. Only 4 were granted asylum

(INS 1991 :106) . Between 1985 and 1991, only 225 Ghanaian refugee applicants were granted permanent resident status in

the US (ORR 1992) . It is possible that a larger number of

106

Ghanaian asylurn seekers may have travelled to the US without

lodging application f o r asylum. Perhaps they knew it would

be futile to request for asylum.

Canada

Cornpared to the US, Canada has been a more favoured

destination for Ghanaian re fugees . Table 6a shows the number

of refugees arrivals from the top ten source countries to

Canada between 1981 and September 1994. Ghana was among the

top ten source countries in the refugee flow to Canada

throughout this period.

T a b l e 6a: Incoming Refugee Claims in Canada (Top 10 Source Countries 1981- Sept 1994)

Period

ranch, Citizenship and ~mmigration Canada, Ottawa 1994.

TOTAL

37,440

20,144

17,460

15,233

14,869

10,936

10,823

10,775

10,215

5005

Source: International Refugee and Migration Policy E

1991- Sep-1994

15,230

10,788

- COUNTRIES

Sri Lanka

Somalia

3un 1986- 1988

8500

2600

1981-May 1986

6150

250

r

1989- 1990

7560

6506

Iran

El Salvador

India

Lebanon

China

Ghana

Portugal

Nicaragua

6800

6900

4500

3400

2750

5950

5650

3500

3350

2150

5050

150

200

1100

4500

250

3309

3281

1205

4223

4348

1593

65

598

4001

2902

4114

3163

3525

2132

n/a

657

107

Between 1981 and September 1994. 10,775 Ghanaiaris

sought for refugee status in Canada. Further, between 1981-

1986 Ghanaian claimants were arriving at the rate of about

17 per month, this rose to about 191 per month between 1986-

1988 (CIC 1994). Ghana continues to be a source country of

refugees to Canada in the 1990s.

A number of factors external to Canada, as well as the

existing detemination system, have contributed to making

Canada choice country as the place of final asylum. One

external factor was the barriers erected by many European

First World nations in that period. This deterred irregular

migration into these countries (Dirks 1994 : 2 4 ) . From 1984

onwards, when Europe adopted tougher measures against

asylum-seekers, the Canadian Refugee Status Advisory

Cornmittee (RSAC) began to receive Ghanaian refugee

applications in a sizeable number (IRB 1989).

An additional and important factor which in£ luenced the

massive influx of Ghanaian refugees to Canada in 1980-90 was

that Ghanaian claimants had prior knowledge of the f act that

Canada offered better asylum conditions. In particular, the

claimants tended to be aware of procedural guarantees

offered asylum seekers in Canada. They also knew about

refugee assistance programmes, such as the provision of

subsistence allowances, medical coverage and legal

assistance for refugee applicants. The sources of such

108

information and the migration dynamics of Ghanaian claimants

to Canada are discussed below.

Migration of Ghanaian Claimants to Canada

Sources of Information, Travel Documents and Funds for Trip

This section examines the journey of Ghanaian exiles

who sought political asylum in Canada. Table 6b indicates

the sources of pre-arriva1 information, travelling documents

and how respondents in this study financed their journey.

The evidence clearly suggests that the choice of Canada

as a final destination was inspired by pre-arriva1

information which tended to embellish Canada's positive

asylum record, and also provided f avourable in£ ormat ion, on

prevailing economic and social conditions in Canada. Pre-

arriva1 information was obtained predominantly f rom inf ormal

sources comprising the %lackmarketu and cornpatriots.

Blackmarket sources refer to a network of unauthorised

brokers who peddle fraudulent travel documents, transit

visas and other travel-related paraphernalia.

10 9

Table 6b Sources of Information, Funding f o r Journey to Canada

T o t a l

Travelling Documents: Source Kin/friends abroad Blackmarket Acquaintance

r

Travel FundsrSource ~elf/kin in Ghana Kin/friends abroad only Kin/friends in Gh only

In addition, a minority (4/30) obtained their

information £rom kin and friends who lived in Canada and

other Western countries. For the most part these infornial

sources exaggerated both the conditions in Canada and the

prevailing asylum procedures. The informat ion that they

provided to Ghanaian exiles ranged from Canada's better

asylum regime, to unlimited econornic prospects, and the

absence of racism in Canada. Kofi was given this description

about Canada by a blackmarket informant.

he told me that , upon arriva1 in Canada the government will protect me by offering me refugee status immediately. And al1 my needs will be catered for by the government . In addition, the ' connection guy' in£ormed me that the Canadian government was working with the UN to change the government in Ghana, in order that al1 Ghanaian refugees abroad could return home

'~onnectioa m a n refers to an unauthorised or blackmarket dealer. Respondents have relied on such people in arranging their trip and also in assembling their travel- related needs.

soon. He gave m e phone numbers of people in Canada whom I could contact for help. Upon arrival 1 discovered that the telephone numbers were al1 phoney.

Even respondents who had obtained pre-arriva1

in£ ormat ion f rom relatives were also given coloured

information about conditions in Canada. For instance, Kwaku,

a former bodyguard, had been briefed by a cousin who was

living in Calgary. The cousin told him that,

Canada offers sanctuary to refugees £rom a l 1 over Africa. H e added that Canadians and Britons are the same people. Since Britain had colonised Ghana in the past , Canadians were more than willing to help somebody like me..... He a l s o said the Canadian government off ered all kinds of help to Af rican ref ugees . They are taught how to use cornputers, individuals are also given free computers. The governrnent would pay the passage for my farnily t o corne over. 1 will be granted refugee status immediately on arrival, 1 could becorne a Canadian citizen in no time. 1 couldnf t help but to believe him. I was desperately in need of help.

As exemplified by the above statements, the various

unauthorised sources had fed Ghanaian claimants with

optimistic images about Canada' s asylum regime' . Undoubtedly this made travelling to Canada to seek political asylum very

appealing. Moreover, individual Ghanaian claimants

anticipated a smooth resettlernent in Canada. However, as the

'0ther examples of prior information about Canada received from inforaial sources were: Canada accepts African refugees readily due to their plight, Canada offers special f a c i l i t i e s to assist African refugees, refugees are w e ï ï treated in Canada more than any other country due to lack of deportation, refugees are offered status and citizenship soon af ter their arrival, there are unlimited job prospects.

following sections show, the experiences of Ghanaian

claimants indicate otherwise.

Most respondents travelled to Canada with false

documents whichthey frequently obtained through blackrnarket

sources (Table 6b) . A majority (24) had used fake Liberian,

Tanzanian and South African passports, since citizens £rom

these countries did not need a visa to enter Canada, while

a minority (6) travelled with f alse British, Canadian and

American passports.

The migration from West Africa to Canada required a

huge financial outlay, which was naturally beyond the means

of impoverished Ghanaian exiles. On average, those 1

interviewed paid US $100 for their false travelling

Sacuments and another US$ 200 for airline ticket to Canada.

They had travelled between 1983-1987. By Ghanaian standards,

this was an enormous financial disbursementlO. As an

example, in the mid-1980s the amount US $300 waç about 10

'cimes the monthly salary of highly paid Ghanaian

professionals, such as university lecturers and medical

doctors. Thus, arnong Ghanaian exiles, the journey to Canada

to seek asylum strongly depended on the ability to mobilise

substantial resources to finance the trip, while still

1°1n fact US$ 2 0 0 is s t i l l a substantial amount in Ghana. At the t h e of writing US $1 was equivalent to 1,700 of Ghana's local currency. Also US$ 200 is about the m u a l salary of rnost goverament employed professionals in Ghana.

bearing

Af rica .

112

the strains of the fragile asylum conditions in West

Respondents had relied on a combination of sources

as follows: a large rnajority (22) relied on kin and friends

in Ghana, while a minority (8) depended on their kin and

friends in Canada and other Western countries.

Most of the respondents declared to me that financing

their trip to Canada led to personal indebtedness to their

kin and friends. For instance, some had pressured relatives

to liquidate persona1 and family properties such as cocoa

farrns and jewels in order to raise money for their passage.

In itself these measures by exiles constitute solid

indication of their levels of desperation in the places of

first asylum, as well as their determination to leave. A t o

the politician noted:

at f irst the comection man demanded US $500 to arrange my trip and my ticket. But I said this was too rnuch, 1 bargained for nearly a week until he finally agreed t o charge me $320. Even this was too much, bu t 1 could not stay in Lagos any longer. A few days earlier, the shed (wooden structure) which I shared with six other people had been burnt dom by the police, after we failed to I1grease their palmI1 as they Say in Lagos. My insecurity was mounting daily. 1 wrote a lengthy letter to my uncle pleading for assistance. 1 told him to do whatever he could to help me, or else I would commit suicide, and truly 1 would have. He responded right- away. Bobbie --one of his sons brought me $400. My uncle had pledged his cocoa £ a m as surety to borrow money for my trip. I had to use al1 of it to arrange m y journey to Canada. It took me a while to repay my uncle -

Travel Routes and On-route Problems

Ghanaian exiles engaged in hazardous and of ten illegal

movements across international borders to seek asylum in

Canada. 1 learned from the interviews that the greatest

concern of respondents was how to evade detection while en-

route to Canada. To accomplish this, individuals adopted a

series of strategies which enabled thern to circumvent the

forrnalities associated with modern- day air travel,

particularly the regulations which had been adopted to

thwart the migration of asylum seekers.

First, and perhaps the most important strategy, was the

tendency for Ghanaian claimants to travel with second rate

airlines, such as Romanian Airlines, Balkan Airlines, Air

India, Brazilian Airlines and Aeroflot. They avoided major

international airlines such as British A i r w a y s , KLM, and

Lufthansa, which are more likely to enforce stringent

immigration requirements stipulated by Western nations.

Presurnably the former offered more flexible travel

arrangements, their requirements were less stringent and

also more suitable for the travel scheme of Ghanaian

clairnants.

Second, respondents had carefully chosen flight routes

which they described as "problem-f ree" . For instance, in

order to avoid stringent identity checks or close scrutiny

of their bogus travelling documents, respondents tended not

114

to travel through major European airports such as Heathrow

(London, UK) , and Schiphol (Amsterdam) . A regular j ourney

f rom m a j o r West African destinations to Canada would proceed

as follows: one stop over i n Europe (eg., UK, France,

Germany, Italy and Amsterdam), and then a direct flight to

Canada.

By contrast, respondents had selected routes which

allowed them to transit in countries such as Malta, %razil,

Mexico, Jamaica, Poland, Saudi Arabia and East Berlin,

where, presumably, identity checks were less diligent. This

practice m a d e the f light route of Ghanaian claimants complex

and quite cumbersome. Many respondents had corne to Canada

via one of the following routes:

Travel Routes of Respondents

Fliqht orisin Route

Ivory Coast :Libya--East Berlin--Toronto :Egypt--Belgiurn--Martinique--Toronto

Sierra Leone Burkina Faso

Third, respondent s had made t rave1 arrangements t hrough

blackmarket networks. These intermediaries were able to

negotiate all kinds of travel arrangements on behalf of

respondents.

Stemming f rom these strategies , most respondents

travelled to Canada with l i t t l e or no constraints. On the

other hand, in a few cases the journey was not always

problern-free as individuals had thought. Highly educated

respondents tended to find it relatively easy to negotiate

their way through transit points. Perhaps, their better

English-speaking skills granted them the self-confidence in

dealing with acthorities along the way. For instance,

Blankson, a former medical doctor, indicated that:

in Italy 1 told thern that 1 was a medical practitioner, travelling to Toronto for a medical conference. 1 showed them documents to that effect. These (documents) were provided by a 'connection manr in Lagos. It said that 1 was a rnedical doctor in Monrovia (Liberia). The officer just looked at the documents and told me to go.

On the other hand, other people had different experiences.

Yaw, a former trader who had also transited in Rome,

described how it was not always so easy.

My flight made a stopover at Rome, Italy. I told the airport officials that 1 was a priest, and that 1 was travelling to Canada as a tourist. The officer didn't believe me. She referred me to another officer-- probably a senior off icer . He didnf t believe me either . They asked for documents that indicated that I was a priest, I did so. 1 also showed them my testament and a rosary. The officer just looked at me and shook his head. He didn't believe me either. He took me to a room. Here 1 was detained and questioned for nearly three hours. In the end he said it was OK. Since 1 was holding a South African passport, he wanted to know why 1 was travelling to Canada via Italy.

Some individuals encountered problems while travelling with

f a l s e documents.

1 was robbed by the comection man. He charged me a hefty sum, only to give me dangerous documents. On arrival, the Canadian authorities suspected that 1 was a drug dealer, or something like that, since the (Tanzanian) passport 1 had corne with showed that I was a frequent traveller to South America and Malaysia. The comection man had convinced me that the passport was genuine, and that it will enable me to arrive in Canada without any questions-

The flight of Ghanaians to Canada is a recent

phenornenon. Historically, Ghanaians in flight sought refuge

in neighbouring African nations, particularly Togo, Nigeria

and Ivory Coast. In the absence of resettlement programmes,

the exiles self-settled in their chosen country. Many

problems, including absence of refugee determination

systerns, poverty, lack of employment opportunities, and

insufficient educational facilities, hampered resettlement

here . The absence of adequate resettlement facilities and insecurities, compelled rnany Ghanaian exiles to move to

destinations in England, Western Germany, France, Sweden and

Canada. Faced with a massive influx of new immigrants and

refugees, and a rise in anti-immigrant agitation, European

nations adopted tough measures which virtually shut out

large numbers of potential immigrants. The actual policy

measures di£ f ered f rom one country to the next but they were

117

a blend of reducing the socio econornic rights of asylum

seekers, tight procedures for eligibility for asylum,

stringent visa requirements, and sanctions against carriers.

On the other hand, prospective Ghanaian claimants

received positive if inaccurate information about Canada's

refugee resettlernent programme. Upon arriva1 in Canada the

claimants faced no immediate deportation. They also had

access to economic support. Given the unfavourable

resettlement conditions in Af rica, Europe and the US, the

relatively better asylum conditions in Canada attracted

Ghanaian claimants.

Ghanaian claimants expended great energies towards

their migration to Canada to seek asylum, suggesting that

they had anticipated becoming ref ugees overseas . The j ourney

itself was very strategic. It was masterminded by

unauthorised brokers, but financed by kin and compatriots.

Claimants appeared detennined about the whole exercise. They

had used f raudulent documents and their travel patterns were

carefully planned in order to circumvent established travel

rules and regulations. Boyd (1990 : 6 3 8 ) has argued that

family and persona1 networks play an important role in

international migration, including that of conduits of

information, as well as providers of social and financial

assistance. Yet , as show by the preceding diçcussions, only

a minority of Ghanaian claimants relied on familial networks

118

in assembling information, essential documents and funds to

travel to Canada.

The asylum phenornenon has led to the rise of a

subculture of international refugee brokers who peddle

diverse information on refugee seeking procedures, counsel

would-be claimants on travel routes, and also supply false

documents. The evidence suggests that, by themselves, the

tightening of asylum laws cannot stop the movernent of asylum

seekers. Rather, it tends to give rise to innovative ways of

seeking asylum and the exploitation of vulnerable exiles by

black-marketeers.

PART 2

CANADIAN POLICIES AND RESPONSES TO GHANAIAN REFUGEES AND CLAXMANTS

Chapter 5

Canadian Refugee P o l i c i e s : An Overview

Introduction

The main objective of this chapter is to lay the

foundation for analyzing Canada's response to Ghanaian

refugees and claimants. It also outlines some of the

political, economic and cultural biases that have been noted

to influence the selection of refugees to Canada- The

chapter begins with a brie£ historical review of Canadian

refugee policy. Particular attention is given to Canada's

immigration legislations and inland refugee determination

procedures, which emerged in response to the unprecedented

inrush of asylum seekers in the late 1980s. Though these

responses have reduced the inflow of asylum seekers, they

have failed to f u l l y curb the arriva1 of new asylum seekers.

Moreover, asylum seekers in Canada are made to feel insecure

by low acceptance rates, and the deportation of rejected

claimants . The ef fect of the recent Iegislations on Ghanaian claimants, in particular, is considered in the following

chapter . Immigration has played a vital role in the peopling of

Canada since Confederation in 1867. Several millions of

immigrants have been admitted into the country since that

time (Dirks 1994 2 ) . Historically, the "formation and

maintenance of Canada as a nation statew has been a key

consideration in the formulation of immigration policy"

(Satzewich 1991a, Hardcastle et al 1994, Basok and Simmons

1992) . Invariably, this concept has been expressed by the desire to admit permanent immigrants who can make a positive

contribution to the on-going capitalist accumulation.

Consequently, the premise underlying Canadian immigration

policy assumes that immigrants and refugees wishing to

settle here have to be screened and processed by officers

abroad (Dirks 1984, 1994 : 2 3 ) . On the other hand,

uncontrolled movements of people to Canada must be prevented

( i b i d ) . Even though the state has traditionally maintained

control over immigration policy-making and the

implementation of policy obj ectives, lobbying by interest

groups (including ethnic groups, humanitarian organizations

and provinces) also play an influential role in these

processes (Simmons and Keohane 1992 :422, Troper 1993 :256).

Thus, Hardcastle (1994 :96) contended that, the development

of immigration policy is best characterised by a tension

existing between two embedded dynamics: "a nation building

statism, involving the management of policy by governmental

elites accordi-ng to an agenda which legitimates state action

''~efugee policy has always been a major component of immigration policy.

and promotes national goals, and by a pluralistic social and

political structure which enables particular societal

pressures to bear on the process". Important as this

observation is, it fails to account for t he inequalities

arnong interest groups with respect to their relative ability

to exert influences on the direction of immigration

policies.

Basok and Simmons (1992 : 134 ) argued that , prior to the

Second World War, Canada's immigration policy was entirely

an inward-directed policy. They note further that the

policies were primarily concerned with the contributions

immigrants could make to the social and economic

developments of the country without any consideration of

Canadaf s political role on the international scene ( i b i d . ) .

For instance, the Fathers of Conf ederation imagined that

Canada would be a "white man's countryw, whereby white

settlers would migrate to the new land and transplant and

reproduce many British institutions, traditions, and ideas

(Satzewich 1992 :91, Abella 1992) . It appears such a

conception gave rise to exclusionist and prohibitive

immigration policies. Immigrants with an agricultural

background £rom Europe were given preference through to the

1920s (Dirks 1977 :24-35, Basok and Sirnmons 1992 :135,

Abella 1992 : 81) . European refugee minorities, including the Dukhobors, Mennonites and Russian Jews, were also admitted

122

as part of the agricultural colonization of the Western

provinces (Dirks 1977 : 24-35) .

However, there was opposition to these restrictive

policies £rom the business community and ethnic groups. The

business community lobbied incessantly, and successfully,

for the admission of cheap, pliant labour, then abundant in

Southern and Eastern Europe (ibid.) . Ethnic groups (such as

the Italians, Jews, Poles, Ukrainians and F i m s ) also

pressured for changes in policy which would allow them to

brinq in relatives (ibid. ) . In the post-Second World War era the eurocentric and

inward-centred character of Canada's immigration policy

gradually changed. This stemmed £ r o m her new self-image and

partly £ r o m developments on the dornestic scene. Basok and

Simmons (1992: 135) argue that Canada was to become not only

a major urban industrial nation but also a world leader in

peace and humanitarian development efforts. Explicitly

racist immigration controls were becorning increasingly

embarrassing for government officiais who wanted to see

Canada become a legitimate actor on the world stage

(Satzewich 1992 :306) . Despite the above concerns the racist and restrictionist policies were only reluctantly dropped

f r o m the 1960s onwards.

Between 1962-64, legislations were introduced to

abolish the racial and ethnically discriminatory provisions

123

in Canadar s immigration regulat ions (Hawkins 1972 ) . This policy was eventually passed in 1967. By the early 1950s

Canada was actively participating in the work of

international refugee agencies such as the International

Refugee Organization, Canada also chaired the UN'S Economic

and Social Council (Dirks 1977 : 178) . In 1969, Canada became

a signatory to the UN Convention on Refugees and Displaced

Persons (Dirks 1977) . Canada's emergence into the

international arena as a fully independent state encouraged

the government to accept responsibilities in keeping with

this new stature ( i b i d . ) .

Changes in Canada's immigration policy also reflected

the vast expansion of the national economy in the post-war

era i d ) . The relative prosperity in that period, and

labour shortages, particularly in the construction and

industrial sectors during the 1950s and 1960s, called for a

rise in the levels of immigrant intake (Simmons 1990 : 142) . However, the high demand for highly skilled workers in

Canada could not be met in traditional "whitetq source

countries alone (Hawkins cited in Satzewich 1992 : 307) .

A "points systemtt of immigrant select ion was introduced

in 1967 which emphasised educational and occupational

qualifications, and language abilities of applicants

b d . The main motivation for this was to improve

Canada's international image and bring immigratisn

124

legislation into line with domestic economic needs and human

rights policy more generally (Troper 1993 :266).

There were no explicit provisions for the admission of

refugees under the 1967 legislation. The goals of earlier

immigration policy generally emphasised the provision of

workers to meet the requirements of the labour market, the

reunif ication of families, and the attraction of

entrepreneurs with capital who were willing to invest in

Canada (Dirks 1984 :280) . Moreover, in that period refugees were perceived to be a phenornenon arising primarily £rom

postwar conflicts in Europe (Basok and Simmons 1992, Dirks

1977 : 178, Troper 1993 :264) . However churches and voluntary

groups, seeking to further Canada's humanitarian attitude

towards oppressed people, as well as immigrant communities

seeking ways to reunite families, repeatedly pressed for a

more liberalized refugee policy (Dirks 1977 : 128 -150 ) .

In 1978, refugees became recognized as a distinct

category of immigrants. At that time, Canada began to

establish provisional targets for the admittance of refugees

£rom different geographic regions in the annual intake of

immigrants (Simrnons and Keohane 1992 :423, Abella 1993 :93).

In addition, Canada continued to provide assistance towards

the local settlement of refugees in their places of first

asylum, or towards their repatriation to their homeland

(Basok and Simmons 1992, CIC 1994).

12 5

Since the late 1 9 8 0 ~ ~ increasing numbers of irregular

and undocumented migrants from different parts of the world

have come to Canada to seek asylum, including some

economically motivated migrants (Dirks 1994 : 23, Simmons and

Keohane 1992, Richmond and Lam 1993). The uncontrolled

arriva1 of thousands of, both genuine and f raudulent asylum

seekers, have tended to transform Canada into a de facto

state of asylum (Dirks 1994 :23) . Moreover, these movements

have severely shaken existing refugee law and practice.

Canadian authorities have reacted with defensive policies,

driven by the imperative of deterrence . New legislat ions

introduced in 1989 and the early 1990s sought to deter such

people from reaching Canada, and introduced penalties for

those who aided undocumented persons to corne to Canada for

the purpose of seeking asylum.

Canada's Refugee Policy

Canadar s refugee admissions policy can be divided into

two major parts. One aspect concerns individuals outside

Canada, who seek to gain entry into Canada as refugees

through the application process at immigration offices

around the world. The second aspect relates to persons

already within Canada who wish to remain and base their

requests on the provisions of the 1951 UN Convention on

ref ugees" . Refuqee Policy Prior to the 1976 Irnrnisration Act

Canada had no clearly formulated refugee policy until

1977. Nor did she accede to the provisions of the 1951

UNHCR's Convention on t he Status of Refugees until 1969

(Dirks 1977 : 230, Whitaker 1987 : 2 9 0 ) . Table 7 describes the

major refugee-related developments and policies since the

1960s.

Prior to 1977, governmental activity with respect to

refugee en t ry was based exclusively upon ad hoc decisions

and cabinet orders-in-council (Dirks 1977, 1984 :230,

Whitaker 1987 :290-294). Canadian immigration officiais

abroad applied similar criteria in the selection of both

economic immigrants and refugees (Howard 1980, Dirks 1984).

Since no statutory recognition of refugees existed in

Canadian legislation, aliens who sought the right to remain

in Canada by making refugee daims from with in Canada could

not point to any statutory safeguards. The authority to

enable an alien to remain in Canada rested exclusively with

the Minister for Manpower and Immigration (Dirks 1984 :280,

Hawkins 1972) . The number of persons who gained admission into Canada through that procedure was small (Dirk 1984

:281, Adelrnan 1991) .

12such people are referred to as claimants in this work.

127

T a b l e 7 : Highlights of Major Developments in Canadian

ERA

1962 -64

1969

Pre - 1976 era

1976

1979

1985

1986

1988

1989

1992

WLJOR FEATURES OF POLICY

Elhination of racist provisions in refugee selection, the law was finally changed in 1967.

Canada became signatory to the UN Convention relating to the Status of Refugees and its Protocol.

No independent status for refugees : ref ugees admi tted mainly as immigrants.

The 1976 Immigration Act (enabled in 1978) recognised refugees as a distinct category, subject to a different admission criteria; The RSAC and a formalized inland determination procedure estabd.

Claimants are refused working rights while claims are pending.

Oral refugee hearing procedures became mandatory following Supreme Court ruling in Singh's case.

Administrative Review process was established to deal with refugee backlog of about 25,000

Backlog Clearance Prog. created to deal with existing backlog of over 100,000 prior to implementation of new policy in 1989

Introduction of Bills C-55 and C- 84 (implemented in Jan 1990) to control inflow of claimants; IRB and a two-tier inland determination procedure estabd. Safe third country clause passed but not enforced pending a bilateral agreement with the USA; Claimants granted working rights upon successful completion of first level hearinq.

Government tabled Bill C-86 to expedite inland refugee determination process, and to prevent abuses to the existing system by irregular migrants; Safe third country provisions enforced; claimants are permit ted to work while claim iç p&ding.

SOURCE

Dirks 1977 :225- 230, Hawkins 1972 :125

Dirks 1977 : 230 Whitaker 1987 :290

Dirks 1977 and 1984 :230, Whitaker 1987:94

Dirks 1984 :289, Whitaker 1987 :29l-293,

Adelman 1991,

Whitaker 1987 :292-293

Nash 1994 :123, CIC 1994 -- -

CIC 1994

- - - - - -

Simmons and Keohane 1992 ~431, Dirks 1994 :25, Nash 1994 : 117.

Dirks 1994 :27, G ~ M 1994 :104, Nash 1994 :ll7.

Prior to 1962 -64, Canadian refugee admission practices

were based on a nationality preference system which was

racist in tone and biased in favour of Europeans (Dirks

1977, Hawkins 1972) . Abella (1992 :78) has maintained that

those races and peoples who would be admitted were

specifically written into the legislation in descending

order of importance.

At the top of the list were British and White Americans who were always acceptable; following the British and American were Northern Europeans, then Central Europeans, and finally Southern and Eastern Europeans. At the bottom of the list were Jews followed by Orientals and Blacks (ibid. ) .

Thus, immigration controls assumed that people of

certain socio-cultural backgrounds would not be able to

readily participate in Canadian economic, political, and

social processes (Satzewich 1991a) . Al1 the vestiges of

racial and ethnic discrimination were f inally expunged f rom

Canada's refugee policies in 1967 (Dirks 1977 :225, Hawkins

1972 :125, Whitaker 1987 :214). Canada then moved in the

direction of universality in the admission of refugees

(Adelman 1991, Simmons 1990, Whitaker 1987) .

Refusee Policy After The Immiqration Act of 1976

Following the introduction of a new immigration Act in

1976, Canada fonnally adopted an institut ionalised f ramework

to fulfil its international obligations with respect to

refugees and also to uphold its humanitarian tradition

(Dirks 1984, Abella and Troper 1982 :190, Abella 1993 :92).

The Act clarified the question of eligibility for refugee

admission to Canada by creatîng three classes of refugees.

Firstly, Canada could admit refugees in accordance wîth the

1951 United Nations Convention. Secondly, the government

could relax the definition of a refugee by granting

"designated class s ta tus" to persons in refugee-like

situations and admit them through the use of a more lenient

criteria (Lanphier 1991 Basok and Simmons 1992 :148, Dirks

1984 :288). Thirdly. provision was made for refugees to be

privately sponsored by a group of five or more people

(Burstein 1991) . Potent ial sponsors would assume

responsibility for the well-being of the sponsored refugee

for one year (Basok and Simmons 1992) . The 1976 Immigration Act formalized the process of

refugee status detemination for persons who sought asylum

from within Canada (Dirks 1984 :289-290). A n e w body called

the Refugee Status Advisory Cornmittee (RSAC) was given the

task of detennining the validity of refugee claims made in

Canada (ibid. ) . Refugee claims would be made under oath by

an examining officer in the presence of a lawyer, and an

interpreter if required. Then the application would be

forwarded to the RSAC for considerations (ibid. ) . Claimants whose application were denied could launch an appeal with

the Immigration Appeal Board and, subsequently. with the

Federal Court ( ib id . ) .

Some limitations were imposed on claimants , presumably

to prevent Canada £rom becoming a dumping ground for

potential asylum seekers (Dirks 1 9 8 4 , Adelman 1991) . A

claimant could only apply for status determination during

the course of a removal inquiry, at which point his or her

status had already been determined to be illegal (Adelman

1991 :202). Moreover, claimants could not appear in person

before the RSAC to defend their applications (Dirks, 1984,

Adelman 1991, Lanphier 1991). New regulations, irnplemented

in 1979, prevented claimants £ r o m participating in the

labour force while their claim were pending (Adelman 1991

:204) . Since the immigration act did not clarify whether claimants were eligible to pursue studies while their claims

were pending, immigration authorities exercised considerable

discretion over the granting of education rights to

claimants and their dependants (Grey 1992).

The preceding limitations engendered criticisms from

refugee advocates, including lawyers, church groups and

immigrant communities. The advocates were dissatisfied with

what they felt were inadequacies surrounding the refugee

status determination procedures, particulary the failure to

assure claimants a humane and fair hearing before the RSAC

(Dirks 1984. Troper 1993 : 257) . These concerns led to the

13 1

establishment of the Robinson Task Force in 1980 to report

on a variety of issues arising from inland refugee

determination. Recommendations f rom the Task Force led to

the granting of minimal procedural rights to claimants in

comection with the refugee hearing process (Lanphier 1991) . For instance, claimants were of ten given the "bene£ it of the

doubt" in course of a hearing (ibid. ) . Y e t , analyses of the

refugee acceptance rates at that time indicates otherwise.

As shown in Appendix B Table 2.1. only a srnall proportion of

refugee claims, which were finalized by the RSAC between

1978-1988, were accepted.

In 1985, a landmark Supreme Court ruling on the nature

of inland refugee determination led to the extension of more

substantive procedural guarantees to claimants. In that year

Singh, who was a refugee claimant, challenged the legality

of the prevailing refugee detenination procedures in which

claims were detemined administratively with no oral hearing

accorded to the claimant (Glenn 1994, Richmond 1989) . The Supreme Court invalidated the executive f o n of refugee

detenination and supported oral hearings in the course of

ref ugee determinat ion. Oral ref ugee hearings which had begun

on a trial basis were made mandatory in 1985 (Grey 1988,

Adelman 1991) . Revised policies stipulated that claims would be heard in a non-adversarial fashion before adjudicators.

Claimants could apply for legal aid and interpreters for

their hearing.

Post-1985 Develo~ments and Subsesuent Lesislations

Beginning f rom the mid-1980s, delays associated with

the refugee hearing system, and a significant rise in

refugee claims, led to a backlog of unresolved claims which

took several months to process (Lanphier 1 9 9 1 , Simmons

1991). Over 100,000 claimants arrived between May 1986 and

December 1988 (CIC 1994) . Fears of system overload were

complicated by reports of fraudulent claimants with no

llwell-founded f e a r of being persecutedu who were using the

refugee programme t o jump the immigration queue, or

otherwise bypaçs regular procedures (Troper 1993, Sirnmons

and Keohane 1992). Elements of racism came to the fore. "To

many, Canada was beginning t o look like the United Nations,

there were too many brown, yellow and black faces on their

city streets and subways for their liking" (Decima Pol1 Dec

1988 quoted in Abella 1992). These sentiments had an impact

on subsequent refugee policy.

In the late 1980s a number of new federal statutes

dealing with refugee questions were passed. The government

was determined to bring in legislation which would make it

more difficult to d a i m refugee status in Canada, as well as

deal with the backlog of cases, which totalled over 100,000

by the end of 1988. Hearings on the proposed legislations

led to acrimonious debate and a breakdown in trust between

NGO leaders, refugee advocacy groups and state bureaucrats

(Sirnmons and Keohane 1992 :432) .

Bill C-55 , which was inaugurated in January 1989,

required refugee claimants to submit their claims and have

them approved prior to being permitted to corne to Canada

( i d ) . The Immigration and Refugee Board (IRB) was

established as an independent tribunal to detemine the

status of claimants (Dirks 1994 : 25 ) . Under the new

legislation, refugee determination was a two-phase process

comprising an initial "credible basis" hearing and a second

full hearing for those accepted at the first one (Burstein

1991, Lam and Richmond 1993). Once the claimant had

successfully completed the initial hearing, s/he was

eligible for a work permit pending completion of the second

stage (Lam and Richmond 1993). Where claims were referred to

the second level, a two member-panel would decide if the

claimant met the def inition of "ref~gee~~ established by the

UN Convention (EIC 1990, Grey 1992) . If the claimant was

recognized by one member then s /he could apply for landed

immigrant status (Grey 1992). Rejected claimants could

appeal to the Federal Court on technical matters (Dirks

1994, G î e m 1992 :26, Grey 1994). Bill C84, which also came

into effect in 1989, imposed severe penalties on those who

aided people without valid documents to travel to Canada.

A separate backlog procedure- the Backlog Clearance

Programme- was created in 1988 to deal with over 100,000

claims that had remained undecided prior to the

implementation of B i l l C-55 ( C I C 1994) . Provisions permitted authorities to return claimants to "safe third countries"

from which they transited en route (if that country was a

signatory to the Geneva convention, and the refugee could

have made a daim in that country) were enacted, but were

never brought into force (Glenn 1994, Adelman 1994 : 71) . In June 1992 the Canadian government tabled new

immigration legislation Bill C - 8 6 , in response to some

difficulties confronting the general immigration prograrnmz

(Dirks 1994 :27, Glenn 1994). To expedite the refugee

determination process, the f irst stage of the hearing

process established as part of Bill C-55 was abolished (CIC

1994). In addition, persons clearly not in need of Canada's

protection would be denied access to the refugee

determination system. Prospective claimants are photographed

and fingerprinted, in an effort to detect and prevent

multiple refugee applications (Dirks 1994) . Finally,

rejected claimants, are still granted the right to an appeal

to the Federai Court, but the appeal is heard in the Trial

Division by one judge instead of three (Dirks 1994, Glen

1994) -

Beside the stringent legislations, which were adopted

1 3 5

in the late 1980s and early 1990s, Canada has also

participated actively in multilateral efforts to deal with

global migratory pressures i d ) . For instance in 1983,

Canada became a full p a r t n e r in the Working Group on

Migration of the Organization for Economic Cooperation and

Development (Dirks 1994 :28) . In 1986, Canada joined the

uInformal Consultation Groupu-- an amual gathering of

Western European governments to discuss issues associated

with irregular migration ( ib id . ) . Presently, the sa£ e third

country provision has been passed but not yet enforced. Lt

is likely that a new bilateral agreement with the United

States will result in its enforcement. B y participating in

such international endeavours, Canada has been working with

other industrial nations in a persistent effort to limit, if

not curtail, the massive inflow of unauthorised migration.

Assessing Canada's Refugee P o l i c i e s

The inland Refusee determination process

Since the mid-1980s shifts in the international geo-

political scene--particularly the break-up of the Soviet

Union, the outbreak of conf licts in the ex-communist

countries in Europe, along with the rise of authoritarian

regimes in parts of the Third World-- have engendered

conflicts and also massive outflows of citizens. People

fleeing the conflicts and its consequent economic hardships

13 6

have created mounting immigration problems in the industrial

world including Canada. For instance, refugee daims in

Canada increased ninefold £rom 1983 to 1992 (CIC 1994).

The phenomenal rise in the overall inflow of claimants

to Canada provided a context in which the general policy,

and its application to asylum seekers, evolved. Through a

series of revisions to the 1976 act and new legislations

(Bill C - 5 5 , C-84 and C - 8 6 ) authorities have increasingly

tightened the procedures for getting access to Canada to

seek asylum. Increased interdiction efforts by immigration

officers, stationed in foreign airports, have stopped over

4,000 would-be claimants £rom travelling to Canada since

1990 (Refuge Update 1994, Lam and Richmond 1994).

The clampdown comes amidst a growing national

disenchantment with Canada's traditional welcome for

newcomers from overseas. In 1989, some 31 per cent of

Canadians indicated that too many immigrants were being

allowed into Canada (Angus Red Group 1990). The figure rose

to 39 percent in 1990 and to 49 percent in 1991 (Hardcastle

et al 1994 : 132) . However, results from more recent polis suggest that the negative attitude towards immigrant intake

has declined slightly. In a 1994 public survey, 47 percent

of respondents said Canada was accepting too many immigrants

(Angus Reid 1994). The issues of refugee admission is often

confused with a growing anxiety about the changing

ethnographie face of Canada. The principal reason for public

concern has been the phenomenal rise in claims, including

unjustified claims, especially before legislations such as

C-55 and C-86 were proposed.

Though the stricter controls integral to recent ref ugee

legislations--Bills C 55, C-84 and C 86-- have prevented a

significant number of refugee claimants from accessing

Canadafs refugee determination system, however, the policies

have been unsuccessful in entirely curtailing the inflow of

irregular migrants. The total refugee claims rose

considerably from 19,931 in 1989 to 36,725 in 1990--the year

Bill C-55 and C-84 actually came into effect (see Table 8).

Total claims dropped to 32,337 in 1991. In 1992, on the

other hand, the total inflow rose sharply to a record high

of 37,744. The implementation of Bill C - 8 6 in 1993 resulted

in a remarkable decline in the number of refugee

applications, d o m to 21,058 from the high levels of 1992.

By September 1994, over 15,000 individuals had sought asylum

in Canada; the number was expected to rise to 20,000 at the

end of that year. Immigration authorities anticipate that

the total daims in 1995 will reach similar levels. Though

the amual arriva1 levels have remained under the 30,000

mark since 1992, the inflow of around 20,000 yearly is also

quite substantial; especially since stricter legislations

and penalties aimed at deterring perçons f rom prof iting f rom

fraudulent refugee claimants have al1 been established.

The key question is, why have the deterrent policies

adopted in the late 1980s failed to curb the inflow of

asylum seekers to Canada? It is difficult for one to figure

out exactly why asylum seekers continue to corne to Canada.

But there is one obvious reason. Political upheavah and

ethnic conflicts continue to displace large numbers of

people in several parts of t he developing world. Many of

these are able to find their w a y to Canada and beyond.

Furthemore, as indicated by the case of Ghanaians, asylum

seekers have developed strategies which are designed t o

circurnvent even the most stringent immigration policies.

T a b l e 8: Refugee Claimants in Canada 1989-1994 (Sept) : Gender Breakdom

Integral to the numerous legislative changes in

Canada' s refugee law, are the several procedural rights that

Femaf e 19519

37,137

T o t a l 5 6 , 6 5 6

have been conferred on claimants. These include: oral

Source: CIC (1994) Refugee C l a i m s in Canada and Resettlement F r o m Abroad: Statistical Digest, Ottawa. International Refugee and Migration Policy Branch

Sept- 1994

6,035

9 , 4 2 5

15,460

hearing before an adjudicative panel, r i g h t to appeal a

Total

6 0 , 6 4 0

102 ,615

1 6 3 , 2 5 5

1991- 1992

39,405

42,974

69,062

1993

7,979

13,079

21,058

139

negative decision before the Federal Court and also the

right to legal counsel in the course of a hearing. Despite

this recognition, many claimants feel very insecure, for a

number of reasons. These are described below.

a) . ~dversarial A d j u d i c a t i o n

In practice, the refugee hearing processes have tended

to be adversarial and not adjudicative as was originally

intended (Hathaway 1993, Glenn 1994, Law R e f o n n Commission

1992). For example, in a review of the refugee hearing

process, Hathaway (1993 :13) noted that, many Refugee

Hearing Off icers (RHOs) have circumvented off icial policy by

adopting a fundamentally prosecutorial posture in course of

refugee hearing. He pointed out that "the prosecutorial

stance can be seen in the tendency of some RHOs to I1work"

their private contacts in other federal departments,

security agencies, and even foreign governments, to discover

compromising data on refugee claimants" i d ) . A similar

adversarial posture is evident in the refusal of some RHOs

to comply with pre-hearing disclosure requirements, a

position which several justif ied by citing the need to "save

some ammunition" for the hearing ( i b id . ) . These efforts are

not only non-neutral they can jeopardize the refugee

applications of many claimants.

(b) Protracted Delays in the processing of claims

The processing time for refugee claims, which took

approxirnately a week in the late 1970s and early 1980s,

increased substantially to twelve months and beyond in the

late 1980s. Even with the introduction of a new

administrative mechanisms in 1 9 8 9 the processing time is

about nine months (CIC 1994) -

(c) Fluc tua t ing Acceptance Rates and Deportation of rejected c l a i m a n t s

The plight of claimants delayed by the refugee backlog

is exacerbated by fluctuating acceptance rates and

determined efforts to remove xe j ected claimants . For

example, between 1989 and 1993, refugee acceptance rates

f e l l by nearly 40 percent ( I R B 1989-94). Following the

irnplementation of Bill C - 5 5 in 1989, the overall acceptance

rates declined steadily from 81 percent in 1989 to 61

percent in 1992 (CIC 1994) . The overall acceptance rates declined further to 55 percent in 1993, only to rise

unsubstantially to 60 percent in the first six months of

1994 (IRB 1994). Quarterly summaries of the outcornes of

refugee determinations between 1989-1994 are show in

Appendix B Table 2.1. From 1989, up until the first two

quarters of 1991, the acceptance rates consistently remained

over 70 percent. Since that period, the quarterly acceptance

rates have declined steadily until 1994.

141

Rej ected ref ugee claimants face removal f rom Canada.

Data £ r o m Immigration authorities show that 27,817 were

removed between 1989 and 1994. While 4,672 refugee claimants

were removed in l992, their number increased to 6,404 in

1993 (Refuge Update 1994 :5) .

Canada's overseas Refusee Admission prosramme

As illustrated by the earlier discussions,

historically, nation-building considerations have had an

impact on Canadian immigration policies. At the turn of the

century Canada's immigration policies were rasially

exclusive and biased towards Europeans. In more contemporary

times, the policies are influenced by a broader criteria,

including internat ional reputat ion, economic growth and the

attraction of foreign capital. Whichever reason or reasons

the government chooses to use in admitting immigrants or

granting special status to refugees from particular

countries, the decisions reflect the prevailing attitudes

and priorities at that time.

While managing Canada's inland refugee detemination

process has posed problems for the authorities. refugee

resettlement through special programmes and overseas

selection processes have facilitated rapidity and

flexibility in Canada's policy reçponses. About 80 percent

of the 275,000 perçons that were resettled or granted asylum

from 1983-1992 were selected abroad, while j u s t over 20

percent were claimants who were recognised as Convention

refugees by t h e refugee status determination system in

Canada (CIC 1994) . However, this proportion has changed.

Since 1992, more persons have been recognised in Canada than

have been resettled from abroad. From January 1992 to June

1994, over 400,000 persons were recognised as Convention

refugees in Canada, while just over 30,000 were resettled

f rom abroad ( ib id . ) . By far the largest combined government and private

programme for the admission of refugees has been the

Indochinese who have been admit ted through the designated

class category (Dirks, 1984 : 296, Adelman 1991) . By

September 1994, a total of 134,639 of these refugees had

been accepted into Canada for resettlement (see Appendix B

Table 2.2) . Individuals of Eastern European origin,

particularly Poles, Czechs and Hungarians , have also been

beneficiaries of the designated class criteria. Over 104,000

of them have been admitted to Canada through special

programmes since the late 1970s. In contrast, those wishing

to depart £rom African and Central American nations

undergoing civil war have not, in general, been granted

designated class status (Basok and Simmons 1992).

Critics have observed that Canada's refugee and

humanitarian admission programmes are carefully targeted to

143

a limited range of identified countries, and to specific

individuals who meet a different range of criteria than

those required of refugees (Whitaker 1987, Nash 1994,

Hathaway 1988). Thus, as maintained by Nash (19941, the

number of people admitted tends to be restricted and the

areas they corne from carefully controlled by the operation

of these programmes.

Political factors have, historically, played a role in

the selection of refugees. When it is politically expedient-

-particulary in the case of Africans where the potential

"political cost", is minimal or even absent, Canada has

tended not to offer them resettlement here. Other analysts

(Whitaker 1984, Dirks 1984, Abella and Troper 1983, Adelman

1992) have also observed that, during the Cold Wars, Canada

was ideologically opposed to left-wing refugees, while being

unfairly lenient towards right-wing extrernists. In addition,

as part of the effort to be more neutral and independent in

East-West conflicts, Canada has also shown gradual, but more

restricted, acceptance of refugees f rom right -wing

dictatorships in Chile and El Salvador (Basok and Simmons

1992 : 154, Abella 1984) . Foreign policy priorities of the day have, therefore, had a mixed effect on refugee

movements, admitting some while closing the door on other

would-be refugees (Troper 1993) .

Canada's refugee admission processes have also been

pragmat ic and predisposed to influences of economic

ideology. Senior immigration officials have argued in the

past that "since Canada was an immigration country, ref ugees

had to be considered for their ability to adapt to, and

resettle in Canada, and could not be considered sirnply f rom

the perspective of their need for protection" (qyoted in

Adelman 1991 :202). The policies are partly based on the

historical desire to attract people who were capable of

contributing to the development of t he country's domestic

economy (Nash 1994, Basok and Sirnmons 1992) . Commentators,

such as Nash (1994) and Richmond (1989) , have argued that

t h i s criterion has meant that only those with skills of

perceived value to the Canadian economy will be given

preference, while those with no accumulated wealth or

employment potential in this country will not be selected.

To a large extent, the observation that human capital

factors influences the selection of refugees remains valid.

For example, very few wornen or disabled refugees are

selected £rom abroad (Nash 1994 :119). Refugees admitted to

Canada also tend to include a high proportion of young adult

males with relatively high levels of education (Basok and

Simmons 1992 : 150, Boyd 1987 : 9) . Yet, as exernplif ied

particularly by Af ricans and Central Americans, there are

several other refugees. seeking admission into Canada, who

possess professional experience and academic qualifications

and have still been ignored by Canada.

Aside from political and economic factors, lobbying by

pro-refugee groups, such as church organizations and recent

immigrant communities, have been sophisticated and effective

in placing and keeping humanitarian considerations on the

public table (Basok and Simmons 1993, Simmons and Keohane

1993, Troper 1993). The authors have further noted that

recent immigrant groups which have a vested interest in

promoting family reunification policies, and other ways of

allowing kin to immigrate to Canada have tended to advance

the cause of refugees seeking to join their kin in Canada

(Basok and Simmons 1992) . However, it should be pointed out that some immigrant groups, particularly those belonging to

the visible minorities, are especially disadvantaged. While

it is true that lobbying and advocacy can produce more

liberal policies towards the admission of kin or

compatriots, not al1 immigrant groups are capable of

mobilizing such pressure. Some groups possess the necessary

organizational abilities and resources to embark on advocacy

or present their grievances to the necessary authorities,

while others, such as more recent refugee arrivals in

Canada, are not well as well equipped to do so. Furthemore,

not al1 groups have access to the information required in

order to lobby or advocate on behalf of their compatriots.

Following the removal of the last vestiges of

implicitly racist provisions from ethnocentric and

re£ugee policy in

146

t h e

1967, Canada moved towards universality in

the admission of refugees. Despite this, racial and ethnic

discrimination may have cont inued af terwards under an

administrative guise (Troper 1993) . The issue of refugee

admission is often confused with a growing anxiety about the

changing ethnographie face of Canada. The resources of the

immigration bureaucracy are almost exclusively concentrated

in areas of traditional immigrant pref erence, the UK, US and

Western Europe. Few on-site immigration services are off ered

and little immigration money is spent in non-European parts

of the developing world (Troper 1993 :266) .

The preceding factors influenced Canada's decision to

reject or admit refugees from particular countries. Hence

the discussions of these factors are equally relevant to the

analyses of Canadian responses towards Ghanaian exiles and

claimants.

s-ry

Canada has increasingly adopted stringent rnechanisms--

including tougher legislations, participation in

multilateral agreements in order to stop the inflow of

unauthorised migrants. Further , refugee claimants in Canada

experience insecuri ties including higher re j ect ion rates and

the deportation of unsuccessful applicants. The study has

147

argued that though these measures have led to a significant

reduction in the level of incoming refugee claims in Canada,

large scale inflow of asylum seekers continues. It has also

been shown that though Canada tend to pref er refugees who

can make positive contribution to the domestic economy, in

some cases refugees who meet such criteria are not offered

settlement here. Furthemore, while advocacy and lobbying by

interest groups can lead to more liberal admission policies,

not al1 groups nave the resources to employ these

strategies.

Chap t er 6

Canadian Responses to Ghanaian Refugees and Claimants

Introduction

This chapter offers a preliminary review of Canadian

refugee policy responses towards Ghanaian refugees and

claimants. The arriva1 of Ghanaian claimants at Canadian

borders in search of political asylum, and their subsequent

resettlement in Canada, are relatively speaking, recent

developments that date from the late 1970s. Canada has no

specific policies towards Ghanaian refugees. This is in

effect a policy which states that Ghana has not suffered

from widespread violence that would merit a designated class

status. This study argues that Ghanaians are treated

unf airly, since other ref ugees f leeing violence in other

countries have been covered by the "designated classI1 policy

while Ghanaians were not. For example, during the Tiananmen

Square massacre in 1989, Canada allowed Chinese students,

visitors and temporary workers to extend their visas/apply

for permanent immigrant status and also to bring over their

families through a special policy. The question remains as

to why such special treatment was given to Chinese but not

to Ghanaians who corne £rom situations of equal danger. This

study contends that fundamental biases exist in Canadian

refugee policy and that political considerations, latent

149

racism, along with the lack of effective lobbying on behalf

of Ghanaian refugees are responsible for Canada's

unwillingness to grant Ghanaians "designated class"

provisions. Given the dearth of data on the above issues,

the present analysis is only preliminary and suggestive,

with respect to direction for future research.

The chapter will also evaluate Canada's response toward

Ghanaian claimants. This study argues that Ghanaian

claimants encounter enormous challenges in accessing

Canadar s inland refugee detemination system as a result of

the strict legislations of the late 1980s and early 1990s.

Moreover, preliminary analyses of data £rom Citizenship and

Immigration Canada (CIC) shows that those asylum seekers who

have managed to cross the border into Canada have been

subjected to traumatizing news: clairns are frequently

rej ected, re j ected claimants are subj ected to deportation

and statutes limit their social and economic activities.

This tends to make them profoundly insecure and vulnerable.

The first part of the chapter is focused on Ghanaians

outside Canada who are seeking to gain admission as

refugees. The second is centred on Ghanaian claimants in

Canada -

Canadian Response to Abroad

150

Ghanaian Refugees seeking entry from

Generally speaking, Canada's attitude towards African

refugees has focused mainly on the provision of aid as

opposed to accepting the refugees into Canada for

resettlement (Hathaway 1988, Howard 1981). As stated in the

governments Refugee Perspectives (1987) "in light of the

continuing turmoil, persecution of religious and ethnic

minorities, and political discontent, programs for

resettlement outside Africa form a critical, though not

large, component of Canadar s response to the refugee problem

in Africa" (EIC 1987 : 24) .

Rarely are Ghanaian refugees beneficiaries of

government or private sponsorship. As shown in Table 9,

between 1984-91 only 147 Ghanaian refugees were granted

Canadian government sponsorship, even though the UNHCR had

recornmended that 2,576 Ghanaian exiles were in need for

resettlement overseas in that same period (EIC 1992).

Similar to government sponsorship, only a small

proportion of Ghanaian refugees were offered private

sponsorship to corne to Canada. Between 1984-90, only 19

individuals had such an opportunity. This situation can be

attributed to several factors: (1) due to few historical

links between Ghanaians and Canadians, Ghanaian refugees

overseas find it difficult to obtain sponsors in Canada to

151

apply on their behalf; (2) Ghanaians are relatively

speaking, recent arrivals in Canada and as such are not

always able to meet the statutory criteria for sponsoring

compatriots £rom overseas; ( 3 ) the decision to sponsor

refugees has very important consequences in terms of the

financial burden it places on individual sponsors. For many

would- be Ghanaian sponsors the financial cornmitment required

would result in hardship; ( 4 ) due to limited publicity many

Ghanaians are unaware of the private sponsorship programme;

(5) various kinds of documents which are deemed unimportant

under the A£ rican socio-cultural system are insisted upon as

prerequisites for sponsorship application. Examples are

birth and rnarriage certificates and citizenship cards. These

requirements tend to make it extremely dif f icult to sponsor

refugees from Africa.

T a b l e 9 : Ghanaian Refugees: Beneficiaries of Canadian Refugee Prograrmes 1984-91

1' 1 I I

Source: Refugee Affairs 1992

TOTAL,

18

39

33

4

41

18

13

166

PRIVATE SPONSORSHIP

O

1

2

O

3

6

7

19

YEAR

1984

1985

1986

1987

1988

1989

1990

Total

SPECIAL PROGRAMME

O

O

O

O

O

O

O

O

GOVERNKENT SPONSORSHIP

18

38

3 1

4

3 8

12

6

14 7

The fact that Ghanaian refugees were not of fered any

special admission facility, while only a srnall number

benefited from government sponsorship, raises questions

about the openness of Canada's refugee admission programme.

Recall that under the 1976 refugee legislations the

government of Canada could grant designated status to

individuals in refugee-like situations and admit t h e m

through special, and more flexible, criteria. Large numbers

of individuals, from South East Asia and Western Europe,

were admitted to Canada through the designated class

criteria shortly after the Act became law (Appendix B Table

2.3) . Also, as discussed below, in 1 9 8 9 , Canada moved

immediately to resettle Chinese here, following the outbreak

of political violence in Tiananmen Square.

Canada's Resoonse to Chinese Students and Visitors durinq the Tiananmen Square 1ncident13

In mid April 1989, a wave of student dernonstrations

began in Beijing to protest the Communist Party's

unwillingness to allow political liberalization and

eliminate widespread official corruption. By May 13, about

1,000 students had begun a hunger strike on Tiananmen Square

13~his account is based on information gathered extensively from the Immigration and Refugee Boards document "Recent Student Demonstration in the People's Republic of Chinar1, Ottawa, 1989.

153

to press their demands for a retraction of a People's Daily

article, which denounced the student movement as "an

organized conspiracy to sow chaos". These dernands soon

swelled into a wider anti-government movement, as workers

and other petitioners joined the protests. On May 17-18,

over one million people participated in demonstrations in

Bei j ing . Initially, the Chinese government showed remarkable

tolerance. This was partly due to the presence of over 1,000

foreign journalists in Beijing to cover the Sino-Soviet

summit. But the government soon changed its attitude, and

martial law took effect after a shift in the balance of

power within the Party. Between June 3 -4, Chinese army units

in armoured personnel carriers forcibly attacked the

demonstrators on Tiananmen-Square. This resulted in a

massive loss of life. The Chinese Red Cross estimated that

2,600 people died in the assault (Toronto Star,

June 4 1989:A18) .

The violent attack attracted worldwide condemnation.

Here in Canada, a storm of protests arose in major Canadian

cities such as Toronto, Vancouver, Halifax, Wimepeg and

Calgary (Globe and Mail, June 5, 1989:Ag). Ottawa announced

that it would cancel al1 diplomatic visits, al1 military

sales, and that some aid contracts would not be developed

(Globe and Mail, June 6, 1989:A13). Canada's response to

Chinese immigrants followed soon after.

One day after the massacre (June 5) , the Minister of

Ernployment and Immigration announced that al1 removals of

Chinese citizens to their homeland would be suspended, and

requests for visa extensions from Chinese visitors would be

sympathetically considered (McDougall, 1989). In accordance

with the Ministerrs announcement, a special policy (OM-1s-

399) came into place. Four options were open to Chinese

nat ionals : a) they could continue their temporary status and

request subsequent extensions as long as necessary; b) they

could seek permanent resident status f rom within Canada,

under existing humanitarian and compassionate guidelines; c )

they could apply for immigration at a Canadian Consulate in

the US., or any other visa office, and be examined under

immigrant selection criteria; and d) they could daim

refugee status in Canada through normal procedures (EIC

1989).

On June 11, the Minister reaffirmed her offer of

assistance to Chinese immigrants. She was responding to the

Chinese government ' s assertion that students in Canada

shared the blame for the turmoil In China, and to a report

that families of some students had been harassed by the

Chinese police because of their participation in

demonstrations in Canada (The Globe and Mail, June 13,

1989:A4) .

155

On June 29, the OM-1s-399 policy was revised. The

suspension of removals of Chinese was extended indefinitely;

it also ensured that al1 requests for penanent residence by

Chinese would be evaluated sympathetically and on urgent

basis.

Many Chinese students, visiting scholars, and contract

workers who f eared persecut ion in their homeland took

advantage of the special admission measures and applied to

stay. Between 1989 and 1990, some 8,000 Chinese citizens

were granted permanent residence for humanitarian reasons

(Vancouver Sun, August 2, 1990:Bl) . In October 1990, the

special measures of OM-1s-399 were teninated. However,

authorities assured al1 Chinese nationals who arrived in

Canada on or before October 19 that they would be covered by

the policy, even if they applied for penanent resident

status after that date. In addition, a cornmitment was made

to continue the f amily reunif ication aspect of the

programme -

Canadar s immediate off er of resettlement to the Chinese

during the Tiananmen-square crisis may have stemrned £ r o m a

humanitarian concern for the victims of repression and

dictatorship. The image of defenceless students and

civilians being brutalized by armed soldiers evoked

considerable compassion. Other considerations may also have

rnotivated Canada's sympathetic response. F i r s t l y , the

156

Chinese in Canada comprised mainly students and visiting

scholars, the majority of whom were pursuing careers in

cornputers, engineering, rnedicine and bus iness

administration. They fitted the profile of migrants which

Canada would like to resettle here. Secondly, the

international community, including Canada, was responding to

an increasing reluctance of the Chinese government to

introduce democrat ic reforms . Canadaf s response was similar to that of her allies, example the USA and Australia.

Thirdly, emotional appeals from Chinese students and

immigrants in m a j or Canadian cit ies and widespread public

sympathy al1 helped to elicit a sympathetic response £rom

the Canadian government.

Why O h a n a i a n Refugees Have never been offered a Special Admission Programme by Canada: Toward an Explanation

Realistically, Canada can only accept a portion of the

worldt s ref ugees through special programmes, such a s the

kind offered to the Chinese. However, the marner in which

the programmes are awarded is highly selective and biased

against certain groups, including Ghanaians. This is

especially so, considering that there were compelling

factors which made Ghanaians deserving of such a special

opportunity.

Firstly, in 1979, and particulary in the early 1980s,

157

political persecution by the PNDC was so widespread that it

attracted the attention of the global community. By 1984 the

human rights situation in Ghana had becorne so deplorable

that the International Commission of Jurists ( I C J ) and the

Netherlands Cornmittee for Human Rights jointly sent a

mission to Ghana to inquire about the human rights situation

in the country (Flinterman, 1984:43). In its final report,

the mission strongly condemned the lack of civil and

political rights and called for the release of al1 those

detained without charges ( i d . ) . It was further recommended

that " the sincere efforts of the government of Ghana to

promote social, economic and cultural rights should be

sustained by an equally sincere endeavour to restore civil

and political rights" ( i b i d . ) . Beside the ICJ mission, other

reputable international reports such as Amnesty

International, and the US State Department (Country Reports

on Ghana) , portrayed the pervasiveness of political

oppression, arbitrary arrests and pessimism which prevailed

in Ghana at that time. These organizations al1 provided

evidence on why large numbers of Ghanaians (approximately

50,000) felt compelled to flee the military repressiûn of

the PNDC and terrorization by revolucionary organs.

Secondly, with respect to human capital, the majority

of Ghanaian refugees possessed the qualities deemed

important for admission to Canada. As noted in the earlier

158

discussions, Canada's refugee selection is biased towards

those who show evident adaptability and initiative. Refugees

admitted to Canada tend to include a high proportion of

young adult males with relatively high levels of education

(Basok and Simmons 1992 :150). The economic and socio-

demographic profile of the majority of Ghanaian refugees fit

the above criteria (Opoku-Dapaah 1992, PACT 1993). Table 10

demonstrates that, relatively speaking, Ghanaian refugees

are well educated--nearly 60 percent have completed post-

secondary education. This is because Ghanaian refugees tend

to be urban intelligentsia who are displaced by repression

and unwelcome changes by military regimes. A considerable

proportion are relatively young.

Table 10: Educational Background of Ghanaian Refugees

28 1 25 11, Ottawa

In s p i t e of the fact that Ghanaian refugees possess the

qualities deemed important for admission, the Canadian

government has not provided any ma j or reset t lernent programme

for Ghanaians . Rather, authorities have pref erred to deal

with their claims on a case by case basis. Even though only

17 Ghanaians sought refugee status in Canada in 1978,

surprisingly, Canadian authorities irnposed visa requirements

for Ghanaians in that year. This was justified by the

growing volumes of refugee claims (Girard 1991 :Ils).

Why Ghanaian refugees have never been offered any

special refugee admission programme is difficult to explain.

This study argues that three factors viz: a) political

considerations, b) latent racism, and c) the lack of

lobbying on behalf of Ghanaians, have been responsible for

this state of affairs.

Politically, Canada's attitude towards African refugees

in general is encompassed by her policy towards Africa

(Howard 1981). Such relations which are largely limited to

trade and the provision of international aid to poor African

nations does not make Africa very important to Canada, at

least with respect to geopolitical interest. Yet, political

and ideological considerations have traditionally played an

important role in Canada's refugee policy. As noted earlier,

during the Cold War, refugee applicants from communist

regimes such as the Soviet-bloc countries and Indo-China did

I B O

not need to demonstrate that they were personally targeted

for political reprisal in their homelands. They were

admitted under special programmes which carefully targeted

a limited range of countries.

Unlike the former communist regimes, Ghana did not play

any symbolic role in the Cold War. Traditionally, Ghana has

been very weak at the international front . In the context of

the Cold War, the acceptance or the rejection of Ghanaian

refugees by Canada had no symbolic value. Unlike those

fleeing leftist or right-wing regimes, Canada could not

score any I1political markstF in the ideological war between

the East and the West, regardless of her attitude towards

Ghanaian refugees.

Latent racism can also partially explain why Ghanaian

refugees have never been offered any special admission

programme to Canada. Even though there is no evidence of any

racial bias in Canadian refugee policy after 1968, certain

attitudes and practices have given Africans reasons to doubt

the genuineness of Canada's official sentiments towards the

continent. Firstly, Canada maintains a few on-site

immigration and refugee processing services in Africa

(Hawkins 1972 : 4 ) . This is a possible indication that Canada is not ready to accept large numbers of African

ref ugees . Some of the justifications which have been used to

prevent the resettlement of large nurnbers of African

refugees in Canada have been very prejudicial and racist

(Kasozi 1986, Opoku-Dapaah 1993 :19). Canadian immigration

authorities have contended that ltAfricans are tribal people,

and as such they prefer to live among their own peoplevL4.

The authorities have also claimed that, "resettlement in a

third country, such as Canada, is not necessary since it is

not in the interests of African refugeest' (Kasozi 1986). In

reality, resettlement in Af rica can hardly be a solution for

Ghanaian refugees, since they had no camps or subsistence

support in the neighbouring African countries where they

fled to initially.

Canadian authorities have frequently made reference to

the Organization of Africa Unityts (OAU) efforts in

assisting refugees (Basok and Simrnons 1992 :142, Howard

1981, Adelman 1990) . The authorities have also justif ied their low targets for Af rican refugees on grounds that , the

traditional African preference, as articulated by the OAU is

for local resettlement" (Basok and Simmons 1992). Thus,

rather than making substantial expenditures for resettlement

in Canada, the government provides material and technical

l4 This came out of discussions by African Representatives during a tfWorkshop For African Community Groups in Toronto" in February 1993. The workshop, which was sponsored by the Ontario Settlement Directorate dealt with settlement-related issues affecting Africans in Ontario.

162

assistance to facilitate the work of local governments and

agencies in Africa (Refugee Perspectives 1982-1983). Such

explanations have been used to justify the low resettlement

targets for African refugees in Canada, even though the

OAU's handling of the African refugee crisis has been

woefully disappointing. For example, the organization has

failed to mobilise adequate reçources to support the

millions of Somali, Sudanese and Ethiopian refugees in the

Horn of Africa.

The inability of the Ghanaian community in Canada to

lobby on behalf of their compatriots may partially explain

why Canada has not granted any special admission facility

for Ghanaian refugees. As noted earlier, some ethnic

organizations and recent immigrant communities have been at

the vanguard of the struggle for social, political and

economic opportunity for refugees both in Canada and

overseas (Basok and Simmons 1992, Troper 1992, Dirks 1984).

However, the case of Ghanaians indicates that there are

disparities or inequalities in tems of the ability of

groups to mobilize towards the achievement of such ends.

In the past, more established ethnic groups, including

the Jewish, Indochinese and Sri Lankans , lobbied

successfully for concessions on behalf of their compatriots

seeking admission into Canada. Basok and Sirnmons (1992) have

noted that support for admitting refugees £rom the Soviet

bloc nations between 1978 and 1987 stemmed in part from

intense lobbying by Jewish and associated human rights

groups in Canada. Sirnilarly, in 1983, due to the active

efforts of the Tamil Elam Society of Canada and the Toronto

Sri Lankan Tamil community, Canadian authorities introduced

special relief measures for Sri Lankans who were affected by

the Colombo r i o t s (Aruliah 1994 :Il). The relief programme

also allowed Sri Lankans in Canada to sponsor refugees from

abroad under relaxed criteria. The efforts of the Chinese

community were instrumental to the success of the massive

Indochinese sponsorship programme (Dirks 1984, Basok and

Simmons 1992) . Essentially, through advocacy and

representation to different quarters--be it social,legal,

political and religious- these communities have successfully

secured flexible admission programmes for their compatriots .

On the other hand, in the case of Ghanaian refugees,

no group has specifically advocated or negotiated any

flexible admission programme ontheir behalf. Though several

Ghanaian comrnunity organizat ions have been f ormed in Canada

since 1980--including the National Council of Ghanaian

Canadians 1981, Canadian Ghanaian Organization (1984) and

the Ghana Refugee Group (1986) , they are primarily concorned

with providing resettlement assistance to Ghanaians in

Canada. Lobbying on behalf of compatriots overseas has not

been a priority in their advocacy programmes. Inherent

164

obstacles, including--dearth of knowledgeable and skilled

leadership--as well as limited fiscal resources, also

hampers their ability to lobby on behalf of Ghanaian

refugees abroad (Opoku-Dapaah 1992 ) . Moreover, Ghanaian organizations are relatively new.

Unlike more established organi zat ions, such as the Jewish

Congress of Canada, they do not wield any significant

political clout which can be used to launch effective

lobbying on behalf of their compatriots overseas. Thus, in

the face of the less favoured treatment accorded to Ghanaian

exiles abroad, the Ghanaian cornmunity in Canada has been

unable to pressure governrnent for a better arrangement on

their behalf.

Landing of Ghanaian Claimants in Canada

The ovemhelming majority of Ghanaian refugees who

have resettled in Canada have been adrnitted through the

inland refugee detemination process. As depicted in Table

l l a and llb, 10,803 Ghanaians made refugee daims in Canada

between 1978 and September 1994. The inflow which began at

a very low rate (28 applicants between 1978-1980) rose

rapidly over the next six years to peak at 5950 between May

1986 and 1988. Given that they have never been offered any

special admission programme to Canada, it is not surprising

that Ghanaian exiles have sought admiss ion to Canada through

the inland refugee determination process.

To date, Ghanaian refugee applications in Canada have

been administered in three identifiable stages : a) landings

by t h e Refugee Status Advisory C o r n m i t t e e (RSAC) 1978-1988;

b) landings through the Administrative Review Programme (May

1986-0ct 1987) along with the Backlog Clearance programme

1988-1993; and c) Landings under B i l l C - 5 5 by the

Immigration and Refugee Board 1989-1995.

T a b l e Ila: Ghanaian A s v l u a i C l a h s and Landinqs by the RSAC*

C l a i m s Completed

Period

1978-1980

1981-May- 1986

Jun-1986- 88

Total

Total** Ghanaian claims

28

1100

5950

7,078

T a b l e llb: Ghanaian Asylurn Claims and Landings by the IRB*

Period

1989

1990

1991

1992

1993

sept-94

IRB

Sources: E I C Refugee A f f a i r s . ** C i t i z e n and Immigration Canada

C l a i m s Abandoned

9

9

87

144

238

78

565

Claims Accepted % N

29 (23)

39 (47)

3 8 (233)

24 (214)

13 (63)

66 (56)

28 (636) 1

T o t a l * * Ghanaian claims

444

1,149

1,076

669

209

178

3,725

Claims Completed

89

131

695

1,035

713

162

2,825

Notes l* Claims resolvedthrough the backlog Clearance Programme -

are not included 2 1981 to 1988 are based on fiscal year, April to March

31. 3** 1981-1988 statistics are estimates 4 In 1992 and 1993 claims completed exceeded incoming

claims .

Landinqs of Ghanaian claimants by the RSAC (1978-1988)

Ghanaian claimants who arrived in Canada between 1978-

1988 were assessed by the Refugee Status Advisory Cornmittee

(RSAC) . Only a small minority (5%) of the claimants were

landed by that committee due to the notoriously low

acceptance rate of asylum applications by Ghanaians.

Furthermore, the RSAC was exceptionally slow in processing

the refugee applications. Out of 7,078 Ghanaian refugee

applications that were made to the RSAC just over one-fifth

(1,518) were finalised. Between May 1986 and 1988 when the

claims peaked at 5950, only 23 percent (1290) were

completed. As a consequence, at the end of 1988, 4,432 of

the applications were delayed in the refugee backlog. Under

the RSAC, statutory regulations restricted the participation

of claimants in the labour force, resulting in dependency on

meagre welf are assistance ( i b ld . ) .

Landinqs under Administrative Review/Backloq Clearance Prosrammes

The backlog of al1 refugee claims in Canada (originally

estimated at 25,000) which had accumulated by May 1986 were

transferred to the Administrative Review Programme (CIC

1994). This programme effectively sidestepped the refugee

claims and assessed the applicants in terms of economic

adaptability (CIC 1994, Aruliah 1994). When the

Administrative Review Programme ended in October 1987, only

a small number of Ghanaians were landed under the programme.

Most of them ended up in a newly accumiilated backlog which

totalled over 100,000 at the beginning of 1989 (CIC 1994).

In 1989, the backlog of a l1 the existing refugee claims

were transferred to the Backlog Clearance Programme, a new

programme which was established to handle such matters (CIC

1994) . To qualify for landing, the applicants had to meet

statutory requirements (medical and security checks) and not

be dependent on public welfare ( i b i d . ) . About 5,130 Ghanaian

cases were transferred to t h e Backlog Clearance Programme

(Adelman 1992) . However, communications between immigration authorities and the claimants whose applications were

transferred w a s so poor t h a t many did not know about the

transfers or t h e state of their application (Opoku-~apaah

1992). The Backlog Clearance Programme concluded its

hearings in June 1993. Approximately 30 percent of Ghanaian

applicants were successful.

168

Landinqs of Ghanaian claimants under Bill C-55 (1989-94)

Some 3,725 Ghanaian claims were lodged with the

Immigration and Refugee Board (IRB) between 1989 and

September 1994. The acceptance rate was 28 per cent (CIC

1994) . Though processing of refugee daims has been

relatively £aster under the IRB, thousands of Ghanaian cases

were still pending as at the end of 1993. Inflow of Ghanaian

claims have seen a significant decline following the

implernentation of the deterrence Bills C-55 and C-84 in

1989. The level of claims fell £rom 5,950 in the preceding

period (June 1986-1988) to 444 in 1989. Even though there

was an upward trend in the following years (1149 in 1990,

and 1076 in 1991), this quickly dropped to 669 in 1992. The

downward trend has prevailed since that year. In 1993 the

total Ghanaian application was 209, while by September 1994.

a total of 178 claimants had arrived (IRB 1995).

Landings of Ghanaian claimants: A n Assessrnent

Currently, approximately 8,000 Ghanaian claimants have

been landed following their successful complet ion of the

inland refugee application process. On the other hand, the

application of several others are still pending.

Under Canadian ref ugee law Ghanaian claimants en j oy

procedural guarantees that are intended to ensure that the

determination process will be as fair and efficient as

169

possible. These include oral hearing, status determination

through adjudication, representation by counsel and access

to counsel in course of the refugee determination process.

Regardless of these guarantees, common experiences,

including protracted status determination process and, low

acceptance rates, deportation of re jected claimants tend to

make Ghanaian claimants extrernely insecure-

These are explained below.

Protracted Status Determination

The increased volume of refugee applications in Canada,

aggravated by unresolved problems with the refugee

determination machinery have tended to delay the

applications of thousands of Ghanaian claimants who came

here expecting a speedy resolution of their d a i m and

asylum. Tables lia and Ilb revealed a striking disparity

between the volume of refugee applications and the cases

that were finalised in the various periods.

Considering that only a small fraction of the total

refugee applications in a given year reach the full hearing

stage, a disproportionate majority of applicants have had to

wait for many months before they complete the inland refugee

determination process. Of the 10,803 Ghanaian refugee

applications which were made to the RSAC and IRB between

1978 and September 1994, less than half (4,117) of the

170

applications were completed in that same period. For

instance, more than two-thirds of the applicants who arrived

in the mid-1980s had to wait f o r several years before their

claims were finalised in the 1990s. While government

publications suggested that refugee applications will take

approximately 6 to 8 months to complete, most Ghanaian

claimants experienced, on average, waits of over four years

(Opoku-Dapaah 1992 ) .

Low Acceptance Rates

The hardships encountered by Ghanaian claimants from

the protracted refugee determination system is exacerbated

by t he abysmally low acceptance rates of their refugee

applications. As depicted in Appendix B. Table 2.4,

Ghanaians had the lowest acceptance rate, among the 13 major

sources of refugee flow to Canada between 1989-1994. Only 27

percent of claimants from Ghana were accepted.

Following the implernentation of Bill C - 5 5 in 1989, the

acceptance rates of Ghanaian claims rose between 1989-1991.

only to fa11 steadily £rom 1992 onwards. The rates rose

sharply £ r o m 4 percent in the previous year to 29 percent in

1989, and then to nearly 40 percent in the following two

years. The rates declined to 24 percent in 1992 and to 13

percent in 1993. There was a rather substantial increase (60

percent) in the f irst six rnonths of 1994 ( IRB 1994) .

171

However, overall , Ghanaian claimants in Canada have a remote

chance of being accepted. Over two-thirds of al1 Ghanaian

applications are re j ected.

The tough stance against Ghanaian claimants was

strikingly exemplified on November 13, 1990, when an

unsuccessful applicant was deported despite the fact that a

justice department lawyer had promised in t he Federa l Court

that this individual would not be deported u n t i l an appeal

was considered (Toronto Star Nov. 18 1990 :A6) .

Why have so f e w Ghanaian claims been approved?

It is really difficult to explain why Ghanaian cases

are frequently rejected by refugee hearing boards . However,

various hypotheses can be advanced towards the search for

possible explanations. The Ghanaian community in Toronto

have pointed out many difficulties of language,

communication and cultural differences which makes the

refugee determination procedures unfair to Ghanaian

claimants: (1) Some community rnembers have pointed out that

due to limited English language ability and difficulties

with translation, Ghanaian claimants cannot present their

cases effectively at Refugee Board Hearings; (2) some

Ghanaian traditional practices such as gesticulation, lack

of precision with tirne, speaking in soft tones, and the

avoidance of eye contact when speaking to a person in

authority, are often misinterpreted by Board members to mean

that Ghanaian claimants had concocted their stories; (31 The

Canadian Ghanaian organization (1992 ) quest ioned the

credibility of the refugee determination system since, in

their believe, Board members who ruled in the Ghanaian cases

lacked adequate evidence regarding human rights violations

in ha na'' (CG0 1992); (4) claimants are sometimes victims

of incompetent lawyers. Some have complained that their

counsel did not prepare any documentary evidence in advance

of the hearing. while others have mentioned that counsel did

not meet with them to go over their case prior to the

hearing . Ghanaian claimants whose cases are rejected have few

recourse. They can appeal for judicial review by the Federal

Court, but the application must be based on a question of

law (CIC 1994) . Even here Ghanaians face enormous obstacles.

Firstly their applications to the Federal court for appeal

are often refused (Vigil 1990). Secondly, at the close of

1991, there was a three- to - four year backlog at the court

(EIC 1991). This delay affected Ghanaians as well. Further

analyses of the experiences of Ghanaians in course of the

appeal is not possible. since such information is deemed

15see also Report on the Workshop for African Community Groups (1993 6 Participants lamented the lack of adequate knowledge about the socio-political conditions in Africa. It was felt ignorance about Africa made the determination process unfair to Africans.

con£ idential .

Deportation of reiected claimants

The insecurities of Ghanaian claimants is aggravated by

the fact that failed refugee applicants face removal £rom

Canada to their homeland. Canadian Immigration authorities

have maintained that, Wltimately, an important part of

establishing an efficient and effective refugee status

determination system is the ability to remove claimants

whose case has been deterrnined to be unfounded" (CIC 1994) .

To back up their determination, Bill C - 8 6 which was

introduced in 1993 is partly intended to facilitate the

removal of claimants found not to be refugees (CIC 1994) . Between 1989 and 1994, 1,457 Ghanaian claimants whose

applications were denied were removed f rom Canada (Refuge

Update 1994 5 . Another 610 were still under unexecuted removal orders ( i d ) Authorities have maintained that ,

removals will be deferred in cases where the conditions in

the claimants home country are considered to be dangerous.

Yet, the mere existence of such a possibility attests to the

vulnerability of the claimants. A comparison of the

rejection rate and total number of Ghanaians removed so far

suggests that the bulk of failed Ghanaian applicants may be

st il1 hiding in Canada. Some re j ected Ghanaian applicant s

174

may have left Canada voluntarily for other destinations such

as the USA-

Impact of Canada's Restrictive Asvlum Resime on Ghanaians

Like other industrialised nations Canada has been

moving in the direction of narrowing the door through which

claimants can enter. These measures have made it extremely

difficult for Ghanaian and many other claimants to access

Canada's refugee determination system.

Canada's overseas interdiction programme has been very

selective and racially biased against certain claimants

including Ghanaians. "If you look like you are £rom Somalia

or Sri Lanka, you are going to be questioned; if you look

like you are £rom France, you will not be questioned by

Canada's immigration control agents" (International Herald

Tribune May 18, 1994 5 ) Considering that Ghanaians coming

to Canada to seek asylum also confront these agents in major

airports, such practices tend to limit their chances of

making it over to Canada to seek asylum. Likewise, the

requirement that claimants should have proper documentation

prior to boarding transportation to Canada is extremely

challenging for would-be Ghanaian claimants. Even under

normal circumstances Ghanaians encounter numerous obstacles

in procuring travel documents, such as passports or visas

£rom the required authorities.

Given that Ghanaians cannot travel directly £ r o m their

homeland to Canada, enforcement of the "safe third country"

clause under Bill C-86 will make it almost impossible for

Ghanaian claimants to seek asylum in Canada. In addition,

the safe third country provision assumes that a clairnant is

the responsibility of the country where the refugee f irst

lands (Adelman 1994). The experience of Ghanaians shows

otherwise . As discussed in chapter four, the neighbouring West African nations where Ghanaian exiles fled to had no

refugee resettlement regimes. Enforcement of the safe third

country provisions will result in the deportation of

Ghanaians to these countries, regardless of the reasons they

left. In effect, the provisions of the safe third country

are not intended merely to preven t asylum shopping. They are

intended to prevent movernent to a second country of asylum

even if there are reasons for such movement, such as the

absence of resettlement facilities, or "because of refugee

networks that can provide assistance in one j urisdiction and

are unavailable in another jurisdiction" (Adelman 1994 : 75) .

s-ry

Ghanaian refugees have resettled in Canada

predominantly through the inland detemination system. The

176

increasing deployment of stringent measures against

prospective asylum seekers in Canada therefore holds

negative implications for Ghanaians. Moreover, experiences

such as low acceptance rates, prolonged delays in the

refugee backlogs, deportation of rejected claimants and

statutory restrictions on labour force participation

profoundly aggravates their insecurities while their claims

are pending.

The experiences of a vast majority of Ghanaian

claimants raises questions about the ethics guiding Canada's

refugee determination system and its cornmitment to a so-

called "humanitarian tradition". Given the extent of

repression and randorn violence which occurred in their

homeland in the 1980s, many of the Ghanaian claimants, or

their relatives, w e r e victims of some sorts of physical or

psychological abuse. Yet upon their arrival, many were

compelled to live in a dehumanizing state of lido as a

r e su l t of low acceptance rates, long wait in the refugee

backlog and its attendant anxieties, coupled with

restrictions on labour force participation. Moreover,

cultural and linguistic isolation led to further suffering.

Chapter 7

Theorizing The Integratioa Of Ghanaian Refugees

Introduction

The integration of refugee claimants has received scant

attention in the literature on migration studies . Currently, no specific theoretical framework exists for understanding

the particularly serious problems f aced by claimants as they

seek to integrate into Western receiving nations. Previous

f rameworks and research have predominantly f ocused on the

integration of regular immigrants and sponsored refugees. In

part, the limited focus on claimants has stemmed from the

fact that although inland asylum seeking is an old

phen~menon'~, it did not gain any important attention until

the mid-1980s. From that period, the increasing number of

asylum seekers arr iv ing directly in Western receiving

countries such as Canada, Germany, France and the USA,

assumed new importance in the light of n e w concerns,

including: huge refugee backlogs, abuse of existing

immigration regulations, inflow of bogus claimants,

substantial increases in the cost of handling the incoming

daims and also in providing social assistance to claimants.

16Dirks (1984:279) has noted that the phenornenon of inland asylum seeking existed even prior to the 1976 Irnmigrat ion Act. However, the number of arrivals were small .

178

Migration researchers tend to employ frameworks that

have been developed for the study of regular immigrants

towards explaining the resettlement patterns of refugees in

general. These include the following Structural

perspectives : Assimilationist Models (Park and Burgess 1921,

Gordon 1964, Goldlust and Richmond 1974) ; Ethnic

Segmentation and Enclave Models (Porter 1965, Gold 1992,

Portes 1983, Tomasi 1981, Li 1988, Bonacich and Mode11

1980) ; Structural Historical Models (Portes and Borocz 1989,

Portes and Rumbaut 1992) and the New International Division

of Labour (NIDL) approach (Petras 1981, Sassen-Koob 1983 and

1988, Cohen 1987, Richmond 1992) . More recently, various Linkage models have been developed to explain the migration

and adaptation of immigrants (Fawcett and Arnold 1987:453,

Fawcett 1989: 681, Boyd 1989:638). For the most part, these

f rarneworks are heuristic devices, or general "open endedu

models for understanding and interpreting social phenomena.

As the later discussions will show, each of them stresses

somewhat different variables.

This chapter argues that previous frameworks rnay be

capable of interpreting the integration of other migrants in

Canada, such as sponsored refugees and regular immigrants,

but they are poorly suited for interpreting the integrat ion

of most Ghanaian refugees. This is so because none of these

frarneworks covers the full range of issues relevant to the

reset t lement experience of individuals who corne to Canada

originally as claimants . Ghanaian ref ugees , similar to other regular ref ugees in Canada, share the f ollowing experiences

: a) repression and traumatised departure, b) en route

re j ection, poverty and insecurit ies, cl ethnocentrism and

racism in Canada, and d) dependency on informal networks in

the various stages of migration and adaptation. Unlike

regular refugees, most Ghanaian refugees experience another

obstacle--hostile officia1 reception in Canada.

The analyses of Structural theories tend to focus

mainly on the context in which migrants travel abroad and

resettle in host societies. Linkage models emphasise

interactions and feedback between sending and receiving

countries, and also the increasing role of migrant-networks

and informal elements in the migration and resettlement

processes. This chapter proposes a preliminary f ramework

which incorporates aspects of both Structural and Linkage

models, along with the specific experiences of claimants

suitable for explaining the integration of Ghanaian refugees

in Canada. The framework sees the integration of claimants

as conditioned by both structural and experiential factors

that constitute the context within which claimants act or

respond, and also by networks in which the individual

operates. But first, previous models are reviewed below.

Assimilationist Models

This perspective was developed by American Sociologists

of the early Chicago school in the 1920s. The classical

assimilation models are rooted in functionalist sociology,

which sees the socioeconomic system as an integrated whole

in which the position of individuals is determined by social

needs and the roles that the individual performs.

Assirnilationists argue that immigrants are disadvantaged on

arrival, in cornparison to the native-born population, due to

inadequate language skills and inadequate preparation for

entry into the prevailing economy of the host society. For

instance, Eisenstadt (1954) noted that immigrants would

enter the socioeconomic structure at the bottom in terms of

skills, income and social status. Moreover, classical

assimilationists assume that there are no structural

barriers between groups. As such, they anticipate an upward

mobility of immigrants and their ultimate assimilation into

the host society (Gordon 1964) . They predict that the

existing differences between immigrants and the native-born

population will be reduced and eventually shift gradually

towards those of the majority population (Gordon 1964,

Goldlust and Richmond 1974). Absorption into the mainstream

is seen as progressing through the stages of acculturation,

structural assimilation, amalgamation and identificational

assimilation (Portes and Borocz 1989 : 6 1 5 ) .

In 1974, Goldlust and Richmond rejected the monistic

doctrine of the classical assimilationists and proposed a

multivariate model of adaptation which assumes that variance

in adaptation is determined by demographic characteristics

specific to immigrants. The authors distinguish several

variables which exert differential influence on immigrant

behaviour. Level of education is considered to have the most

signif icant influence on an immigrant ' s occupat ional status ,

social mobility and income, while length of residence in

receiving society also is seen to have a significant

influence on an immigrant's adaptation (Goldlust and

Richmond 1974:SSO-222) . The modelf s emphasis on two

countervailing variables education and length of residence

reflects the themes of functionalist sociology and neo-

classical economies , and thus reveals its coraection with

the assimilationist models".

Extending the multivariate approach of Goldlust and

Richmond, Berry (1987) proposed a "choice model1l that views

acculturation as a process with four possible outcomes for

ethnic groups, one of which is assimilation. He argues that

the answer given to two questions by an ethnic group

l7 Kunzrs (1981) model, on the other hand, maintains that the origins of refugees influence the resettlement process. Thus, those who can assimilate into the culture of receiving nations stand a better chance of advancement over those who maintain different traditions.

detenines the outcome of its identity and its relations

with the larger society. The first question pertains to

whether the group wants to maintain its distinctiveness,

while the second concerns whether it wishes to develop

positive relations with the larger society. The response to

each question determines the outcome of adaptation. By

assimilatinq, the group relinquishes its cultural identity

and moves into the larger society. The opposite is where

there are no relations with the larger society and the group

retains its own identity. This is called seaaration (Kulhman

1991:S). Inteqration occurs when the groups participate in

the social and economic systems of the larger society, but

hold on to their own distinct cultural and behavioral

patterns. On the other hand, marqinalization occurs when

ethnic groups lose contact with their traditional culture as

well as effective participation in the new society.

These assimilationist frarneworks are unsuitable for

explaining the integration of Ghanaian refugees. On arriva1

in Canada, Ghanaian and other Third World origin claimants

go through several administrative processes including inland

ref ugee detemination, landing and eventually the

acquisition of citizenship which involve a certain degree of

assimilation, but these processes do not lead to full

assimilation into mainstreamcanadian society. For instance,

in the case of Ghanaian refugees, both their physical

183

characteristics and also the persistence of their pre-

migration values hamper full assimilation. Moreover,

classical assimilationists assume that immigrant groups are

hornogenous, and that al1 members of the immigrant group

concerned will make the same choices. By contrast, when

faced with the pressures to assimilate into the Canadian

mainstream, individual migrants respond di£ f erent ly . Though

the multidimensional adaptation and acculturation choice

models note this, yet, similar to the classical

assimilationist frarneworks these models were based primarily

on the experiences of European immigrants and their

descendants. As such, multidimensional adaptation and

acculturation choice models also failed to account f o r the

experiences of minorities such as non-white Third World

origin refugees and claimants. Due to these weaknesses, the

assimilationist perspective is inadequate for explaining the

integration of Ghanaian refugees.

Ethnic Segmentation and Enclave Models

These models emphasise that pre-migration factors,

particularly the immigrant ' s ethnic origins , are ma j or

determinants of the immigrant's adaptation process.

Originating in the late 1960s. these models argue that

ethnic origin determines the status of immigrant groups on

arriva1 , and that the resulting inequalities are perpetuated

184

beyond the f irst generation of immigrants. Entry status also

determines access to economic and social opportunities.

Porter (1965:60) identified two major groups in Canada,

the charter group and the entrance group. The Charter group

encornpasses the English and the French. As the first

immigrants to arrive, they defined the prevailing

ideological, political, cultural, and economic conditions

that emphasize and give priority to anglo-conformity

(Satzewich l99Ob: 94) . On the other hand, the entrance group is comprised of al1 other immigrants who may eventually

become naturalized citizens, but w h o have to prove

themselves by working hard and conscientiously. In other

words, they must "earnU their citizenship (Porter 1965:60).

By focusing on the experiences of a majority of

conternporary Third World origin immigrants to Canada, other

theorists have noted the impact of institutional racism and

the rise of a labour market segmentation (Satzewich 1990b,

Reitz 1987, Venna and Bassavarajappa 1988). Theorists have

noted that in the post-World War II era, both the diversity

and numbers of the entrance group have increased, partially

as a result of the demand for labour by Canadian empfoyers

and the inability of the traditional sources--Britain,

Western Europe, and the United States--to fil1 this demand

(Hawkins 1974, Satzewich l99Ob: 9 5 ) . Most new immigrants have settled in Canada's largest cities, where they have

185

contributed directly to the growth of the post-war economy

and created a multi-ethnic landscape (Simmons 1990:3). Yet,

some groups, particularly non-whites, have consistently been

denied the same rights and privileges associated with

citizenship and, as a result, f ind it di£ ficult to break out

of their subordinate positions in economic and social

relations (Satzewich 1990a:98, Cummings et al 1989, Mcdade

1988, Richmond 1989) . Many recent studies attest to the numerous bene£ its

(social support, economic and informational resources) that

ethnic enclaves offer. Portes (1981) proposes an ethnic

enclave -economy model which incorporates the dual economy

model. He argues that enclave economies provide a third

avenue of incarporation for immigrants, in addition to the

prirnary and secondary labour market incorporations.

Minorities with the necessary resources respond to dominant

capitalism with a capitalism of their own, which enables

successive cohorts to escape exploitation in the open labour

market (Portes 1981:297). Enclave economies also provide

opportunities for immigrants to translate previous

educational and occupational accomplishments into better-

paid careers. In this sense, incorporation into an immigrant

enclave is roughly equivalent to incorporation into the

primary market (Portes 1981 : 2 9 5 ) .

Bonacich and Modell (1980) note how enclave economies

offer a protected-but-marginal

immigrants in the USA. Their

"blocked mobilitym, emphasizes

factors over ethnic origins as

facilitates the concentration

peripheral business. The thrust

186

work domain for Chinese

framework, known as the

the role of contextual

the primary factor which

of ethnic mobilities in

of their argument is that

the Chinese encounter patterns of disadvantage and

discrimination which limit their participation in social and

economic opportunities. At the same time, the absence of

competition £rom the dominant group in certain business

niches channel Chinese into entrepreneurship as a means of

survival. Thus, blocked £rom effective participation in

mainstream socio-economic activities, ethnic minorities

pursue their institutionalization in the host society via

alternative routes, comprising informa1 and small scale

economic enclaves such as retailing and laundry outlets.

The ethnic segmentation and enclave approaches assume

that some immigrant groups who resettle in Western

industrial nations are, initially at least, destined to a

lower class position due mainly to ethnic prejudice and

racisrn. This may hold true for regular immigrants, but is

inadequate for the analysis of the integration of

individuals who corne to Canada initially as claimants.

Unlike regular immigrants, claimants generally hold a

precarious legal position in Canada, since they have no

187

definite residential status. Moreover, they have few

entitlements. As a result, individual claimants constitute

one of the Iowest social and economic strata in Canada,

regardless of their ethnic origin or other criteria of

assessment. This is not to Say that cultural factors are not

relevant to the analyses of claimants. Rather, this study

argues that those government policies which destine

claimants to the lowest stratum of civil society, from the

moment of their arrival, must be clearly incorporated into

any model applied to claimants. Prevailing immigration and

refugee policies can have an overarching power in

determining the fate of claimants. The ethnic origin of

claimants, however, tends to reinforce their marginal

status. Given these weaknesses, the ethnic segmentation

model is insufficient for understanding the integration of

most Ghanaians and others who started their l i f e in Canada

as claimants.

Historical-structural Approach

This approach seeks to explore the macrosociological

processes that f oster migration and channel migrating groups

into specific social and economic positions in countries of

settlement (Gold 1992). Unlike supporters of the ethnic

segmentation approaches , historical -structural theorists

move beyond the ethnic factor and attribute patterns of

188

migrant settlement to greater historical processes, which

specify the options available to immigrant workers in their

settlement. While the historical-structural perspective

accepts that immigrants possess the ability to organize

their communities so as to facilitate smooth adaptation, it

also asserts that many aspects of their experience

(including country of origin, legal status on arrival,

degree of discrimination, and the jobs for which they are

eligible) are the result of the world system and out of

their direct control (Gold 1992 : 11, Portes and Bach 1985) .

Portes and Borocz (1989) argue that migration is a

product of past historical processes, and that inequalities

are embedded in the response of Western receiving nations to

different classes of migrants. The immigrants' class of

origin determines the context of reception, which in turn

determines the pattern of migrant sett lement. Portes and

Borocz categorise contemporary immigrants into three groups:

manual-labour, professional-technical and entrepreneurial.

The manual labour group consists of former rural and urban

workers; professional-technical category includes highly

trained personnel, while entrepreneurs comprise merchants,

industrialists and other business immigrants who attempt to

recreate their positions in the host countries. The authors

note that the context under which each immigrant group is

received detemines the pattern or outcome of their

settlement in the host society.

Three ideal contexts of reception from the host

government are possible : handicapped, neutral and

advantaged. The combination of the immigrants background and

mode of reception give rise to a plurality of settlement

outcomes. Manual labour migrants arriving in a context where

they are unwelcome and discriminated against tend to be

channelled into the lower tier of the receiving labour

market. Highly skilled immigrants w h o face racial

discrimination and lack of recognition of prior credentials

may be reduced to plying their trades informally or

illegally within their communities, thereby becoming

ghettoized service providers. Similarly, when business

oriented immigrants encounter unfavourable circumstances

which block chances of becoming established, they become

Ilghetto merchants" . The advantaged context ref ers to the

situation where immigrants obtain favourable conditions

which enable them to establish themselves in the host

environment. The two authors, however, indicate f irmly that

working class immigrants have rarely met a favourable

reception in receiving countries. Rather, they encounter

obstacles to self-advancement which leads to their over-

concentration in vulnerable jobs. Finally, immigrants

entering neutral contexts of reception face a situation

where individual merit and skills are the most important

190

determinants of successful adaptation. In such a case,

manual workers may find niches in primary or secondary

sector jobs, and professionals may gain entrance into their

respective careers.

Portes and Rumbaut (1990) also explain the pattern of

immigrants psychological adjustment £ r o m the standpoint of

class of origin and context of reception. They argue that

the objective conditions which confront different classes of

immigrant in the countries of settlement determine the

nature of their psychological adjustment. Lower class

immigrants, unsanctioned refugees, and undocumented

immigrant labourers in the United States, tend to approach

one extreme in which the distress associated with poverty is

compounded by vulnerability and frequent disorientation in

a foreign environment. On the other hand, upper-class

refugees, who are resettled abroad as part of a political

exodus, tend to undergo a fairly rapid process of

psychological adaptation. In the case of formerly high-

status persons who join an unauthorized refugee or labour

flow, the severe downward mobility that they experience, and

the insecurity of their position, make them more stressed

and highly critical of the host society. Lower-class persons

who form part of refugee flows are not spared the traumas

associated with their past experience; however, they have

access to governmental aid and assistance (Portes and Borocz

1990).

Historical-structural frameworks provide useful

information on the social and economic integration of most

Third World origin migrants, but are insufficient for

theorising the integration of Ghanaian refugees. First, a

key feature of these approaches is their ernphasis on the

structural features of capitalist production, particularly

unequal social class relations. While neoclassic economic

theory assumes that al1 workers compete equally for al1

available jobs in a given economy, historical-structural

theorists emphasize that patterns of disadvantage and

discrimination determine the economic roles open to third

worldirnmigrants. Secondly, historical-st~cturalists stress

that international movements of people are not determined

solely by economic concerns; political and ideological

factors also play a role.

Another advantage of historical structural approaches

is that they are fairly open ended, with respect to the

addition of other factors pertinent to the experiences of

Third Worfd migrants. For instance, factors, such as state

policies, ethnicity and gender, have been added to various

models. By contrast, the specific experiences of claimants

(such as protracted delays in the granting of status) have

not been incorporated into a generic historical structural

mode1 in order to interpret their integration. There is

reason to believe that the unique experiences of claimants

will lead to different integration outcornes. Also missing

£rom Historical-Structural perspectives are analyses of the

current restructuring and transformations under-way in

immigration and asylum procedures in Western receiving

nations, even though these have implications for migrant

settlement patterns.

The New International Division of Labour Approach

This approach focuses on structural changes in the

rnetropolitan economy, and also t h e progressive

internationalisation of production within t h e global economy

and its social, economic and political impact on migrants.

The New Internat ional Division of Labour ( N I D L ) approach is

really a specific approach within the historical-structural

tradition. N I D L theorists deal with migration associated

with the global economic processes begun in the 1970s. They

argue that the global economic system and its labour markets

are constantly being transf igured in response to

technological innovation, changing supply and demand of

labour, and varying world conditions. Moreover, NIDL

theorists see modern international migration as subject to

administrative controls by receiving countries (Petras 198 1,

Zichmond 1984, Cohen 1987) . The German theorists such as Froebel, Heinrichs, Kreye

and Ernst (1980) who developed the

the political and economic impact of

f rom core to periphery nations.

193

N I D L concept, focus on

the movement of capital

However, they neglect

analysis of the metropolitan econorny and the position of

immigrant workers who moved to the core indus trial

nations1'. By contrast, theorists such as Petras (1981) ,

Tomasi (19811, Cohen (198O), Sassen-Koob (1983 and 1988) and

Fernandez Kelly (1993) , have pointed t o the structuring of

immigrants into vulnerable j ob positions in rnetropolitan

countries-

Petras (1981) draws particular attention to the

elemental division of the world economy into three zones,

namely: core, semi-periphery, and periphery, within which a

complex movement of capital and commodities occur. The flow

of capital and commodit ies bind peripheral populations to

events and decisions in the core . International migrants

from the peripheral nations are lured to the core nations by

the prospects of higher socio-economic standards, and also

by capital's perpetual need for labour in the expanding

process of capital accumulation. Receiving nations exercise

control over the global movement of labour tbrough

eligibility criteria and bureaucratic border controls. On

l8 Criticisms levelled against Froebel et. al., include ambiguity in the use of the concept of "new international division of labourM, historical gaps in their theorising, and others (see, for example, Cohen 1987).

arrival, migrants encounter a series of barriers which

shapes their participation in economic activities. Tomasi

(1981) also argues that immigrants f rom peripheral nations

become incorporated into a stratified system that reflects

discrimination based on the cultural distance of newcomers

from the dominant group, and discrimination according to the

function they are expected to carry out in the expanding

economy (Tomasi 1981).

The above arguments have been supported by research

f indings in the US and Canada. N I D L theorists, including

Sassen-Koob (1988), indicate that economic restnicturing in

the US has significant effects on immigrant adaptation. In

particular, a dramatic expansion of the advanced service

sector of the US economy (for example, legal, managerial,

financial, technical, engineering, and accounting services)

since 1985, led to the consolidation of skilled domestic

workers in high paying jobs. The converse was the

consolidation of disposed segments of the labour-force, such

as women, minority groups and immigrants, in ancillary

occupations such as cleaning and house-keeping. Similarly,

Fernandez-Kelly (1993) argued that transformations in the

electronic industry in the US through the movement of jobs

overseas, did not lead to the disappearance of domestic

manufacturing. Rather, the US domestic electronic industry

showed resilience through the incorporation of migrant women

195

into informa1 and labour intensive manufacturing operations.

This led her to conclude that the incorporation of Hispanic

women, many of them foreign-born, into labour-intensive

operations in the United States was complementary to the

process by which operations were relocated to places such as

Asia and along the US-Mexican border.

Richmond (1984, 1992) introduced a structural change

model based on the Canadian experience. He notes that on-

going economic restructuring in the Canadian economy has

created labour demand for some skilled occupations in

expanding sectors, and that the selective features of

Canadian immigration policy encourage skilled immigrants to

corne and fil1 the labour shortage. However, t he stratified

features of society and the labour market, which are

manifested by barriers such as lack of Canadian experience,

non-recognition of foreign credentials, and discrimination,

tend to block n e w immigrants from the better positions.

Business immigrants tend to move to the high strata, while

well-qualifiedimmigrants and transient professionals, whose

skills are in demand, move towards better paid occupations

in expanding sectors. By contrast , many of those who are not

so well qualified, or those with poor language skills,

appear to replace workers in declining industries such as

manufacturing (Richmond 1992:1218-1220). Since the model

takes into account both the effect of social stratification

196

and labour market segmentation, and the effect of economic

restructuring on the allocation of immigrants, it is more

representative of conditions in Canada than other rnodels.

Similar to proponents of the ~istorical-structural

perspective, NIDL theorists highlight the fact that

immigrant and ref ugee integration occurs within a structure

of opportunity that is shaped by larger social, economic,

and political factors external to the refugees thernselves.

Such analyses are useful in explaining the movement of

refugees and immigrants to Western receiving nations.

However, the N I D L rnodels do not perfectly fit the

experiences of Ghanaian refugees. The theorists over-

emphasise the impact of economic tram f ormations on

immigrants in general--this is only partially useful in

explaining the settlement and integration of Ghanaian

ref ugees . The models assume that the demographic

characteristics of migrant labour, of ten young workers

without families is economically advantageous to host

societies since they place little burden on welfare services

(Gold 1992: 1 3 , Bach 1992, Portes and Borocz 1989) . This may

be so with some immigrants and refugees, but it does not

hold in other cases. For example, studies on some refugee

groups in Canada including Somalis and Cambodians, noted

that these communities had much lower rates of labour force

participation when compared to their Canadian counterparts

197

(McLellan 1995, Opoku-Dapaah 1995). The studies also found

that Somalis and Cambodians consumed numerous welfare

services such as financial assistance, childcare and housing

subsidies (McLellan 1995, Opoku-Dapaah 1995) . Consequently,

the absence of economic independence among certain refugee

groups violates the NIDLfs postulates that immigrants

constitute low cost labour. Gold (1992) argued that much

world system theorizing focuses on the developed nationsf

inducernents for gaining skilled workers: high wages,

cultural amenities, good working conditions, and access to

advanced equipment, which lure Third World professionals and

workers. However, repressive regimes which marginalize

skilled professionals can also lead to the displacement and

flight of the latter abroad.

The Linkage Approach

The Linkage perspective is a recent theoretical

development in migration studies (Fawcett and Arnold

1987:456). It was born out of the recognition of

specificities of individual migration flows, and the notion

that although existing theories can explain some aspects of

international migration flows and differentials within them,

there is no general theory that would explain diverse

movements. The applicability of most theoretical frameworks

tends to be limited to some (not all) aspects of certain

types of migration taking place in specific historical and

geographical contexts (Simmons 1989:2). Central to the

Linkage approach are the ties between sending and receiving

societies, or those among countries involved in a migration

system. Linkages in this sense do not only involve flows and

counterflows of people, but also transactions of

information, goods, services, and ideas (Fawcett and Arnold

1987) . The approach presupposes a knowledge of structural conditions in boththe origin and the destination countries,

not merely in one side of the system (Boyd 1989:661).

Broad systems approaches tend to combine elements

across perspectives. For example, Zlotnik (1992) and Portes

and Borocz (1989) cover historical structural factors,

within the Linkage elements. These authors have argued that

contemporary international migration flows take place in a

world characterized by increasing political, economic and

social interactions and ties among nation-states (Zlotnik

1992, Portes and Borocz 1989, Simmons 1989). Zlotnik in

particular maintains that in such an increasingly

interconnected world, international population movernents do

not occur randomly but take place usually between countries

that have close historical, cultural, economic, or social

ties. Moreover, migrants are increasingly assisted in their

moves by networks of earlier migrants, labour recruiters,

corporations, travel agencies, or even development agencies.

This prompts the notion that more attention should be given

to linkages among countries and, particularly, those

networks and institutions which enact the linkages.

Fawcett and Arnold (1987) also provide a linkage

framework which covers both macro and micro elements;

however, unlike Zlotnikfs, and other structural approaches,

the macro level is not viewed in terms of historical

structural elements . Fawcett and Arnold (1987)

conceptualized linkages as being influenced by three

categories of factors: a) state-to-state relations and

comparisons, b) mass culture connections, and c) family and

social networkslg. State-to-state relations and comparisons

include the legal agreements, alliances, and great

disparities in wealth and individual liberties that provide

much of the driving force behind immigration. Mass culture

connections comprise diverse factors, including

internationalization of the mass media, the accessibility of

international travel to large numbers of people, the spread

of English as the major international language, al1 of which

have led to increased awareness O£ economic and political

differences among nations. Family and social networks are

IgFawcett (1989 : 673 -674) divides the linkages into four categories, ie,, state-to-state relations, mass culture connections, family and personal networks, and migrant agency activities.

200

social comections which prompt migration and also

facilitate settlement by providing help with employment and

housing . These three elements condition the individual

immigration process in terms of 1) the decision to migrate.

2) transition, which refers to a variety of explorations

that determine whether the move really occurs, and 3)

adaptation, which relates to the institutional factors and

the psychosocial support provided by family and friends in

the host society.

Boyd (1989:641-642), on the other hand, offers a

primarily micro-level linkage perspective, with weak

systemic elements and only a weak historical structural

frame. She argues that family, friendship and community

networks underlie much of the recent migration to industrial

nations. She also notes that it is unwise to replace an

under-socialized view of migration, in which al1 action

ref lects individual wishes and preferences, with an over-

socialized view in which individuals are passive agents in

the migratory process. International migration is not solely

result of economic and political parameters, but rather an

outcome O£ several factors in concert (ibid. ) . With respect to refugees, structural theorists, such as

Portes and Rumbaut (1990:166-222). have also noted that

networks of kin and friends in the receiving society can

exert a positive influence on access to mental health

201

facilities. This is especially so in cases where established

ethnic enclaves have developed networks of clinics and other

medical services, as well as outlets to transmit information

on mental health to their compatriots. However, Portes and

Rumbaut's analysis is limited to support available to

refugees in the receiving society. Linkage theorists, on the

other hand, have noted the role of personal, family,

friendship and community networks £rom the point of origin

to the immigrant adaptation process, particularly in the

case of migration to industrial nations (Kritz and Zlotnik

1992:7, Pohjola 1991, Caces et al 1987, Gurak and Caces

1992) . These theorists have identif ied several functions of networks including: linking communities of origin and

destination and making possible close social interaction,

provision of material and physical assistance, guidance of

individual activities, formation of migrant agencies which

serve as adaptive rnechanisms , channeil ing of information,

and insulating migrants from the negative aspects of living

in the host society or aiding in their adaptation to it.

Inherent weaknesses in the Linkage perspective impair

its utility for explaining the integration of Ghanaian and

other refugees. First, the concept of networks has not yet

been normatively defined. Scholars have studied networks

from different perspectives. Boyd (1989), Fawcett (19891,

and Puhjola (1991), for instance, hold a narrow definition

of networks, ie., as based on kinship, friendship and

community ties. In contrast, Gurak and Caces (1992), and

Kritz and Zlotnik (1992) hold a broad perception of networks

as consisting of individuals as well as institutions such as

migrant agencies. These institutions operate as

intermediaries between migrants and the state, and take on

functions similar to personal networks which facilitate mass

migration. Yet, even the analyses of the latter theorists do

not consider "crookedfl informal networks such as I1black

marketeers" , in£ ormal brokers , and diverse kinds of

functionaries. In Third World origin countries, such shady

networks may facilitate international migration through the

provision of travel paraphernalia, while preying on

potential migrants in the process. Exiles living in

countries of f irst asylum who intend to travel overseas tend

to be more ripe for exploitation by black marketeers, since

they tend to have little or no alternate recourse. Such pre-

arriva1 experiences are common to claimants, and as such

must be considered in the analyses of their migration and

integration.

The Linkage approach is not a fully developed theory,

since it does not specify functional relationships or

propose hypotheses. Rather, it is a heuristic device, a

loosely structured conceptual framework (Fawcett and Arnold

1987 A56) . An advantage of the approach is its flexibility.

203

Also, it portrays the influence of social networks on both

the migration and adaptation process of migrants. which is

pertinent towards the study of Ghanaian refugees in Canada.

In brie£, the preceding reviews have illustrated the

shortcomings of existing frameworks for explaining the

integration of claimants . Each of the approaches provides argriments which are useful for interpreting cases of slow

and of fast integration. Each, moreover, furthers an

understanding of certain aspects of the integration of

landed claimants in Canadian society. However, to a very

large extent, the specif ic experiences of clairnants f ail

outside the concern of al1 exist ing f rameworks . Previous

models are primarily oriented towards regular immigrants

rather than refugees. Thus, they do not provide sufficient

attention to unique features of the refugee experience.

Refugees are less likely to have plamed their move, which

is associated with social crisis and persona1 trauma. Noted

exceptions are the works of Kunz (1981) and Portes and

Rumbaut (1990), which focused specifically on refugees.

These studies pay particular attention to trauma, and argue

that special medical, social and psychiatric services are

necessary for assuring the recovery and integration of

refugees. Yet even this body of iiterature has not given

much attention to the particular plight of claimants and

landed claimants. Claimants not only experience al1 the

204

stress and disorienting experiences of regular refugees, but

they also arrive in Canada not knowing if they will be able

to stay.

Consequently, though the findings of various models of

immigrant adaptation contribute to an understanding of the

integration of Ghanaian refugees, no si~igle model adequately

interprets their integration process. An eclectic framework,

which incorporates aspects of previous approaches and the

specif ic experiences of claimants, is required to explain

the integration of Ghanaian refugees in Canada. Such a model

is proposed below.

Theorizing the Integration of Ghanaian Refugees in Canada

This study contends that the integration of Ghanaian

refugees is best understood by synthesizing aspects of the

Structural and Linkages approaches to the settlement

patterns of immigrants. F i r s t , the study conditionally

accepts the thrust of the large body of research which

indicates that the larger social structure is a central

factor in determining integration of immigrants (see Portes

and Borocz 1989, Petras 1981, Cohen 1987). The repression

and flight of Ghanaian exiles from their homeland to Canada

can only be interpreted £rom an understanding o f

international political and economic relations. Furthemore,

the larger social structure within the host country

establishes the resettlernent context; for example, the

availability of jobs, housing, and state benef its . Secondly, the study draws £ r o m the Linkage approaches, particularly

its argument that various networks provide migrants with

invaluable social, economic and informational resources.

Figure 1 describes a multifactoral mode1 of the process

of exit and integration of Ghanaian refugees. It specifies

the major antecedent and mediating factors that are

hypothesised as being influential to the integration of

people who corne to Canada originally as claimants. The mode1

suggests that the integration of claimants in Canada is

influenced by several factors, including a) a variety of

pre-arriva1 and post-arriva1 individual characteristics, and

b) the political, social and economic context of reception

in Canada. The former encompasses factors which will be

identified (in the following chapter) as the migration

motives of individual claimants: persecution, imprisonrnent,

temporary asylum in neighbouring West Africa with its

attendant poverty and rejection, and low-level linkages

which provide feedback from Canada to Ghanaian exiles in

West Af rican nations. The latter comprise the circumstances

encountered by claimants on arriva1 in Canada, including

delayed legal status, limited entitlements, economic

dependency, ethnocentrism, racism and the ernergence of

206

Ghanaian social networks. The framework contends that these

distinctive experiences of Ghanaian refugees slow their

integration in Canada. Previous studies do not provide any

suggestion as to which of these experiences exerts the most

influence on the integrat ion process , hence the relative

importance of each variable in this interpretive mode1 is

still open to future clarification.

Figure 1: C l a i m a n t s Integration Mode1

Antecedent Variables: Factors Influencincr Outcornes Pre-departure : repression, torture, traurnatised f light On route: poverty, rejection, insecurity, low-level linkages between Ghanaians in exile and those in Canada Off icial Reception in Canada: i n s e c u r i t y a n d

dependency Societal reception in Canada: ethnocentrism and credentialism lack of pre-existing ethnic (Ghanaian) community in Canada, emergence of claimant network in Canada

Mediatins Factors Discouragement, anxiety, passivity versus Persistence, ingenious adaptation and survival strategies

Intesration: outcomes Employment: Low wage-occupztion, self employment, financial dependency; social: intra-group cohesion, narrow social involvements

The framework adopts a three-fold paradigm: antecedent

variables, mediating factors and outcomes. The first group,

antecedent variables, provides the political and socio-

cultural context for the flight of Ghanaian claimants and

Canada's official and public reaction to their arrival.

These variables can change f rom time to time. They remain as

continuing factors which any policy formulation must take

into account .

As show in Figure 1, the experiences of claimants give

rise to mediatins factors, which tend to rnoderate the effect

of the antecedent variables. The mediating variables play a

continuing interactive role in relation to integration. They

are, in part, inf luenced by earlier integration experiences

and at the same time influence integration at a later stage.

They may be either weak or strong. Mediating factors slowing

integration include anxiety, discouragement, passivity and

dependency. Under certain conditions, these might disappear

altogether. Alternatively, other mediating factors might

represent a strength which overrides the influence of

antecedent variables and speeds integration. Such factors

include ingenious efforts and renewed energy to adapt and

overcome obstacles.

Finally, outcornes illustrates the types of resul ts

stemming from the aforementioned causal sequence. The mode1

will be examined in the following chapters using data

collected on a small sarnple of Ghanaian refugees.

S-rY

The reality of Ghanaian refugees calls for a

perspective that draws attention to their specific pre-

arriva1 and in-Canada experiences, including--predeparture

trauma. en route rejection, anxiety stemming from Canada's

ambivalent response, ethnocentrism in Canadian society, and

the influences of informal networks on the different stages

of their experiences. The existing literature does not cover

these full range of factors. In addition, none of them

provides any suggestions as to which of these elements

exerts the most important influence on the integration of

individuals who begin their lif e in Canada as claimants . The array of differences and similarities between claimants and

other migrants to Canada allows me to address several issues

of theoretical importance to the integration of Ghanaian and

other landed claimants, including their reactions to

Canada's ambivalent policies, minority status, and the

effect of previous collective experience on integration. The

proposed mode1 builds on useful arguments in the existing

literature. but goes beyond earlier work to specify new

elements which need to be incorporated in order to interpret

the case of Ghanaians in particular.

PART 3

ANALYSIS OF INTEGRATION

Chapter 8

Pre-Arriva1 Factors and The Integratioa of Ghanaian Ref ugees

Introduction

This chapter examines the abuse and insecurities which

lay behind the f light of Ghanaian refugees. 1 t contends that

Ghanaian refugees experienced trauma and deep insecurity

prior to their flight. This, along with their long

trajectory through West Africa in search of asylum and their

consequent rejection from neighbouring countries, partly

explains why Ghanaian refugees have found it dif f icult to

integrate in Canada.

In contrast to regular immigrants, refugees have

usually been exposed to several traumatic events before, and

during, their migration process. Such traumatic pre-flight

events m a y result in poor physical and mental health, as

well as prolonged stresses and insecurities. This is clearly

the case with the Ghanaian refugees who are the focus of

this dissertation. They were disadvantaged on several

grounds upon arriva1 in Canada: a) they had moved

involuntarily to escape persecution by soldiers, b) they had

experienced a traumatising departure from their homeland,

and c) they had encountered a fragile first asylum in West

Af rica.

My objective in this chapter is to show that the

previous abuse suffered by Ghanaian refugees, the problems

they confronted during flight, and their experiences in

places of temporary asylum were indeed traumatic. 1 have

tried to follow a sample of 30 male Ghanaian refugees from

the origin of their flight to their temporary asylum in West

~frica". With respect to flight motive, it turned out t h a t

some were "targeted" for abuse due to their ties with t h e

dethroned civilian administration, while others were

nactivists" who were deemed persona non grata following

criticisms and demonstrations against the PNDC regime. Some

of the individuals 1 interviewed reported " light traumaM,

while others had endured "severe trauman prior to flight.

Further, even though the sample is small, data sumrnarized

below indicate that it is representative of Ghanaian

ref ugees in canada2'.

The chapter argues that Ghanaian claimants were self-

selected prior to arrival. Many were relatively skilled,

well educated young urbanites at t h e time of departure. In

this regard they were privileged members of their home

society . Their privileges and youth also meant , however , that they were convenient targets for repression,

20The male focus is a result of obstacles engendered by the research design which has been explained in Chapter 1.

21~he kinds of repression and persecution that respondents reported to me were similar to that documented by Amnesty International Reports between 1985-1990, and by Canada' s Immigration and Ref ugee Board (see IRBf s Country report on Ghana 1989).

particularly by a military regime that tended to identify

dissent with certain urban sectors. While repression was

widespread and af f ected l e s s privileged individuals as well ,

the more privileged were likely to flee to more distant

places of asylum such as Canada.

There are three parts to this chapter: Tt begins with

an examination of the characteristics and circumstances of

respondents prior to departure £rom Ghana. The second part

identifies the kinds of repression and persecution that

respondents endured prior to their flight. Finally, the

chapter also examines the flight dynamics of respondents and

their experiences in West African destinations. Because the

life of the exiles while living in their West African

destinations is not the major focus of the study, this is

described in less detail. Narratives of respondents are

employed to depict their experiences as much as possible,

especially with reference to the kinds of abuse that they

had suffered in Ghana.

1. SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC POSITION OF CLAIMANTS PRIOR TO DEPARTIIRE

a) Age and Marital Characteristics at De~arture

Table 12 indicates the age distribution of the 30

respondents at time of departure. The data indicate that

they were relatively young when they took flight £rom Ghana.

Nearly al1 of them (28/30) were between 26 and 40 years of

age when they moved for asylurn, while the rest were over 41

years old. However, respondents were quite mature, compared

to their counteqarts in Ghana. Due to the rapid population

growth rate (3%) in the 1980sr two-thirds of a l1 Ghanaians

were under 19 years of age (IMF 1988) .

More than half (17/30) were either married or engaged

T a b l e 12 Age of Respondents on Departure

in common law relationships on departure. Of the remaining,

Age

26-30 31-35 36-40 41-46

Total

a srna11 proportion (6) were divorced or widowed, while

N %

14 46 11 36 3 10 2 6

30 100

another small proportion ( 5 ) were single prior to leaving

~ercentages in this and al1 subsequent Tables may not total 100, due to rounding.

Ghana (see Appendix C Tb 3). The marital characteristics of

respondents is similar to that of Ghanaians back home (World

Bank 1988 : 164) . Nearly al1 respondents (28/30) had children at the time of their departure. The number of children

ranged from one to six. A majority had five children or

f ewer .

b) Ethnic Backsround

213

Ethnic origin of respondents are indicated in Appendix

C Table 4. About half (14/30) are Akans. while f ive belong

to the Ga ethnic group. The rest belong to several other

groups : Ewes (4) , Dagombas (4) , Grushies (2 ) , and f inally

Mamprusi (1) . Given that anti-Rawlings sentiment w a s very

high among the Akans during the reign of the PNDC, Akans

tended to clash more often with military authorities than

other ethnic groups. It is not surprising that Akans

constitute a majority of Ghanaian claimants in Canada.

c). Place of residence prior to fliqht

Ghanaian ref ugees in Canada were m a i n l y urbanites . When asked about their places of residence p r i o r to flight, a

large majority (25/30) had lived in urban centres, while a

small proportion ( 5 / 3 0 ) said they came £ r o m rural areas.

This ref lects patterns in Ghanaian politics . Politics in

Ghana is an urban phenomenon. U n d e r the PNDC regime, nearly

al1 anti-government protests and rallies occurred in major

cities such as Accra, Kumasi and Koforidua. This m a d e

urbanites more prone to abuse and forced migration. The

predominance of urbanites among respondents lends support to

the argument that international migration in Africa is

primarily an urban phenornenon.

The residential characteristics of respondents shows a

marked departure from the overall picture in Ghana. where a

214

maj ority of the population (approximately 60%) are rural

dwellers. However, most respondents were rural dwellers

before age 15. Close to two-thirds (19/30) reported that

they had lived mainly in rural areas before age 15, while

the rest had lived in urban areas prior to that age. This

indicates that about one-third of the sarnple had changed

their living environment sometirne prior to their flight from

Ghana. Given the high rural-urban population drift in recent

decades in Ghana, the high proportion of individuals in the

sarnple with rural origins, prior to urban residence, is not

surprising . Prior urbanites had lived in major Ghanaian cities such

as Accra, Kumasi, Koforidua, Sekondi and Tamale which have

populations of over 50,000. These cities are equipped with

basic amenities such as electricity and piped water. In

addition, several government offices and institutions of

higher learning are located in these cities. By contrast,

respondents who originated from rural areas came from

essentially farming communities with populations of under

10,000.

d) .Previous Educational. Linquistic, and Occu~ational characteristics

Overall, Ghanaian claimants arrived with a fairly high

degree of educational attainment. The distribution of the

215

sample's highest educational qualifications prior to leaving

home is given in Table 13.

Table 13: Highest Level of Education Completed P r i o r to Leaving Ghana

Education

Elementary (1) Formal Trade Cert Secondary (2 ) Post -Secon. Diploma (3) Some university degree University

Total Notes 1. Elementary includes primary and middle schools 2. Secondary education is equivalent to high school in

Canada 3. Post secondary diplorna includes teacher training

college, Advanced Technical school

As show in the Table 13, a large proportion (18/30)

had attained a post-secondary diploma level or higher.

Proportionally, on departure, respondents showed a strong

presence in two categories--post secondary diploma and

university degree (14/30). The university programmes for

several respondents were interrupted by political events. On

the other hand, a significant minority (12/30) of

respondents arrived with a level of education equivalent to

high school or below. Yet, the sample's average level of

schooling was high in comparison with the Ghanaian average.

The adult literacy rate for Ghanaians in the 1980s was about

216

30 per cent, and only about one-quarter of Ghanaians had

completed post secondary education (World Bank 1988 : 28) .

Table 14 depicts the self-assessed English language

ability of respondents on their arrival in Canada. It is

reported in a four-scaled typology, namely : Ilprof icient Il ,

Irfairly prof icientu , 'speak with dif f i~ulty'~, and 'no

speaking abilityI1. On the basis of these criteria a majority

of Ghanaian refugees (16/30) had poor English speaking

skills on ar r iva i .

About one-third (9/30) saw themselves as "prof icient"

i n English at the time of their arrival in Canada. However,

my observations during the interviews suggested otherwise;

only about one-third of these individuals really had the

ability to speak English as fluently as they reported. Even

though about half of them could carry on conversations in

English, they still had problems with choice of words; their

vocabulary range was also very limited.

T a b l e 14 English Speaking Ability at the t h e of Arriva1

Proficiency Level N

Total 1 30 100

Proficient Fairly Proficient Speak with difficulty No speaking Ability

9 30 5 17 16 5 3 - - -

A large proportion of respondents (23/30) were

employed prior to their departure from Ghana. An overview of

their previous occupations, shown in Table 15, portrays a

concentration in professional occupations (10/30), while

only small proportions (6.3) were farmers and traders,

respectively. This contrasts sharply with the occupational

distributions of their colleagues back home. Over 80 per

cent of Ghanaians were employed in agriculture and trading

occupations (World Bank 1993) . Only an insignif icant

minority (about 8%) were engaged in professional and other

white collar activities (ibid) . 15 Previous Occupations in Ghana

Occupation N %

~rofessionals Entrepreneurs Students Other Farmers Unemployed

The professionals include: two accountants, two

college tutors, a journalist , an engineer, pharmacist , a

laboratory technician, a geologist and a medical doctor.

They were mainly government employees . As expected, among respondents, the professionals have the highest educational

attainment and had the best English speaking skills. These

qualities, along with high occupational positions within

Ghana's civil senrice, made them members of Ghana's

bureaucratie and professional elites. A case in point is

Koj~'~-- an engineer who lived in Accra with his wife and

three sons, prior to his flight. His circurnstances were as

f ollows :

1 had a very solid career prior to the Rawlings regime. 1 was deputy chief engineer for the "XXX" Council . With my masters degree 1 could aspire to even higher positions in my department. My job position came with a bungalow, a car and a rnaid. I was better-off than many of my colleagues. Soon after Rawlings took over, things started f alling apart rapidly. The soldiers and revolutionary organs were aggrieved about the comfortable lifestyle of government officials . . . They blamed us for everything that had gone wrong in the country. .

Four respondents were university students prior to

leaving Ghana. They had to interrupt their university

education as a result of clashes with the PNDC government.

In contrast to the professionals and students, the other

respondents had lower academic attainments; they also

described themselves as having relatively poor English

speaking skills on arrival.

A minority (6/30) were entrepreneurs prior to

departure . Of these, two were prominent businessmen with

22~his and al1 other names used in the text are fictitious, in order to hide the true identity of respondents.

over twenty employees each. One of them, man, was a

wholesaler who had branches of his business across Ghana.

The other, Datteh, had inherited a thriving transport

business from his uncle. He described his living conditions

as follows:

In 1981-82 my business was really booming. About seven months before the Rawlingsf coup, 1 had signed a two year contract with "XXXn mines to transport their machinery which were arriving at Tema (harbour) to "XXX". This was the climax of my operations. Just three months after Rawlings took control, I began losing everything- - f irst my business, and then my properties . I almost lost my life and my family.

Unlike Aban and Datteh the others were small scale

entrepreneurs involved in carpentry, fit t ing-mechanics ,

petty trading and bar-keeping, prior to their flight. Four

respondents were farmers. Of these, two were cocoa farmers

in the Ashanti and Brong Ahafo regions respectively. The

third was a rice farmer in the Northern region. The others

(4/30) are difficult to categorize. They include a priest,

a bodyguard, a policeman and a herbalist.

A small minority (3/30) of respondents had been

unemployed for periods ranging £rom six to about f if teen

months prior to leaving Ghana. They included a recent

college graduate, and two other individuals who informed me

that they lost their jobs for political reasons. Of

Ghanaians who had been connected to the erstwhile PNP

administration, whether directly or indirectly, many found

themselves the targets of repression and unlawful dismissal

£rom their jobs. Such was the case of Kwasi, an accountant

who had only indirect ties with the PNP. He recalls:

1 was a certif ied auditor for the Ghana governmentr s Cocoa Marketing Board for eleven years. In 1984, soldiers alleged that my uncle was a dissident working to overthrow the PNDC.. Soon after the allegations were made, soldiers took me to the barracks for interrogation . . . . They threatened to kill me if 1 did not tell the t r u t h . 1 was kept in military custody for three days this time. 1 returned to work only to find out that my ordeal was not over. The PNDCrs District Secretary ordered my boss to £ire tic. . . . . 1 rnuldn't find a job again." Life was very difficult for me and my family £rom that time. 1 had no income. My wife engaged in petty trading, but she had to stop due to constant harassment by CD0 officials. We had to depend on my relatives for meeting Our daily needs. But this was not always forthcoming ...

The above experiences were typical arnong those who lost

their jobs for political reasons. A more detailed analysis

of re~ression under the PNDC follows in the next section.

e) Political particbation

Respondents were more politically a c t i .ve relative to

other members of Ghanaian society. Nearly two-thirds (19/30)

of respondents were dues-paying members of p o l i t i c a l parties

"~mnesty International ( 1 9 9 1 : 18 ) noted that security police put pressure on employers not to recruit former detainees.

221

prior to leaving Ghana (Appx C Tb 5) . By contrast, only one-

third of their compatriots back home in Ghana belonged to

political groups (Assimeng 1981, Ray 1986). A great majority

(15/19) described themselves as "activeu or "key"

participants in political organizations such as the People's

National Party (PNP) , Peoplet s Heritage Party, and Movement

for Freedom and Justice (MFJ). These groups were bamed by

the PNDC in course of the 1980s. In spite of the ban, party

members engaged in diverse kinds of anti - PNDC activities

including pamphleting and demonstrations. Frequently these

led to clashes with military authorities and persecution of

those involved.

In sum, the social and econornic characteristics of

respondents suggest that they were privileged members of

Ghanaian society. Given the geographical distance between

Africa and Canada, not al1 Ghanaian exiles can travel to

Canada to press refugee daims. Those who do are, mainly

Young, educated, with some ability to speak English and the

will to undertake the risks involved in the flight from

Africa to Canada. One-third of respondents had held high-

status professional jobs in their homeland. These

individuals, as well as some who were entrepreneurs, had

enjoyed a relatively high standard of living. On the other

hand, some respondents had minimum or no professional

skills. They also arrived with very little education and a

222

poor command of English. Others had lost their sources of

livelihood even prior to their departure.

2 . CONTEXT OF EXIT: REPRESSION IN GHANA PRIOR TO FLIGHT

Migration Motives

In course of the research, respondents provided

detailed accounts of the underlying causes of their flight

from Ghana. They had been persecuted and also intimidated by

PM)C agents including soldiers, revolutionary organs and the

Bureau for National Investigations ( E N I ) .

Rumbaut (1992:392) has argued that political and non-

political motives for refugee flight may be additive rather

than mutually exclusive (zero-sum) motivations. Such is the

case with the respondents in this study. Most respondents

gave more than one reason for leaving. Referred to here as

"exit motive^^^, their reasons included: f ear of persecut ion

due to ties with the former regime, alleged conspiratory

acts against PNDC, or failure to serve on revolutionary

organ, fear of imprisonment for inciting student/public

demonstrations, persistent physical abuse, general

insecurity, confiscation of property/business, loss of job,

lack of political freedoms, loss of religious freedoms, and

a desire to start life afresh in a new environment.

Respondents can be separated into two main categories--

223

political, and socio-political--on the basis of their exit

motives. As show in Table 16, respondents corresponded to

Zolbergr s (1989: 269) classification of refugees into

I1targetsl1 and "activists" in a number of important respects.

T a b l e 16: Exit Motives

Alleged Crime

Political: political activists, individuals with ties to the dethroned PNP regime, individuals who refused to serve on PNDC organs, and relatives of activists.

Socio-~olitical: student leaders, organisers of dernonstrations against PNDC economic policies, coup plotters, opponents of PNDC ban on religious activities.

T o t a l N %

Zolbergrs framework assumes that one can discuss al1

refugees in terms of two categories : I1targets1I (those who

are falsely accused, due to association and friendship

patterns) and "activists" (those who are correctly accused

of illegal actions, even when the laws run counter to normal

human rights and democratic process). Such a framework

presents three practical problems. One is that some refugees

in the Vargetl' class did not have the associations and

friendships ascribed to them, at least not according to

their stories. Rather, they became "targetedN on purely

persona1 grounds--some military person did not like them,

their social class, or some other characteristic, and simply

used any grounds to attack them. A second problem is that

this mode1 does not indicate which of these two distinct

refugee groups endured the greater trauma prior to their

flight. The third associated problem with Zolbergfs

framework is that, in the present study, one has only the

respondent's story to employ in classifying individuals.

This said, the analysis which follows is based on the

respondent's version.

Those who actively opposed the regime and defied or

openly protested against, the arbitrary rules and

regulations of the PNDC regime are classed as uactivistsH.

On the other hand, those who were accused based on real or

falsely ascribed friendship and prior associations, not on

their actions, are classified as "targets". Part of the

objective of the analysis is to discover whether the

experiences prior to flight were different for these two

classes of individuals.

a) Targets

Some respondents said they were persecuted for their

past political associations or the political activities of

their relatives. Zolberg has included such individuals in

the class of Vargets" . A signif icant proportion (16/30) of respondents belong to this category. The alleged crimes were

often pretexts. The targeted group consisted of eight former

politicians, and four individuals who were forced against

their will to work for revolutionary organs, even though it

did not fit their life-styles or personal political views.

Finally, targets included four individuals who were related

to PNP officials and political activists.

Such people often found themselves the targets of

repression even on the most trivial grounds. Ato was a local

constituency official under the PNP regime. He narrated his

experience as follows.

1 got into trouble with soldiers and CDR j u s t for asking a question at a CDR rally. My question concerned whether the PNDC will ever return the country to civilian rule. It generated a loud applause from the audience. This led to rny demise. On the following Monday, at about 7 : 00pm four heavily armed soldiers came to my house. They searched my room hoping to find seditious materials. Then they took me to the barracks to answer questions regarding my political activities. They interrogated me over the daim that 1 was paid by dissidents to ridicule the PNDC at the rally. My denials only attracted more abuse. 1 waç detained for almost two years without charges nor trial. . . .

Some respondents were targeted for the alleged

political crimes of their parents. Yaw was a trader in

Kumasi prior to his flight. He recalled the following

experience.

The CDR alleged that my father, who was a lecturer at the University of Science and Technology (in Kumasi), had helped students to make bombs to f ight with pro- PNDC groups- My dad managed to escape to Ivory Coast, but the soldiers thought that 1 was harbouring him . . . On 5 October 1984, 1 believe about 20 soldiers came looking for me. They questioned me about the whereabouts of rny father. Before 1 could answer 1 was slapped heavily. They then took me to the barracks where they accused me of being an accomplice to political conspiracy. 1 was whipped for several hours . . . . .

A number of respondents were persecuted for allegedly

engaging in agitations and protests against PNDC social and

economic policies. About half (14/30) of the respondents

belong to this llactivistll category. They were: two student

leaders, a college t u t o r , six entrepreneurs, a body guard,

a policeman, two members of religious sects, and a political

organiser.

The students and a college tutor were persecuted as

student activists . They were alleged to have spearheaded anti-PNDC demonstrations on university and college campuses.

Similarly, organisers of traders and retailers faced

repression for allegedly mobilizing merchants to f orm anti -

PNDC groups. They were often accused of being lleconomic

saboteursu - -hoarding commodities in order to subvert PNDC' s

economic policies and also weaken the PNDCf s political base,

a charge which many denied. Respondents in this category

227

included Aban and Datteh who were prominent entrepreneurs in

Ghana. Four others were small scale retailers in different

parts of Ghana. Al1 six individuals admitted to being

members of merchant alliances which were opposed to the

PNDC; however, they denied acting to sabotage the economic

policies of the PNDC. They believed that soldiers accused

them of engaging in trading malpractice as a pretext to

punish them for persona1 grievances. For instance, Aban

indicated that his involvernent in an ant i - PNDC demonstration

might have angered local CDR and soldiers.

TWO other respondents- -a Jehovah' s Witness and a member

of the Mormon religious sect--were caught holding religious

meetings secretly in their homes, a practice which

contravened a PNDC ban on such activities. The government

alleged that some churches were being used to further

political ambitions that were prejudicial to P m C interests.

However, Osei, a Jehovah's Witness leader, explained that

the charges were magnified to include the importation of

seditious materials from Jehovah's Witness headquarters in

Brooklyn (USA) . Osei denied ever importing such literature.

He explained that the only printed materials which soldiers

found on his premises were newsletters from his church, and

these contained no information about the PNDC nor political

conditions in Ghana. The other respondent, Odom, who was a

member of the Mormons, indicated that in addition to being

228

charged for flouting the religious ban, he was accused of

harbouring Arnerican spies in his home. This was because

soldiers had met two Americans in his house at the tirne of

his arrest. Far £ r o m being spies, the Arnericans were

voluntary tutors in a local high school, they were visiting

Odom and his family when the soldiers arrived.

The preceding discussions have portrayed the underlying

causes which precipitated the flight of respondents from

Ghana. Respondents comrnonly expressed the sentiment that

they were perceived as "enernies of the revolution,

reactionaries, anti-revolutionary, and also anti-PNDCv. As

the following discussions will show, respondents were

subjected to diverse abuse including imprisonment, torture

and other life threatening conditions as a result of their

alleged anti-PNDC crimes.

Experienced Events P r i o r to Departure

Respondents furnished detailed accounts of the

traumatic experiences they and/or their immediate families

experienced at the hands of the army which drove them to

leave Ghana. Their major experiences included threats,

imprisonment, starvation, torture, injuries, and other

negative experiences such as abuse of relatives,

confiscation of properties and l o s s of employment. The

229

distribution of respondents across these experiences is

shown in Table 17.

Overall, the data indicate that targets tended to

endure m o r e severe repression prior to departure than

activists. In part, such a differential treatment was

perhaps attributable to the rationale behind the PNDCts

oppression. As noted in chapter 3, in order to consolidate

political p o w e r the regime conducted what could be described

as a "witch hunt" which was designed to instill fear and

political acquiescence among Ghanaians who had backed the

erstwhile PNP regime. Ambitious agents of the military

regime may have carried out personal projects of excessive

threats and harassrnent of citizens as a means of currying

favour with their superiors. Many targets appear to have

been victims of such tyrannical practices. Moreover,

targeted respondents such as doctors , teachers and other

professionals were more vulnerable to military abuse. They

lived in major urban centres such as Accra, Kumasi and

Takoradi, and as a consequence, were easier targets for the

army and revolutionary organs.

Table 17 Fxperienced Events

Threats: Intensity None Little S t rong Very strong

JAIL EXPERIENCES : a) Duration Less than 12 months Over 12 months

Il b) Access ta food

c) Torture slightly Badly Severely

11 d) Injuries

T o t a l

In order to measure the degree of their ordeal,

respondents were asked to self -assess the intensity of their

experiences. Their responses are reported in a three-scaled

typology representing lllowN, "mediumu and flhighl'. Even

though the experiences of respondents are discussed theme-

by- theme, they are interconnected. One f orm of repression

tended to lead to other forms of abuse. For instance, the

data indicate that individuals who were severely threatened

also tended to experience relatively longer jail periods and

other forms of severe repression.

Threats

Most respondents (17/30) said they were threatened by

soldiers and other PNDC organs prior to their f light . Nearly

al1 (13/17) of them described their experience as "Littleu

or Vairly strong". By contrast, a small minority (5/17)

rated their ordeal as uexcessive". For example Yaw, an ex-

trader, who was targeted for repression allegedly for

conspiring against the PNDC, recalled thls experience with

soldiers :

soldiers ordered me to pull over as 1 was driving home one day. They started questioning me Eiercely in the middle of the road about my involvement in the distribution of seditious materials. They searched my car, but they found nothing seditious or incriminating. 1 shivered and sweated through al1 these. 1 was confused and scared. Finally, one soldier ordered me to kneel dom and raise my hands above my head, He pointed his gun at me and shouted, Wext time it will not be a mere search, next time you will be shot like thisIf, he then fired into the air.

Kof i, the alleged student activist also recalled his

threat experience prior to a massive anti-PNDC demonstration

soldiers threatened me in my own room. On that day, it was about 11.00pm, rny room-mate waç fast asleep. But I was reading newspapers. Suddenly three very well-built soldiers in plain cloths just came in. They did not even knock. One of them showed a very powerful torch light on my face while another pointed a rifle (1 think

it was an I1aK 4 7 " ) at me. The t h i r d one delivered a stem and threatening message 'we are aware of your impending demonstration, and al1 your foolish plots. Beware, else you and everybody in your family will disappear'. 1 was very shaken and terrified.

The threat ordeal of Y a w and Kofi i s in marked contrast

to that of Tetteh and many other respondents. Soldiers sent

CDR officiais to warn Tetteh to desist £ r o m his alleged

anti-PNDC activities or risk the consequences . In this case,

even though the t h rea t w a s real (since i t c a m e £rom

soldiers), it appears that it did not generate the same

degree of terror as that of Yaw and Kofi. Tetteh told me

that upon hearing the warning he "just shrugged it off as

nonsenser1 . In general , excessive threats by soldiers turned

out to be a prelude to other forms of severe abuse.

Targets were more likely to be threatened than

activists. More targets (11/16) than activists (6/14)

reported being threatened. Also, targets were more likely to

face "excessiven threats.

Captivity and J a i l Experience

The human rights watch group, Amnesty International

(1991), reported that most of the hundreds of political

prisoners that were detained by the PNDC throughout the

1980s were held without charge or trial. Political prisoners

were officially imprisoned on the basis of "administrative

detention" orders- The above is confirmed by the experiences

of Ghanaian refugees that 1 intewiewed. A major component

of the pre-f light experience of Ghanaian refugees was

con£ inement for political reasons . Al1 those interviewed are

ex-political prisoners and captives. The majority (26) were

held in rnilitary custody, while four were imprisoned in

civilian j a i l ~ ~ ~ . Yet, not one was ever brought to trial.

Individuals were held for protracted periods while soldiers

presumably conducted interrogations and investigations into

their alleged activities.

Most respondents 0 3 / 3 0 ) were held in captivity for

varying periods ranging £ r o m two weeks to eleven months,

while a small minority ( 7 / 3 0 ) were he ld longer. The

captivity of the latter ranged f rom t h i r t e e n months to three

years. About half of the targets (9/16) were imprisoned over

twelve months, while a minority of activists (5/14) were

held for a similar length of time.

Why some individuals spent longer periods in jail

relative to others is not clear. Since individuals were not

24The reason some respondents were he ld in military custody while others were held in prison was not clear f rom the interviews. None of those who were held in prison were given trail; they had no f ixed sentences. While in prison they had been guarded by soldiers. Also, as s h o w by the discussions, the hardships were similar regardless of whether the individual was held in prison or military custody.

actually given specific sentences, their release depended on

the whims of agents of the PNDC. Perhaps the magnitude of

the alleged political crimes of individuals accounted for

the variations in tirne spent in captivity. In the case of

some activists, intervening factors contributed to their

relatively early release £rom custody. Two activists who

spent under three months in jail informed me that they were

released after relatives made Fayments to soldiers. One of

thern is Bonsu, a pharmacist who stated:

1 didnf t know anything about my release. It was plotted without my knowledge. 1 found out af ter my release that rny relatives paid 100,000 cedis2' to the soldiers in order to secure my release.

A significant component of respondents' pre-departure

abuses occurred while they were in captivity. Respondents

recounted severe ordeals comprising the denial of food and

water, and torture resulting in injuries. Kwasi was a

laboratos. technician at the Koforidua General hospital . He

was persecuted as a political activist, allegedly for

hosting underground political meetings. Kwasi was held in

military custody for about 16 months. He described his

conditions in prison as follows:

My experiences included denial of food and medicine for wounds sustained in course of abuse. . . . . I was held incomnicado for long periods of time. My ce11 measured 4x7 metres, and there were about 30 people in

25~pproximately Cdn $500 at that time.

there. Some of the people I met in the ce11 had been held captive for over a year. There was only a hole in the floor for a toilet and a window in the door for light and ventilation. There was no room for sleeping, we had to stand up al1 the time. Sometimes, especially during the first two weeks, my interrogation continued for whole nights. At times, 1 felt so weak that 1 could not talk, they will then whip me until I came around to answer questions. When I was not being interrogated 1 was confined to my dark ce11 without any window or bed.

As it turned out, the longer the captivity, the greater the

abuse inflicted. As shown in the following discussions,

respondents who endured the longest imprisonrnent were more

likely to su£ fer severe torture and serious injuries f rom

military abuse.

Starvation in Jail

The middle part of Table 17 portrays widespread

deprivation among respondents while they were in captivity . When asked about the frequency in which they were of fered

food while in jail, a significant majority (23/30) replied

that they were fed l~sometimesll, while their other

counterparts said they %eldom" had access to food. Kwasi,

for instance, seldom had access to food and water. He noted:

at times they gave me food once a day, perhaps when they forgot then 1 won't eat for a whole day. The menu was either cold cassava with no sauce or very hard and dry bread. 1 was provided drinking water only during meals, but the water was usually dirty and smelly. At times the water was so stinky that 1 couldn' t drink it, but when 1 couldn't help it I drank it like that.

236

The above statement and also the evidence in Table 17

strongly suggests that the period of captivity was one of

extreme distress and cruelty for sorne respondents.

Torture

Amnesty International (1991:21) noted that there were

no safeguards against the torture or ill-treatment of

detainees under the PNDC. As a result , many of the political

detainees that were held by the regirne in the 1980s were

tortured by members of the amed forces i d . ) . The account of the Ghanaians 1 interviewed confirms this. Reports of

torture were widespread among al1 respondents (Table 17) .

This may have stemmed from the fact that soldiers routinely

resorted to torture in order to extract information about

alleged political crimes of respondents.

There were considerable variations among respondents

with respect to their experiences of torture. During the

interviews, many gave vivid accounts of very traumatising

physical ordeal. In recounting these ordeals, the

respondents were frequently moved to tears. A majority

(23/30) said they were "slightlyU or "badly" tortured.

Their experiences included whipping, carting heavy loads

(for example bags of cocoa and cernent) and other forms of

237

physical labour26. On the other hand, a minority (7/30)

described their torture as excessive. One of them, Kofi,

told me that the impact of the torturous ordeal has left him

with a permanent physical disability and other health

problems. He indicated

soldiers forced me to look at very bright and shiny lights for several hours during interrogation. My eyes are now weak. 1 have severe eye troubles, causing me to Wear glasses. My eye sight was perfect prior to my arrest. Their cruelty has also left me with a chronic migraine.

Ato, another severely traumatised respondent, stated:

On one occasion the soldiers woke me up around 4 am. My hair was shaven clean with broken bottle. As 1 was being shaved 1 was also being interrogated. Any time 1 gave an answer which did not rneet their satisfaction they resorted to punitive acts such as pulling my toe nails with callipers, or cutting flesh from my back with hunting knife. They also kicked my testicles while 1 was in a squatting position.

In jur ies

Most respondents (22/30) sustained injuries £rom

physical abuse meted by state agents while in captivity.

Some (7/22) sustained injuries on several occasions and

- -

260ther examples of il1 - treatment reported by respondents include: beatings with gun-butts/belt hooks/horsewhip, electric shocks applied on parts of the body; immersion in sewage/excrement tank; kicking/squeezing of testicles; pulling of nails with callipers; stabbing with knives; and being tied up with ropes and hung up side d o m .

238

rated their injuries as "very serious". By contrast, most

other respondents reported less frequency and less serious

injuries (Table 17) .

Targets were more likely to experience more serious

injuries. Half of targets rated their injuries as I1fairlyl1

or Wery seriousI1, while only a small minority of activists

described their experience in the same way.

Even though al1 the injured respondents indicated that

they needed medical care for their injuries, only a small

proportion (9/30) obtained the required care, while a

significant proportion (21) said their applications to see

a doctor were ignored. A rather disturbing obsenration is

the fact that most individuals who were "severely" injured

(4/7) were denied medical treatment. Respondents mentioned

to me that the agony of having to live with the excruciating

pain under the filthy conditions in their cells was

unbearable. Needless to Say, the impact of such an ordeal on

the physical and emotional well-being of individuals can be

enormous.

Other Experiences

Ghanaian refugees endured other fonns of trauma beside

threats, torture and irnprisonment. For instance, the

entrepreneurs, who were mostly traders, informed me that

they lost their capital, since their merchandise was sold

off at cheap prices by soldiers and revolut ionary organs . Some traders alleged that rnembers of the state organs helped

themselves to the merchandise.

Some respondents noted that the manner in which they

were arrested was socially demeaning, and psychologically

damaging. Mohammed, for example told me soldiers humiliated

him in front of his children. Al1 respondents reported the

assault of a close family member or relative. It was common

for soldiers to physically and verbally abuse entire

families during an arrest. In some cases, relatives of

respondents were imprisoned as punishment for the political

crimes of their kin. Comments such as "my elder brothers and

sisters were arrested and harassedu were commonly expressed

by respondents.

OPERATIONAL MEASURE OF PREDEPARTURE TRA'ITMA: nLIGHT1l AND "SEVERE TRAUMAn

One of the objectives of the study was to examine the

ef f e c t of "predeparture trauma" on integrat ion of Ghanaian

claimants. During the interviews respondents were asked

whether they were affected (physically or mentally) by

residual effects from their previous abuse in Ghana. About

half (14/30) replied af firmatively. Given the widespread

abuse prior to their flight, this is not surprising. Some

reported sleeplessness, lack of concentration, and chronic

headaches arising f rom pre-f light experiences . Those who

suffered excessive abuse reported a complex array of

reactions that included anxiety, unresolved grief, and

constant fatigue. Thus, even though al1 respondents endured

abuse, the ef f ect of pre-f light experiences varied among the

victims.

My de£ inition of predeparture trauma explicitly mirrors

instances of the repression that was reported to me by

respondents. One of the shortcomings of such an approach,

however, is that it is not based on any medical assessment

of the condition of individual re~pondents~~.

Predeparture trauma is used in this context in

reference to violent ernotional or physical experiences prior

to exit, which can have lasting effects on the health of

victims. It was measured by combining the self-assessed

reports of respondents £rom five major experiences: 1)

threats, 2) imprisonment, 3) starvation, 4) torture, and 5)

injuries sustained £ r o m alleged political activities. Hence,

predeparture trauma is a multidimensional concept.

-

2 7 ~ t is worth noting that in course of the interviews some respondents spontaneously mentioned the name of the medication that they were using or had used; some also mentioned the names of specialists that they had visited. Such spontaneous acts can confirm the veracity of their account S.

241

Table 18 depicts respondents' cumulative experiences of

trauma prior to departure. Before measuring the extent of

predeparture trauma that respondents endured, some questions

have to be addressed. How many of the £ive major categories

of unfortunate events did the person encounter p r i o r to

f light? How did the person rate the intensity of each event?

For the most part, a small minority ( 7 / 3 0 ) who endured

al1 five events rated al1 their pre-arriva1 experiences as

"high" . A majority (including others who also experienced al1 £ive events) reported a relatively low degree of

intensity in their ordeal. As shown in t he last column of

Table 18, respondents can be categorised into two groups

with respect to their cumulative experience of trauma.

Namely I1light " and "severe trauma" categories .

ItLightly traurnati~ed~~ respondents ref er to those who

experienced fewer repressive events in relation to their

counterparts. It also includes individuals who encountered

many bad events but reported a relatively lesser degree of

abuse. A majority (23/30) of the Ghanaians I interviewed

fa11 into this category. Examples are Bonsu, Kwaku, Blankson

and Mohammed, to name a few.

liSeverely traumatisedtt respondents are those who

endured a whole sequence of traumatic events and who

reported a relatively high degree of intensity with respect

242

to t h e i r repreçsion. "Severely traumatisedu respondents

constitute a minority (7/30) of the Ghanaians 1 interviewed.

Examples are Kwasi, Osei, Kof i and A t o .

243

T a b l e 18 Experienced Events and Degree of Pre-arriva1 Trauma

high high high high severe

high high high high severe

high high high high severe

high high high high severe

high high high high severe

high high high high severe

244

The ordeal of those categorised as "lightly

traumatised" only seem less traumatic in comparison to their

"severely traumatisedtt counterparts. The two categories were

adopted in this work for the sake of simplicity, hence they

do not exhaust the theoretical permutations of the

combination of scores. For a better understanding and a

closer analyses of the pre-flight abuse of respondents, the

two distinctions in the pre-flight ordeal of respondents--

ltlight't and "severe" trauma are given particular attention

in the discussions belowZ8.

Deciding to Flee

Refugees often flee due to worsening political

circumstances which may have disastrous consequences for

them and their relatives. This observation is valid with

respect to the Ghanaian refugees I interviewed. Given the

loss of civil rights, widespread intimidation and

terrorization by PNDC and its organs, respondents were at

least in t*some" danger while they were in their homeland

(Table 19). Overall targets had felt relatively more

insecure than their activist counterparts. Al1 targets

reported that they were "frequently" or ltalwayslt in danger

"~ven though these distinctions are the focus of analyses in this section, where possible, variations among targets and activists will also be examined.

245

pr ior to leaving. While most activists were llsometimesll in

danger.

Table 19 Persona1 Security P r i o r ta Leaving

Level of danger

Sometimes Frequent ly Always

T o t a l

Targets Activists I Total

Nearly al1 respondents ( 2 7 / 3 0 ) rated the conditions in

Ghana prior to their exit as WeryI1 or "extrernely" adverse.

Only a tiny fraction (3/30) felt the conditions were

flsornewhat" adverse.

Feelings of insecurity in their homeland played a

crucial role in the decision to flee. It has already been

indicated that forced confinement was a major part of the

pre-flight abuse of respondents. But even after their

release, individuals had no personal freedom. The PNDC

agents had imposed stringent conditions on the detainees at

the time of their releaseZ9. The conditions tended to Vary

£rom individual to individual; however, in most cases they

2g~mnesty International (1991: 19) also reported that similar conditions w e r e imposed on ex-political prisoners during the 1980s. The report notes that in some cases individuals were asked to report to the police three times a day .

included the following:

a) dailyor regular reporting to military authorities or revolut ionary organ;

b) prohibition from travelling/confiscation of travelling documents;

c) prohibition from holding meetings or receiving visitors at home;

d) prohibition from participating in a l 1 political events ;

e) prohibition f rom public engagements including public speeches ;

f) prohibition from holding any public employment position, (traders who were accused of economic sabotage were banned £rom engaging in any trading activities, students were forbidden from entering university campuses).

A general conclusion that can be drawn from these

conditions is that the PNDC maintained a strict control on

the social, economic and political activities of the ex-

detainees . Worth noting is condition I1D" , which prohibited

respondents from travelling or owning travel documents. Yet

respondents f louted these restrictions and f led abroad. When

respondents were asked why they f l e d , their overall

responses indicated that apprehension of imminent danger and

a sense of helplessness were countervailing factors that

motivated them to take the risk. Their responses included

the reasons listed in Table 20.

T a b l e 2 0 Decision To FleetImmediate Reasons --- -

Reasons

Feared further imprisonment Feared impending trial Felt insecure and anxious Hated routine report to military/revolutionary organ Felt under close scrutiny Lost employment Ltrongly Advised by relativedfriends

lote: Respondents gave several reasons

3 . THE DYNAMICS OF FLIGHT FROM GIIANA

Oriqin and Period of Exlt

This section considers the flight process of

respondents and related experiences. Even though targets

experienced higher levels of repression inside Ghana

relative to activists, the data do not indicate significant

differences among the t w o groups with respect to flight

dynamics. Neither is there any important differences among

"lightU and "severely" traumatised individuals with respect

to the pattern of flight.

Most respondents (22/30) began their exit from major

Ghanaian cities such as Accra, Kumasi, Koforidua (Table

21a) . Only a small proportion ( 8 / 3 0 ) began their f light £rom

small toms and rural areas.

Table 21b indicates the year in w h i c h respondents l e f t

Ghana. A majority (23/30) fled between 1985 and 1988, while

the others f l e d between 1982-1984. That the majority fled

when they did corresponds with the socio-political

developments in Ghana in the late 1980s. By that time, anti-

PNDC agitations and demonstrations reached a climax. Leaders

and some members of organised groups, such as professional

bodies, students and church groups, w h o were opposed to the

PNDC's austere economic measures, became targets of abuse.

Although there were anti-PNDC agitations in the early 1980s,

the agitations were not as widespread as in the l a t e 1980s.

Table 2la P l a c e of Origin of flight

%

27 20 17 37

100

P l a c e

Kumasi Accra Kof oridua Other settings

Total

T a b l e 21b Year of Exit from Ghana

N

8 6 5 Il

30

Year

1982-84 1985-86 1987-88

Total

N %

7 23 12 30 11 37

30 100

Risky and Stressful Flight

Since the PNDC disapproved of their exi t £rom Ghana, i t

was important for respondents to prevent t h e i r recapture.

Typically, respondents fled to neighbouring countries in

the dead of night i n order t o avoid detection by

revolutionary organs and soldiers. Respondents fled partly

on foot and partly by vehicle. H o w e v e r , as shown by l a t e r

discussions, overland transport proved to be hazardous . The flight journey of Ghanaian refugees was very r i s k y and

stressful (see Table 22) . The reasons for this are discussed

below .

T a b l e 22 On-Route Hardships E x i t Motive

Hardahip

Fear of recapture Lack of food and water Fei1 ill/injured Lost direction Physically assaulted/mugged

II T a r g e t s Activists Total N %

Fear of recapture was the most challenging aspect of

the flight of respondents. Several respondents informed me

that the consequences of being caught made their exit

250

"extremely dangerous . As stated by Yaw, "1 f eared another

arrest by soldiers; I couldntt bring myself to think of the

consequences of being caught". Another respondent also said:

'Imy lungs were on f ire throughout the j ourneyv . Those who mentioned fear of recapture as a flight hazard were

referring to a) the dangers posed by the numerous military

and police check-points across the country, and b) the

intense surveillance at Ghana's borders.

The need to travel without arousing suspicion, and also

to evade the scrutiny of interna1 security, tended to

prolong the f light journey. A minority (13/30) completed

their exit £rom Ghana in one day, while a majority (17/301

spent two or more days exiting the country (Appx D Table

9). In the latter cases, the risk of detection had increased

with geographical proximity to the border. N e a r l y al1 the

respondents who began their flight £rom interior

destinations, such as Kumasi, Obuasi and Nkawkaw, spent two

or more days on the road. They travslled longer distances

(approx. 250 kilornetres) before reaching the borders of

either Togo or Ivow Coast. More importantly, they had to

deal with numerous security checkpoints along the way. For

example, one respondent, who fled £rom Kumasi bound for

Togo, said the journey took him 3 days. since he had to

change his route several times.

On the other hand, respondents who cornpleted their exit

251

in one day had travelled relatively shorter distances

(particulary from Accra and Tema to Togo, about 100

kilometres) , they had also faced relatively f ewer

impediments by way of security check points. However,

proximity to the border was not always correlated with

reduced obstacles. Just over one-third of respondents

(11/30) who fled £rom the vicinity of Togo (example from

Aburi and Nsawam) arrived in that country in two days . They had to make several stopovers in order to avoid detection.

Fear of recapture was very real for respondents who

needed to sneak across Ghana's border into neighbouring

countries. Surveillance of Ghanaf s borders was a priority of

the Rawlings' government during the 1980s. The PNDC

government tightly controlled the borders to check the

influx of potential conspirators and dissidents, and also

the exit of potential enemies of the ~revol~tion~'~.

Individuals crossing to and from Ghana's borders were

subjected to security checks. This is not to Say that people

could not cross the borders undetected. Individuals could

still evade the scrutiny of guards by travelling through

remote villages and footpaths. Yet, the fact still remains

that unauthorised escape from Ghana was dangerous and risky.

Over three-quarters of respondents experienced

lO~hana' s borders were also controlled to prevent illegal trafficking of commodities, particulary cocoa gasoline, to Togo and Ivory Coast.

food

the and

252

deprivation in the course of their flight. This probably

stemmed £rom the fact that many were on the road for

prolonged periods of time. They felt hungry and thirsty, yet

were afraid to interrupt their journey to find food.

More than two-thirds fell il1 in course of the journey-

One respondent reported that " h i s feet were torn by rockst1.

Another said "his legs were swollen £rom the arduous walk

through dense bushtl. Some others reported injuries from

falls and also physical abuse along the way. Many expressed

a pained recollection over having fled without their family.

Severely traumatised individuals, such as Kofi and Kwasi,

reported health problems, such as fever, and chest pains.

These perhaps stemmed £rom a combination of their pre-flight

abuse and the hazards of the flight itself.

A significant proportion (20/30) of respondents lost

direction during their flight. This perhaps resulted from

the f act that four- f if ths had never previously travelled

outside Ghana. Typically, respondents were unfamiliar with

their flight routes and had to rely on others for

directions. Yet they felt it was unsafe to seek assistance

when they had lost their way.

Over one-third of respondents were physically assaulted

and mugged in the course of their exit. Statements such as

"1 f e l l into the hands of thugs who beat me and took al1 my

253

money" were commonly expressed during the interviews. One

respondent reluctantly mentioned t h a t he was held captive

for a day, robbed and also sodomised. Another respondent ,

Kofi, said,

1 crossed the Togo border on foot not knowing where the road will lead me. 1 walked through very thick bush. . . . Just before 1 entered a small village on the road 1 was stopped by a group of Ewe or Togolese bandits (1 am not sure where they are from). Their dialect was a mixture of Ewe and French. One of them slapped me very hard and demanded money. When 1 said 1 had no money he slapped me again. Then one of them said in broken English t h a t they knew that 1 was fleeing to Togo illegally, and that if I did not do what they wanted they will arrest me and take me to the Ghanaian soldiers. 1 started shaking. 1 complied to their demands .

Upon reaching the border several respondents put on

disguises to evade the scrutiny or suspicion of border

guards, and then crossed the border on foot. Cornmon forms of

disguise were dressing up as peasant famers or as petty

traders. Most respondents were uncertain about whether they

had been pursued or not. However, a majority (17/30)

indicated to me that they believed soldiers would look for

them, especially after having discovered that the fugitives

had failed to make their daily reports to the barracks. Kofi

and Tetteh, for instance, felt soldiers would be looking for

them. However, some of their counterparts were uncertain

about this.

254

Typically, upon exiting from Ghana, respondents did not

go through any immigration f ormalities , since they travelled

via f ootpaths . Once they crossed the border, they made their way to major urban areas. These cities are lloverpopulatedrl

and impoverished" (although the srnall elite are very

wealthy) . For the most part respondents arrived without knowing what to expect.

Kunz (1981) identifies two patterns in his analysis of

refugee flight patterns, namely "acute1I and "anticipatoqV

refugee movements. Kunz argues that acute refugee movement

takes place under the impact of an emergency requiring

imrnediate flight, while anticipatory refugee flights "are

more carefully planned and are carried out by those who are

far-sighted enough to flee before the need to do so is

imminentIl. There are several gaps in the application of

Kunzf s mode1 to the f light pattern of Ghanaian refugees that

1 intenriewed. His notion of acute refugee flight is not

applicable to respondents since their flight was not

immediate and hasty. Moreover, their flight dynamics raise

questions about his anticipatory refugee flight patterns.

Kunz assumes that since exit is pre-plamed individuals will

arrive safely. As shown by the preceding discussions, the

safe exit or safe arriva1 of respondents to their intended

destination was uncertain. In addition, respondents exited

under risky circumstances , considering that they were

255

unauthorised to travel, and given the surveillance of

Ghanaian borders at the tirne. None of these points is

addressed by Kunzrs framework. Other features of the flight

process of Ghanaian refugees do fit into KunV s anticipatory

flight framework: a) respondents fled due to anticipation of

danger, b) conceivably they had a destination in mind prior

to their flight, and c) they had planned important flight

details including the route, and how to evade security at

Ghana's border.

Flight to Neighbouring West African Countries

As shown in Table 23a, most respondents went to three

major destinations, namely: Ivory Coast, Togo and Nigeria.

The largest group (12/30) sought asylum in Ivory Coast.

Other large groups crossed the border to Togo (7/30) , and

Nigeria (6/30) . Small numbers went to Burkina Faso, Benin

and Sierra Leone. There are no important differences among

targets and activists with respect to their flight

destinations. This gives rise to the primary question: why

did respondents choose their respective destinations?

T a b l e 23a P l a c e s of F i r s t Asylum in West Africa - -

Destination

Table 23b shows the reason respondents chose their

respective destinations. Nearly al1 of them (27/30) had

"headed for the nearest border". This may be valid for some

respondents but probably incorrect for others . For instance,

half of those who fled from Kumasi ( 4 / 8 ) and its vicinity,

had gone to Togo, and not to the nearest border-nation,

which is Ivory Coast. Similarly, about one-third (5/14) of

respondents who fled £ r o m Accra and Koforidua fled to Ivory

Ivory Coast Togo Nigeria Burkina Faso Benin Sierra Leone

Total

Coast and not to the closest border-nation, Togo.

Respondents may have headed for what they thought was the

N % - 12 40 7 23 6 2 0 2 6 2 6 I 3

30 100

closest border, but in reality was not.

I

lote : Subsequently, Upper Volta, Benin and Sierra Leone are commonly referred to as "other West African destinations" in the study.

The second most popular reason which influenced choice

of destination was " the easiest border crossingn. The c l a h

that the chosen border exit was the "easiestU cannot be

objectively detemined. As explained earlier, Ghana's

257

borders were tightly monitored by the PNDC regime for

security reasons. Individuals may have perceived t h a t some

borders were e a s i e r t o cross than o the r s .

Table 23b Reasons f o r Choice of Destination

Headed for the nearest border Headed for the "easiestH border

a1 reasons.

The third reason was--"suggested by others" .

Respondents indicated that close relatives had suggested

certain destinations and routes as the safest. Others also

indicated that they went to what they perceived as the

"safest destination". Yet, of the two who gave this as a

reason, neither of them had ever been to the chosen

destination before.

The flight of respondents to neighbouring countries is

similar to the regular migration of Ghanaians. Respondents

fled mainly to the traditional destinations of Ghanaian

migrants, including: Togo, Ivory Coast and Nigeria. In

keeping with established migratory patterns, Ghanaian exiles

to neighbouring West Africa tended to gravitate towards the

capital or major cities including Abidjan, Lome, Lagos,

Bamako and Coutonou. Perhaps they believed t h a t the

socioeconomic conditions in these cities would be relatively

better. However, important differences between the exiles

and regular Ghanaian migrants should be noted.

Fragile asylum

Overall the interview data on respondents a) income

b) access to food, c ) residential characteristics, d) health

care and, e) physical security depict a fragile asylum

replete with enormous hardships, insecurities and

frustrations. The data do not reveal important differences

between targets and activists in this respect. In contrast,

there are important dif f erences between l1 lightl1 and

"severely" traumatised respondents with respect to their

circumstances on arriva1 in the place of f irst asylum. It

turned out that "severely traumatisedl' individuals endured

more hardships relative to their l1 lightly traumatisedIf

counterparts. This perhaps can be attributed to several

reasons, of which the following are the rnost important.

As noted previously, none of the West African

destinations where respondents sought first asylum

maintained a legal or organizational mechanism for

resettling refugees (chapter 4). Furthermore, the countries

are poor Third World nations faced with enormous

socioeconomic problems. In the absence of official

recognition as refugees and settlement assistance,

respondents were compelled to self-settle. Given the

prevailing economic conditions, the exiles f ound it

extremely challenging to secure basic necessities. This was

more so for severely traumatised respondents, who, in light

of their physical and emotional state found it more

difficult to cope with the conditions in the places of first

asylum.

Moreover, on arriva1 in their destinations, several

respondents ( l 9 / 3 0 1 approached local off icials to seek

refugee status and assistance. However, their requests were

unsuccessful (Appendix D Table 10) . A large majority (13/19)

were told that there was no such support for refugees. Arnong

respondents, severely traumatised respondents were more

likely (6/7) to approach local officiais for assistance

since they tended to require medical attention. Their

unsuccessf ul attempts only deepened their anxiety . One

severely traumatised respondent, Ato, who applied for

of ficial assistance from local UNHCR staff in Ivory Coast

had this to Say:

they offered me accommodation f o r one day. I was fed only once. 1 was also given some plaster (band aid) for my wounds. The next day, one of them told me that they donJt have the means, they cannot help me any longer.

Similarly, Osei, who also sought off i c ia l assistance in

Togo, stated that he was only provided with a place to stay

260

for one night. However, some respondents did not apply for

assistance in their place of destination because the

Ghanaian exiles they met warned them against approaching any

off icials. As noted by Blankson, I'it was feared that this

would attract unwanted attention to the exile cornmunityu.

Respondents became "illegal or undocumented

immigrantst1 in their various destinations. Lacking any

official recognition wherever they settled, they were

subject to deportation. It should be noted that the ECOWAS

agreement allows West Africans 90 days to regularize their

stay upon arriva1 in West African countries. Still,

authorities could question migrants since they have no

adequate way of knowing how long a person has been in the

country. Frequently, local authorities, particulary the

police, took matters into their own hands and deported

aliens (Essuman-Johnson 1995:108).

Respondents had to rely on their own resourcefulness to

earn their livelihood. As evidenced by the pitiful socio-

economic circumstances of the respondents presented below,

achieving this proved to be extremely challenging for

Ghanaian exiles, particularly for the more traumatised

cases. The analyses are organised by major themes and

emerging patterns, which came out of vivid qualitative

accounts of respondents.

a: Income: Economic activities of remondents

Most of the West African countries in which

respondents sought asylum were faced with massive economic

problems that limited the employment opportunities of

Ghanaian exiles. The only exception was Nigeria, where due

to the booming oil industry of the 1970s and 1980s, the

economy generated significant employment avenues. Even here,

Ghanaian exiles encountered problems in getting j obs . Nigeria's o i l economy saw a downward turn beginning in the

mid-1980s (World Bank 1992 : 403) . Meanwhile the economic boom

attracted massive numbers of migrants from al1 over A£ rica- -

a situation which generated cornpetition and tensions among

migrants and locals in Nigerian cities such as Lagos (Arhin

1994).

Slightly over half (17/30) of the respondents had some

financial resources on arrival in their West African

destinations, which sustained them for a while. Some,

including three individuals who were severely traumatised,

reported that they received support from relatives back

home. But they al1 indicated that the financial assistance

was inadequate, considering their needs in the countries of

first asylum. However, a significant minority (13/30) had

relatively little or no resources on arrival. These were

mostly individuals who had been mugged during the course of

their journey. Some individuals also revealed that they had

spent a huge portion of their money on transportation. A few

mentioned that they had received limited assistance

(including food, old blankets and money) from local

acquaintances.

However, for the most part, nearly al1 Ghanaian exiles

engaged in diverse kinds of menial economic activities for

their li~elihood~~. Sometimes they engaged in tenuous wage

labour. Typically, individuals w e r e contracted on a daily

basis. The jobs were usually found after long and arduous

search.

Some variations are noticeable among respondents with

respect to attitude towards participation in economic

activities in the place of asylum. In part, the variations

reflect the degree of pre-flight trauma, and in part, the

socioeconornic background of individual respondents prior to

departure.

First, severely traumatised respondents were more

likely to engage in petty self-employment activities for

their livelihood. Among these were Kofi, the ex-student

leader, and Kwasi, the ex-bodyguard, who expressed that they

felt too weak to participate in arduous physical labour.

31~asual economic activities of respondents in West African destinations included: peddling of clothing and shoes, loading trucks, cleaning, cutting hair, tailoring, construction site workers/brick laying and workiny on farrns.

Kofi worked as a 'Ishoe-shine boy", while Kwasi peddled

items, such as bread and newspapers, along city streets.

Lightly traumatised respondents tended to engaged in more

physically demanding jobs ; for example, construction or f a n

work. Some senred as porters.

The second variation was that initially some

respondents, particulary the professionals, who had held

comfortable positions back home, were hesitant to engage in

menial activities in their West African destinations. In

addition, the prof essionals tended to engage in self -

employment activities rather than in wage labour. Some

professionals also tried to find jobs suited to their

qualifications but without success. Attah, the tutor,

described his experience in Nigeria as follows:

initially I tried looking for a job as a teacher, but 1 was not successful. 1 had to find a way to make ends meet. But jobs were dif f icult to f ind. 1 used to get up early in the morning at about 6 am, 1 will then walk through the city for several hours, going £rom one building site to another looking for a construction job. The system of work here is called "by day~l~~. Workers are hired on daily basis. At times you will earn less than what you earned the day bef ore. The jobs also could Vary f rom day to day. One day 1 will work as a brick-layer . The next morning 1 will be pushing mixed

32 The "by-day" system is common across West Africa, especially in the farming zones. It is legal; however, there is no paper work involved. The terms depend upon the employer and employee. Typically, labourers are signed up for work on a daily basis; they are also paid cash at the end of the day. The system works to the advantage of employers in the sense that they can Vary the terms of employment-such as daily wage, type of activity, and hours of work- at any time.

concrete in wheel-barrow at the same site for less money .

Regardless of whether they were wage earners or self

employed, respondents indicated that they barelymade enough

to support themselves . The severely traumatised respondents

seemed worse-off. Wage earners attributed their precarious

f inancial position to exploitative employers, who took

advantage of their vulnerabilities. As explained by Attah:

llmy employers knew that I had no choice since there was no

paperwork, they paid me any arnount they liked" . Severely

traumatised individuals such as Kofi and Kwasi, who were

self-employed, told me they could not work long hours due to

health problems. This situation affected their earnings.

Other self-employed individuals recounted unpleasant

experiences in connection with their work. Many of them

complained that they were frequent victims of theft and gang

attack. In addition, some had to pay bribes regularly to law

enforcement agents who questioned thern about their vending

permits and immigration documents.

Given that their financial situation was so precarious,

respondents experienced a cons iderable decline in the socio-

psychological state while living in the West African nations

of f irst asylum. As show by the following discussion, they

could hardly af f ord to maintain nutrit ional habits which

w e r e compatible with their cultural background. Many

265

expressed that they felt depressed about their

circumstances.

b) Access to Food

Overall, most respondents reported irregular eating

habits, partly due to poverty, and partly as a result of a

coping strategy in the midst of uncertainty and hardships.

When asked to describe their eating habits at the place

of temporary asylum, a small minority (7/30) reported being

able to maintain regular eating habits". They had at least

two major meals a day. In contrast, judging by the Ghanaian

custom, a large majority (23/30) experienced hunger in their

place of asylum. They reported that they rarely had more

than one major meal a day. Some also indicated that they

rarely had access to what Ghanaians classify as a major

meal. As expressed by Osei: "1 used to eat once a day; my

usual meal was porridge and bread".

The dif f erences in meal f requency was highly in£ luenced

by the persona1 economic circumstances of respondents. Those

who had access to meals frequently also had a I'somewhat"

reliable source of income £rom their casual wage earning and

33Customarily, Ghanaians c25 t w o major meals a day. A major meal consists of staple food including maize, yams, plantain, cassava and rice, comrnonly eaten with a vegetable sauce, and prepared with meat or fish. This diets is popular throughout West Africa.

informal economic activities . On the other hand, a majority who had in£ requent access to major rneals and had no reliable

source of income, said they could only afford one meal a

day. Yet there were respondents whose infrequent eating

habits were a part of their %urvival strategy in a harsh

environment". Kwasi explained to me that "since he did not

know what was ahead, he tried to survive on as little as

possible in order to conserve his scarce resourcesw.

Besides their limited f inancial resources, the acute

food shortages in the countries of exile also had a negative

impact on respondents' nutritional habits. Those who had

gone to Burkina Faso, for instance, pointed out that

frequently al1 they could af ford was bread. Even so, they

had to queue for hours before they could buy it. Similarly,

individuals who went to Ivory Coast, Togo and Benin also

indicated that, due to food shortages, they could not a£ ford

staples such as yams and plantain.

cj Shelter and Residential ~atterns

The quality of the residences which m o s t respondents

inhabited illustrates their level of desperation and

marginality in the place of asylum. They lived in very

deplorable and overcrowded conditions. A ma j ority (21/30)

had access to shelter nearly throughout the period they were

267

in the place of asylum. However, their residences were far

£rom perfect. On the other hand, a minority (9/30) had an

irregular residential pattern. Sometimes they shared

accommodation with their compatriots, but when the need

arose, they slept in public places or any place they could

find. The %eed aroseM £rom circumstances such as financial

difficulty, sudden eviction, dernolition of the place of

shelter and also relocation to different parts of the city.

Respondents who were exiled in Nigeria said their

places of shelter included makeshift homes constructed with

wood or cardboard and wooden kiosks. These were typically

constructed by illegal immigrants who had settled in slum

areas. Vulnerable as these structures were, they also tended

to be overcrowded. Nearly a l 1 respondents who were exiled in

Togo, Benin and Sierra Leone had inhabited normal rooms, yet

they lived in very overcrowded and unhygienic conditions.

Typically, five or more people occupied a room. They

explained that the houses in which they lived were

dilapidated and mice-infested. Room-mates included both

exiles and other Ghanaian migrants.

Most of those who were exiled in Ivory Coast lived in

rented rooms, while others lived mainly in abandoned homes,

schools and church buildings. The precarious state of

respondents regarding their residential pattern in Ivory

Coast was strongly expressed by Osei - -the JehovahJ s Witness

a Ghanaian acquaintance told me of a house located near the central market place. I t was an abandoned building, but people (undocumented immigrants) had f ixed up some rooms, and that was where 1 stayed. There were eight rooms here, and over 50 people lived here. Some were Ghanaians, but many were Chadians, Burkinabes and Liberians. 1 shared a room with about eight Ghanaians; some times the number rose to 12 or even 15 depending on whether there were new arrivals. There were no bed or mattresses, just old dirty mats and tattered blankets. We had no place to store any possessions, thank goodness w e only had a few! Also it was unsafe keeping any possessions here any way, since people just corne and go. The room was really dirty and smelly. Nobody had tirne to clean it up. There were no toilets facilities or water here. But we al1 understood the circumstances; nobody really owned the place, and nobody who wanted to stay with us was turned back.

Respondents who had no permanent form of residence

indicated that they stored their few possessions in storage

places or with friends and acquaintances, a practice which

tended to provide a degree of attachment or stability to

their otherwise irregular residential habits.

d) Health care

This was another dimension in which respondents faced

extreme difficulties. Recall that, besides their pre-flight

trauma, some respondents had suffered on-route hardships

including injuries, dehydration and anxiety . In addition,

their irregular eating habits and unhygienic living

269

conditions in their places of temporary asylum, al1 suggest

that they would require medical assistance. Yet a rnajority

had no access to adequate medical care. Most respondents

indicated that they usually relied on over the counter drugs

when they were sick. This included severely traumatised

individuals such as Kofi, Kwasi, Ato and Yaw, who suffered

f rom more serious illnesses including malaria, hernia,

j aundice, eye troubles, migraine, heart troubles and

depression. They treated these with drugs purchased on the

market. None of the respondents ever sought professional

medical assistance even when self-medication fâiled. They

indicated that they could not afford to do so.

Some individuals adopted a philosophy of denial as a

mechanism for dealing with their sickness. For instance one

respondent stated that "in times of sickness 1 just ignored

it and after a while the sickness just w e n t awayIr . Some others also indicated that Yhey never felt sick, they could

not afford ton.

Such a tendency to self -medicate, or even ignore the

sickness, reflects the dire circurnstances in which

respondents f ound themselves . These practices w e r e also part

of an adaptive mechanism in dealing with harsh and somewhat

impossible conditions. They could not allow themselves to be

overcome by their numerous social and economic problems.

e) Phvsical Securitv in place of asvlum

270

Nearly a l 1 the respondents reported t ha t they felt

physically insecure i n their respective p laces of temporary

asylum (Table 24) . An overwhelming rnajority (26/30) felt

l l s l igh t ly l l o r l1 extrernely insecure" . These comprised mainly

respondents w h o were exiled i n Togo, Nigeria and Ivory

Coast. They reported diverse forms of physical abuse

including mugging and physical assault.

Table 24 Physical Security in Place of Asylwn

Nigeria

N

Some exiles i n Togo said they f e l t insecure for

p o l i t i c a l reasons. They mentioned that they feared

"underground h i t squadsu dispatched by the PNDC t o

exterminate Ghanaian exilesu . One respondent emphasised t ha t

h i s fears w e r e v a l i d since, according t o him, "Rawlings

Other W/A dtns N

T o t a l

N

feared that Ghanaian exiles in Togo would use Togo as a base

to organize and destabilize the PNDC. Therefore, hit men

were sent to silence those suspected of such activitiesg1.

Respondents commonly expressed insecurities over

possible arrest and deportation by authorities in their

neighbouring West African destinations. This fear was based

on the respondents' lack of required immigration documents.

A small minority (6/30) of respondents who were exiled in

Togo, Ivory Coast, Benin and Upper Volta indicated that they

were arrested by police and questioneo about their status.

Four others who were exiled in Nigeria, Benin and Sierra

Leone reported that they were imprisoned for varying

periods, and then released.

Social Intesration of Respondents

Ghanaians resemble other neighbouring West Af ricans in

many respects. They share a common diet and their dress

patterns are similar. However, there are other social and

cultural differences between them. The most important

difference was language which tended to affect social

integration of Ghanaian exiles in their places of temporary

asylum.

Neighbouring countries, such as Ivory Coast, Togo,

Upper Volta and Benin, which received most (23/30)

respondents, are Francophone countries. Even though

respondents (7 in all) who went to Anglophone countries

(Nigeria and Sierra Leone) could interact with the natives,

there were some limitations. Local dialects are widely used

in most social domains while English tends to be spoken in

official circles. On the other hand, four Ewe respondents

who fled to Togo found themselves in environments which

shared their linguistic and other cultural practices.

Some respondents, particulary a few who were exiled in

Nigeria and Ivory Coast, indicated that they were called

"bad namesu by the locals and sometimes their employers. A

respondent in Togo also maintained that people in the

neighbourhood where he lived complained about the growing

presence of Ghanaian refugees.

In short, though there are cultural similarities

between Ghanaians and their West African neighbours, most

respondents who were exiled in the latter destinations found

themselves unwelcome.

Duration in Country of F i r s t Asylum

The social and economic hardships of Ghanaian exiles

in their West African destinations are vividly conveyed by

the short duration of their stay there.

Table 25b Reasons fo r Leaving West African Destination

Reasons IL-- 7

Feax of arrest and deportation Physical insecurity Difficulties in meeting needs Wanted to start a new l i f e somewhere else with family Il

The second most important reason for leaving the place

of temporary asylum w a s physical insecurity. Those who

mentioned this as a second reason were referring to persona1

experiences, or incidents of assault and murder they

witnessed while living in the various countries. As

expressed by one respondent who was exiled in Nigeria, "1

fled £rom death by soldiers to death by hoodlumsl~. The

feeling of physical insecurity was aggravated by the lack of

legal protection and lack of shelter.

P

The third factor was the socioeconomic conditions in

the places of asylum. Respondents reiterated that ab j ect

conditions,

'd

including the lack of adequate shelter, food and health

care, were "pushn factors for Ieaving their West African

destinations. They also mentioned the l a c k of employment,

physical dangers and t h e i r inability to l i ve as they

desired. As portrayed in the testimony of Yaw, the ex-

Note: Respondents gave several reasons.

politician, individuals who rnanaged to escape under the most

arduous and terrifying circumstances had only a tenuous

grasp on a fragile asylum:

1 lived underground in Lagos for two months . Conditions here were far £rom perfect. 1 used to live in the streets until 1 found a school yard where 1 had slept on a verandah. . . 1 didn't take bath for almost a week. . . 1 felt so bad, so dirty, and so depressed. 1 did not know what 1 have done to deserve this. 1 felt l i k e cornmitting suicide. 1 was picked up and beaten by thugs who thought I had money. At one point 1 was determined to go back to Ghana--to face Rawlings and the soldiers since life in Nigeria was so rough. . . . .but 1 could not bring myself to do that. My only chance of survival was to leave Lagos, but 1 didnrt know where to, and how.

Finally, some were also concerned about the possibility

of "reuniting with their farnily". For such people, the main

concern was that they could not possibly bring their family

to live with them since they themselves felt physically

insecure. Thus, moving to another location would make this

possible.

S - ~ Y

As survivors of persecution by agents of the PNDC,

severe deprivation, and extensive abuse, respondents share

the experiences of other victims of torture and trauma.

Given that they were forcibly arrested, subjected to

con£ inement , physically assaulted, injured, deprived of

276

food, medical care and adequate shelter, it is reasonable to

conclude that the pre-arriva1 experiences of respondents

were indeed traumatic. In fact, al1 the respondents said

they were distraught f r o m the ordeal of persecution, flight

and insecurity on route. However, a minority who endured a

whole range of repressive experiences were most traumatised.

Moreover, relative to their "lightf y traumatised"

counterparts, the "severely traumatised" also appeared to

have endured greater trauma in the place of first asylum. As

shown in the following chapter, such differences in the

degree of pre-arriva1 trauma appear to have exerted

important in£ luences on subsequent integrat ion in Canada.

With respect to flight motives, the respondents

comprised individuals who were targeted for repression due

to alleged past associations, and also activists who were

subjected to abusive treatment due to their political

activities. Data £ r o m the interviews further suggest that

targets endured more profound hardships and insecurities

relative to their activist counterparts. For instance,

targets experienced longer confinements, they reportedly

endured an extreme degree of threats, torture, injuries and

deprivat ions. However, the data do not portray any

significant differences between targets and activists with

respect to the degree of trauma during flight, nor in terms

of their experiences in the place of first asylum.

The preceding distinctions raise questions about the

applicability of Zolbergfs (1989) framework to Ghanaian

refugees. Even though Zolberg noted that targeted

individuals and activists share a common fear of violence,

yet his analysis does not di£ ferentiate between these two

types of refugees with respect to the degree of repression

they endure prior to flight. In Ghana during the 1980s, the

PNDC increasingly resorted to terror and intimidation as a

way to consolidate political power. Given that targets

comprised mainly professionals and key officials who lived

and worked in urban centres, they were more susceptible to

attack by PNDC agents. This perhaps explains why targeted

individuals endured more abuse.

There is good reason to believe that the pre-arriva1

insecurities of respondents would adversely affect

subsequent integrat ion in Canada. First , respondents w e r e

forced to rnigrate, a situation which social scientists have

argued tend to increase the risk for emotional disorders

(Beiser 1988:s). Many respondents expressed that they felt

terribly sad and hopeless about their situation. Second,

they experienced the persecution or death of relatives,

forced captivity, torture, deprivation and loss of

possessions--these are extreme experiences which created

anxiety and depression. Third, their misfortunes w e r e

aggravated by further insecurities in West Africa. Finally,

278

respondents arrived in Canada in poverty, and also

physically and emotionally challenged.

The residual effects from their extensive traumatic

experiences, particulary for those who were severely

traumatised, indicates that they required receptive

resettlement conditions and special assistance. Yet, as will

be shown in Chapter 9, typically, Ghanaians who travelled to

Canada to seek refugee status encountered poor officia1 and

public response. As will be argued l a t e r , this combination

of events has contributed to the slow integration of

Ghanaian refugees in Canada.

In any event, in spite of the extent of their pre-

f 1 ight abuse, respondent s managed to reach Canada,

suggesting that , perhaps , their instrumental skills were

only temporarily impaired by the traumata of flight.

Chapter 9

The Resettlement Experiences and Integration of Ghanaian Refugees in Canada

introduction

Several migration researchers have argued that despite

adversity and trauma, refugees can regain their ability to

fulfil required social roles, and the opportunity to

optimize their potential (Portes and Rumbaut 1992, Portes

and Borocz 1989, Bach 1992) . Researchers have further

contended that the most important handicaps to smooth

resettlement are negative attitudes on the part of the host

society, and barriers to participation in social and

economic activities (see Portes and Rumbaut 1992, Beiser

1983) . The most basic way to determine whether these

arguments are applicable to the respondents of this study is

to examine the reception that was offered to them upon

arrival in Canada. As noted in chaptew six, Canada had no

specific admission policies for Ghanaians who were compelled

to flee their homeland throughout the 1980s. For Canadian

authorities, the interna1 problems f rom which Ghanaians were

f leeing did not merit a special refugee admission programme.

Ghanaian exiles seeking asylum in Canada of ten had to travel

to Canada and claim refugee status after arrival. Typically,

on arrival, they faced considerable uncertainty about their

eventual status in Canada.

280

Chapter 9 provides a general overview of the

resettlement experiences and integration of respondents. The

discussion here will then set the stage for specific

analyses of the integration of Ghanaian ref ugees with

backgrounds of varying degrees of trauma. The chapter is

divided into t w o sections. In the f i r s t section Canada's

administrative response to Ghanaians when they came in as

claimants is examined to highlight the insecurities which

exert negative influence on the integration of the clairnants

later on. Two categories of precarious reception are

distinguished which are shown t o lead to "lightN and

"extrerneN insecurities among Ghanaian claimants. The second

section of the chapter examines the integration of the

Ghanaians after they were granted convention refugee and

permanent residential status. The analyses is based on a

review of their economic and social characteristics.

ENTRY OF GHANAIANS AS CLAIMANTS AND CANADA'S ADMINISTRATIVE RESPONSE

This section examines Canada' s off i c i a l response to the

arriva1 of Ghanaian claimants. It is examined from t w o major

aspects, namely: a) acquisition of employment rights and b)

the extension of refugee or legal residential status.

In line with Canada's immigration laws, a traveller's

class of admission determhes his or her legal s t a t u s ,

entitlements, and residency. The period of transition (that

is, £rom being a claimant to when refugee or legal status is

granted) is extremely dif ficult for persons who enter as

claimants due to the following.

First, in contrast to regular immigrants and sponsored

refugees, claimants have no legal status on arrival in

canadaj6. This is because Canada' s irnmigrat ion and ref ugee

law does not provide a ~ategory'~ for individiials seeking

refugee status f rom within Canada. The rules of admission

contained in the Immigration Act distinguishes between two

classes of people: immigrants and visitors (EIC 1989).

Secondly, unlike regular immigrants and sponsored

refugees, claimants are ineligible for a host of regular

programmes which are available to facilitate the integration

of newcomers f rom the moment of arrival (Appendix E Table

11) . These include : temporary accommodation/ food, emergency loans, refugee host programmes, orientation to Canadian

society, l aquage , ski11 training and educational

programmes. Prior to 1994, claimants had no rights to

participate in employment until they were authorised to do

so. Subsequent to 1994, claimants may hold employment rights

from shortly after their arrival, at the discretion of

%ee footnote i for definitions of regular immigrants and sponsored refugees.

37~he label "refugee claimant" is not recognised as a legal status under Canadian immigration law.

Canadian a~thorities~~.

Stemming from the preceding discussion, the acquisition

of legal residential status had signif icant implications for

the Ghanaian claimants in terms of their personal, economic,

educational. and linguistic development, and also in tems

of their making the transition to a new culture and society.

Considering that they were fleeing a military dictatorial

regime which resorted to coercive means to silence its

opponents and to consolidate political control, one would

have expected that the application for refugee status by

Ghanaians would have met relatively little off icial

opposition. Yet, in general, the extension of status to the

Ghanaian claimants that 1 interviewed was fraught with

protracted delays and profound uncertainty . They were

subjected to restrictive conditions. and eventually (though

reluctantly) permitted to stay in Canada. Clearly these

experiences engendered insecurities which have been

detrimental to their subsequent economic and social

integration. The post-arriva1 insecurities of respondents

"~he background of this position traces to the late 1980s, when mounting concern about the increasing number of açylum seekers who -originated rnainly from the hir rd World prornpted outcries frorn government bureaucrats and the public to control the admission of alleged bogus claimants. But in reality, even those who needed protection against persecution also found it dif f icult to gain admission. Enforcement concerns of immigration authorities seems to have prevailed over humanitarian considerations. In the end Canada's response to claimants appears ambivalent and contradictory .

are analyzed below.

Delayed Rights to Work

Respondents encountered varying levels of bureaucratic

delays before being granted the right to work. Table 26

indicates how long it took respondents to obtain work

authorization in Canada. Some (9/30) were granted rights to

work within 16 months after arrival. By contrast, most

individuals waited for over 17 months. In fact, in most

extrerne cases the bureaucratic delays ranged f rom 26 to over

30 months. Meanwhile, in the period that they held no

working rights, respondents depended on meagre financial

assistance £rom public welfare authorities. As a

consequence, the denial of employment rights created " s t a t e -

induced unemploymentu, impoverishment and financial

dependency among respondents, at least from the period of

arrival until whatever time their work permit s were granted.

Table 2 6 Waiting Period Before being granted Work ~uthorization~~

Months elapsed since arrival*

D e l a y 8 i n O b taining w o r k permit

Shorter D e l a y * * Longer D e l a v * * * 'otes :

T o t a l - .

21- 25

* Based on time periods which respondents could remember ** Refers to delays of 16 months o r less *** Refers to delays over 17 months

Why respondents encountered such delays before being

granted the right t o work is hard to explain. Respondents

believed that it was a deliberate attempt by the Canadian

government to punish Ghanaians for coming to Canada t o seek

asylum. But this explanation i s inadequate since claimants

of different origins also encountered similar experiences.

One plausible reason is that at the time of their arrival,

the r i g h t t o work was con£ erred to claimants only af ter they

had appeared for t he first level hearing. As noted later,

invitations to the first hearing were also affected by

protracted bureaucratic delays due to the volume of refugee

applications.

From t h e above experiences, one cannot help but wonder

2 6 - 30

j9claimants became eligible to participate in educational programmes a t about the same time.

over 30

what impact the protracted delays from entering the

workforce would have had on the subsequent participation of

respondents in the work force. Commenting on the plight of

claimants who were denied the eligibility to work, the

Canadian Mental Health Association (CMA, 1988) argued that

work provides a sense of purpose, dignity and self esteem.

The CMA also noted that work not only provides income, it

also defines people as contributors to the society in which

they live. Hence, protracted denial of employment rights has

negative consequences for integration, by retarding

claimants' participation in social, cultural and economic

activities of the host country.

Acquisition of Landed Status : Ef fects of "Delayed Hearingsn and "Delayed Landingnl

Year of Arrivai in Canada and Year When Status Chansed

The Ghanaians 1 intenriewed arrived between 1982 and

1988. They arrived in two waves . The f irst wave cornprised a

minority (12/30), who arrived in Canada between 1982-1985

(Table 27a) . The second wave comprised a majority (18/30) , who came to Canada between 1986-1988. At the time of

interview, the latter had lived in Canada between 10 and 12

years, while the former had been here between 7 and 9 years.

Table 27a Period of Arriva1 in Canada Il II 11

Period of Arriva1 II N %

1st wave of arrival: 1983-1985

Total 100

The resolution of their refugee claims was perhaps the

most important concern of respondents upon arrival in

Canada. Individuals had described the refugee application as

follows: I1it was my lifeu; "my sou1 depended on itv; "1 felt

like a hunter without a gunl1; and "it was the beginning and

the end for me1<. Clearly, a negative outcome of the refugee

application was perceived as almost fatal.

Respondents lodged their refugee application with the

then Refugee Status Advisory Cornmittee (RSAC) . This body was

responsible for inland refugee applications between 1979 and

1988. However, nearly al1 of them finalised their

applications under the Immigration and Refugee Board (IRBI

which took over £rom the RSAC in January 1989, a clear

indication of the profound delays which most Ghanaians

encountered in their refugee application process . A minority

(9/30) w e r e granted legal status within four years of their

arrival . However, in most other cases, it took six years or more (Table 27b) .

T a b l e 27b Y e a r of Arriva1 and Year when status changed

Invitation to First Full Hearinq

Beiser (1991:426) argues that what happens to people

after they enter a country of asylum probably has a greater

effect on their mental health during the first years of

settlement than what happened to them before. In the case of

asylum seekers in Canada, he points out that the slowness of

the inland determination process places a psychological

burden on the claimant which can be even more damaging than

the material hardships he or she suffers.

Clearly, early invitation to the first full refugee

hearing was crucial for the integration of claimants in

Canada for several reas~ns'~. First, it marked the

beginning of the actual refugee determination process .

Year When Status changed

4 0 ~ t least this was true until revision of Canada's immigration and refugee policies in 1992. As noted earlier, revised policies now allow claimants to work while pursuing their daims.

1992 1991

2 ----.--

1

1993 1990

1

1

Year of arriva1

1983

1984

1988 1987

1

3

2

1989

1985

1986

1987

1988

2

9

5

3

Hence, it offered some relief to claimants who were often

disoriented and frustrated with the uncertainties

surrounding the process. Second, early invitation to first

level hearing meant an earlier completion of the

determination process. Third, claimants obtained rights to

work in Canada only after they appeared for this hearing.

Given the above, early invitations to the f irst full hearing

had several advantages, while delayed hearings only

cornpounded the frustrations and uncertainties of claimants.

Arnong the Ghanaian claimants that 1 interviewed, the

data indicate that the refugee backlog prolonged the

duration of the inland refugee application period and

amplified its attendant anxieties to intolerable

proportions. Al1 the respondents experienced I1delayed

hearingsI1, with respect to invitation to both first and

subsequent refugee hearings . Some (9/30) were invited to

their first hearing within 20 months after arriva1 in

Canada. By contrast, in most cases the delays frequently

ranged from 21 to 30 months and more. But that was not the

end of it.

Respondents also experienced remarkable delays in

invitations to subsequent hearings (Table 28). Nearly half

(14/30) were invited about two to six months after their

first hearing. On the other hand, a majority of their

colleagues (16) had to wait about seven to 13 months for

289

these subsequent invitations. Some of the latter had already

faced longer delays while awaiting their first full hearing.

T a b l e 28 Delays to Subsequent H e a r i q Degree of Insecurity

E I

1 Subsequen t Hearings : Approx . W a i ting ~ e r i o d " 2-6 months 7-12 months 13 rnonths and over

As indicated in the bottom part of Table 28, besides

delayed hearings, respondents were also surnmoned to several

hearings bef ore the Refugee Board bef ore they could complete

the determination process . Two- thirds made two or three- appearances before the board, while one- third had over three

refugee hearings.

As an unfortunate sequel to the delayed hearings,

respondents also experienced "delayed landingI1 ; that is ,

even after the determination process had been successfully

completed, individuals had to wait for a considerable period

before landed or permanent resident status was actually

Dimensian

10 12 8

T o t a l Hearings Before Landing 2 3 Over 3

Similar patterns of delays were found among targets and activists. See Appendix E Table Il.

Total

9 Il 10

conferred. Slightly over one-third (11/30) waited up to 18

months, but in extreme cases the delay ranged between 19 and

24 months.

Insecurities in Acsuisition of L e s a l Status: Overall Effect

Respondents recounted compelling stories of agony, and

anxiety which they had suffered during the refugee

application process. Their testimony concerned personal

insecurities during the hearings, the prolonged delays and

the attitude of their legal counsel.

One individual said the hearings were adversarial, and

that this placed him in a very defensive position. Others

expressed concern over the fact that they found the

experience of describing details of persona1 indignity such

as torture, maltreatment of spouses and other f amily members

traumatising.

Another respondent likoned the atrnosphere in the room

during his refiioee hearings to that of a murder trial.

Another respondent--who was persecuted in Ghana for refusing

to join a Committee for the Defence of the Revolution (CDR) -

-recalled the insecurities encountered in the course of his

hearings :

1 found the way 1 was treated by the Case Presenting officer (CPO) and adjudicators to be unfair and threatening. 1 had told them that 1 resigned from the CDR due to its abusive nature. Yet, the CPO insisted that even if I had enjoyed working as a CDR member, 1 would not tell them. He said that my case doesn't even

corne under any of the categories specified in the UN convention. 1 was questioned over and over again for several hours . . . . . When the hearing adj ourned, the adjudicators said they- will write me. But 1 waited for two years. My second hearing was in July 1992. It was sirnilar to the first one. The hearing lasted for 8 hours . . . Believe me, 1 was treated as a cornmon criminal. 1 cried at the hearing. Worse of all, once again 1 was told that 1 will hear £ r o m them soon. 1 came home feeling very troubled, I felt 1 will be deported . . .

Some respondents expressed concern that the poor

performance of their counsel had exacerbated their

insecurities . Such individuals f elt their counsel were more of a liability than an asset. Ato commented that his counsel

mixed up his case with that of another client during the

course of the hearing. Further, he did not appear to care

about the quality of his work, and this nearly jeopardised

Atofs admission to Canada.

In the case of those who endured extreme delays, the

entire process was replete with trauma and emotional risk.

For example, Kof i said:

1 felt as if my entire life was at stake. I felt so helpless, but al1 1 could do was to wait. The most dif f icult part of it al1 was the lack of any clue about the outcorne of the application. 1 was always afraid that 1 will be sent back home, especially when it took so long for the authorities to reach a decision. The pressures, pains and fears made the wait seem like eternity. 1 regretted coming to Canada to seek refugee status.

~ t o also remarked:

considering al1 the stress involved, I would have

pref erred a quick resolution of my application, even it led to a negative outcome.

Some individuals noted that their anxiety often gave

rise to suicidal thoughts and suicidal tendencies. Ato had

this to say:

this is the marner in which Canadian authorities show their wickedness. They wont t touch you, they won1 t put you in prison. . . . . Yet, the conditions which you encounter is filled with strains and anxiety. 1 wasted over seven years of my life for nothing. I suffered both mentally and physically. At times thoughts of possible deportation pushed me to think of committing suicide. At one time 1 resolved that 1 will j u s t jump (25 f lights) f rom my balcony to my death- - as happened in Jane and Finch and Chalk ~ a r m ' ~ . . . . 1 felt like ending my sorrowful life once and for all. 1 lost weight, since 1 couldntt eat nor sleep. Sometimes felt depressed, bored, and also unstable. 1 couldn't work, enrol in a school programme, or go back to Ghana.

Given the delays in the invitations to initial and

subsequent refugee hearings, coupled with the uncertainty

regarding the outcome of the refugee application, the

ref ugee determinat ion process was a source of

5nstitutionalised insecurityu for Ghanaian claimants. The

lengthy inland determination process also subjected

claimants to what could be described as "systemic anxiety";

this stemmed £rom the depression, restlessness and

42~he two suicide cases referred to here involved two Ghanaians who also came to Canada as claimants. The main motive behind the suicides is not known. Officiais have concluded that there was no fou1 play involved. However, it is commonly known within the Ghanaian community that the two jumped to their death due to the social pressures and tension they were suffering in Canada.

sleeplessness that individuals felt while waiting in the

backlog . The kev auestion is, whv should Ghanaian claimants

encounter hostile response on arriva1 in Canada? Canadian

authorities attributed the delayed landing of Ghanaians and

other claimants to the rise in refugee applications during

the late 1980s (IRB 1989, CIC 1994). But the refugee backlog

alone is insufficient to explain the insecurities inflicted

upon Ghanaian claimants. The data suggest that Canadian

authorit ies were scept ical about the credibili ty of Ghanaian

refugee applications ; consequently, the authorities

subjected the claimants to several hearings in order to

establish the veracity of their accounts. Some also said

that officiais specifically sought adjournment of hearings

in order to conduct investigations into their stories and

evidence. These practices prolonged both the completion of

the determination process and its attendant anxieties.

Some respondents rationalizedthe disapproving response

of Canadian authorities as perhaps typical of the poor

treatment accorded to al1 claimants who arrived at Canadian

ports. Bonsu sa id:

1 believe that as soon as 1 announced that 1 was seeking asylum, I was classified as a nonentity. 1 observed that the facial expression of the officia1 who was dealing with me changed completely- - f rom that of a concerned official willing to help at al1 cost to that of a tough uncompromising gatekeeper. In a flash al1 his politeness was gone from his face. 1 am sure he would have been nice had 1 said 1 was a student, a

tourist or a businessman.

By contrast, many respondents felt that their poor

treatment derived £rom the relative marginality of Africans

in the eyes of Canadian authorities. For instance, a

recurrent explanation offered by several individuals for

both their cold officia1 reception and their delayed

landing, was Vhey w e r e Africans who had corne here to beg

for asylumu . Kwasi - -who had complained earlier that

officials were hostile towards him, noted further:

1 believe that if 1 w a s any other person than a poor African, I would have been received warmly and also with some dignity. 1 donf t believe 1 would have waited for £ive years for my papers (landed status) . The authorities intentionally subjected people like me to such difficulties so that by the tirne we got our papers our future and al1 our plans were destroyed.

Some respondents expressed strongly that cultural

racism played a role in their poor reception. Two

individuals vehemently claimed that on arrival, officials

had made what they perceived to be negative racial remarks

against them. One mentioned:

The official whorn I dealt with threatened and also belittled me. At one point he yelled at me saying "if I didn't speak the truth 1 will be sent back to the j ungle where I came f r o m I f . He detained me for f ive days for further questioning.

Another respondent Mohammed also mentioned that

the off icer-a f emale- - appeared f urious for no apparent reason, she yelled at me saying that, i f 1 donf t speak up 1 will be locked up in the garbage room where my kind belongs .

In brief , the testimonies from respondents discussed

above sugges t that Ghanaian claimant s endured prof ound

hardships in connection with their application for legal

status in Canada. The official reception was poor, and the

data suggest that these features were an enduring problem.

Even though respondents were eligible for minimum

assistance, such as free health coverage and a subsistence

allowance, no employment or educational counselling was

off ered. The slow refugee determination process placed

Ghanaian claimants in lirnbo; it also gave rise to agony,

pessimism and incredible frustration. As argued below, these

challenges have contributed enorrnously to the difficulties

which Ghanaian refugees later faced in integrating into

Canadian society .

OPERATIONAL MEASORE OF POST-ARRIVAL INSECDRITIES: "LIGHTR AM) "EXTREZW INSECURITIESR

The previous analyses have clearly show Canada's

reluctance to grant Ghanaian claimants the right to

participate in employment activities and permanent resident

status. Moreover, it has been s h o w that the uncertainties

arising from Canada's reluctance created immense hardships

and agony (both mental and physical) for the claimants.

These experiences appear to have influenced several

dimensions of the subsequent integration of Ghanaian

claimants. The term post-arriva1 insecurities is used here

in reference to the delays that Ghanaian claimants

experienced before obtaining the right to participate in

mainstrearn social and economic activities and legal

residential status.

The cumulative post-arriva1 experiences of respondents

are summarized in Table 29. The first column of the Table

depicts the delays endured by the claimants bef ore obtaining

rights to work and study, while the middle column depicts

the length of time involved bef ore claimants were granted

legal residence status. The data indicate considerable

variations among respondents with respect to their post -

arrival insecurities. One-third (9/30) encountered

relatively shorter bureaucratic delays in obtaining the

right to work and legal residential status. As shown in

Table 29, typically, they were granted the right to work and

pursue studies within 16 months after arrival. They were

also granted permanent residential status within four to

five years.

The term l i q h t insecurities is used in this context to

refer to a relatively early conferment of ernployment and

education rights and legal status. The post-arriva1

experiences of those in this category are deemed light only

in cornparison to that of their counterparts.

By contrast, a rnajority (21/30) of the individuals I

297

interviewed encountered relatively longer delays in being

granted the right to work and legal status in Canada.

Typically, they were granted such rights between 17 to 30

months or more after arrival. They also waited for seven or

more years before being granted legal status. The term

extreme insecurities is used here in reference to these

prolonged delays.

T a b l e 29 Level of Post-Arriva1 Insecurities

D e l a y s in months

Attah 1 27

Kwasi 11 28

Blank 11 35 l 1

Osei ---IL

L e g a l Status Level of D e l a y s (maths) Insecurity

4 8 l ight

49 light:

48 light

49 light

50 light

48 light

48 light

48 light

52 light

84 extreme

84 extreme

84 extreme

84 extreme

84 extreme

3 3

- - - -

72 extreme

84 1 extreme I

84 1 extreme I

84 extreme

84 1 extreme I

84 1 extreme l

72 1 extreme I

72 1 extreme I

84 ( extreme I

84 1 extreme l

72

84 1 extreme I

extreme

72 1 extreme 1

85 1 extreme I

108 1 extreme

ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL CHARACTERISTICS OF GHANAXAN REFUGEES IN TORONTO

1 shall now exarnlne the current economic and social

characteristics of Ghanaian refugees in Toronto, and the

mediating factors that have influenced these ouccomes, as a

strategy to evaluate their integration into Canadian

society. This section will only examine the patterns in the

econornic and social characteristics of respondents. The

following chapter will analyze the factors which have led to

these characteristics.

Economic Characteristics of Ghanaian Refugees

My main objective in this section is to determine the

extent to which Ghanaian refugees have been able to find

employment and becorne financially independent. In the course

of the survey, individual respondents were asked for

information about two moments in their employment history in

Canada: 1) their first or initial job, which is defined in

this context as the first stable job that was held by

respondent upon being granted a work permit; 2) their

"currentU job, or last job if the respondent was not working

at the time the survey was conducted. For the main part,

information about these two moments are used in assessing

respondents economic integration. The assessrnent covers: a)

300

labour force participation rates, and b) public assistance

utilization rates. Each of theçe aspects is discussed

separately for clarity, however, it should be noted that

they are highly interrelated.

a) Labour Force Participation levels

Previous research in Canada has noted that ref ugees

seem to enter the labour force at a higher rate than regular

immigrants or the native born (EIC 1992:16). By contrast,

Ghanaian refugees depict a slow entry and only a gradua1

attachment to the labour force.

F i r s t en try i n t o the Labour force: " A r t i f i c i a l Delays" to Labour Force Participation

Ghanaian claimants, similar to other claimants who came

to Canada throughout the 1980s, encountered artificial

delays to labour force participation. That is, they were

kept out of the mainstream labour force until they were

issued a work authorization.

However, the Ghanaian claimants 1 interviewed had

worked illegally for part of the time during which they held

no employment rights . Most respondents had I r rentedm

documents (such as social insurance nunibers, work permits)

£rom Ghanaian or African colleagues to seek jobs in

301

mainstream channels. Respondents informed me that they were

compelled to engage in these practices since their

subsistence allowances were woefully inadequate- Others

remarked that they had to work illegally, since they could

not tolerate the boredom and inact ivi ty that accompanied

joblessness. Apparently, working illegally with assumed

identities emerged as a coping mechanism for hoth the

financial problems and the institutional barriers to

economic activity that were imposed on claimants. This also

indicates how Canada's administrative response gives rise to

subcultural adaptations.

In most cases, illegal work turned out to be short-term

for diverse reasons. Several respondents informed me that

they had to give up working illegally due to what they

perceived to be exploitative "rental charges" by the owners

of work permits. Rental fees varied, but they could be as

high as 50 per cent of monthly earnings. Most respondents

had stopped working illegally due to fears that they would

be caught by Canadian authorities. For instance, Bonsu said:

"1 had to stop, 1 was afraid that my colleagues might report

me to immigration authorities in which case 1 would have

faced deportation". Another respondent who had worked

through informal channels indicated that considering the low

wages that he was paid, it was not worth the risk. Fear of

arrest was real. One individual told me that he was caught

by immigration officers, but managed to escape. Despite the

fear of authorities, a few individuals continued to work

illegally. Typically, upon giving up working illegally,

respondents remained jobless until t h e i r first refugee

hearing at which point they became eligible for a work

authorization.

These restrictions on employment activities appear to

have had a negative ef fect on the entry and attachment of

Ghanaian claimants to the labour force. About one-third

entered the labour force within a year of being issued a

work permit". By contrast, about two-thirds took more than

a year.

A product of the delay in being given the r i g h t to

work, respondents who encountered extreme insecurities were

more likely to take longer t o enter the labour force. In

addition, even after they iound work, the latter did not

keep their jobs for long. About three quarters reported

that, upon job loss, they remained employed for about six

rnonths, while others managed to recuperate ernployment more

43~any individuals rernembered that they had stayed home for a very long time before t h ey started working. In order to f ind out how long, 1 asked them if they had worked before the annual renewal of their work permit--a forrnality imposed on al1 claimants. Nine answered that they had worked prior to the renewal-indicating that they had worked within a year. On the other hand, a rnajority (21/30) did not work bef ore the renewal-which meant that they had stayed home for over a year.

303

quickly. The full impact of these experiences on the

economic behaviour of Ghanaian refugees will be assessed i n

the following chapter.

"Current Labour Force Participation Level s

Table 30 compares the "current" labour force

participation rate of respondents to other Canadians, and

metropolitan Torontonians in 1994.

T a b l e 30 : Labour Force Participation Rates (1994) : Canada, Province, City and Sample a ales Only)

Toronto* Sample**

Source:Stat

Participation Rates % N

Unemployment Rates % N

NO. 71-001) , cited in Canadian Economic Observer (19%: 59)

* Source: Statistics Canada (1994): Historical Labour Force Characteristics. Cat No. 71-201

** Based on current labour force status from survey data, N=S7. Non-applicable cases are 3 (10%) who were students.

In 1994, the Ontario and Toronto's labour force

304

participation rate was higher than that for Canada overall.

However, the rate for respondents (13/27 or 43%) was

significantly lower than fo r the rest of Toronto's

population (67%) .

The national and Toronto's 1994 unemployment rate was

about the same as Ontario's average of 10 per cent. However,

respondents had a considerably higher unemployment r a t e than

the rest of the population (47% compared with 1 0 % ) . In 1994,

almost half (14) of respondents were unemployed, that was

more than four times that of the national, provincial and

Toronto levels-

It is also worth noting that among respondents,

unemployment rates were not only high in 1994, they were

persistently so. This was indicated by labour force

participation rates for the previous period, January 1992 to

December 1993. Of the 30 respondents, four reported that

they worked during the entire 24 month period, while a small

minority (6 /27) worked between 12-20 months. By contrast, a

majority (20/30) were employed for 6 months or less during

1992-1993.

Occupa t i o n a l Adap ta t ion

Occupational adaptation refers to the immigrant's

ability to transfer o r make use of previously acquired

305

occupational skills (Neuwirth 1987:iii). Tables 31 and 32

show the occupational distribution of respondents in their

first stable jobs and their "currentN jobs. Table 32 also

gives the occupational distribution of the t o t a l labour

force i n Canada and metropolitan Toronto.

The most noticeable observation in both Tables is that

employed respondents portrayed a limited range of

occupations, cornpared with other Canadian males. For both

periods of ernployment , respondents were concentrated in

manufacturing (industrial f loor work) , and service (mainly

as cab drivers and s e l f -ernployed ethnic grocery store and

pharmacy operators) employment . In addition, for both j obs ,

respondents were concentrated in blue collar and entry-

level positions.

Table 31 Current Occupations of Respondents in Toronto: A breakdown

Occupations N

Office-work Entrepreneurs Factory fioor Cab Drivers Inapplicable cases 17

T a b l e 32 Distribution of Respondents in Industries -- - -

OCCUPATIONS*

Primary industries

Manufacturing ~onst ruc/Trans Trades ~inance/~nsur/ Real Estate

Govt Services ~duc/~ealth/ Social Services

Other Industries (including beverage/accomm & other sen. ) rotes

- - -

CANADA 1991** %

METRO - TO*** %

RGSEARCH SAMPLE**** 1st Job Current

Job N % N %

Based on major groups of Standard Industrial Classification 1980, Statistics Canada, 1980:29 Source: Statistics Canada (1993) Industry and Class of Worker, 1991 Census Recensement, based on 20% Sample Data, Catalogue 93-326, Table 1 Source: Statistics Canada (1994) Profile of Census: Divisions in Ontario, Pt B, 1991 Census Catalogue 9 5 - 338 Sample totals for 1st job is 30, that of the current comprise only 13 individuals who were employed full- time and part-time.

A striking feature of the employment experience of

skilled respondents is the difficulties they have

encountered intransferring previously attainedprofessional

qualifications to the Canadian labour market. While one-

third were professional workers in Ghana, conversely, only

one person is so employed in Canada. Skilled respondents,

such as Attah and Kojo (who were tutor and engineer in

Ghana, respectively) , felt strongly that they had been

unable to find desired employment because of discriminatory

practices which had either devalued their labour market

capabilities or restricted their employment opportunities to

job ghettoes. Typically, skilled respondents cited the

following as reasons for t h e i r inability to obtain

ernployment in their area of academic/occupational training:

"qualification was not recognizedTt, and " 1 was told that 1

did not have Canadian experience". Kojo also shared this

experience on this issue.

f have never f ound any office j ob , 1 have always worked as a labourer. 1 have an engineering degree, a professional certification from UK, and over ten years work experience. 1 have also written the professional examinations in Canada, yet, any time 1 have applied for engineering jobs 1 have been refused on the basis that 1 donft have Canadian experience. This has occurred t o m e several t imes. It is so frustrating that, nowadays 1 donlt even apply for such jobs any m o r e .

These testirnonies indicate that credentialism has been

a persistent source of difficulty for some Ghanaian

professionals even after they have completed upgrading in

Canada.

Occupational adaptation has been difficult for

308

respondents who arrived with professional skills, but

relatively rninor for unskilled workers . The noted exception is Bonsu- -a Ghanaian trained phamacist , who currently

operates his own drug store in Toronto. He epitomises one

extreme--through entrepreneurship he has overcome the

prevailing barriers in order to attain occupational

adjustment. On the other hand, the response of other

prof essionals dif fered (full analysis is provided in the

next chapter) .

Two other respondents have also been able to adapt

their previous occupation to the Canadian environment. These

two were retailers in Ghana; nowadays, they operate ethnic

grocery stores in Toronto. Self employment is a fairly new

phenomenon arnong Ghanaians; al1 three entrepreneurs have

been conducting their businesses for about two and a half

years .

Public Assistance Utilization Rates: Widespread Economic Dependency

The analysis of economic dependency f 01 lows the same

logic as that of labour force participation. It is assessed

in two aspects: a) utilization of public assistance on

arrival, and b) in the Vurrent" period (that is, post-work

permit/post landing) . The data suggest that the greater the

309

post-arriva1 insecurities, the greater the likelihood of

prolonged economic dependency on arrival and in subsequent

years .

Table 33 depicts the public assistance utilization

rates of respondents on arrival, by comparing the time taken

to acquire a work permit and the time taken to find f irst

employment. The delay in the acquisition of a work permit is

by far the most important criterion for analyzing economic

dependency among respondents . This is because the time taken

to acquire work permit is a more refined or sensitive

indicator for measuring entry into labour force than is

delayed landing. It will be recalled that claimants hold a

different category of "Social Insurance Numberu £rom those

who are landed and this can serve as a disincentive to the

hiring of claimants.

Respondents have been categorised into two groups:

those who encountered "shorter" and longerw delays with

respect to time taken to acquire a work permit (Table 26).

Presumably, during the time when they had no working rights,

individuals depended on public assistance. This situation

reflected the consequences of statutory limitations which

prohibited backlogged claimants £ r o m participating in

mainstream labour force act ivity, pending the examination of

their claim. Thus, the artificial condition--%tate induced

unemploymentH-- also caused prolonged financial dependency.

310

Given that they experienced the longest delays in obtaining

work authorization, respondents who encountered extreme

insecurities depended on financial assistance relatively

longer on arrival.

It was officially expected that individuals would move

off public assistance and become self-sufficient soon after

being granted a work permit. Yet dependency on public

assistance persisted for a long time, even after work

authorization was issued. The middle part of Table 33

depicts how long it took respondents to f ind their first job

after obtaining a work permit.

Those who encountered shorter delays in acquiring a

work permit tended to find their first job within a

relatively shorter time; hence, they depict a relatively

shorter initial dependency on public assistance. For

example, with the exception of Ato, al1 respondents ( 8 / 9 )

who obtained a work permit within 16 months of arrival found

their first job within 2 to 4 months thereafter. The total

time during which they initially depended on public

assistance was relatively lower (20 months or less).

T a b l e 3 3 Measure of Initial Economic Dependency

Alias

Larbi

Yaw

Bonsu

4

Tetteh

Kofi

7

Kwaku

A t 0

10

11

12

13

14

15

16

17

18

19

20

Attah

22

23

24

25

Kwasi

Moh

2 8

Osei

Blank

Work Permi t* Months to find 1st Total t h e job aiter Work permit on Welf are

312

* Short delavs: under 16 months; L o n q dela~s: 17 months or more.

By contrast , respondents who encountered longer delays

in acquiring a work permit took a relatively longer time in

f inding f irst employment . They f ound their f irst jobs

between 8 to 18 rnonths after receiving the authorization to

work. Hence, they tended to move away £ r o m f inancial

assistance more slowly.

Post-Landed Economic Dependency: Widespread Financial Dependencv

The term Pos t - landed economic dependency " is used here

in reference to utilization of public assistance after being

granted landed status. Financial dependency appears to be a

regular feature of the economic adjustment process of a

majority of Ghanaian refugees.

At the time of interview, respondents fell into three

groups on the basis of their income sources. First, a

minority (8/30) were fully dependent on their earned income.

Second, almost half (14/30) were "welfare dependentstl; that

is, they relied on public assistance sources solely for al1

their income. Thirdly, a srnall proportion (8/3 0 ) constituted

ltpartial welfare dependentsI1. They drew a portion of their

income £rom welfare, even though they had other sources of

3 1 4

Moreover, assistance utilization rates varied among

respondents. Those who were partially or fully unemployed

were more likely to be dependent on public assistance.

Given that public welfare was their main source of

income, a majority of the respondents have lower incomes

than their national and provincial counterparts.

Respondents' income experience is evaluated by comparing

survey data with the 1994 national and provincial income

estimates from Statistics Canada (Table 3 5 ) .

In 1994, almost al1 respondents ( 2 9 / 3 0 ) earned under

$20,000, compared with the national and provincial average

of $29,484 and $31,408 respectively. Only one respondent,

Bonsu, earned beyond the national and provincial averages.

T a b l e 35: Annual Incomes Levels: Respondent, Canada and Ontario

Respondents: Personal Income 1994

Annual Average Income*

Canada 2 9 , 4 8 4 Ontario 3 1 , 4 0 8

Over 35,000 1 3 1 TOTAL 30 100 1

t Source: Statistics Canada: Cat No. 11-20, 199

Considering the relatively low income

4/95 p:101

levels of

respondents in 1994, most of them lived in poverty. Poverty

315

rates are assessed by comparing respondents ' income with the

low income cut-off ($15,479) 4 4 established by the National

Council of Wel£are/ Statistics Canada for individuals living

in metropolitan Toronto (Table 36) . A rrpoorll or low income

person has an incorne below the poverty line ($15,500) , while

a "non pooru person has an income abo~c: that figure

(National Council of Welfare 1 9 9 5 : 4 ) , Based on this

criteria, nearly al1 respondents (26/3 0 ) lived below

acceptable standards. Only a tiny fraction (4/30) lived

above the poverty level. The data show that poverty rates

among respondents was about five times the national and

provincial average.

T a b l e 36 Poverty Rates: Canada, Province and Sample compared

Source: Statistics Canada low income cut-off for cities with over 500,000 for 1994; in National Council on Welfare (1995) Poverty Prof iie

** Indicate number of poor persons in the province in 1993.

*** Based on sample data as at 1 9 % .

44Every year, Statistics Canada conducts a household survey known as the "Survey of Consumer Financesu to obtain information on income and the nature and extent of poverty in Canada. On the basis of this suwey, the amount--$15,479- was assessed as the low income cut-off for individuals who lived in cities with populations of over 500,000 in 1994.

3 16

The key question is whv do Ghanaian refuaees de~ict

such a hiqh desree of financial de~endencv in Canada? The

data clearly suggest a relationship between degree of

insecurity in Canada and subsequent dependency on public

welfare programmes. As indicated in Table 37, at the time of

intenriewing, nearly al1 the respondents (8/9) who had

encountered shorter delays in attaining a work permit were

employed on full time basis.

By contrast, only a srnall fraction (5/21) of those who

encountered relatively longer delays in obtaining work

permits were employed. Even the f e w who were i n the labour

force tended to be mainly part-time workers.

T a b l e 37 Delays in obtaining Work Permit and Current Fsiployment Sta tus (1994)

Months elapsed before acquiring work permit on

T o t a l

13

14

3

3 0 t T e c h n i c a l l y ë P e n d e n t s

because they are recipients of full public assistance benefits.

over 30

- 3

3

26-30

1

9 ----- 1

II

21- 25

4

2

2

8

15- Status 14 2 0

Employed

Unemployed

Students*

Total

2 6

2 6

317

How is the general condition of the Canadian economy

responsible for the high level of f inancial dependency arnong

respondents? Looking at Canada as a whole and at

metropolitan Toronto since 1990, overall employment levels

have declined. A growing proportion of Canadians are

experiencing dif f iculties in f inding and keeping jobs due to

the prolonged recession. The f inancial cut -backs by f ederal

and provincial governments, coupled with plant closures and

lay-offs in industrial concerns in metropolitan Toronto,

have had a negative impact on employment opportunities.

Several analysts have also argued that in times of declining

job opportunities, refugees even more than the general

Canadian population may be unable to find employment

quickly, even if they are relatively skilled and actively

seek work (Samuel 1984, Neuwirth 1987) .

Certainly, a poor Canadian economy can have enormous

impact on the economic integrat ion of respondent S . However ,

the pattern of financial dependency that was found among

respondents cannot be understood simply from the standpoint

of a poor Canadian economy. Respondents arrived mainly

between 1982-1988 when the economy was relatively rnuch

stronger, compared to that of post-1990. But even in the

early and late i 9 8 O s , most respondents (23/30) had

difficulty entering and staying in the labour force after

being granted a work permit.

318

Furthemore, the high level of financial dependency

among such respondents cannot be attributed simply to

individual traits or ability. This is because post-arriva1

insecurities such as extent of delays i n acquiring a work

permit and landed status occurred randomly among

respondents.

A general conclusion that can be drawn f rom the data is

that respondents w h o experienced relatively longer delays in

procuring a work permit appear to have lost t h e i r motivation

for entering the work force. They seemed to have taken

longer to orient or acquaint themselves to the work force.

Presumably, there are psychological problems of de£ eatism

and alienation which had set in with respect to entry into

and subsequent attachment to the labour force. Even though

individual perseverance may have played a role in dealing

with the severity of post -arriva1 insecurities, the high

level of economic dependency is still a systemic problem.

Structural anxiety consequent to the array of post-arriva1

insecurities appears reaponsible for the weak economic

integration among some of the respondents. Chapter 10 will

provide further illustrations of this point.

Social Characteristics of Ghanaian Refugees

This section examines the social world Ghanaian

refugees have created within the Toronto environment. My

main concem is to determine the extent to which the

refugees have established meaningful social relationships

with secondary institutions and other members of Canadian

society. Chapter 3 noted that within traditional Ghanaian

society, sccial ties are extensive and there is close

contact among extended relatives and other familial ties.

Classical assimilation theory has argued that such strong

attachment to pre-migration values will decline as

immigrants acquire the new values of the host society. In

contrast, Ghanaian refugees depict a considerable degree of

cultural retention and a limited range of social involvement

beyond the immediate Ghanaian community.

The study attributes the strong intra-group solidarity

arnong respondents to the pervasiveness of internalised

traditional noms, inaccessibility to programmes which would

facilitate the extension of social participation beyond the

primary level, and cultural racism in Canadian society. The

social integration of respondents is examined f rom a

cornparison of two aspects: a) participation in Ghanaian

networks, and b) participation in the wider Toronto society.

a) . Participation in Ghanaian N e t w o r k s

This dimension measured respondents' social attachments

to kin and compatriots in Toronto. The purpose was to find

out the social territories within which respondents operated

and with which they identified closely. Evidence from the

research portrayed a high degree of involvement among

Ghanaians in the metropolitan Toronto area. This is

manifested by the following : a) residential concentration

in certain neighbourhoods, b) connectedness to Ghanaian

social networks in Toronto, and c ) participation in Ghanaian

voluntary groups.

Residential characteristics

Ghanaian refugees are unevenly distributed across

Metropolitan Toronto, showing a disproport ionate

concentration in three suburban cities, namely: Etobicoke,

North York, and Mississauga. Increasing residential

concentration in these cities has been simultaneous with

dispersals in other cities such as Scarborough, Brampton and

city of Toronto. Within the context of high concentration in

a few cities lies the question of residential concentration.

Ghanaian refugees tend to agglomerate in particular

neighbourhoods and high-rise buildings. In Etobicoke, large

numbers of Ghanaian refugees have settled in high-rises at

the northern end of Kipling Avenue and also on Martingrove

Road; in North York, they have agglomerated in high-rises

located near the intersection of Jane and Finch streets, and

also on Chalk Farm Drive. This phenomenon is similar to the

behaviour of several other recent migrants t o Canadian

cities.

In some cases, the clustering of Ghanaians has stemmed

£rom the harsh realities which they confronted on arrival.

Yaw, the former petty-trader, stated as follows :

after 1 was released £rom immigration custody, 1 remained at the airport for nearly seven hours. An acquaintance helped me to find temporary accommodation at a Salvation Army located on King Street, in downtown Toronto. 1 stayed for one week while 1 looked for a permanent accommodation. One of the s ta£ f members at the Salvation Army suggested 1 should t r y Jane and Finch. She told me that most Africans in the city live in North York, near the Jane-Finch mall.. . She was right, there were many Blacks in and around the mall. 1 met two Nigerians I met who directed me to XXX San Ramanoway-- a high rise located in the Jane and Finch intersection. Within about 15 minutes 1 heard people speaking ' 1 ~ i 1 1 4 S . . . I approached them and sought assistance. 1 stayed with them for a week, after which 1 found my own apartment in the same high-rise.

In most cases economic and socio-cultural factors have

contributed to the agglomeration of Ghanaians in certain

neighbourhoods. The level of education and occupational

background shows no influence on the choice of residence and

neighbourhood.

4s0ne of the Ghanaian languages .

Ghanaian refugees practice I1group tenancy", that is,

several of them would share a common apartment in order to

reduce their monthly expenditure on rent . Even though low rent was found to be important, 1 discovered that socio-

cultural factors have also influenced the choice of area

residence.

Racism in particular appears co have contributed to the

agglomeration of Ghanaian refugees in certain

neighbourhoods. For example, one respondent remarked that

"since white-Canadians will not CO-share an apartment with

Africans, Ghanaians have to l i ve with each otheru.

Prospective renters have rnanufactured al1 kinds of

reasons to deny Ghanaians apartments. In such cases property

owners have imposed criteria other than financial ones. One

experience that was shared with me was as follows:

as 1 was looking at the room, the landlady came over to ask me if 1 will be cooking spicy West Indian food. 1 reminded her that I am a Ghanaian. She asked me if my food smell funny or have a strong aroma. I answered that my food doesn't smell funny, it is only different from Canadian food. Finally, she said if so then-she will reconsider giving me the room, since she cannot stand the strong smell of African food.

Moreover, comments such as the following were made by

several respondents :

the landlord had agreed to rent me a room over the phone, and asked me to corne over. But s/he told me it was gone as soon as s/he saw me.

Stemming from these prejudicial encounters, social

connections (including membership in the same church,

original residence in the same city or village, membership

in ethnic organizations, and al1 sorts of other remote ties)

have drawn people to live together or near each other.

Statements such as "1 wanted to be close to fellow

Ghanaiansu were made by several respondents.

2) Social Networks

Previous research has shown that residential

concentration of immigrants, whether in ghettos or

neighbourhoods, is linked to communal cohesion and to the

preservation of communal and cultural ties (Richmond 1 9 9 0 : 9,

Weinf ield 1994) . Similarly, among Ghanaians, living close to relatives and compatriots has facilitated a high degree of

social contact and exchange. A 50-year-old respondent who

lives in Etobicoke but has two nephews in North York told me

this :

it is an obligation for kin to visit each other very of ten; constant interaction by phone is inappropriate. As a family elder here in Toronto, it is my responsibility to keep close watch over my nephews . . . They need both moral and spiritual guidance £rom me... As such, every weekend they invite me to visit their homes. . . . Even though there is no regard for the traditional Ashanti form of inheritance, 1 do believe

that my nephews are my lawful inheritors.

About one-third of respondents said they have relatives

living in Metropolitan Toronto, and this has also

facilitated the retention of primary attachments and values.

"Relativen in this sense is not limited to blood relations,

but also includes extended kinship and sometirnes common

origin £rom the same t o m in Ghana. Visitation rate among

relatives is very high. Most relatives stated that they

exchange visits with each other frequently--more than twice

a week. Only a minority said they visit relatives once a

week. However, in some cases different aspirations have led

to insistence on autonomy £rom the broader social unit. A

respondent stated that

1 have several uncles, aunties and cousins here in Toronto. But the point is, this is Canada and not Ghana. One need to do things in his own way, and without the knowledge of extended relatives.

All respondents have chosen their closest friends

almost entirely from among other Ghanaians. Closest friends

tend to be f orner schoolmates, CO-workers, or individuals

with whom some contacts were held back home. Kinship ties

have overlapped with friendship networks in many instances.

Friendship ties are very strong among respondents and

involve a significant degree of cornmitment. A majority

(18/30) indicated a high visitation rate with friends. They

see their friends several times a week. Others (12)

portrayed a medium visitation rate of about twice weekly.

Social activities shared with friends are mostly indoors;

they consist of barbering each other's hair, shopping,

getting together for social drinks, and lengthy

conversations. Friends may also attend Ghanaian functions

(such as f uneral s , naming ceremonies and concerts) together . Other forms of practical assistance include of fering rides,

picking up job applications for friends and providing

temporary shelter in times of family crises. Typicaliy,

wives and children are rarely included in their husbands

social activities with their friends. I noted from the

interviews that Ghanaian refugees found it much easier to

obtain help £rom kin and fellow country folk in times of

need than to approach authorit ies . For example, respondents

were more likely to rely on their compatriots or Ghanaian

organizations than Canadian officials in finding jobs, or

for information on educational programmes and healthcare.

3) Participation in Ghanaian Voluntarv Associations

The outdoor social activities of Ghanaian refugees

largely consist of participation in Ghanaian voluntary

organizations--these are institutionalized groups of

individuals with social, economic and other interests in

326

common. Membership in these groups tend to overlap. These

associations have emerged to assist individuals to cope with

the stresses of change by providing linkages between the n e w

demands of the new environment, and their traditional way of

life. Sorne of the associations were formed by Ghanaian

immigrants who came to Toronto prior to the arrival of

Ghanaian claimants in the 1 9 8 0 s . However, the arrival of

massive numbers of Ghanaian refugees has augmented both the

membership and the social activities of these associations.

The two major types of voluntary associations among

Ghanaians are a) ethnic, and b) religious associations.

a) Ethnic Associations

Ghanaian ethnic associations are social groups fonned

by individuals from the same tribe to provide mutual aid to

members. The associations emphasize particularistic values

by displaying ethnic symbols and also organizing cultural

ceremonies. They enhance solidarity through traditional

emblems, colours and banners. About half of the people 1

interviewed belong to ethnic associations. Examples of

Ghanaian ethnic associations in Toronto include the

Kwahuman, Sekyereman and Atwima associations.

b) Ghanaian Rel ig ious Sects

Some Ghanaians are members of religious denominations

such as Roman Catholic, Anglican and Presbyterian. Apart

from these, since 1987 branches of numerous religious sects

existing in Ghana have also mushroomed in Metropolitan

Toronto to meet the spiritual needs of converts (Appendix E

Table 12) . The most popular arnong the sects is the "Al1 Nations Gospel Church" which has over 500 registered

members. Most other sects meet in vacant warehouses and

shops. These meeting places are commonly referred to as

"prayer houses II by members . In e f f ect , the prevailing

economic slurnp had indirectly boosted spiritual revivalism

among Ghanaians by making available cheaper places of

worship for sects and converts.

In the services of Ghanaian sects there is complete

congregational participation in the form of hand-clapping,

dancing and spontaneous singing. Other cornmon elements

include faith-healing, exorcism of malevolent spirits by

prayers, fasting, and sprinkling with "holy water".

Occasionally, a prophet or prophetess will arrive from the

parent church in Ghana, and during these periods activities

in the sect would reach unprecedented heights.

Even Ghanaians who are not members of the religious

sects are frequently rnotivated to approach the sects in

times of need. These needs include spiritual protection

against evil forces, prosperity, infertility and al1 kinds

328

of social maladies. However, the most important need which

tends to attract people to tne sects stem from the

conviction that spiritual intervent ion can bring positive

outcornes in the refugee application process. Believers whose

refugee hearings are pending spend days fasting in the

prayer houses. Uncertain about their legal status and their

economic prospects in Canada, some Ghanaian refugees have

sought assistance and comfort from religious groups.

-

Participation in the Wider Canadian Society

The above dimension is measured from respondents

involvement beyond their own prirnary group. Considering the

high degree of social associations among Ghanaians , they

have very limited affiliations with secondary institutions

and other Canadians. About a quarter had visited the homes

of other Canadian-born families, but these were mainly West

Indians and Asian f riends . Participation of Ghanaians in

secondary institutions patronized by the larger Toronto

society is minimal. In addition, with the exception of

religious affiliations none of rny respondents belonged to

any social organization which is open to the wider society.

Activities such as visits to the Metro Zoo, Royal Ontario

Museum, attendance to symphony concerts, activities at

Harbour-Front and sporting events at the Skydome or Maple

Leaf Gardens are rarely part of their social agenda.

In their workplace, some employed respondents ( 6 / U )

established friendly relations withnon-Ghanaian colleagues.

Apparentlythe relationships are perfunctory, structured and

are perhaps geared towards making them comfortable on the

job. For instance, exchange of visits between respondents

and non-Ghanaian workmates are minimal, they tend not t o be

close friends either. Only a tiny fraction (3/13) had

visited the homes of non-Ghanaian work colleagues. Only two

individuals told me that they always sit with their Ghanaian

or African coileagues during lunch. Employed respondents

tend to be members of their local labour unions, however

they are apathetic towards activities of the unions.

Cultural Racism Against Chanaians

Several researchers have argued that the increased

diversity of newcomers to North Arnerica with respect to

language, nationality, and race tends to f u e l discriminatory

reactions, ranging from minor abuse to full scale crimes of

hate against new immigrants (Bach 1990, Simmons 1990a, Henry

1994, Richmond 1989) . The data suggest that these

obsenrations are relevant towards interpreting the effects

of societal reception on the integration of Ghanaian

refugees. A majority (23/30) of the respondents reported

330

that they have encountered some form of prejudicial

treatment and cultural racism. These experiences have

stimulated intra-group solidarity. This is not to deny the

fact that traditionally Ghanaians maintain close ties among

each other. Rather, the contention here is that the hostile

off icial reception, along with cultural racism in Canada,

bas contributed to further this strong solidarity.

When Ghanaian claimants arrived in Canada in the l98Os,

there was no established Ghanaian cultural community to

settle into. Even though Ghanaian immigrants arrived in

Canada prior to the 1980s, their numbers were under 2,000

( I R B 1989) , and they were scattered across Canada. Only very

few Ghanaian claimants had relatives in Canada prior to

their arrival. For the most part, they did not have access

to strong ethnic ties immediately on their arrival. Given

this situation, the rnanner in which Ghanaians were received

into Canadian society would play a very important role in

terms of network building and also social participation with

other Canadians.

More than half of the respondents (17) said they had

experienced racial discrimination on several occasions,

while others 6 ) reported having experienced such racial

discrimination on only one occasion. The most significant

racial incidents that respondents had encountered tended to

be related to their distinctive appearance v i z , their

accent, dress, skin colour, and mannerisms. Neariy half of

the respondents said they had been discriminated against

because of t h e i r appearance,

Prejudicial treatment was frequent in the search for

work. For instance, some respondents believed that they had

been denied job opportunities on the basis of their race.

One recounted his experience at work:

1 was told that 1 could not work on the shop floor because of my thick African accent.

Another felt t ha t his race led to his redundancy. He

complained that factors other than work experience and

seniority on the job had led to his being laid-off.

Prejudicial treatment was also frequent in the

interactions on the job. Several respondents mentioned past

experiences of racial harassrnent at work. For instance taxi

drivers and factory workers told me that their CO-workers

and supervisors had referred to them in derogatory ways by

several names including : Ir Shadowsrl, "Mr Midnight Il ,

llSatchimon, "NegroI1, and IrNigger boyl1.

Some of the cornplaints 1 heard concerned prejudicial

treatment by employers and immediate supervisors. A

respondent who has worked in a spare-parts factory for 3

years declared that he has been passed-over for promotion

for racial reasons, yet, he cannot give up his job for fear

that he might not be able to find work.

in 1991, my shift supervisor resigned al1 of a sudden. Among the members in our crew, I was the rnost qualified to take his place. 1 was the oldest employee, and 1 never missed work. Besides al1 these 1 knew the paperwork involved in the supervisor' s job, since I had deputised for the supervisor in times when he was away. Even ail my colleagues felt that 1 will be promoted to shift supervisor. Shockingly, 1 was by-passed. The position was given to a Canadian (white) colleague whom 1 have trained in few years back. When 1 enquired, 1 was told that management believed that my colleague was more suitable since he commanded more respect among the workers. 1 challenged the decision only to be told that the decision was final and that 1 can do what ever L like.

Another respondent who also works on a factory floor also

recalled :

on one occasion some packages of assenbled product were mislabelled. The supervisor walked in furiously and - started castigating the shift bos They were both white guys. At one supenisor asked, how many of those have on your shift implying that shift were responsible for the mi

s for point

dam n the b stakes

the rnistake. 1 heard the

.iggers do you lacks on the - It made me

very angry, 1 banted to quit, but 1 calm d o m and 1 stayed. Because it is the same everywhere.

The experiences above testify to the insecurities faced

by some Ghanaian refugees on the job, as well as implicit

statements about their vulnerability in the face of

prejudicial treatments.

The search for accommodation is another area where

respondents have encountered ethnocentrism and racism. The

data do not depict significant differences among respondents

in terms of the effect of their reaction to the preceding

experience. With respect to housing, immigration researchers

have argued that there are a variety of screening processes

and subjective sentiments which effectively discriminate

against people of colour. However, these practices are not

overt enough to be detected by the applicant or capable of

proof in a tribunal or court (Henry 1978, 1994, Head 1980,

Richmond 1989) . This typifies the experiences of some of the Ghanaian refugees 1 spoke to . One respondent reported, some

of the tenants in the building have insisted that Africans

have to undergo a medical check up before being allowed to

play in the swimming pool". Another also noted the

recurrence of racist graffiti in common areas such as in the

lobby and elevators .

Most respondents perceive that there is discrimination

against them in Canada. Close to half felt that some

discrimination exists against their community, and only a

small minority (2) feel that there is no discrimination

against their community at al1 . Because of these views , many

respondents do not feel that they are accepted by Canadians.

I asked them, "to what extent do you feel accepted by most

Canadians"? The majority (21/30) indicated that they did not

feel very accepted, while a minority (9/30) said they feel

accepted by other Canadians. The former offered three major

reasons for feeling unaccepted. Some (8/30) felt they were

not accepted following hostile encounters with neighbours.

Many (17/30) felt they were disliked due to their

distinctive cultural appearance; white neighbours avoided

t hem.

It seems that perceptions of inadequacies or

inequalities relative to other Canadians have prevented

Ghanaians from extending the level of their social

participation. A respondent expressed the sentiment that

Canadians would not want to mingle with displaced Africans

who have been portrayed as lazy and living in Canada at the

state's expense. When people harbour such conceptions about

themselves it has implications for their readiness to enter

into social participation with others. In part, such

feelings may have stemmed from the accusation by the print

media and public officials that Ghanaian claimants were here

under false pretences. During the course of the 1980s the

massive influx of claimants provoked persistent chastisement

and castigation of claimants by the media as I1economic

migrantst1 or If queue j umpersI1 of the normal immigration

process (see Stof £man 1992 pA19) . Claimants were also

condemned for swelling the welfare rolls and also for being

public charges4'.

-- -

%lso s e e Toronto Star May 1990: Refugee backlog sends Metro welfare costs up"; Toronto Star Dec 1990: "Let Refugees WorkIf; Globe and Mail 1991: I1Refugee Claimants and Welf areu ; O t t a w a Citizen April 1991 : "Refugee backlog cost $36mIf ; Toronto Star; February 1, 1992 :AL4 l'Ottawa blamed for rising Welfare costsI1: These articles noted that provincial and municipal welfare rolls were unfairly burdened by the rise of the in£ l ux of claimants. Though the

335

In brie£, the evidence strongly suggests that intra-

group interaction is pervasive among Ghanaian refugees in

Toronto .: By contrast social involvement with the wider society is limited and mainly occurs in the workplace.

Undoubtedly, the limited participation in employment, and in

some instances pre-arriva1 trauma would al1 affect social

involvements. Besides these, respondents had also noted

prejudices which have prevented them from extending social

participation to other Canadians.

MEASURING INTEGRATfON OF GHANAIAN REFUGEES

The general objective of the study was to expand our

understanding of the integration of Ghanaian refugees in

Canada, giving specific attention to their integration into

employment and also social interactions with other

Canadians. The studyfs definition of integration reflects

these narrow objectives. Ghanaian refugees are deemed to

have integrated if they have been able to find employment

and become independent from government welfare programmes"

and also established social relations beyond their primary

submission of provincial and municipal governments with respect to rising expenditure on welfare assistance is valid, it also portrays claimants in negative way.

4 7 T h i s definition recognizes that refugees may become self-sufficient, but still be financially strapped and even impoverished.

336

networks of kin and compatriots. The previous section has

already supplied data from which integration of respondents

could be measured. The overall integration of respondents is

provided in Table 38.

With respect to attainment of financial independence,

the analyses noted the employment history of respondents at

the time of interview and two years prior to being

intenriewed. As showri in the f irst colurnn of Table 38, a

small rninority (8/30) scored "highl1 in terms of

participation in the labour force, while f ive individuals

who were partially dependent on public assistance scored

"mediumu . llLowu represented a rnajority (17/30) of

individuals who w e r e fully dependent on public assistance.

Regarding social integration, the earlier analyses had

indicated the social interaction patterns of refugees and

the degree of participation in Ghanaian organizat ions in

relation to al1 other clubs. Only Bonsu who depicted strong

interactions beyond the Ghanaian community scored "high".

Two other respondents who maintained a "fair" degree of

social participationwiththeir non-Ghanaian CO-workers were

graded I1medium" ; while al1 the other respondents had a "low"

grade,

The study also measured the participation of

respondents in upgrading pursuits such as language training

and skill upgrading pursuits . These were deemed important for integration into Canadian society. Since respondents

arrived with different academic and occupational

characteristics they also had diverse upgrading needs. In

the case of respondents who arrived with poor English

language abilities and no occupational preparation for

Canada's job market, their upgrading requirements w e r e

assessed upon the completion of skill and language training

programmes in Canada. On the other hand, professionals

seeking entry into their occupations in Canada were assessed

from their completion of required entry examinations and al1

kinds of licensing criteria. Slightly over one-third of

respondents show strong signs of integrat ion in this

dimension.

The scores of respondents along the three dimensions

were synthesized to depict their degree of integration into

Canadian society. They are reported using a three scale

typology "low" , "medium" and "highl' . The combinations of scores are based on reported experiences of respondents,

hence they do not exhaust the theoretical permutation of the

scores.

Low integration represents the situation of Ghanaian

refugees w h o at the time of interview were either fully or

partially dependent on public welfare programmes for their

livelihood, exhibited strong intra-group attachment, and

338

f inally have not completed any upgrading pursui ts in Canada.

Most respondents (22/30) are in this category.

"Medium high" or "mediumIt level of integration ref ers

to individuals who were financially independent but reflect

a relatively lower degree of social participation with other

Canadians. A minority of respondents ( 7 / 3 0 ) are in this

category .

High integration represents a considerably high degree

of financial independence, attainment of occupational

adaptation, a relatively high level of social participation

with other Canadians along with completion of upgrading

pursuits. As evident in Table 38, among the Ghanaian

claimants in the sarnple, only Bonsu fell into this category.

Table 38 Sucmary of Integration of Respondents

Alias *

At0

Blank

Moh

Osei

Kwas i

6

7

8

9

10

11

12

13

14

15

16

17

18

19

20

21

Attah

Yaw

Tette

Larbi

26

27

Kwaku

Kofi

Bonsu

E c o n d c

low 1 low 1 low 1 low 1 I

low

Social

low

low

low 1 low 1 low ( low I I I

Upgrading Pursuits

low

low 1 low 1 low 1 low I I I

ûverall Integration

low

L 1 1

low low

low

low

low

low

low

low

low

low

low

low

- - -

low

low

' low low

low

low

low - - - - -

low -

low

' low low

low

low

low

low

low

low 1 low 1 low 1 low 1 I I

low

low

Low

iow

low

low

low

low low L

low 1 low 1 medium 1 l o w 1 I I

low 1 low 1 medium 1 low 1 1 I

low

medium

low

medium 1 low 1 low 1 low I I I

low

medium 1 low 1 low 1 low 1 I 1

low

medium 1 low 1 high 1 medium I 1 I

low

medium

high 1 low 1 high 1 medium I I I

low

high

high 1 low 1 high 1 medium I 1 I

high 1 low 1 high 1 medium I I

low

low

high

low

medium

high 1 medium 1 high 1 medium

medium

low high

high

high

medium

medium

high

high

high

medium

high

Summary and Discussion

A general conclusion that can be drawn fron analyzing

the economic and social characteristics of Ghanaian ref ugees

in Toronto i s that a large rnajority depict a rather weak

integration into Canadian society. Ghanaian refugees are not

as active in the labour force as their Canadian and Ontario

counterparts. Moreover, Ghanaian refugees are more likely to

be dependent on public assistance than other Canadians. Only

a srnall minority of Ghanaian refugees have attained economic

independence. Giventhe numerous obstacles and disadvantages

that they have endured in Canada, it is not surprising that

these refugees portray such a weak pattern of integration.

Ghanaian claimants experienced extremely insecure,

anxiety-producing conditions before acquiring permanent

residential status and subsequent rights to available

opportunities. These experiences appear to have exerted

enormous influence on entry into and attachnent to the

workforce over other factors. On the other hand, other foms

of prejudicial treatments, poor English ability and

inaccessibility to ski11 training has a£ fected the workforce

participation of those who arrived without skills in dernand.

Clearly, in these cases aspirations for upward mobility by

Ghanaians have been checked by institutional barriers and

cultural racism.

341

Gold (1992) argued that the experiences of newcomers

including institutional barriers, stereotyping in the media

and other disadvantages can f oster l1reactive ~olidarity~~,

that is, the growth of unity among groups whose members

experience shared liabilities, disadvantages and

discrimination. This analyses is applicable to Ghanaians.

Canadaf s hostile response may have encouraged react ive

solidarity among Ghanaian refugees.

Their social involvements are by and large restricted

to kin and compatriots, this is reinforced by a variety of

mechanisms that promote frequent contacts among Ghanaians.

The combination of factors such as lack of social and

cultural orientation and uncertainty about the outcome of

the refugee application appear to have worked against the

development of interpersonal relations and friendliness with

other native-born Canadians and other immigrants.

Reacting against resettlement policies which

discriminated against claimants, Ghanaians have organized

cornmunity organizations and personal networks to help co-

ethnics. These organizations and networks function as

alternatives to mainstream institutions while at the same

time serve as a basis through which the refugees assert

their demands. However, their efforts are often

unsuccessful.

Beside structural barriers, Ghanaians also experience

what they considered to be acts of discrimination in the

. , course of their daily activities. Cultural discrimination

against Ghanaians appears widespread and individual

experiences span al1 facets of their economic and social

life in Metropolitan Toronto.

With respect to their residential patterns, there is

the perception among some Ghanaians that some neighbourhoodç

are more friendly than others. Others also feel cornfortable

living close to the Ghanaian community. These patterns have

implications for social integration. Under this situation

Ghanaians tend to stick together and are lsss likely to have

social relations with the wider community. They tend to

ghettoise. The fact that Ghanaian refugees are most likely

to live within ethnic residential communities and that their

range of social contacts are considerably narrow indicates

that Ghanaian refugees are segregated socially £ r o m

mainstream Canadian society.

For Ghanaian refugees in Canada, coming to tems with

these many hardships in Canada is difficult. The reality

experienced in Canada is totally different from their

anticipated new and better life, and hence gives rise to

different reactions for many Ghanaians. In fact, the initial

restrictions imposed on ref ugee claimant s offers a

disincentive to smooth integration. In denying claimants

343

legal status, access to participate in mainstream ernployment

and training programmes, refugee policies attenuate the

motivation to participate in mainstream social and economic

channels .

CHAPTER 10

Factors Affecting Integration: An Interpretation

Introduction

Chapter 9 indicated that a majority of Ghanaian

refugees have experienced a low degree of economic and

social integration in Canada. This situation presumably

arises because of a combination of factors, including

particularly: 1) high levels of pre-departure trauma, 2) on-

route challenges, and 3) the often hostile, and at best

lukewam, off icial response to Ghanaian claimants upon their

arriva1 in Canada. However, the relative importance of these

various factors and how they combine to influence

integration are not clear . The current chapter interprets the role of these three

factors in terms of the influence they have had on the weak

integration of Ghanaian refugees. This is done by analyzing

what combination of the three factors have affected the

integration outcornes of the respondents. The experiences of

respondents of divergent educational, occupational and age

backgrounds are highlighted in order to analyze the impact

these characteristics have had on integration.

The Claimant Integration Framework discussed in Chapter

7 argued that the pre-departure and in-Canada experiences of

claimants influence integration through several "mediatingU

variables. These include psychological

anxiety, discouragement, passivity and

slow integration, and also others (such

vigour) which can speed integration.

345

factors (such as

dependency ) whi ch

as innovation and

In addition, the

framework maintains that successful initial integration can

speed integration at a later stage while unsuccessful

initial integration can slow, delay and curtail full

integration over the long-term. Hence, the analyses of both

pre-migration trauma and initial recept ion in Canada are

important for understanding the eventual integration of

landed claimants . The integration of Ghanaian refugees will

be interpreted in the context of these arguments.

Effects of Pre-Departure Trauma and In-Canada Insecurities on Integration

Table 39, and the accompanying diagrarn, portray

typologies of reception in Canada and outcomes of Ghanaian

claimants who experienced different levels of pre-flight

trauma4'. Given the magnitude of their pre-departure

ordeal, al1 Ghanaian claimants arrived in Canada bearing at

In line with the thesis objectives, the analyses in this section is based on the respondents degree of pre- flight abuse and trauma, that is the distinctions of 'Ilightlf and "extreme" trauma. The data suggest that both targets and activists who encountered light insecurities exhibited relatively higher levels of integration, than those who encountered extreme insecurities. This finding suggest that flight motive was important with respect to pre-arriva1 phenomena.

least some scars of previous trauma (Chapter 8) . As depicted

on the top part of Table 39, on the basis of the degree of

their pre-flight ordeal, it is possible to distinguish

" lightly traumatised" f rom those who were %everely

traumatised" . The left portion of Table 39 distinguishes the two

types of reception that await Ghanaian claimants in Canada.

These are "light" and "extremelyw insecure-receptions. It

has already been noted that possession of definite legal

residential status in Canada is a crucial step in the

claimants integration process. While al1 Ghanaian claimants

who remained in Canada were eventually granted legal status,

they experienced protracted delays and profound insecurities

in that process . Furthemore, prior to being granted status,

manÿ of the existing policies discriminated against them. On

arriva1 many had wanted to seek employrnent, or pursue

academic training and ski11 upgrading, yet access to the

programmes blocked by restrictive entry criteria (Chapter

9) . Individual Ghanaian claihiants do not have any control over the above realities even though they exert enormous

influence on their integration in Canada.

As shown in Table 39, the interaction of pre-arriva1

trauma and post-arriva1 insecurities channelled individuals

into different directions, with respect to their

integrat ion.

T a b l e 39: Impact of Previous Trauma and In-Canada Insecurities on Integration

LIGHTLY TRAUMATISED EYPOTHESES

A) . High degree of economic independence, high levels of participation in upgrading, high degxee of intra-group solidarity along with moderate levels of social participation with other Canadians. Total cases in ce11 : 5; Supporting cases : 5; Counter case : none

C) . High degree of economic dependency ; isolated cases of financial independence and participation in upgrading; social involvements limited to Ghanaians. T o t a l cases in cell: 18; Supporting cases :13: counter cases 5

SEVgREitY TRAUMATISED HYPOTEESES

- - -

B) . Moderate to high level of economic independence with isolated cases of dependency, medium levels of participation in upgrading; high degree of i n t r a - group solidarity with isolated cases of social involvernents with non-Ghanaians. Total cases in ce l l : 4 ; Supporting cases : 3; Counter c a s e : 1

D) . High degree of financial dependency, lack of participation in upgrading; social involvements limited to Ghanaians. Total cases in tell: 3 S u p p o r t i n g cases :3; C o u n t e r case: none

Level of Level of Integration Example Pre-arriva1 Post-arriva1 Outcome Trauma Insecurities

Low +

Low -t

High +

High +

Counter cases High 4-

Low +

Low

high

Low

H i g h

Low

H i g h

High

Low

Medium

Low

Low

Medium

Bonsu

Blankson

K o f i

Kwas i

At0

Attah

348

Table 39 also depicts the number of cases in each

hypotheses. Even though al1 the cases in the Table are

important, only those that are exceptional (both supporting

and dis-confirming) are highlighted in the following

discussion to depict the responses of Ghanaian claimants to

the different circumstances they encountered on arrival. The

discussions begin with cases in the on-diagonal A and D r

followed by counter cases in the off-diagonal B and C.

Category A: Integration of Lightly Traumatised respondents who endured Light Insecurities

The upper left part of Table 39 depicts the common

characteristics of lightly traumatised respondents who

experienced light insecurities on arrival in Canada. Only a

f ew ( 5 / 3 0) of the respondents experienced such

circumstances , but clearly, they al1 portrayed high degrees

of economic and social integration not approached by other

respondents.

Category "Al1 is typif ied by Bonsu, and Kwaku. They

suffered a similar degree of pre-arriva1 trauma. However,

they depicted differences in their socio-economic

backgrounds, in terms of age and profession at the time of

arrival. Such differences can show the impact of post-

arrival experiences on the integration of claimants who

arrived with different levels of academic and occupational

preparation .

Supportinq Case a) : Bonsu

Bonsu was a pharmacist in Ghana. He was penalized by

the PNDC government for his outspokemess. Bonsu suffered

"light trauma" prior to departure from Ghana. When asked

about the impact of nis previous abuse on his mental well-

being, Bonsu answered:

if the effects of that [imprisonment and torture] were still bothering me 1 wouldn't have been able to leave Ivory Coast to corne here.

Upon fleeing from Ghana, Bonsu sought temporary asylum

in Ivory Coast. He stayed there for about three months

before travelling to Canada. In Ivory Coast, Bonsu

encountered hardships while living under the fragile asylum

conditions. He said "1 was overwhelmed by my miserable and

deplorable conditions, 1 could not bring myself to eat or to

engage in any work at first". In order to survive, he

eventually engaged in menial activities.

In Bonsu's case a combination of relatively favourable

circumstances appeared to have offered opportunities to

reach high levels of integration and a position of

prominence within his profession. He arrived in Canada in

1986 as a claimant. He said his ambition was to start his

l i f e al1 over again. He wanted to practise pharmacy in

Canada. This required upgrading and professional

certification by the Canadian and Ontario pharmacy boards.

Bonsu was invited to his first full hearing in late 1988,

and he obtained rights to work within 15 months of his

arriva1 . By 1990 Bonsu had been granted permanent residence . Hence, when compared to rnany of his counterparts he

encountered relatively few delays in obtaining rights to

work and legal residence status.

At the time of intenziew Bonsu was a self-employed

phannacist, and the data suggest that Bonsu is a " thr iv ing

prof essional". His total annual earnings. which were over

$35,000 in 1994, w e r e not only significantly greater than

the earnings of any of the respondents, but they exceeded

the Canadian and Ontario average for that year (see Table

35) 4 8 .

Nevertheless, the road leading to Bonsu's economic

institutionalization within the Toronto environment has not

always been smooth. Initially, even after he completed

professional upgrading and attained a Canadian license,

prospective employers were unwilling to hire Bonsu into a

position which commensurated his accomplishment as a

pharmacist . Bonsu attributes this experience to

credentialism and racism on the part of some owners of

48~owever, Bonsu added that his amual incorne is lower than that of most of his white colleagues who also operate their own pharmacies in the Metropolitan Toronto area.

pharmacy shops in Toronto. He notes that poor treatment by

employers rnotivated hirn to establish his own business.

who ever dreamt that I will establish my own business here in this country. Initially none of the pharmacy stores in Toronto grînted me job interviews. They said I didn't have Canadian license or experience. At the same time my social worker insisted that I should look for a quick job in order to get off welfare immediately. Afraid that 1 will be cut-off welfare 1 found a job in a factory- -1 worked as shipper. . . . 1 resolved that 1 would go to school. But it was dif f icult to get admission into the pharmacy programme. I had to wait till 1989 that was when my status was approved. 1 enroled in refresher courses at XXX university. I finished al1 the required programmes in a year, sat for the entry exams and passed. Even af ter that 1 could not f ind a reliable job. 1 w a s given short contracts , horrible shif ts such as nights , weekends and holidays. 1 also found out that my hourly salary was lower than others . . . For the next two years, I slaved away in different drug stores.. . . .

As noted in the above narrative, the initial barriers

could not diminish Bonsur s ambition of practising his

profession. Eventually, self-employment became both a coping

strategy and an important avenue for him to attain

occupational adaptation and economic integration in the

course of a few years.

Socially, Bonsu is strongly attached to his fellow

Ghanaians, but he also exhibits considerable involvement

with other Canadians. His attachment to his fellow Ghanaians

stems £rom his economic prominence, traditional loyalties,

and allegiances. He holds for instance, key executive

positions in several Ghanaian voluntary associations. His

strong economic position has granted him enormous social

prestige and leadership over fellow Ghanaians. He lives

among his compatriots, is surrounded by a circle of close

Ghanaian friends, which includes former classrnates and

extended relatives. At the time of research, there was no

evidence of class or social distance between Bonsu and his

Ghanaian colleagues. However, Bonsu also has ties beyond the

Ghanaian community. This has arisen £rom his familial duties

and professional networks. He participates in the parent-

teacher associations of the schools his children attend.

Furthemore, he is a member of several professional

associations, which tends to bring hirn into contact with

other Canadian professionals. Even so, Bonsu indicated that,

he occasionally cornes across professional colleagues who

treat hirn either coldly or refuse to receive him as an

equal. As he put it,

racism is every where, some Canadians can* t bring themselves to accept that a black African like me can aspire to the same position as they have.

Sursportinq Case: b) Kwaku

Unlike Bonsu, Kwaku had only completed high school

prior to his flight. He worked as a bodyguard for a PNDC

of ficial, but ran into problems with the PNDC regirne when he

resigned from his job. He first fled to Togo where he lived

for three months before travelling to Canada to seek asylurn

in 1984.

Considering his academic and occupational background,

Kwaku did not arrive with adequate preparation for Canada's

job market. He was granted both employment authorization and

rights to study within 16 months of his arriva1 in Canada.

Kwaku then moved-off public assistance two months la ter to

work as a dish-washer. He enroled in Ianguage classes

offeredbythe Thistletown Community Centre in Etobicoke and

upon completing that, enroled for truck driving lessons.

Kwaku obtained legal status in 1988. Thus, like Bonsu,

even though Kwaku experienced insecurities in his quest £or

legal status, he appeared better-off in comparison to most

other respondents.

Given his lack of skills Kwaku has not been able to

attain the same degree of economic integration Bonsu has.

The data suggest though, that he is financially independent.

At the time of the interview, he was employed as a truck

driver on a full-time basis. He has held that job for most

of the past four years.

Socially, Kwaku is closely attached to his fellow

Ghanaians, but he also maintains a moderate degree of

participation with other Canadians in the workplace. He

indicated that he would like to establish much stronger

relations with other Canadians, but he feels that he is not

fully accepted by Canadians. This is because his white

neighbours llavoidedll him. Kwaku has this to Say about his

neighbours.

Canadians are very self-righteous, you canft mix with them, really. Canadians always brag that they welcome refugees more than Americans, Germans and the British. Yet, they (Canadians) have no respect for refugees, they constantly castigate refugees as welfare cheats, while some feel that they are spending their property taxes on bogus refugee claimants. Others also complain that our chifdren have lowered the standards in their school and the like. Claimants are associated with very negative stereotypes. How can you convince me that Canadians are better than the Americans?

In spite of his perception of cultural racism against

him Kwaku has established friendly relations with some of

his "white-Canadian" workmates. As he put it, "we work with

them a l 1 the time, we have to learn how to deal with their

attitude".

The experiences of Bonsu and Kwaku are important in

this analysis because they help us understand some of the

important influences on integration outcornes. Overall, the

two cases suggest that arnong claimants, relatively low

traumatic experiences on departure and also relatively light

insecurities in the host environment, cari enhance

opportunities for integration. This appears to be so even

for those who arrived with high or low occupational

experience and academic qualifications, as Kwakuls case

indicates.

The reasons for the high levels of integration by Bonsu

and Kwaku include the following conditions. Typically, on

arriva1 they had no major physical or psychological problerns

which required intensive medical or prof essional assistance.

They were more likely, therefore, to overcome any health or

psychological problems without requiring any intensive

professional assistance. As a result, previous trauma

appears to have had no significant impact on their

integration. Second, early access to legal status and

durable resettlement programmes shortened their financial

dependency on public welfare programmes. These experiences

appeared to have served as an impetus for early entry into

the work force and upgrading programmes. Regarding social

involvements, active participation in the mainstream

workforce and ski11 upgrading activities appears to have

facilitated social interactions with other Canadians.

However. even Bonsu and Kwaku who endured light

insecurities in Canada have met challenges in the course of

their routine economic and social activities. For example.

they have both faced cultural barriers while living in

Canada. Notwithstanding the structural barriers, and the

lingering racial and ethnic pre judices in Canada, lightly

traumatised respondents who encountered light insecurities

in Canada are more likely to attain higher levels of social

and economic integration. Hence the instrumentality and

perseverance of the individuals appear to have also

contributed to their integration.

356

As demonstrated in Table 38, among al1 the Ghanaians

that 1 interviewed, there was no evidence of a counter case

where light trauma and light insecurities in Canada resulted

in lower integration overall. Such a finding seems to

suggest that among claimants, certain unique circumstances

can give rise to higher levels of integration. But the lack

of counter evidence in this case perhaps calls for further

research to verify whether light trauma and light delays are

always associated with higher integration.

Category D: Integration of Severely Traurnatised Respondents who faced Extreme Insecurities

The data indicate that when severely traumatised

respondents are conf ronted with extreme insecurit ies in the

host society their integration is often harnpered. Clearly,

individuals in category "D" represent a residual group in

which dependency appears to be symptomatic of their

marginalization and lack of any meaningful attachment to

Canadian institutions. Al1 ( 3 / 3 ) have experienced long

spells of unemployment. Individuals in category "Dt l had

slowly moved off the public assistance rolls after they were

granted work authorizat ions. However, even a£ ter they f ound

work they did not keep their jobs for long, usually being

employed for less than twelve months before reverting back

to public assistance. After their first job experience,

357

nearly al1 of them had gone back to find work. Once again,

most could not maintain their jobs. The data indicate that

individuals in category I1Do1 have depended on f inanc ial

assistance for most part of the time that they have lived in

Canada.

That none of them has pursued upgrading is apparent,

even though most of the respondents in category "Dl1 did not

arrive with the level of occupational and linguistic

preparation required for participation in Canadian society.

During the interviews 1 observed that many still have poor

English communication skills. When 1 spoke to each of them

in English, they could understand what I was saying but

found it difficult to carry on a conversation.

The social networks and involvements of rnembers of

category ltDIr are entirely limited to the Ghanaian cornmunity.

This perhaps, is attributable to their poor English

communication skills. Undoubtedly, the lack of adequate

occupational anci linguistic preparation has played a role in

the weak economic and social integration of individuals in

Category lW1, but the data indicates that the most important

reasons are the series of insecurities encountered on

arrival. Kwasi and Osei typify respondents in category "D" . The two are from divergent occupational and academic

backgrounds, but they encountered similar degrees of pre-

departure trauma and insecurities in Canada. In fact Kwasi

358

and Osei demonstrate a reversal of the circumstances of

individuals in category " A . "

Su~portinq Case a) : Kwasi

As noted in Chapter 8, Kwasi had a solid career as an

accountant when he was in Ghana but he endured prolonged

torture and imprisonrnent due to h i s connection with the

erstwhile PNP. When he fled to Nigeria, Kwasi was violently

attacked by thugs while sleeping in a school yard.

On top of t h i ç series of hardships, since his arriva1

Kwasi has faced several insecurities which appeared to have

made l i f e in Canada extremely di£ f icult for h i m . He noted

his experiences in Canada as follows:

For me it has always being one anxiety after another. . . . The immigration off icials near ly deported me back to Ghana the very week that 1 arrived to d a i m refugee status. . . . 1 was detained for three weeks pending my deportation. Boy, it was a real agony. My deportation was cancelled, unfortunately the ordeal left me with anxiety and headaches. My doctor referred me to a specialist but my medical coverage4' would not pay for it, so 1 just took Tylenol. This only made my situation worse. A f e w weeks before my first hearing 1 started going dom with seizures. My room-mates later told me that 1 became violent. 1 was taken to XXX (mental) hospital outside Toronto. The doctors said 1 was suf fering from manic depression. 1 stayed there for about 2 months . . . , 1 was on anti-depressants for over a year. My lawyer sent a letter to Immigration on my behalf that 1 was sick so they should give me landed

49~ven though claimants are eligible for rnedical coverage, they are still not eligible for certain types of medical care such as psychiatric care. Coverage in this respect may be provided to claimants only in cases of emergency (Refugee Update 1994) .

status on compassionate grounds. The request was denied. 1 received a letter £rom another immigration office that previously (when 1 was in hospital) 1 failed to report for hearing so I should report for deportation. This aggravated m y condition again. I donr t recall what happened myself . But 1 know 1 was taken to XXX hospital again . . .

In spite of his medical problems Kwasi made an effort

to seek ernployment, only to face more hardships. He told me

he tried seeking a job as an accounts clerk in several

places, but he was unsuccessful because he did not have

Canadian experience. He also sought admission to the

University of Toronto but there he encountered further

cultural barriers. A counsellor told him that "people whose

previous qualification were obtained from Africa should

really begin £rom high school".

In Kwasi's case, the denial of appropriate medical

coverage, bureaucratic entanglements, along with prejudicial

treatment appeared to have aggravated his mental condition.

At the time of the interview he reported having racing

thoughts, irritable moods and a lack of interest in living.

He noted that he survives on anti-depressants. His

experiences testify to the insecurities which some claimants

endure, and the subsequent impact on integration has been

profound. Kwasi has been unemployed for several years, and

has lost interest in either studying or working.

Supportins Case b) : Osei

Like Kwasi, Osei, the Jehovah Witness elder also

endured severe trauma prior to his f light f rom Ghana. On top

of his traumatic experiences prior to arrival Osei has

encountered very dire conditions in Canada. Moreover, Osei ' s

prolonged dependency on public assistance upon arrival

appears to have led to passivity towards work.

. . . when 1 f irst arrived in this country, 1 wanted to forget the painful memories in Ghana . . . Unfortunately, 1 was not granted a work permit for a really long tirne and I found it really difficult to live on $320 a month. 1 complained to both my social worker and immigration officers several times that 1 was wasting my lif e . . . However. the immigration off icer told me point blank that, it was against the law to work. The inactivity made me sick.

1 finally received my own work permit three years a f t e r m y arrival . . . But I did not know how to look for a j ob . 1 felt so frustrated any time 1 had to £il1 in job application forms. Till this day 1 can't stand job intenriews at a l l .

Tt took me eight months to f ind rny first job [that is on top of the three years he had to wait for work permit] . But I could not concentrate on any task. Even learning simple tasks proved so difficult for me. 1 found it difficult to take instructions. 1 quit after six weeks. My [social] worker threatened that if 1 didnft look for work my public assistance will be discontinued. 1 found a job in a bakery as a dishwasher. But the same symptoms which bothered me earlier in my f irst job reappeared. So 1 lef t this job. 1 have not worked for quite a while.

Severely traumatised respondents who endured extreme

insecurities such as Osei are more likely to be discouraged

in the face of challenges. Whereas lightly traumatised

respondents such as Bonsu and Kwaku have been more resilient

in the face of prejudicial experiences at their workplace,

severely traumatised respondents who encountered extreme

insecurities in Canada have been more apt to give up. Osei,

for instance, quit his job upon experiencing what he

perceived as racism. He noted:

1 was fed up with the racial slurs. I can't work in an atmosphere like that, 1 can' t work with people who make racial jokes about blacks, 1 left.

In addition, Osei dropped out of a high school

upgrading programme because he "felt out of place among the

other students". At the time of the interview, Osei had not

engaged in any upgrading pursuits. 1 observed that after

nearly ten years in Canada he still has poor English-

speaking skills. When 1 asked him if he would like to enrol

in a language training programme he told me, 'lit is too

late now, I wasted three-and-half years for nothing, I feel

too old for that".

The point is, even though the above experiences of Osei

may be sufficiently unpleasant to warrant dropping out of a

particular high school programme or giving up a particular

job, they do not appear to justify giving up on upgrading

pursuits or participation in the work force entirely.

Considering that he has experienced a series of traumas and

insecurities, it is possible that these experiences have de-

motivated Osei £rom participating in mainstream social and

economic activities.

362

Kwasi and Oseifs cases help us to understand some of

the important influences on integration outcomes. Overall

the two cases suggest that among claimants, severe traumatic

experiences on departure and extreme insecuri t ies in the

host environment can impede integration. This appears to be

true for both those who arrived with high and low

occupational experience and academic qualifications.

Although, they had su£ f ered maj or physical and psychological

problems which required intensive medical or professional

assistance, they did not have access to adequate care.

Without the appropriate professional assistance, those who

have major psychological cornplaints are more likely to be

overcome by their conditions. As a result, previous trauma

appears to have had a signif icant impact on the integration

of Kwasi for instance.

Moreover, delayed landing had engendered incredible

frustrations, while delayed access to work has prolonged

dependency on public welfare programmes. These experiences

appear to have served as a deterrent to entry into the work

force and into upgrading programmes. Regarding social

involvements, the limited participation in the mainstream

workf orce and ski11 upgrading act ivities appears to have

facilitated strong intra-group solidarity among respondents

in category "D".

3 6 3

In categories "Au and "Dl1 discussed above, post -arriva1

experiences appear to have exercised considerable influence

on the integration outcome of claimants. Light pre-departure

trauma with light bureaucratic delays were associated with

relatively higher levels of integration, while severe trauma

with extreme bureaucratic delays was associated with lower

integration.

Similarly with respect to cases in the off-diagonal B

and C, severe pre-departure trauma with "light insecurities"

in Canada were associated with a fair degree of integration,

while light pre-departure trauma with extreme insecurities

led to weak integration. In the case of respondents in

category C, one would have expected that considering their

relatively lower degree of pre-departurf trauma, the

individuals would be able to bounce back and to integrate in

Canada. But the severity of their experiences in Canada is

one £rom which one cannot bounce back so easily.

On the other hand, the data indicate exceptional cases

in both category B and C which challenge any generalizations

about the influences of post-arriva1 experiences on the

integration of claimants . Rather these except ional cases point to the influential role of pre-departure trauma,

individual differences and perseverance in the integration

of claimants. These are discussed below.

Integration of Severely Traumatised reapondents who faced Light Insecurities (Category B) : Counter Case

For the most part respondents in category "BI1 have

attained "moderateu or "high' degrees of integration (Table

38) . They also depict high levels of participation in ski11 and language upgrading programmess0. However , the data

depict evidence of a counter case where severe pre-departure

trauma and "light insecurities" appeared to have given rise

to weak integration. This scenario is typified by Ato.

Counter case: Ato

Ato was a local constituency official under the PNP

regime. He endured a series of unfortunate events prior to

arrival which left him with both physical and psychological

problerns (see chapter 8) . On arrival in Canada, Ato had relatively early access to durable resettlement programmes

such as both rights to work and to study. Moreover, he

obtained legal status in about four years after his arrival

in Canada.

Ato depicted a weak integration pattern. He has

depended on public assistance for most of the time he has

lived in Canada. Ato completed post-secondary education in

50 Previous migration researchers including Rumbaut and Portes (1990) , Beiser (1988, 1992) h a v e argued that even severely traumatised refugee cases can result in high levels of integration. The integration of such refugees only becomes threatened when additional risk factors in the receiving environment combine with the stress of migration.

365

Ghana, but this did not equip him with adequate employment

skills for Canada's cornpetitive job market. Like many of his

compatriots, Ato requires ski11 training before he can find

other than a low entry job. Yet, at the time of interview he

had not engaged in any upgrading pursuits. Ato had no major

complaint of cultural racism or prejudicial treatment.

Whv does A t o depict such an exception to the emected

inteqration of other respondents in cateqorv "BI'? The

evidence suggested that Ato has faced other major problems

which have hampered his integration. Though he experienced

relatively light insecurities in his West for legal status,

and rights to socio-economic programmes in Canada, Ato is

challenged physically and mentally. At the time of

interviews he complained of constant fatigue and

restlessness. Ato had early access to professional

assistance for his psychological condition, but even this

did not relieve his condition. He complained that the

treatments were ineffective and that his psychological

distress continue to affect him. Due to this condition he

was reluctant to seek any job.

Hence, whereas his counterparts in category I1B" had

ultimately benefited £rom the moderating effects of light

insecurities on arrival, Ato appears to have been

overpowered by his previous trauma. His case seems to

suggest that among severely traumatised respondents, the

lingering effects of pre-flight abuse can predominate and

impede integration, regardless of favourable settlement

conditions upon arrival.

Integration of Lightly Traunatised respondents who encountered E x t r e a i e Insecurities (Category C ) : Counter case

IILight traumatic" experiences before flight and

"extrerne insecurities" on arrival in Canada describes the

experiences o f most of the Ghanaians 1 spoke to. Nearly al1

of them have f aced enormous challenges to their integration

following a hostile official response and heavy

discrimination in Canada. Typically, they obtained rights to

socioeconomic opportunities after prolonged delays ranging

£rom 17 to 30 months or more. In many (13/18) cases of

lightly traumatised respondents who endured extreme

insecurities, the data suggest that unfavourable conditions

have discouraged interest and subsequent participation in

both employment, language and ski11 upgrading. At the tirne

of interviews, nearly al1 of them depicted high levels of

economic dependency. Moreover, the series of disadvantages

and discrimination that they faced have discouraged active

social interaction with other Canadians. In contrast, a

small minority of cases (5/18) , represent an exception to

the above characteristics. As shown in the case of Attah,

they depict medium integration into Canadian society.

Counter case: Attah

Attah arrived with a high degree of professional

preparation and low trauma. He was a high school principal

in Ghana. Attah obtained legal status in his eighth year in

Canada. Y e t , he di£ fers from his counterparts in category

"Ctl, in that he had achieved at least medium level of

integration. At the time of interview he had pursued

upgrading, and was employed on a part-time basis as an

attendant at a gas station.

Now, the key question: Why does Attah depict such

exceptional characteristics £ r o m other individuals in

Category I1Ctr? What factors are responsible for his moderate

integration? Attah appears to have demonstrated vigour and

perseverance in the face of his predicament. For example, he

encountered difficulties in his quest for occupational

adaptation, yet he has not given up. He said:

1 came to Canada with my teaching qualifications and teaching experience. But when I applied for jobs I have been told that 1 am professionally qualified but educationally unqualif ied. 1 went to York University to undertake a one year teachers programme. Still, when 1 apply for jobs, some of the school board still insist that 1 need Canadian experience before 1 can even serve as a supply teacher.

Even though participation in upgrading has not

necessarily had a positive influence on his occupational

mobility, Attahts minimum accomplishments constitute

integrat ion. Thus, the outcome of resett lement cannot only

368

be interpreted in tens of conditions in the host society,

because in some cases unique characteristics and persona1

experiences of the individuals need to be considered.

Swnmary and Discussions

This chapter has interpreted the predominant patterns

of in£ luence on the integration of Ghanaian ref ugees . Though

discussions have been based primarily on field data

pertaining to 1993 to 1995. the economic and social

characteristics of Ghanaian refugees are inevitably affected

by previous experiences including pre-departure trauma,

hostile officia1 reception and ethnocentrism in Canadian

society.

Findings in the chapter generally support the arguments

of the Claimant Integration model. While Ghanaian claimants

share the above problems they differ in their responses to

them. The data show that there are, in fact, significant

differences arnong Ghanaian refugees with respect to their

reaction to the challenges of integration. Some Ghanaian

refugees show a tendency to persevere and subsequently

overcome the discouraging ef f ects of both their pre-arriva1

and in-Canada challenges. However, in some cases these

multiple challenges of integration have engendered passivity

and dependency on Canadian welfare institutions. The series

of insecurities have engendered strong solidarity among

Ghanaian refugees.

Pre -departure trauma appears to have exerted a negat ive

influence on integration. However, because of variations in

the degree of pre-departure repression experiences,

individual respondents are not uniformly distressed by the

residual effects of pre-flight trauma. In particular, many

individuals who suffered relatively less trauma did not feel

that their pre-flight ordeal was affecting their

integration. Thus, instances where pre-departure trauma

continue to be viewed as a factor slowing integration are

mostly found when the pre-departure trauma w a s particularly

severe and/or it was constantly kept in mind by troubling

post-arriva1 stresses in Canada.

The evidence strongly suggest that post-arriva1

experiences including--delayed landing, delayed rights to

the workforce, training programmes, comprehensive mental

health assistance, along with the effects of cultural

racism--have been a very important factor in shaping the

integration of Ghanaian claimants. Clearly, unwelcoming

responses to Ghanaian claimants w h o arrived with different

levels of trauma have slowed integrat ion tremendously in

most of the cases that were studied.

Nevertheless, exceptions to the above generalizations

should be noted. In a few cases claimants who encountered

hostile reception were able to participate in prevailing

370

economic and social activities and to integrate. Such

individuals appeared to have exhibited great perseverance

which led to integration. By contrast, some severely

traumatised claimants who endured favourable conditions on

arrival were unable to attain similar levels of integration

as their counterparts. Indicating that, the outcome of

resettlement of claimants cannot only be interpreted in

terms of conditions in the host society, but in some cases

the unique characteristics or experiences of individual

claimants need tu be considered.

Few Ghanaians ever encounter favourable official

reception on arrival in Canada. But the fact that such

individuals have relatively early access to programmes and

also early landing does not necessarily mean that they do

not face any structural barriers and cultural discrimination

in Canada. In fact they do. The experiences of Ghanaian

claimants who encounter favourâble reception appear to be

mild only, in cornparison with their counterparts who

encounter extreme insecurities in Canada.

Chapter 11

Reflections on Findings and Outstanding Research Questions

This final chapter provides an opportunity to reflect

on how findings from this study fit into the already

existing research, the changing context for asylum seekers,

within Canada and in other countries, the extent to which

the findings from the present study are likely to apply to

other groups of asylum seekers arriving more recently, and

what these considerations suggest for future research

questions and strategies . The chapter is organized around

several questions concerning these rnatters.

How du the main findinss fit with conclusions arisinq £rom other studies ?

This dissertation is the outcome of a research project

which takes refugee claimants as its subject, aiming for the

first time to examine the impact of pre-arriva1 and in-

Canada experiences on the economic and social integration of

refugee clairnants. The dissertation is therefore a pioneer

study on the subject.

For the most part, findings £ r o m the present study

confirm conclusions drawn £rom many previous studies

examining settlement and integration of contemporary

immigrants (as opposed to claimants specif ically) to Western

host nations. While refugee claimants show a distinctive

372

pattern of integration, this distinctiveness is in many

respects an exaggeration of the experiences of non-refugee

immigrants from Third World countries, and sponsored

refugees selected abroad from the same countries. With

respect to the role of pre-flight and in-Canada insecurities

on the integration of refugee claimants in Canada, however,

there is a limited secondary literature.

This dissertation has sought to add to the research

literature on immigrant and refugee integration by focusing

on the impact of pre-flight trauma, and post-arriva1

insecurities, on the subsequent economic and social

integration of claimants into their host society. Previous

studies that analyzed the integration of Third World origin

refugees have focused on a range of factors which typically

exclude the key experiences of claimants. "Deiayed statusu

and state - induced dependencyIr are unique to the experience

of claimants. Given the gap in research on claimants, the

impact of these factors on integration have simply not been

studied. In contrast, studies of refugees have ernphasized

pre-flight trauma, and inadequate occupational and

linguistic skills, hence, they are more interested in the

role of human capital factors on integration (see Neuwirth

1987, Boyd 1992, Gold 1992). Human capital factors and also

operation of the wider social system are relevant to

understanding the circumstances of asylum seekers, however,

373

none of these adequately covers the range of issues

necessary for understanding the integration of claimants.

Published research literature reviewed in the

dissertation contains no specif ic theoretical f ramework for

understanding the particularly serious problems faced by

claimants £rom developing countries as they seek integration

into Western receiving nations. Going beyond previous

research, this dissertation has show that given their

characteristics and experiences in Canada, claimants should

not be conceptualized simply as variants of the theoretical

and research models, used in studying regular immigrants and

sponsored refugees. While in some respects claimants

constitute a çub-group falling within existing theoretical

models, in other respects they fa11 outside those models. In

consequence, the integration of clairnants should be

theorised in its own right.

The multifactoral Claimant Integration Framework

proposed in this study is intended as a first step towards

filling the gap in theory. The framework begins with a

relatively conventional three-fold paradigm: antecedent

variables, mediating factors and outcornes. Each of the three

classes of variables is specified in terms of a set of

particular factors. The migration, settlement and

integration of claimants are conceptualized as different

stages of an interconnected process which is subject to both

374

structural and individual factors, and also social networks . The framework is unique because it draws attention to

certain experiences such as the "uncertain statusu and

Vorced dependencyN, that apply only to claimants. In other

respects, the framework overlaps with models of the

integration process that have been developed for immigrants

and refugees.

Given the absence of any major contradictions, it is

reasonable to conclude that there is a fit between findings

from this study and those of previous work that have

examined the integrat ion of immigrants and ref ugees . The outstanding issues are the gap in previous studies, and the

need to extend the existing theoretical body to cover the

specific experiences of asylurn seekers.

How is the context of refuqee claimants in Canada chansincr?

Evidence f rom Canadar s Immigration and Ref ugee Board

indicates that the sources of major inflow of refugee

claimants to Canada have changed. During the 1980-1990

decade, the major sources of asylum seekers to Canada were

Somalia, Sri Lanka, China and Ghana. Nowadays refugee

claimants are arriving mainly £ r o m Chile, Afghanistan,

Algeria, Venezuela, Bangladesh, Ukraine, Kazakhstan, and

Pakistan ( s e e various IRB Statistical Digests 1989-1996).

Canadaf s immigration and refugee laws are changing with

respect to the processing of refugee applications. From 1989

onwards, and particularly during the early 1 9 9 0 ~ ~ measures

have been taken to streamline the handling of applications

and reduce the period of determination £rom three years or

over to six monthsS1. Refugee applicants can mail their

completed applications, and can opt for the determination of

their cases on the basis of a paper review instead of a

full hearing . Senior immigration off icers are now empowered

to examine refugee applications at the ports of entry to

determine then and there, whether certain applications

should be considered by Canada' s ref ugee determinat ion board

(IRB 1994) . In principle, these changes are meant to shorten

the wait and reduce the uncertainty endured by asylum

seekers. However, it is not clear how great the gains have

been. Anecdotal evidence obtained f rom a number of immigrant

service providers in Toronto suggest that ref ugee claimants

can still experience delays of up to three yearsS2 before

completing the inland determination process. In addition,

5 1 ~ n provinces such as Nova Scotia, Alberta, and British Columbia where the number of refugee applications is relatively low, the of f i c ia l expectation is that it will take about three months to process prospective applications for political asylum (IRB 1994) .

52~fficials at the Canadian African Newcomers Assistance Centre (CANACT) and Ontario Council of Agencies Serving Immigrants (OCASI) informed me that asylum seekers in Toronto still face delays of three years or more. The officials cited examples of refugee claimants frorn several places including Venezuela, Iran, Pakistan, Chile and Nigeria.

the government intends to cancel a programme which allowed

re j ected ref ugee claimants to apply for permanent residence

if the government has been unable to deport them a£ ter three

years (Dench 1997) .

Policies that control illegal immigration are hardening

making it more di£ ficult for asylum seekers to enter. As

Canada grapples with questions such as, how many immigrants

and refugees to accept and f rom which countries; what rights

and special services to provide them; and how to control the

illegal entry of unwanted migrants, the insecurity of asylum

seekers increases proportionately.

Claimants continue to face enormous challenges in

meeting their material needs. The Canadian state as a

distributor of goods and services to various recipient

populations has been reeling from high deficits, and an

economy which has failed to support t h e level of service

deliveries which Canadians are used t o (Lanphier and Opoku-

Dapaah, 1997)". Recent cut-backs to government financial

assistance programmes are having adverse effects on the

poor, including refugee claimants. Moreover, for most of

this decade Canada's official unemployment rate has rarely

fallen below nine percent. It has even reached as high as

eleven percent within this decade ( i b i d ) . Among newcorners,

the unemployment problem remains chronically high. In a

recent study of newcomers in the Toronto area, 37 percent

377

indicated that securing employment was their most

signif icant problem (Michalski and George 1996) . Hence,

newcomers are experiencing in even more acute fashion the

desolation of state services slipping a w a y at the same

moment that gainful employment in society remains a distant

dream (Lanphier and Opoku-Dapaah 1997).

In short, the context of resettlement of refugee

claimants in Canada is changing, but the prospect of the

smooth integration of asylurn seekers in Canada is punctuated

with question marks. Claimants continue to experience

insecurities with respect to the acquisition of legal

status; at t he same time the few entitlements which they

have hitherto enjoyed are diminishing. Increasingly,

claimants themselves are being entrusted with more

responsibility for their own resettlement, even though many

do not arrive with the "tools" or resources t o do so.

Do refuqees who seek and obtain asylurn in a wealthv industrial countrv have an advantase over those who seek asvlum in a poor neighbourinq country?

This question may have different answers depending on

the aspects of "advantage" that one is examining. In terms

of material well-being, the asylurn seekers in the advanced

industrial nations may have an advantage, but in terms of

psychological well-being this may not be the case. The

378

present study points to a number of reasons which suggest

that the differences in the psychological well-being of

refugees living in wealthy and poor nations may not be as

great as believed,

Firstly, Third World origin refugees resettled in

Western nations face an array of social and economic

di£ f iculties that, in principle, are no dif ferent from those

encountered in the poor countries where asylum is first

sought. For example, on arrival, Ghanaian asylum seekers in

Canada had to first struggle to secure permanent legal

status which would provide full access to existing

institutions. Even after accomplishing that, they faced the

uncertainties of establishing a solid economic base and

moving towards self-sufficiency. Struggle for economic

independence in Canada has taken the form of a battle

against inequality, racism, and cultural discrimination, as

well as an attempt to conques the trauma £rom flight, unique

to refugees. The cumulative effect of these insecurities and

pre j udices can adversely affect psychological well-being, as

some of the cases reported in the dissertation suggest.

Secondly, the higher expectations of asylum seekers in

wealthy countries can, paradoxically, have a negat ive ef f ect

on their psychological well-being. This seems to be so for

those whose expectations are particularly high, as these

expectations are shattered by their experiences on arrival

in wealthy nations.

Will findinss from the present studv on Ghanaians apply to other srouDs of as~lum seekers who arrived at the same time?

Future research is required to answer this question,

however, there are reasons to believe that many of the

findings about Ghanaians will apply in varying degrees to

other groups of asylum seekers. Consider the situation of

Somalis, Sri Lankans and Chinese who largely arrived at the

same time as Ghanaians, and who have been subjected to

similar policies, social and economic circumstances in

Canada. Findings about Ghanaians that are likely to apply to

the three groups include: 1) weak economic integration, 2)

narrow social participation, 3 ) dependency on ethnic

organizations as the primary source of help, and 4)

experiences of cultural pre judice.

With respect to the pattern of economic integration,

this dissertation found that the majority of Ghanaians were

dependent on Canadian welfare institutions with only a small

potential for econornic independence. A minority of Ghanaians

who were employed were mainly engaged in marginal jobs in

labour-intensive industries. Overall, the study did not

discern any move of the latter into better-paid and more

stable jobs.

Available evidence suggests that some Somalis, Chinese

and Sri Lankans living in Toronto who came to Canada

originally as clairnants, are having difficulties in finding

jobs and integrating into the Canadian economy (Opoku-Dapaah

1995, Liu 1995, Aruliah 1995) . Arnong Somalis, for instance,

a recent study revealed that the level of unemployment was

nearly 50 percent (Opoku-Dapaah 1995) . Whether or not post - arriva1 insecurities have played a role in the d i f ficulty

some members of these groups are having in their economic

integration is not known. Previous research did not explore

this issue. Typically, the major factors that have been

advanced to explain the problerns of economic integration

among Somalis, Chinese and Sri Lankans include lack of

Canadian experience, cultural racisrn and poor English

speaking abilities. Given that, most Somalis, Chinese and

Sri Lankan asylum seekers encountered "delayed status" and

"forced dependencyI1 in Canada, it is possible that these

previous insecurities have contributed to the difficulties

that these comrnunities are facing in their economic

integration.

Frustrated by Canada's harsh response to asylum

seekers and by their interactions with the wider Canadian

society, l1reactive solidarityI1 (Gold 19% : 207) has emerged

arnong Ghanaian refugees. This is to Say that the

discrimination and disadvantages to which they have been

exposed have created feelings of unusual solidarity among

Ghanaian refugees. For instance, having experienced

381

discrimination or, perhaps, having simply accepted their

di£ f erences f rom the Canadian ma j ority, Ghanaian ref ugees

have corne to emphasize informal types of cooperation based

on family, friendship, and common ethnicity.

Whether or not reactive solidarity has occurred among

Somalis, Chinese and Sri Lankans is not known, however, the

evidence suggests that a restricted field of social

participation is not peculiar to Ghanaian refugees. Mernbers

of these three refugee communities depict strong intra-group

solidarity (for Somalis see Opoku-Dapaah 1995, Kendall 1992;

for Chinese see Liu 1995; for Sri Lankan Tamils see

Ramachandran 1995:156). Furthemore, like the Ghanaian

refugee community, Somali, Chinese, and Sri Lankan refugee

communities maintain identifiable geographical and

residential concentration within metropolitan Toronto.

Somalis, for instance, are known to be residentially

concentrated in the city of Etobicoke, while Sri Lankans are

concentrated in Mississauga and Don Mills (Ramachandran

1995) . However, research needs to be focused on the precise

role of post -arriva1 insecurities in bringing about

restricted social participation among Somalis, Chinose and

Sri Lankans.

In addition, reliance on ethnic organizations as

primary sources of help is not peculiar to Ghanaian asylum

seekers. Other refugee communities, such as those of the

Chinese and the Sri Lankans, have also formed several

associations to provide various assistance to co-ethnic~.~~

Aruliah has noted that the sudden growth of the Sri Lankan

Tamil community in Toronto has led to the formation of a

large number of close-knit affinity groups. While Ghanaians

have formed thernselves into community organizations, these

organizations appear weaker than those of other comrnunities.

Unlike Chinese and Sri Lankan ethnic comrnunities, the

Ghanaian community has limited access to existing Canadian

institutions and resources. This stems £ r o m the fact that

the Ghanaian community in Canada lacks strong instrumental

ties to the mainstream economy and social agencies.

Ghanaians reported that they have experienced cultural

racism while living in Canada, so have Somalis, Chinese and

Sri Lankans . For instance Sat zewich (1992 : 98 ) argues that

because of the initial definition of Canada as a white

dominion and the need to r e l y at least partially, on non-

white labour, people defined as non-white have historically

occupied a precarious position in social, economic and

political relations. This observation holds true for many

Third World origin claimants. Like Ghanaians, Somalis, Sri

53~umerous studies have also noticed such practices among different immigrant and refugee groups. For example, Neuwirth (1987, 1 9 8 8 ) , and Lam (1996) have noted similar patterns such as the emergence of strong solidarity and several associations among Vietnamese, Salvadorean and Ethiopian refugees in Canada.

383

Lankans and Chinese in Canada experience diverse forms of

prejudicial treatment including denial of access to desired

rental accommodation, denial of prornot ions and ernployment

(see Aruliah 1995, Richmond 1994, Henry 1994). Previous

studies have noted that, in some cases, even after Third

World origin newcomers have pursued upgrading in Canada on

top of their prior attained professional qualifications,

their skills are not recognized as a basis for employment

(Henry 1994). Findings £rom a recent study on income levels,

indicate that racial minority men earn less than their white

equivalent, even when they were born and raised in Canada

(Miller, 1997) .

In brie£, some findings about Ghanaians are applicable

to other groups of asylum seekers such as Somalis, Chinese

and Sri Lankans, who came to Canada within the same period,

and were subjected to the same Canadian policies. Their

common experiences such as cultural prejudice may be

attributed to the distinctive cultural characteristics of

these groups, but pre-arriva1 characteristics alone may not

be sufficient to explain al1 the other areas of similarity,

especially given the differences in their origins. There is

good reason to believe that post-arriva1 experiences unique

to asylum seekers may have played a role in shaping the

integration of Ghanaians, Somalis, Chinese and Sri Lankans,

hence the similarities in their integration.

Will findinqs from the present studv a ~ ~ l y to sroups arrivinq more recentlv?

Given the lack of precise data, one of the most basic

ways to answer this question is to review the effectiveness

of the changes to Canadaf s immigration policies that have

been adopted to reduce the insecurities of recent asylum

seekers . First, despite the streamlining of the refugee

application process, claimants can still face prolonged

delays with respect to the acquisition of permanent

residential s ta tusS4 .

Second, in contrast to Ghànaians and other claimants

who arrived in the 1980s, Canadian immigration law now

permits asylum seekers to work shortly after their arrival.

However, it is unclear whether granting claimants employment

rights shortly after arrival in Canada has produced the

anticipated benefits (particularly economic independence).

Like many other newcomers , claimants face considerable

difficulties in finding jobs (Michalski and George 1996).

Eventuaiiy, those who are unable to secure employment depend

on Canadian authorities for financial assistance.

Thirdly, many of the recent claimants originating £rom

the Third World do not arrive with the required level of

-- -

" ~ h e Toronto Sun reported on Febmary 7 , 1997 that the backlog of refugee cases has soared by 7 5 percent over t he past three years to over 30,000.

385

linguistic, educational and occupational preparation for

participating in rnainstream Canadian society . Yet , they are

ineligible to participate in ski11 and language training

programmes while waiting for their claims to be concluded

( IRB 1994) . As seen in the case of Ghanaians, prolonged delays in accessing training programmes can be a

disincentive for seeking upgrading in future.

Considering that recent asylum seekers still encounter

many insecurities on arrival in Canada, it is likely that

most of the findings £rom this study will be relevant to

their cases. Judging from the experience of Ghanaians,

delayed status and prolonged financial dependency can create

anxiety, stress, and mental habits that foster dependency on

Canadian welfare institutions.

Recent claimants have seen some improvernents in their

entitlements, as seen in the conferment of working rights

soon after arrival. It is still questionable whether a

claimant w h o found work and who then supported him\herself

financially, but remained uncertain about his or her future

in Canada, would necessarily integrate smoothly into

Canadian society. For how long can a person caught in a

status-lido remain in the labour force? The experience of

some of the Ghanaians who encountered prolonged delays in

obtaining status suggests that uncertainty regarding the

outcome of the refugee application can still serve as a

disincentive to participation in the labour force. This is

regardless of the possession of ernployment rights.

How do ~roblems of refusee claimants in Canada compare with those of asvlum seekers in other maior host nations such as France and Germanv?

Such a cornparison is important since, like Canada,

France and Germany withhold certain resettlement services

from asylum seekers during the tirne when their refugee

application is pending. For instance, motivated by the

concern to protect employment opportunities for nationals

and to limit the pull factor for asylum seekers, France and

many Northern European countries have adopted policies that

prohibit employment altogether until the ref ugee claimant ' s

status is resolved (Dent 1995 : g S 5 ) . Germany, on the other

hand, limits access according to conditions of labour

shortages, or to jobs that cannot be filled by nationals or

"privileged" aliens (Brink 1993) . As illustrated by the case of Ghanaians in Canada, the restrictive employment criteria

of France and Germany can slow subsequent economic

integration of refugee claimants in these countries.

''~orthern states that prohibit any employment by asylum seekers include Deamark, Luxembourg, Ireland, Spain and France (UNHCR 1993).

What elements of the ~resent research stratesv make sense for future studies? What other research desiqn options should be considered?

The above questions provide the opportunity to reflect

on the methodology of this study, and to suggest alternative

design options.

In terms of research design, this dissertation adopted

a comparative research strategy for studying Ghanaian

claimants. One shortcoming of this design strategy is that

it only permit ted comparison of individual Ghanaians with

one another. Future studies could compare Ghanaians to Sri

Lankans and Chinese, for instance, in order to get a better

comparative perspective on differences between asylum

seekers, by origin group and by period of arrival.

While this study has undertaken a retrospective and

historical look at the experiences of Ghanaian asylum

seekers, an alternate design strategy could adopt a

longitudinal approach to document the integrat ion

experiences of Ghanaian claimants over time. This

dissertationutilised the qualitative strategy for gathering

information, since this facilitated the probing of official

and public response towards Ghanaians, racism, and a variety

of persona1 hardships that Ghanaians encountered prior to

and after their arrival in Canada. However, the

generalizability of these findings is questionable because

the sample used was small. Moreover, the strong reliance on

the qualitative strategy led to the exclusion of other

equally important research strategies. For example, the

addition of quantitative data, such as the 1991 Census data

on Ghanaians, could have produced a more balanced research

strategy and hence, a more complete picture of the social

and economic circurnstances of Ghanaian asylum seekers in

Canada.

The conclusions in this study could have benef ited f rom

the inclusion of female subjects/participants. They were

excluded from the study due to problems in data collection.

Perhaps future studies may avoid such a shortcoming by

taking Vamily" as t he unit of analysis and investigation

r a t h e r than independent respondents. Moreover, future

studies could go beyond the Toronto context, to examine the

differential experiences of Ghanaians living in other parts

of Canada. In addition, a future study in this area would

need to go in greater depth into a number of issues that

were not sufficiently addressed in the current study. These

issues are stated in the form of research questions below.

What impact does mental health have on the integration of asylum seekers over time?

Looking at more recent arrivals to Canada from Africa who are arriving under new refugee policies, do these policies make a difference?

To what extent do within-group networking, differences in attitudes and values, in areas regarding the family, and interpersonal relations between asylum seekers and Canadians influence integration of asylum seekers?

389

1 close with a reflection on the limitations of the

concept of integration as a criterion for measuring the

economic and social circumstances of claimants. The

dissertation defined integration as the degree to which

newcomers become full and equal participants in mainstream

Canadian economic and social activities- This definition is

zapable of operationalization for research, yet there are

some shortcomings which cannot be ignored. The interplay of

pre-flight and in-Canada experiences of claimants can give

rise to several resettlernent paths that may be

udiversionarytl f rom that of mainstream Canadian society. For

example, denied access to of ficial sources of in£ ormation

and counselling, Ghanaian claimants had to search for

alternative routes to social and occupational adaptation.

The role of individual choices, in the face of limited

options, cannot be underestirnated. Claimants m a y engage in

foms of income generation such as participation in inf ormal

economic activities which differ from engagement in the

mainstream labour force, however, this cannot be directly

measured by the def inition of integration stated above. With

respect to social interaction, some claimants may

consciously choose to live among their compatriots, or even

opt to participate only with kin as an alternative to

interacting with other Canadians. In a pluralist society

such as Canada, one can choose to maintain one's own

390

cultural identity as much as possible. Hence, in some cases,

the general criteria for measuring integration, such as that

proposed above, cannot be applied to al1 behaviours.

Nevertheless, in spite of its deficiencies, the concept of

integration provides a yardstick for evaluating the process

of adaptation. Future studies should pay attention to h o w

individual choices and available options can affect

participation in mainstream opportunities.

Finally, this dissertation details numerous areas of

concern that need to be addressed if claimants are to

overcome the barriers that hamper their integration into

Canadian society. By al1 projections, the inflow of

claimants to Canada is likely to continue to be problematic,

yet the institutional means and level of resources for

serving these claimants are lacking.

First, the 1951 I1UN Convention relating to the Status

of refugees" does not cover refugee claimants who are caught

in lido in host nations. As the phenomenon of in-land

asylum application has increased with the passage of time,

so too should the reach of the UN Convention expand, at

least , to provide some guarantees for protect ing ref ugee

claimants. There is the need for a new international accord

or revision of the existing UN definition to address the

plight of refugee claimants as they seek resettlement

abroad .

391

Second, given that delays in granting legal status to

clairnants impede integration, efforts to strearnline the

refugee determination process and shorten the delays should

be a priority for policy makers. Early resolution of refugee

applications can eliminate the profound anxiety, loss of

motivation, and discouragement that affect the subsequent

economic and social integration of refugee clairnants.

Third, available evidence indicates that expenditures

on claimants applying for refugee status through the in-land

refugee detemination process is substantial (see CIC 1996) .

By contrast, claimants require assistance in other respects

such as counselling and sk i11 training. There is the need

for a permanent or regular funding base sufficient to allow

strategic planning and effective response t o claimants by

service providers, particularly in the irnmediate post-

claimant period. Long-term cornrnunity services delivered

through ethno - specif ic groups are needed to provide

effective social and cultural orientation and to promote a

sense of empowerment among claimants. In addition to the

above, programmes that will promote t h e i r access to health,

educational and employment opportunities i n the early stages

of their arriva1 are needed.

Finally, since conventional medical practices are not

always successf ul in treat ing trauma-related illness, there

is the need for liaison with mental health agencies and

392

individuals w h o might be interested in forming a support

network, conducting reçearch or establishing culturally-

appropriate mental health services for claimant communities .

Potential contacts include the Centre for Vict ims of Torture

(CCVT) , Community Health Centres, accredi ted traditional

healers, and psychology departments at local universities-

APPENDTX A

INTERVIEW GUIDE

SECTION A: BACKGROUND CHARACTERISTICS

A. Persona1

Month and year of birth

Age at transition event

Place where you resided mostly bef ore age 15. And where w e r e you living prior to your departure?

Your ethnic background is

Highest level of education completed before leaving home

Your current marital status?

Do you have any children? IF YES How many?

Were you employed before you left Ghana? (If YES) What was your occupation?

What was the highest employment position you attained in Ghana?

W e r e you a member of a political party before you left? (IF YES) Tell me your role.

SECTION B. REPRESSION IN GHANA

Access To Basic Necessities

11. Prior to leaving Ghana (say a few months before your departure) , how dif f icult was it to f ind food? work? housing? medicine?

Use the following to scale for self and immediate familv, kin and neiqhbours 1) no dif f iculty 2) fairly d i f f icult 3) nearly impossible 4) impossible

FOOD

ITEM

SHELTER

SELF/IMMEDIATE FAMILY

JOB

B. Threats

1 2 . P r i o r t o leaving home, were you ever threatened for p o l i t i c a l reasons? (IF YES) B y whom? How often? How much?

13. Please describe one of such experiences t o me. Since coming to Canada, have you ever being affected (physically, mentally) or in any way that you can attribute to your threat ordeal? Please tell me about it.

14 - P r i o r t o your departure w e r e you ever jailed for political reasons? By whom? How long?

15 - Your access t o food, water and shelter w h i l e i n j a i l was :

FREQUENCY

always

f requent ly

somet imes

never o r seldom

FOOD WATER SHELTER MEDICAL CARE

16 . Was any other member of your family also jailed for the same political reason?

17. (IF YOU WERE IMPRISONED) Describe your experiences in j ail. Since your arriva1 have you ever being af f ected- - physically? mentally--from the effect of that experience. IF YES tell me about it.

C Torture

18. P r i o r to your departure, were you ever tortured for political reasons? By whom? When? How badly? Any member of your family also tortured?

19. (IF YES) Please describe your torture experience. Are you s t i l l affected by that experience? Physically? rnentally? IF YES tell me about it.

D. Loss of employment

20. Prior to your departure, did you lose your job f o r political reasons? (IF YES) When? For how long? (in rnonths) . What job was t h i s ? How many times?

Physical aspects

21. Before you left home, did you sustain any injuries £rom abuse?

22. (IF YES) When? How much injuries? (IF YES) Please tell me about how injuries was sustained

23. Did you r equ i r e medical care for your injuries? (IF YES) Did you get the required medical assistance? Were you ever hospitalised as a result of the injuries? (IF YES) how many times? Are you still bothered by the injuries you sustained from the abuse? IF YES tell me about it .

Mental/Emotional aspects

24. Were you i n any danger before you left ha na? (IF YES)

How much? Level of adversity prior to departure. Your exit was (plamed, unplanned/hasty)

e. Did any immediate family rnember/close relative experience any of the following for political reasons before you left? Tell me about it (assault, abduction, or disappearance, death) .

SECTION C. MIGRATION-FLIGHT DETAILS

A. Manner of E x i t from Ghana/Temporary Asylum

25. In what year/month did you leave Ghana? How did you travel? How dangerous was your exit? Were you pursued?

26. Describe your departure process to me

B . On-route hardships

27. DURING YOUR EXIT FROM GHANA, did you have access to food? Did you have access to water? Did you lose direction? Did you have to travel in bad weather conditions? Were you ever caught in course of your escape? Did you experience any physical assault or abuse (such as rape, beating, mugging) while in f light? Were you ever refused landing/entry into another country while in flight?

28 . Please describe to me how you f led f rom Ghana? Did you face any hardships in the process? Tell me about it.

C . Temporary asylum

29. Where did you reside upon living Ghana? In which country? When (year/month)? How long were you there?

30. And your access to basic necessities in this place was:

How secured did you feel in this place of temporary asylum? (secured, very secured, slightly insecure, extremely insecure)

D. Journey to Canada

31. Tell me about your journey to Canada. Did you get sponsorship to corne to Canada?

32. Why did you choose Canada?

33. Who told you about Canada?

b. And what wereyou told? What help did you obtain £rom your inf ormants?

SECTION D: IN-CANADA EXPERIENCES

A. Experiences with Canadian Authorities

34. You arrived in Canada in . . . . ? And your status was initially . . . . . . when did your status change?

R e c e ~ t ion

(WELCOME IN THE FIRST 2 WEEKS) How were you received by the officers at the time of entry? (very warm, slightly warm, warm neutral , cold, VerY cold/unfriendly) . How long were you held by the officials upon arrival? in your own judgement what was the likelihood of being accepted ? Why did you feel that way?

Describe your encounter with immigration officials you met upon arrival.

(6 MONTHS AFTER YOUR ARRIVAL) did you notice any change in your treatment by immigration off icials? How was it? In your own judgement what was the likelihood of being accepted? Why did you feel that way?

Tell me about your f irst refugee hearing? Upon arrival how many months elasped before you were invited to your first hearing? Did you go through subsequent hearings? IF Y B how many? Did you discern any likelihood of being accepted? How does your experience compare with

that of your colleagues?

Accommodation

39. (WELCOME IN FIRST 2 WEEKS) Were you off ered temporary lodging? (IF YES) for how long? How satisf ied were you? IF NO temp lodging was provided, were you offered any assistance in finding temporary accommodation?

(6 MONTHS AFTER YOOR A R R I V . ) Did you receive assistance from Canadian authorities in procuring accommodation? IF YES, what type of assistance was provided? Did you have access to subsidised/public housing by now?

41. (WELCOME IN FIRST 2 WEEKS) Were you provided with any food? (IF YES) How much? If food was provided, how satisfied were you with it? Were you provided with subsistence allowance?

42. (6 MONTHS AFTER YOUR ARRIVAL) Were you provided with subsistence allowance?

Informat ion

43 . (WELCOME IN FXRST 2 WEEKS) How much information were you provided on the following programmes at the time of your arrival? Select and rank accordingly using the following scale: 1) adequate information 2 ) little information 3 ) no in£ ormation whatsoever

II ITEM

I -- - -

REFUGEE APPLICATION PROCEDURES

II SUBSISTENCE PROGS . II HEALTH INFOR.

B. NGO HELP.

Accommodation

44. (WELCOME IN FIRST 2 WEEKS) Were you provided temporary lodging by an NGO? (IF YES) For how long? If offered lodging, how satisfied were you with it? If no temp lodging was provided, were you offered any assistance in finding temporary accommodation?

45 . (6 MONTHS AFTER YOüR ARRIVAL) Did you receive assistance £ r o m an NGO in procuring accommodation? (IF YES) what type of assistance was provided?

Food

46. (WELCOME IN FIRST 2 WEEKS) Were you provided with any food by any NGO? (IF YES) How rnuch? If food was provided, how satisfied were you with it?

In£ ormat ion

47. (WELCOME IN FIRST 2 WEEKS) Did you receive any information on off icial programmes from any NGO upon arrival?

48. (IF YES) How much information were you provided on the following programmes at the t i m e of your arrival? Select and rank accordingly using this scale:

1) adequate information 2) little information 3 ) no information whatsoever

6 MONTHS -TER ARRIVAL

ITEM

REFUGEE APPLICATION PROCEDURES

LEGAT; AID

SUBSISTENCE PROGS.

HEALTH INFOR.

FIRST 2 WEEKS OF ARRIVAI;

C . ASSISTANCE FROM KIN/FRIENDS

Accommodation

4 9. (WELCOME IN FIRST 2 WEEKS) Were you off ered temporary lodging by kin/friends? (IF YES) For how long? If offered lodging, How satisfied were you with it? If no temp lodging was provided, were you offered any assistance in finding temporary accommodation?

50 . (6 MONTHç AFTER YOUR ARRIVU) Did you receive assistance f rom kin in procuring accommodation? IF YES, what type of assistance was provided?

Food

51. (WELCOME I N FIRST 2 WEEKS) Were you provided with any food by kin/friends? (IF YESl How much? If food was provided, how satisfied w e r e you w i t h it?

In£ ormation

52. (WELCOME IN FIRST 2 WEEKS) D i d you receive any information on official programmes?.

53. (IF Y B ) How much information were you provided on the following programmes at the t i m e of your arrival?

REFUGEE APPLICATION PROCEDURES

1 LEGAL AID

II SUBSISTENCE PROGS . II HEALTH INFOR.

SECTION E: INTEGRATION

Employment Characteristics

How long did you have to wait before obtaining work permit?months) . AFTER YOU OBTAINED WORK PERMIT How long did it take to f ind your f irst job in Canada? (months) . Who helped you to find that job?

And your job status was

Employment history in Canada

*Key: 1) entry level/manual labour 2) superrisory 3 ) managerial

JOB STATUS* 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 9. Are you currently employed? (IF YEç) Please tell me how

you found your job? Your status is? 1s your current job related to your academic/professional training in Ghana? How long did it take you to find your current job? Are you satisfied with your current job?

Overall would you Say you that you have actively participated in the labour force s i n c e coming to Canada?

(IF CZ%RRENTLY UNEMPLOYED) Why are you not working? Do you receive help f rom welf are payments? (IF YESI How long has that been? Are you looking for job right now? Who helps you? Do you have a resurne? Are you a member of any job-searchers network?

Income Level and Sources 62. Income by Year

*Kev:l) under $9,999 2) $10,000-$14,9999 3) $15,000- 4 -

$19,999 4) $20,000-$24,999 5) over $25,000

YEAR

T o t a l * anriual income

How long were you on social assistance when you first arrived?

PARTICIPATION IN UPGRADING PROGRAMMES

Laquage Ability and Training

Your English speaking ability at the was? (Prof icient 2) F a i r l y prof icient dif f iculty, No speaking ability)

Your current English speaking ability

time of arrival

3 ) spoke with

is?

(IF LIMITED ENGLISH ABILITY) have you ever received any information/ counsel ling on language training programmes in your comrnunity? (IF YES) How much information were you given? Sources of information

(IF YOU HAVE LIMITED ABILITY) Have you ever completed a language training programme since your arrival? (IF YES) number of months engaged in language training programmes? How beneficial was your language training programme? Do you feel the need to participate further in a language training programme?

Ski11 Training/upgrading

67. Ever received any forma1 counselling on employment-

related programmes since your arrival? (IF YES) How much? Sources of information

Have you ever applied to participate in any skill training/upgrading in Canada? (IF Y B ) when ? 19- What was the outcome?

Have you completed any skill training/upgrading /retraining in Canada? (IF YES) When? 19 , How long? How beneficial was your skill training programme? Do you feel the need to participate f u r t h e r i n skill training programmes?

(IF NEVER APPLIED TO PARTICIPATE IN ANY SKILL TRAINING PROGRAMME) Would you like to participate in one?

A c a d d c Pursuits in Canada:

How long w a s it between the time you arrived and the time you obtained the rights to study in Canada?

Are you pursuing any academic studies at the moment? (IF YES) What qualification are you pursuing at the moment? Did you have to delay your studies in Canada? What were the reasons for the delays? How long ?

Have you ever received counselling on educat ional programmes in Canada? (IF YES) How much? Sources of inf ormat ion

Are you aware of government educational funds\grants? Have you ever applied for government funding\grants etc for your education? (IF YES) what was the outcome?

If not studying at the moment, do you have any future educational plans?

Social Integration

76. Since your arrival in Canada, have you joined any associations o r clubs in the local community? (IF Y E S ) Which are they? Any others? Who else comes to these meetings? And the level of contact with native-born (non Black) Canadians in the group is

77. Ever participated in any social activity(ies) such as wedding, house dinner, party organized by a non

Ghanaian/non African friend? How often? How many in the past year? Have you ever invited a non-Ghanaian colleague to your party? And what was the response?

78. Do you have any relative ( s ) in Toronto outside your household How often do you visit the (se) relatives? (IF EMPLOYED) , have you ever visited the home of a non- Ghanaian colleague f rom your work-place? Have you ever been visited by a non-Ghanaian colleague in your home?

Discrimination In Canada

79. While living in Toronto have you ever experienced what you considered to be an act of discrimination based on your colour? (IF Y E S ) In what aspect or aspects of your life did this happen? Please briefly describe to me what happened during the m o s t significant incident of this that you have experienced personally. How many times has this sort of thing happened to you personally since you came to Canada? Do you feel that you have been unf airly denied opportunities for promotions to higher positions?

APPENDIX B: TABLES

T a b l e la: Ghana: Economic Trends: 1976-1982

- -

GDP , average annual growth

T e r m s of T r a d e , % of GDP

Indus. P r o d n , average annual growth %

Agric., average annual g r o w t h 3

G h a n a : Table lb: Trends *

Indus Prodn, ave . amual growth %

Agric . ave annual growth %

Elemen ts

GDP p'== capita tus $1

GDP , ave . amual growth

Terms of Trade , % of GDP

Table lc: Ghana: Selected Background Data 1980-

II Economic Trend

II Popn in Millions

Labour Force partici rate, 3 of al1 ages . Cocoa Exports (Thous of metric tons )

T e m s of Trade (millions of US $1

Total external debt ( mil lions of US $ 1 ;ource: ~orl

2,174

cators L 1 Bank (1992) A 5velopment Inc

T a b l e Id: Ghana: Selected Backqround Data 1986-1990

I IIPop; in- - - - -

Millions l

Labour Force participa rate, % of al1 ages.

Cocoa Exports (Thousands of metric tons)

- -

Tems of Trade (millions of US

S

Total extemal deb t ( millions of US $1

Source: World Ba 1992 J 1

African Development In icators

Table le: Ghana: Annual Growth Trends 1965-91

Average annual growth % I I I

E C O ~ ~ C Trend

Food I - 1 - 5 . 0 1 - 2 . 7

Inflation

production per capita index

1965-73

6 . 4

Table 2.1 RSAC: Refugee Status D e t e k : I,

1973-80

Gross Domestic Investment

1980-91

60.3

1988 1 3069 1 1295 Source: CIC (1994) Refuqee Claims in Ca,

39.1

source: World Bank (1992) African Development Indica

-3.5

L

l

ors

% Accepted II

-3 -6

year

20

37

3 2

28

31

16

42

lada and

9.0

Resettlement rom ~broad: Statietical Digest, Ottawa. Intzrnational Refugee and Migration Policy Branch

Claims Decided

Claims Accepted

T a b l e 2 . 2 : Quarterly Surmnary of Refugee Status Detednat ions 1989-1994

l u ( " Source: CIC 199,

Acptd

455 1152 1442 1695

% A c p t d

76 76 86 82

76 72 72 74

Rj td Withd

140 96 361 91 243 125 368 80

645 105 956 111 906 177 1335 244

1525 394 2272 413 2481 483 2590 496

3221 537 2941 462 2604 510 2304 600

2678 685 2960 1243 2935 1592 2875 1484

2288 1165 1917 936

40,545 12029

in Canada and Resettlement From ~broad : Statistical Digest, Ottawa. International Refugee and Migration Policy Branch

KEY - Deci Total decided acpted Total accepted rj td Total re j ected

Table 2.3 Refugee Resettled 1979 -1994 (mid-Sept) By Programme

Programme

~ndochinese Re fugee Programmes

self-Exiled Persons (Europe )

Ongoing Ref ugee Prog

pPOP/Latin America

~POP/Poland

Other Programmmes

Total 11 174,878 1 156.497 1 331.375 ;ource: CIC (1994) Landed Immigrant Data System

Notes 1) Indochinese programmes include persons landed via the Indochinese Desiganated Class, and Convention refugees landed subsequent to the Comprehensive Plan of Action (CPA).

Total

134,639

Govt Assisted

69,622

2 ) Self exiled persons includes 2,300 residents of Cambodia, ~ietnam and Laos who should likely have been coded as one of the Indochinese programmes.

Privately Sponsored

65,017

3 ) The PPOP (Political Prisoners and Oppressed Perçons) was originally known as the Latin American Designated Class. It was renamed when Polish detainees in Warsaw were landed via this designated class from 1982-1989.

4 ) Other programmes are Convention refugee programmes which are identified separately from the Ongoing Refugee Programme as they are of particular interest - e-g., a programne fro Iranians of the Baha'i faith (CIC 1994) .

Table 2.4: Refugee Status Determinations 1989-1994 (June) : Major Sources (In order by total rejected and accepted

1989- June

S r i Lanka

S o m a l i a

Iran

Lebanan

USSR (ex)

El Salvador

Pakistan

Bulgaria

India

Ghana

R o m a n i a 4

Guaternal 1 2,471 1 757 1 1,483

~ c p f d 1 Wiehd

a II I I I 1 Source:Imigration and Refugee Board, November 1994

APPENDfX C TABLES

Table 3 Marital Status of Respondents P r i o r to

Status

Single Common law Married ~ivorce/Separated Widowed

T a b l e 4 Respondents Ethnic Background Ii

Ethnic Origin

Akan Ga Ewe Mamprusi Dagomba G r u s h i e

T a b l e Sa Participation in Political Activities

T a b l e Sb R o l e i n Political Party

Membership in Party

es No

High Position Active m e m b e r but no position Nominal rnember

T a b l e 6 Extent of Threat

Degree of Preflight Trauma

N

17 13

%

5 7 4 3

Degree of Threat

Ligbt

N

3

9

1

14

Total

13

90

7

21

O

I

6

7 *

Little

fairly strong

excessive

Total

Table 7 Experienced Bvents:Targets and Activists

Exit Motive

Activists (N=l4)

Total (N=30)

Level of Trauma frcm Experienced Events

Targets (Nd.6)

Threats : Frequency None Few occas ions Several occasions

CAPTIVITY AM)

PRISON EXPERIENCES: a) ~uration less than 3 months 3 -12 months over 12

b) Access to food Sometimes Seldom

Several occasions II Few

d ) Injuries Slight/some Severely

Other Experiences a) not applicable b) Seizure of property

I[ ai loiç of job

T a b l e 8 Relationship between Injuries Medical caze

Provided In ju r i e s

Total 21

and Access to

Total

N

APPENDXX TABLES D

T a b l e 9 D a y s Çpent on exit from Ghana

Number of D a y s N % - -

I or less

Table 10 Seeking O f f i c i a l Assistance at place of

Seeking Ivory Togo off ic ial ~ o a s t assistance N N

9 2

3 5

Total 12 7

N i g e r i a Other W/A Total nations

N N N

AePENDIX E

Table Il Eligibility for Durable Settlement

Programmes : Eligibility

I N I T I A L SETTLEMENT ASSISTANCE -Temp shelter/food -Orientation about Cdn society -Financial support

W G U A G E TRAINING Language training

EMPLOYMENT -Employment counselling -Right to work* -Employment progs

EDUCATION -Educational counselling -Right to study -Educational arants / loans

OTHER RIGHTS -Polit ical -Entrv and exit

No Yes Yes

Yes 1 Yes / ::: No Yes Yes

No Yes * * Yes * * No Yes Yes

eqend - AR: Authorization required * Prior to 1994 claimants needed special

authorization before they could work. Subsequently, administrative changes in early 1994 now pexmits claimants to woxk immediately upon arrival.

** Immigrants can vote if they take Canadian citizenship

T a b l e 12 Delay in O f f i c i a l Hearing

Dimension

Subsequen t Hearings : Approx. Wai t ing Period 2 - 6 months 7-12 months 13 months and over

Refugee Hearings compl e ted Before being Landed 2 3 O v e r 3

Exit Motive 1

Targe ts Activists T o t a l N=30

Toronto

Estimated membership

750

150

300

250

250

200

200

150

300

250

350

T a b l e 13 Ghanaikn Religious Sects in Metropolitan

* List is not exhaustive of al1 Ghanaian sects in metropolitan Toronto

secta*

Al1 Nations F'ull Gospel Church

Disciples Revival Church

Ghanaian Congregation

Christian Fouridation

Redemption Faith Church

Heavens Gate Ministry

Apostles Reform Church

Grace and Peace Missionary Church

The Disciples of the Revival Church

The Lord's Vineyard Fellowship Group

Holy Alpha and Omega Church Note :

Y e a r established

1987

1989

1989

1989

1990

1991

1991

1991

1992

1992

1992

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