1

PROFILING THE TRADITIONAL SRI LANKAN MIDDLE CLASS CONSUMER

By

S. M. Wickramasinghe DipM ACIM (UK), CIMA (Passed Finalist)

M. D. Pranava DipM ACIM (UK)

A Management Research Paper submitted to the

Postgraduate Institute of Management,

University of Sri Jayewardenepura,

In partial fulfillment of the requirements of the

Master of Business Administration Degree

Colombo – Sri Lanka

2013

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Acknowledgements

We would like to thank Professor Uditha Liyanage for providing overall supervision for this

study and Doctor J.A.S.K. Jayakody for the guidance he provided for the completion of this

project.

We also thank the faculty of PIM and the administrative staff for their dedication and the

participants of our study for sharing their views and opinions.

Finally, we would like to thank our families for their unfaltering support without which this

feat would not have been possible.

I would like to dedicate this work for my

place of study the Postgraduate Institute of

Management – University of Sri

Jayewardenepura & my family (especially

my husband (the rock of my support) and

Sister (my best friend))

Sathika Mihiri Wickramasinghe

I would like to dedicate this work for my

place of study the Postgraduate Institute of

Management – University of Sri

Jayewardenepura & my family (especially

my Mother).

Michael Dheenadhayalan Pranava

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PROFILING THE TRADITIONAL SRI LANKAN MIDDLE CLASS

CONSUMER

Abstract

The main purpose of this paper was to study the changes (demographic, economic, social and

cultural) that have taken place within Sri Lanka in the post 1977era and how these changes

have impacted the Sri Lankan consumer. This study also addresses how these changes have

shaped consumers‘ consumption-behavioural patterns by mainly addressing two social

classes i.e. Traditional Middle Class one (TMC 1) and Traditional Middle Class two (TMC

2) in Sri Lanka.

A mixed research methodology was used to obtain information from participants. The

participants involved for the study were professionals, senior managers, junior managers and

teachers in the public and private sector between ages 30 - 45. A detailed qualitative based

approach was used with a basic quantitative approach. The quantitative approach included

200 interviews while the qualitative approach included twenty in-depth interviews and six

focus groups.

The habits based on consumption, and attitudes towards friends were largely similar while

marginal differences were observed in usage of telecommunication. Leisure, transport and

living conditions differed among the two groups mainly due to the high disposable income of

TMC 1.

However, the lineage/ancestry was a differentiating factor as participants who came under

TMC 1 had an English speaking background and participants from TMC 2 had either a

Sinhala or Tamil speaking background. If explained broadly, participants belonging to TMC

1 had communicated in English for the past three generations with family members, relatives,

and friends in addition to the place of work.

On the other hand, participants belonging to TMC 2 differed from the former as they had

communicated in their Mother Tongue (Sinhala or Tamil) for the past three generations with

family members, relatives, and friends in addition to the place of work. Throughout the

research it was clearly seen that a core need of TMC 2 was upward social mobility while for

4

TMC 1 it was maintenance of social status. Another notable point was that although in the

quantitative phase a criterion was set out to differentiate the two groups based on income, in

the qualitative phase it was identified that TMC 1 participants inherently descended from a

wealthier background than TMC 2 participants and therefore the two aspects of lineage and

income appeared to be entwined.

This study has been done as a continuation to the research done by Liyanage, 2009 on

Profiling the Sri Lankan Consumer and The Sri Lankan Post-modern Consumer. This study

differs from the previous research by focusing on the aforementioned two middle classes of

Sri Lanka in who they are, what they do, what they have and what they value while the

previous work empirically examined all classes in combination.

Key Words: Traditional Middle Class 1 (TMC 1), Traditional Middle Class 2 (TMC 2),

Social Status, Social Class, Who you are, What you do, What you have, What you value,

Westernization and Language.

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Chapter 1

INTRODUCTION

1.1 Background

In today‘s highly competitive and dynamic business environment the concept social class has

become one of the key factors which influence the behaviour of consumers in their

purchasing process. Adopting the concept of social class helps marketers to be dynamic and

efficient amidst severe competition. Hoyer and MacInnis (1999, p. 324) mentions that social

class is one of the factors which influence consumer behaviour, as the main determinants of

social class are income, occupation and education. Thus, it becomes important for marketers

to consider the definition of social class and its impact when executing marketing or business

strategies.

Williams (2002, p. 276) mentions that the ―lower middle class‖ of the United States

represents the majority of the working population and that it is important for marketers to

target this dominant middle class for business purposes. Individuals who belong to the ―lower

middle class‖ differ from the professional elite as well as from the traditional middle classes

and include individuals who have the ability to spend high based on the high incomes they

earn. Thus the emergence of a new social class is seen to come and this is known as the

―vastly salaried class‖. Williams, (2002, p. 276) goes on to state that social classes are a fact

of life and they are not rigid but evolve over time.

The traditional definition of social class where the upper class was owners, the middle class-

professionals and the lower class -labourers is no longer valid in its entirety. Williams goes

on to say that, marketers often fail to make distinctions between the nuances that make the

majority different within themselves which in turn often fails to reach the relevant audiences.

For example, Williams‘ states that a football star and The Duke of Westminster may both be

similar in terms of their ability to afford luxury; but the football star will not be considered to

be of the same class as the Duke. According to Williams the main factors that differentiate

the Duke and the football star would be education, occupation and the level of socialisation.

This indicates that there is more to upward social mobility than money itself.

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Williams‘ statements indicate that social class cannot be decided by only one factor such as

income; but is a combination of a variety of factors. This re-iterates the importance of

understanding the prevalent social classes and their determinants.

(Kotler, 2009, p.53), defines marketing as an act that involves understanding the needs of

customers and catering to them in a process of value addition. (Liyanage, 2009, p.1), also

mentions that the marketing mantra that has been continuously chanted where the consumer

needs to be placed at the centre of organizational activities Therefore it is logical to deduce

that it is crucial for marketers to have a clear understanding of the differing needs of these

consumers.

The link between social class and marketing can be further understood as (Fisher, 1987;

Komarovsky, 1961) mention that according to extensive research people across different

social strata tend to exhibit characteristically differentiated psychological and behavioural

patterns. Variations in education, attitudes, values, communication style etc. across social

class levels could be expected to lead to variations in consumer information processing and

decision making styles within and across social strata. This suggests where individuals

belonging to different social classes are likely to attach predictably different degrees of

importance to various evaluative criteria.

According to (Engel et al., 1993), writers of consumer behaviour generally acknowledge that

evaluative criteria vary across social classes while little research has addressed the nature of

specific relationships between them. (Kanwar and Pagiavlas, 1992) mentions that higher

social classes differ from lower social class consumers in brand loyalty and perceived

purchase risk, suggesting that they are likely to attach different importance to such evaluative

criteria as brand name, durability and reliability (Williams, 2002, p. 250). Further, (Holt,

1998), mentions that with few exceptions social class research in consumer behaviour has

focused on differences in brand and product purchases or retail store patronage across classes

with relatively little research directed towards understanding how the purchase decision

processed and its components vary across class levels.

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The socio strata found in Sri Lanka have been identified based on their values, occupation,

and sector of employment and level of education. This multi-dimensional form of

classification brings more depth to the more traditional form of socio economic classification

based on level of education and occupation of the customer/respondent or the chief wage

earner of the household. (Liyanage, 2003, p.50), states that within the Sri Lankan context

five major socio-economic strata have been identified namely Traditional Middle Class 1

(TMC1), Traditional Middle Class 2 (TMC2), New Urban Middle Class (NUMC), New

Working Class (NWC) and Alienated Rural Youth (ARY).

Liyanage, (2009), has defined the aforementioned social classes based on the occupation

held, the type of employment (whether working in private or state sector), highest

educational level, monthly income and by the type of socioeconomic classes. Another factor

which has been taken in to consideration when defining these two social classes is the era in

which they benefitted. TMC 1 is defined of consisting individuals who have benefitted

during pre 1956 (those who have been influenced by Westernization). On the other hand,

TMC 2 is defined on those who have benefitted during post 1956 (those who have been

influenced by Localization).

Ferguson, Hlavinka, 2008), state that consumer segments evolve over time and the changing

social context will have differing implications on each of the identified socio-economic

strata. Consumers keep changing and marketers who wish to keep the consumers‘ needs at

the heart of their business would also need to understand these changes and adapt

accordingly, thus marketers are known as ―adapt marketers‖.

1.2 Problem Statement

The research problems focused in this study are indicated below.

a) What are the main characteristics of the socio economic groups TMC 1 and

TMC 2, in terms of who they are, what they do, what they have and what they

value?

b) How do the characteristics of TMC 1 and TMC 2 compare and contrast in terms

of demographics, behaviour and values among these two groups?

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1.3 Purpose of study

Except for the study done by (Liyanage, 2003) there has not been any significant research

done on the social classes of Sri Lanka based on the definitions provided by (Liyanage,

2009). However, according to the book ―Nobodies to Somebodies by (Jayawardena, 2000),

addresses the evolution of the upper middle class in Sri Lanka mainly during the late 19th

century. These individuals had access to higher education within Indian and British

Universities thus produced a group of elite professionals over the other classes prevailing in

Sri Lanka.

Further, (Jayawardena, 2000) mentions in how these professionals adopted the Western

culture and lifestyles within their culture and lifestyles. This could be similar to the definition

of (Liyanage, 2003). The individuals belonging to TMC 1 were Western orientated, bilingual

and were produced through the schools and the universities, the ideologies, which gave them

pivotal intellectual momentum to society.

The main purpose of this study was to unearth the differences among the selected classes. As

discussed in the conceptual framework there are three key components that define each social

class. They are what the class has, what they do and what they value. The study identifies the

characteristics in each class based on the said three components and focuses on the

interactions between them.

1.4 Significance of the research

This study focuses on the traditional middle classes of Sri Lanka. The middle class in Sri

Lanka is a significant component of individuals accounting for 33% of the population.

(Nielsen, 2011, unpublished research). This sizeable component of the market would be of

great value to marketers. Understanding the needs of customers and catering to them in a

process of value addition is at the heart of marketing strategy (Kotler, 2009, 53). Therefore it

becomes important to obtain an in depth understanding of these consumers.

Similarly the importance of the middle class can also be seen in other countries. For example

in the United States this significant groups is often referred to as the ―lower middle class‖

who represent a majority of the population. Their attitude and outlook differ as much from

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the professional elite as from the traditional working class. The brand promotion based

activities done by marketers fail to make sufficient distinction with this dominant middle

class, as the campaigns carried out targets the middle class as a whole. Due to this there are

no distinctions among the campaigns for different strata within the middle class and the

message fails to reach both the upper and lower classes. Therefore, it is important for

marketers to come out with brand promotions targeting the lower middle class (Williams,

2002, p. 276).

The second example can be seen in India, where it is important for markets to target the New

Indian Middle Class. Mathur, (2010), states that this group has recently become a major

projected market for Western-style clothes and accessories, cosmetics, cuisine, electronic

gadgets, films and music products. When considering this from a social point of view, one

can observe how consumer culture interconnects local cultures into what (Hannerz, 1990)

refers to as a ‗world culture‘ which is not anchored in any singular territory.

Therefore, (Scheve and Slaughter, 2007) have mentioned that this class of people represent

or become a new life force within the global economy thus creating new demands for

commodities and services that are produced by the Western World (Mathur, 2010, p. 213). It

is widely accepted that the middle class is not one homogenous group (Mathur, 2010, p.21).

1.5 Scope of the study

The scope of this study will be limited to Traditional Middle Class 1 and Traditional Middle

Class 2. For the purpose of this study the below definitions will be used.

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Table 1: Definitions for selection of traditional middle classes 1 and 2

Criteria Traditional Middle Class

one (TMC 1)

Traditional Middle Class

two (TMC 2)

Occupation of the chief

wage earner

professionals, senior

managers, junior managers,

and teachers within the

private sector

professionals, senior

managers, junior managers

and teachers within the public

sector

Highest education level of

the chief wage earner

GCE Advanced Level/

Graduate/ Professional

GCE Advanced Level/

Graduate/ Professional

Monthly household income LKR 45,000 and above LKR 30,000 and above

Socio Economic classes A and B A and B

Age of respondent 30-45 years 30-45 years

Geography Urban and Rural centres in

the Western Province

Urban and Rural centres in

the Western Province

1.6 Approach to data gathering

The quantitative survey was carried out using structured questionnaires.

Qualitative data collection was done using in depth interviews and focus group discussions.

A discussion guide was used for the qualitative data gathering which will was of an

unstructured (semi structured) nature.

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1.7 Data measurement methods and justification

i.) Data gathering techniques

The data gathering techniques used was questionnaires for the quantitative component and in

depth interviews for the qualitative component.

The questionnaires used were structured. They were carried out in a language that the

participants were most comfortable in to limit the possibility of misinterpretation. 200

interviews were completed with 100 of them being from TMC 1 and the balance 100

interviews from TMC 2. The survey was carried out in the Colombo District and each

interview lasted 40-50 minutes.

The qualitative data collection process was done via in depth interviews and focus group

discussions. Twenty in depth interviews were conducted with ten of them being from TMC 1

and the balance ten from TMC 2. In addition, six Focus group discussions were carried out

with three of them being from TMC 1 and the balance three from TMC 2.

ii.) Reliability and validity of instruments

Due to the fact that this type of study has not yet been completed in this manner in the Sri

Lankan market the authors have not found validated research instruments that could be used

for the purpose of data collection. Therefore, the authors developed the questionnaire and

discussion guide and measured its validity prior to data collection. The questionnaire

statements were designed using existing guidelines and literature on how to develop

statements for questionnaires. Once the questionnaire was developed, face validity was

ensured by obtaining the opinion and assistance of industry experts in finalizing the

questionnaire. Once this was completed, pilot interviews were conducted with a sample that

is 15 percent of the total sample size i.e. thirty participants with half of them being from

TMC 1 and the balance from TMC 2.

The same process was followed for the discussion guide that was used in both in-depth

interviews as well as focus group discussions.

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iii) Limitations

The first limitation of this study is its scope. Due to the constraints in terms of time and

resources the study was limited to deciphering the TMC 1 and TMC 2 consumers. The other

socio economic strata were not covered in this study. In addition subgroups within segments

such as housewives and youth were not covered in this study.

The second limitation is in terms of geographic coverage. The study was limited to the

Western Province. While this is the most populous province in Sri Lanka, other

heterogeneous provinces (for example the Northern Province) have been left out of the scope

of the study and therefore it is not applicable at a national level and can only provide a

limited snapshot.

1.8 Sample

A total of 200 interviews were conducted for the quantitative component of this study. Of

these 100 were from TMC 1 and 100 from TMC 2. Interviews were spread across age

groups, genders and professions to ensure as broad a view as possible within the scope of this

survey. A total of twenty in depth interviews and six focus groups were conducted for the

qualitative phase of this study. These interviews were equally divided among TMC 1 and

TMC 2. Here too, as in the quantitative survey a spread between the various age groups,

genders and professions was maintained.

This form of mixed methodology was selected to ensure that a holistic view of the classes

will emerge. This form of mixed method research capitalizes the strengths of both qualitative

and quantitative research methodologies by combining approaches in a single mixed method

study to increase breadth and depth of understanding (Onwuegbuzie and Turner, 2007).

Hence, combining both these measures allowed the authors to ensure that the results are as

comprehensive as possible.

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1.9 Chapter Framework

This chapter covered the background of the study, the significance of the study being

conducted and an overview of the research process.

Chapter two will cover existing literature on this subject along with linkages of this work to

various other country settings.

Chapter three of this work focuses on the conceptual framework used for research and the

methodology used for data collection and analysis.

The next chapter which is the fourth chapter analyses the findings of the qualitative

component of this research.

The fifth chapter covers the findings of the quantitative phase of research.

The sixth chapter discusses the findings, while the last chapter includes a conclusion with

recommendations for future research.

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Chapter 2

LITERATURE REVIEW

2.1 Introduction

2.1.1 Definition of socio economic class according to Weber (Weberian class analysis)

Weber ([1922] 1978) describes a model of division that brings or projects out three

dimensions. These three dimensions are known as class, status and party. Although class,

status and party are interlinked with each other, they are three dimensions of inequality. For

example, when defining human beings of a particular society; class, status and party

distinguish human beings from one another (Oddsson, 2010, p.294).

When considering the first dimension class, is determined by the market. As class situation

causes a market situation and can also be known as the market situation. If explained broadly

class situations are based on socio economic classes and incorporate elements such as ―life

chances‖, which can be differences in opportunities, prospects and lifestyles. Weber defines

social class as the making up ‗the totality of those social situations within which individual

and generational mobility is easy and typical‘ (Oddsson, 2010, p.294).

Further, Weber, [1922] 1978, p.929), explains classes are not the same as communities,

because classes are areas of social action. When considering class, members and non

members of a particular class act upon class interests as class is linked to general cultural

conditions. This is especially linked to the transparency of the connections between the

causes and consequences of the class situation. Transparency as mentioned above is the

greatest factor of the proletariat or the working class who are able to realize the dissimilarity

of life chances or chances of living (Oddsson, 2010, p.295).

Weber, [1922] 1978, explains that sources of shared identity and collective action are to be

found in status groups rather than classes. If status is defined, it can be related to something

of specific, positive and negative, and as a social estimation / inference of honour. Status can

also be defined as a specific style of life. Therefore, Weber defines that groups which

emphasize on status are a normal group or normally groups that are often vague (Oddsson,

2010, p.295).

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Members of a class become a status group due to sharing a common character or feature.

Weber does not offer a statement/s that mentions a definite relationship between class

situation and status. According to him, this relationship is reliant/contingent and subject to

investigation. The main factor that is often overlooked by Weber in class situations is the

material interests that are rooted in individuals and this is not certain or probabilistic

determinant on beahviour. In Weber‘s own words the factors that create class is (Oddsson,

2010, p.295):

‗According to our terminology the factor that creates ―Class‘ is unambiguously

economic interest, and indeed, only those interests involved in the existence of the

market. Nevertheless the concept of class –interest is an ambiguous one: even as an

empirical concept it is ambiguous as soon as one understands by it something other

than the factual direction of interests following with certain probability from the class

situation for a certain average of those people subjected to the class situation’. ([1922]

1978, quoted in Wright, 2002, p.12).

Therefore, a tendency for individual behaviour to be in line with material interests associated

with class situations can be observed. Further, Weber observes material interests that are

structured by class situations. This has a strong tendency which shapes people‘s behaviour

within class situations. Finally, Weber makes a move from post-structural theorists like Beck

(1992), who have not advanced a convincing account of how structured inequality affects

consciousness and action [Oddsson, 2010, p.295 (Wright, 2002) (Savage et al., 2001)].

Finally, Weber, [1922] 1978, mentions that classes and status groups frequently overlap

which each other. Class distinctions are linked in the most varied ways with status

distinctions. Therefore, class and status tend to go to together. [Scot, (1996, 2002)], mentions

the former close association between class and status has declined in late modernity. On the

other hand according (Goldthorpe, 2007), state that there is still a correlation between class

and status. This has led to where both class and status are frequently conflated or combined

as one or single discourse in giving awareness to class and status, popularly known as ―status

awareness‖ (Oddsson, 2010, p.295).

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2.1.2 Defining socio economic classes by Terrell G. Williams within the context of UK

and US

Social class is defined by taking into account four factors such as occupation, education,

socialization and income. However, Williams, (2002), explains by considering only one

factor as income, one cannot define social class. Williams, provides an example where a

private – school master who comes under middle class would be earning £30,000 and at the

same time a bricklayer who comes under lower class would be earning £70,000. Though, the

brick layer will be earning higher than the school master that would not upgrade the class of

the brick layer only because of earning a high amount. At the same time the school master

would continue to remain in middle class and would not be degraded just because of earning

a lower wage when compared to the brick layer (Williams, 2002, p. 275).

(Williams, 2002), also provides another example of foot ball star who is earning millions.

Although this individual is able to earn in millions and is able to afford all the same things as

the Duke of Westminster, he would not be considered as ―upper class‖. Considering both

examples social class is defined based chiefly on education and occupation. If explained in

detail the school attended, the university or college attended and the type of occupation held

would determine an individual‘s social class (Williams, 2002, p. 275).

Williams, continues to explain that the so called class based analysis has been a long

favourite amongst sociologists. For example, class is defined as a fact of life. Class talks

about differences between urban and rural, north and south and black and white. Further,

Williams, states that class should be seen as just one source of social division and should not

be seen as the primary divider. Today in the United Kingdom as well the United States the

older categorization of social classes (upper class, middle class and working classes) has no

practical implications as the ones who have vast salary. Thus the emergence of a new social

class is seen to come and this is known as the ―vastly salaried class‖ (Williams, 2002, p.

276).

For example, when considering United States now the majority of workers are represented by

the ―lower middle class‖ and their attitude differs from the traditional middle class.

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Thus it has become important for marketers to come out with promotion activities to target

this new class as well as the upper and lower classes. The reason for marketers to fail is

because; they target the middle class as a whole and do not focus on the dominant element

which is the lower middle class (Williams, 2002, p. 276).

2.1.2 Socio economic classes found in Sri Lanka

In Sri Lankan, according to SRL Media Facts – 2012 the different socio economic classes

found in households within the entire island basis would be as follows: Socio Economic

Classes (SEC) A, B, C, D and E. When considering the distribution of all households by the

different groups of socio economic classes on an All Island basis, SEC C holds the majority

of 29.5%, which is followed by SEC B holding 24.7% and SEC E in holding 21.5%. The

remaining two socio economic classes SEC D accounts for 17.5% and SEC A only accounts

for 7.2%. Even within the Sri Lankan context it can be observed that there is a major

proportionate of the lower middle class (SEC C) which is quite similar to the US and UK.

2.2 The different types of socio strata found in other countries

2.2.1 Socio economic classes found in Iceland with comparison to other nations

According to (Oddsson, 2010), states Iceland as a class society and 78% of the participants

were willing to place themselves within a social class (Oddsson, 2010, p.300). The research

conducted by (Oddsson, 2010), stated that 46 percent of the participants placed themselves as

lower middleclass, 35 percent of them placed themselves within the upper middle class, 16

percent placed themselves within the working class label, 2 percent as lower class and 1

percents as upper class (Oddsson, 2010, p.302).

When considering Iceland with comparison to other countries, there were three other

countries which had a higher percentage of selecting upper middle class. The countries were

Switzerland, Sweden and Cyprus. Amongst these three nations Switzerland was having the

highest of 46 percent, Sweden of 39 percent and Cyprus of having 38 percent.

These three nations had a higher percentage of the population in choosing upper middle class

and were the only nations that had a higher percentage of both upper class and upper middle

18

class combined when compared to Iceland. If explained in depth, Iceland had 36 percent of

the population when considering both upper and upper middle class, whereas Switzerland

had 49 percent, Sweden with 41 percent and Cyprus in having 40 percent. A few other

nations came close to Iceland in choosing upper middle class and they were Canada and New

Zealand in both having 32 percent and Norway with 32 percent. Further, Canada, New

Zealand and Moldova have a higher percentage of the upper middle class when compared to

many other nations (Oddsson, 2010, p.302).

Forty six percent of the Icelanders chose to be placed within the lower middle class, while

nations such as Indonesia (57 percent), South Korea (53 percent), Jordan (51 percent),

Georgia (48 percent) and Japan (46 percent) have higher or equal percentages when

compared to Iceland. There were some nations which had a percentage of 40 and more

consisting of lower middle class individuals. These nations are: Egypt (45 percent), Thailand

(45 percent), Andorra (43 percent), Chile (43percent), China (43 percent), Germany (40

percent) and Norway (40 percent). However, all these countries, except Switzerland (12

percent) and Indonesia (18 percent), have higher percentages of working class and lower

class combined than Iceland (18percent) (Oddsson, 2010, p.302).

Finally, according Magnusson, 2008, the newspaper Helgarposturinn, conducted a survey

among 800 adults in the year 1985. Within the survey when participants were questioned

about a class, division that was existing in Iceland. More than 70 percent of the participants

answered ―yes‖. Again when questioned on what characterized the upper class more than 60

percent mentioned ―money and wealth‖, roughly 30 percent said ―official position, status,

education, lineage‖ and around 6 percent said ―political power‖. Lastly, when questioned

what class they belonged to 70 percent picked ―middle class‖, 27 percent ―lower class‖ and 3

percent ―upper class‖ (Oddsson, 2010, p.302).

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2.2.2 Socio economic classes found in India

According to the 2005 WVS data, India has a higher percentage of lower middle class

individuals that accounts for 35 percent and 15 percent of upper middle class individuals.

Therefore, 50 percent of the Indians can be categorized as middle class. However, among the

remaining 50 percent; 5 percent come under upper class, 27 percent come under lower class,

and the remaining 18 percent come under the working class. A conclusion can be brought

forth where 55 percent of Indians are able to afford and the remaining 45 percent are under

poverty (Oddsson, 2010, p.303).

According to (Abercrombie and Urry, 1983; Crow and Pope, 2008; Fernandes, 2000;

Giddens, 1973; Liechty, 2003), mention the Indian middle class as a general social category

which has gained a lot of attention within scholarly discourse and in common parlance. It is

important to note that the middle class of India does not refer to a homogenous set of

individuals. The actual meaning of middle class refers to a group of a consolidated or

combined group of people who are able to emphasize their collective identity in relation to

the upper class, other middle classes and many layers of lower classes. Thus, sociologists

refer to ‗petty bourgeoisie‘ who can be individuals, owning some property and are

hierarchically placed between the working class and capitalists as the ‗old middle class‘

(Mathur, 2010, p. 211 - 212).

When defined in terms of relations to production, the old middle class of India includes both

shopkeepers and professionals. These individuals despite owning their business do work

amongst their employees. This ‗old middle class‘ is frequently contrasted with the ‗new

middle class‘ and in other words the old middle class could refer to the lower middle class

and the latter being the upper middle class. The modern middle class or the upper middle

class refers to the educated and often formally well-qualified group of people, and who are

usually engaged in professional and technical forms of employment (Mathur, 2010, p. 212).

According to (Béteille, 2003), this new middle class distinguishes itself from the first one

(the old middle class) by placing more emphasis on occupation, education and salaried

income through employment than on property ownership.

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Thus the new Indian middle class mainly includes educated people from all kinds of castes,

working in offices, occupying managerial and so-called white collar positions. They share the

experience of upward social mobility (Saavala, 2010: 11) and there are many indications

from India and elsewhere that such people are getting increasingly stressed in all aspects of

life (Datta, 2010) (Mathur, 2010, p. 212).

According to (Conroy, 1998), the new Indian middle class is characterized by a significant

increase in consumption practices and aspirations for privileged lifestyles. Thus, this class

strengthens and reinvigorates its social and class identity through a conspicuous or a

prominent consumer culture, that had been unseen within the country previously. Further, the

National Council of Applied Economic Research (2005) reports that within the reference

year 2001–2002, the middle class in India within the annual income bracket of £2,00,000–

10,00,000 comprised 10.7 million households. This accounted only for 5.7 per cent of the

total number of households within India and they comprise of a minute percentage when

compared to the entire Indian population (Mathur, 2010, p. 212).

Mathur, (2010), also mentions that the expanding group of consumers with advantageous or

high purchasing power in India as well as other Asian countries can afford to purchase more

than daily necessities in India, as well as in other Asian countries. This phenomenon has

produced a considerable amount of interest within multinationals and Western companies.

Further, India‘s new middle class has recently become a major projected market for Western-

style clothes and accessories, cosmetics, cuisine, electronic gadgets, films and music

products. When considering this from a social point of view, one can observe how consumer

culture interconnects local cultures into what (Hannerz, 1990) refers to as a ‗world culture‘

which is not anchored in any singular territory. Therefore, (Scheve and Slaughter, 2007) have

mentioned that this class of people represent or become a new life force within the global

economy thus creating new demands for commodities and services that are produced by the

Western World (Mathur, 2010, p. 213).

21

2.2.3 The different socio strata found in Sri Lanka

The emerging Sri Lankan consumer by Liyanage, 2003, is examined from the economic,

social, cultural and composite perspectives. The composite perspective (man) includes

factors like: the growth and expected growth of the total population (for both males and

females aged fewer than 15, between 15 – 59 and over 60), formal education, life

expectancy, and fertility rate (Liyanage, 2003, p.3). The economic (man) mainly emphasizes

on factors like income, expenditure and employment patterns through which the emerging

consumer can be identified (Liyanage, 2003, p.11).

The social Consumer (man) is mainly highlighted by the country‘s changing economic

condition that has resulted in the emergence of significant social patterns. The social patterns

appear to be unfolding in particular strata of society that are increasingly exerting an

influence on the society at large (Liyanage, 2003, p.33).

Finally, the cultural perspective (man) refers to elements such as religious and cultural facets

of the new consumer and this plays a major part within the belief and value systems of youth

and the social relations they have within a larger cultural context as highlighted by the Youth

Survey, 2002 (Liyanage, 2003, p.53).

According to Liyanage, 2003, the 5 major groups of social classes are: Traditional Middle

Class 1 (TMC 1), Traditional Middle Class 2 (TMC 2), New Urban Middle Class (NUMC),

New Working Class (NWC) and Alienated Rural Youth (ARY).

Liyanage, 2009 describes TMC 1 in the following manner:

‗The pre‐1956 intelligentsia kept the wheels of the then administrative structure moving for the ruling classes, and produced through the schools and the universities,

the ideologies, which gave the pivotal intellectual momentum to society. These

ideologies were actively propagated through the mass media which were at their

command. This social group belonged to an upper middle class which was bilingual,

and at its upper end, cosmopolitan and markedly western orientated‘ [Liyanage, (2009-

2010), p.94].

22

While TMC 2 was described in the following manner:

‗The class of intelligentsia that followed the post‐1956 comprises almost in its entirety,

products of free education. They were essentially monolingual and operated within the

state sector. They were clearly rooted in the soil and identified itself with the generality

of the people. Management and administrative cadres in the public sector, school

principals, teachers and the university academia were the chief actors of this

intelligentsia, in contrast to their alienated western oriented and cosmopolitan

predecessors‘ [Liyanage, (2009-2010), p.94].

Today both the aforementioned classes exist within the society with ideological and

behavioural terms. Considering TMC 1 has lost its supremacy or hegemony to TMC 2.

However, when considering TMC 1 its vestiges and ideological imprints have been as well as

the evident within the generation that followed. Even, today one can importantly see the

power struggle and conflicts between TMC 1 and 2 and this is seen in many instances. For

example, when considering politics the power and authority have shifted from TMC 1 to

TMC 2. At the same time within the country‘s formal private sector the supremacy of TMC 1

continues to decline where TMC 2 is gaining power (Liyanage, (2009-2010), p.94).

TMC 1 being westernized in some aspects has retained some traditional values and customs.

For example, when considering a western wedding, the bride will be the western bridal gown

rather than the bridal sari. However, this has been contrasted with traditional customs of

having a poruwa ceremony, worshipping of parents by both the bride and bridegroom and the

music played at these weddings is more likely to feature traditional local melodies (Liyanage,

(2009-2010), p.109).

On the other hand, TMC 2 also tends to be impacted by postmodern tendencies. These

tendencies are influenced by the force of Westernization. For example, considering young

consumers speaking in Sinhala or Tamil are affected by Westernization that results them in

using western salutations such as ―Hi and bye‖ in greeting their friends. Thus Western forms

and expressions get embedded with the Local Culture in giving rise to post modernism

(Liyanage, (2009-2010), p.110).

The NUMC refers to individuals who have markedly benefitted from the liberalization of the

economy, post-1997, and are exposed to overt western life styles and social values. This

social class has been shaped by the exposure to television, internet / e-mail and foreign

23

travel, due to noteworthy flexible levels of income. This in turn has impacted in throwing

certain segments of Sri Lanka‘s society into the age of modern consumerism.

Further, the availability of multiple television networks, the increase of modern restaurants in

and around Colombo, luxurious office buildings and hotels, rapid expansion of the

advertising industry, the increased number of the luxury cars on city streets, the rapid rise in

the usage of mobile phones, the increasing number of credit card holders, the transformation

of the urban landscape, the increasing number of up-scale private hospitals and nursing

homes, the up-scale houses, the rapid expansion of International Schools, and higher

education in universities overseas essentially cater to the NUMC (Liyanage, (2009-2010),

p.99).

Finally, when considering the remaining strata, the ARY mainly includes the rural youth who

are either unemployed or have educational qualifications up to ordinary levels and above.

The NWC can be described as a new working class that comprises of educated rural youth

who want to arise with their educational qualifications namely within the public sector thus

avoiding unwanted factors within the private sector which is quite contrary to the non

educated rural youth who are mainly interested in looking for clerical jobs within both

sectors [Liyanage, (2009-2010), p.110].

2.3 Importance of socio economic classifications

2.3.1 General basis

Holt, 1997, 1998a, b; Mommas and Schor, 1998; Wallendorf et al., 1998, mention: that

within the recent past there seems to be some resurgent interest within social class research

within consumer behaviour. This would take individuals away by looking at product, brand

selection and ownership toward investigating decision processes along with consumption

variation across social classes (Williams, 2002, p. 250).

According to extensive research, the authors, (Fisher, 1987; Komarovsky, 1967), indicate

where people across social strata tend to exhibit characteristically differentiated

psychological and behavioural patterns. This mainly refers to the variations in education,

attitudes values and communication styles across social class levels which again lead to

24

variations in consumer information processing as well as decision making styles within and

across social strata (Williams, 2002, p. 250 (Fisher, 1987; Komarovsky, 1967).

Further, (Engel et al., 1993), do recommends that persons belonging to different social

classes are likely to attach predictably or unsurprisingly different degrees of importance to

various evaluation criteria. It has also been mentioned where Consumer behaviour writers

generally acknowledge that evaluative criteria vary across social classes, though little

research has addressed the nature of specific relationships. The authors, (Kanwar and

Pagiavlas, 1992) state, that according to an article it has been observed where consumers of

higher social class tend to differ from consumers of lower social class in factors like in brand

loyalty and perceived purchase risk. This suggests where high class consumers would like

attach a level of different importance to evaluation criteria such as brand name, durability

and reliability (Williams, 2002, p. 250).

According to the research done by (Kohn and Schoenbach, 1983; Kohn et al., 1990;

Martineau, 1958), it is mentioned that members of different social classes vary according to

numerous psychological characteristics and responses. Further, it has been stated where the

expected relationship between social class and psychological processes are associated

decision making and information processing behaviour. These factors are associated with

levels of social status.

The construct of social class can be basically substituted to a summary for all dimensions of

social prestige and power. Social class is can be described as function that is valued by

society. For example, when considering USA, status has arisen largely from personal

achievement, variations in behaviour and values across social classes. The variations in

beahviour and values across social classes are, in part, a function of values, attitude and

behaviours grounded in differential socialization patterns associated with occupation,

education and parental values (Williams, 2002, p. 251).

2. 3. 2 Indian Basis

The middle class of India exists as an independent social group. The evolution of the ‗new

middle class‘ can be traced back to small groups which got consolidated under British rule as

25

a category of people trained to serve the colonial administration. A majority of the

individuals who form the new Indian middle class originated from the erstwhile or onetime

mercantile and agricultural (including artisan and peasant) classes. Afterwards, the term ‗new

middle class‘ has been used to describe salaried executives, teachers, lawyers, doctors and

bureaucrats. It is important to note that educated men and women distinguish or separate

themselves from the elite or influential as well as lower classes in order to make up a new

middle class. This so called new Indian middle class mainly emphasizes on social position,

public or political influence and western-style education (Mathur, 2010, p. 215).

According (Joshi, 2001), where this new Indian middle class emphasizes a lot on modernity,

they have also employed resources of tradition in order to construct modernity. In other

words this can also refer to post modernism where both modernity and tradition are

combined (Mathur, 2010, p. 216). Further, (Leslie, 1989), mentions that this colonial middle

class adopted western ideas and moderated them to suit contemporary circumstances and

social reality. They also refused the values of the traditional elites as well as lower classes by

laying emphasis on self-reliance and personal achievement.

This middle class also disavowed/ denied the value system of the British rulers and basically

stood up for humanitarian values, dignity, integrity and patronage of artists and crafts

persons. Unlike the other classes of India this class also appreciated the personal

achievements of contemporary women and upheld the traditional ideals and practices of

stridharm. This was where there was a body of duties to be fulfilled by women and that could

be extracted and as well reflected from traditional texts (Mathur, 2010, p. 216). By the

reading this one can see the evolution of postmodernism, where this new middle class

focuses a lot on modernity and brings out tradition in certain areas humanitarian values,

dignity, integrity and traditional, activities that had to be fulfilled by Indian women.

26

2. 3. 3 Sri Lankan Basis

As mentioned previously there two main categories of middle classes that are in variance

with each other and they are TMC 1 and TMC 2. The main distinguishing element which

separates both classes from each other is the former is being Western oriented, bilingual and

were mostly being employed within the private sector. However, the latter is monolingual,

are products of free education and being employed mainly within the public sector

(Liyanage, (2009-2010), p.94). Although, TMC 1 is more towards Westernization, they still

maintain some of their traditional values as mentioned previously within functions like a

wedding ceremony.

On the other hand, though the individuals who come under TMC 2 focus a lot on

Localization, they too tend to use western salutations such as hi and bye when greeting

friends. This shows where the individuals of TMC 2 are too influenced by the force

Westernization, but are not avid followers of them. However, the younger members of both

TMC 1 and 2 do posses a lot of similarities of the NUMC, where they are interested in

obtaining employment within the private sector and in terms of a more pronounced Western

orientation (Liyanage, 2003, p.34). Therefore, the force of ―Post modernization‖ comes into

place.

Thus, (Liyanage, (2009 – 2010), p. 104) brings out the force of post modernization or the

post modern consumer. If explained in a broad manner, by adapting the concept of Herbert

Mead, it is argued that ―I‖ represents the force of ―traditionalization‖ which is private and

found within a human being. Meaning, traditionalization refers to elements that is brought

forth from childhood. Whereas, ―modernization‖ refers to me and this is public and expresses

itself on a situational as well as projective basis as well as is also shaped by the force of

modernization. Both traditionalization and modernization combine themselves in bringing

out the force of post modernism as well as the post modern consumer. The study done by

Udunwara and Liyanage, 2008 on the effectiveness of modern versus postmodern advertising

appeals also provides empirical evidence of postmodernist tendencies in the Sri Lankan

market (Liyanage, (2009 – 2010), p. 107).

27

If explained postmodernism within the Sri Lankan context it would be as follows: When

considering the television commercials for brands Sunquick, Lanka Bell and Anchor, the

highest was to postmodern advertisements as opposed to modern advertisements. The

postmodern advertisements emphasize a lot on traditions by having actors belonging to the

modern world. This is where traditionalization gets merged with the brand in creating

awareness and value within the selected groups of customers / socio-economic classes. For

example, considering the advertisement of Sunquick ―Thagi Dena Kalawa‖ portrays a

modern brand with traditionalism. In this advertisement a small boy is getting ready to go out

with his grandmother and sister. First, he starts chasing a crow perched on a tree. Second, his

grandmother intervenes and mentions that it is an indication of a visitor‘s arrival. Here, the

actors and the brand belong to the modern world (Liyanage, (2009 – 2010), p. 108).

Similarly Anchor which is another brand has an advertisement based on a ―Ceremony‖. This

advertisement pictures young parents with their small son, where they get ready early in the

morning to welcome the elderly ladies dressed in pure white for a ―Kiri Amma Dana‖. The

mother, father and the baby boy are engaged in the ritual. This unique advertisement of

Anchor has enabled them in being the most preferred milk powder brand as opposed to the

other milk powder brand because of incorporating post modernism. Further, this

advertisement has also been fine- tuned in such a manner by delivering the product values

uniquely when compared to competitors (Liyanage, (2009 – 2010), p. 108).

Finally, within the following advertisements too the force of post modernism can be observed

(Liyanage, (2009 – 2010), p. 108): When considering Lanka Bell they have two

advertisements. In the first advertisement paddy fields, lakes, a temple on a mountain and

lighting oil lamps are shown. And in the second a group of students sing the song of the

brand in a classroom with a famous singer, who is acting as the teacher, wearing the national

dress.

Another advertisement of Anchor shows a happy little baby boy with a smile is in water,

wearing a life jacket and he is looking at someone. This someone is actually the gentleman

who is whistling and seated on a tall chair. Finally, the second advertisement of Sunquick

also portrays a lot on postmodernism.

28

This advertisement emphasizes on ‗―Truly Sri Lankan‖ Sunquick. Here, a mother wakes up

early in the morning and makes juice for the family that is reluctant to have it. However, after

the mother puts a few drops of juice in the mouth of the family members, they wake up and

are unable resist the taste.

2.4 The reasons for selecting Traditional Middle Classes 1and 2

2. 4. 1 The importance of the New Middle Class within the Indian Context

Mathur, (2010, p. 217), states that due the coming of foreign businesses within India and as

well the expansion of Indian businesses abroad has provided beneficial opportunities for both

foreigners as well as Indians. If explained in a broad manner the opportunities provided by

the Indian businesses abroad have been absorbed by most of the educated youth. This group

possesses the necessary skills and is ready to adapt to varied job situations. For example, the

ordinary boys and girls who come under middle class interviewed by the author mention that

they wish to work for a multinational company (MNC) despite the higher pressure and the

more competitive working environment compared to any public sector institution.

Therefore, (Mathur, 2010, p. 218), mentions the individuals who work in a MNC, work at a

young age and have high amounts of disposable income in encouraging them to pursue an

individual lifestyle and by becoming a global consumer. The young people have a sense of

pride from working for a multinational. For example, the author having interviewed a 21 year

old girl trained in fashion design and who is working as a merchandiser mentions that MNC

does provide attractive salaries for starters and people like her with only two years of work

experience. Further, she mentions those who work in an MNC get better exposure and

opportunities to travel from one country to another and in adopting a cosmopolitan lifestyle.

Mathur, (2010, p. 219), also mentions the growing presence of shopping complexes,

jewellery and garment marts and multiplex malls in metropolitan cities—as also increasingly

in smaller towns—is prominent. This provides an indication about people‘s interests which

are now more focused on being surrounded by premium and luxury international brands.

29

Further, according to the author these shopping spaces in shopping complexes offer attractive

entertainment opportunities that include: gaming zones, cinema halls and national and

international cuisines. In addition to all these, many companies too have changed their

merchandise in stores regularly in order to make people to keep pace with the latest trends

and in encouraging them to purchase at regular intervals.

Strategies like product diversification aim to meet the perceived demands of individuals

belonging to distinct economic and social groups. Meaning some major companies have

absorbed a major portion of business within urban markets and are now focusing on the rural

market by keeping in mind the low per capita spending and tough competition from local,

indigenous products. A fairly large number of MNCs are seeking means in order to create

consumption spaces within the rural market. This is to be done in a manner, where the

beliefs, longstanding familiarity and tradition of using local, indigenous products and their

price sensitivity are not challenged (Mathur, 2010, p. 219).

Mukherjee, (2010), states that today in India electronic banking has become available to

large section of people in India (Mathur, 2010, p. 219). The author mentions that the

adopting rate would happen rapidly in the future. As a consequence, this would result in the

majority of the urban population in adopting lifestyles that would include prioritization of

consumer products, alternative shopping habits and also replacement of train or bus journeys

with travel by plane. For that reason, this would result where the ways of life in affluent

Western nations would be imitated in India too.

This results in where the middle class Indians become a matter of keen concern as well as

would be more and more characterized by possession with use of consumer goods plus for

communicating style along with individuality and by the possibility of engaging in leisure

enclaves moreover in playing with fashion styles that were previously not within reach.

Consequently it refers to means of establishing one‘s own position and in estimating others‘

position within society (Mathur, 2010, p. 220).

30

Finally, the author mentions the use of credit cards is another way of establishing and

displaying uniqueness within consumer culture. The main reason is because in this day and

age commercial banks offer debit cards with every savings account and parents can provide,

with no additional liability, add-on credit cards to their children. This has made plastic

money so popular especially amongst younger Indians. Further, apart from the fact of being

popular, credit cards tend to be treated as a status symbol, where credit cards make users feel

modern, empowered, confident, providing a sense of identity, being convenient and easy to

use (Mathur, 2010, p. 224).

2.4.2 The importance of selecting Traditional Middle Class 1 (TMC 1) and Traditional

Middle Class 2 (TMC 2) within the Sri Lankan context

The importance of selecting both Traditional Middle Classes 1 and 2 is mainly because

where both these strata are in variance with each other in terms of lifestyles, personal

interests and preferences. If explained in depth TMC 1 is distinguished from TMC 2 by its

more pronounced Western orientation both in terms of values and behaviours. On the other

hand, TMC 2 emphasizes a lot on traditional orientation and considers heritage and

occupation as key determinants of one‘s status in society (Liyanage, 2003, p. 34 - 35).

Further, (Liyanage 2003, p 35) mentions that in society there is a keen struggle between both

TMC 1 and TMC 2 under different dimensions of both occupational and political. The

interesting finding at present is where TMC 2, shows its dominance or rules over the former

(TMC 1) in many instances. Finally, the younger members of both TMC 1 and TMC 2 do

possess a lot of similar characteristics of the New Urban Middle Class (NUMC) of where

they are interested in Western orientation as well obtaining employment within the private

sector (Liyanage, 2003, p. 34).

The following factors as highlighted below indicate the importance of selecting both types of

middle classes: The first factor would be Drivers. According to, Liyanage, (2009 – 2010), p.

103, the emergence of postmodernism is mainly a reaction of modernism. This was first

witnessed in architecture where it was a reaction to the blandness, hostility and utopianism.

31

Liyanage further explains that within definitive postmodern architecture such as the work of

Michael Graves rejected the notion of ―pure form‖ or ―perfect‖ architectonic detail. Instead

he conspicuously drew from all methods, materials, forms and colours available to architects.

Finally, Liyanage mentions according to Wikipedia, Postmodernism, the emphasis placed on

personal, subjective preferences and variety over the objective, ultimate truths and principles

is a characteristic of postmodernism.

As highlighted as above drivers enable to bring forth a behavioural consumption pattern that

has the features of both tradition and modernity. If explained in a broad manner as mentioned

previously under section 2.3.2 within paragraph 2, it is mainly about bringing in modernity

along with traditionalization. Thus this forms post modernism. If explained in detail the post

modern consumer refers to the consumer who neither traditional nor modern, but has features

of being traditional and modern and is quite different from the modern as well as the

traditional consumer (Liyanage, (2009 – 2010), p. 103).

The main driver within postmodernism is the avoidance of the possibility of being uprooted

and alienated from the deep‐going social programs and processes. On the one hand, it also

refers to the avoidance of being stuck in the past and in being old fashioned. This struggle of

embracing the ―new‖, and at the same time not abandoning the ―old‖, brings forth a new

force of psycho‐social energy. This new force doesn‘t reflect on one being placed on the side

of the other but a combination of the two. In other words, it‘s an active inter‐play of the two ‐

to produce one single core‘ (Liyanage, (2009 – 2010), p. 103).

When considering ―Expressions‖, the Dress code of men, the traditional national dress‐type

top or shirt, and the western trouser is followed by many politicians. It is not uncommon

among the business community too. The expensive sarong and shirt combine is an acceptable

form of dress in many elite social gatherings. The increasing preference for cotton and linen

as opposed to the silky, synthetic clothing is also commonplace among the upper economic

classes. It is increasingly followed by other groups.

32

Today most of the upper class females wear trousers and blouses as their working attire while

the traditional sari is now reserved for special and formal occasions. Further, many

professional women now are also attired in a near unisex trouser‐blazer outfit‘ (Liyanage,

(2009 – 2010), p. 104 and 105).

If explained in a broad manner, according to Liyanage, (2009 – 2010), p. 105, gives an

example of the consumer who is both traditional and modern. This is where a youth who is

wearing a faded pair of jeans and a branded T-shirt and the adornment of the conspicuous

―pirithnool‖‘. If explained in detail the youth can be identified as modern due to wearing a

faded pair of jeans and a branded t-shirt. Branding reflects modernism where consumers are

specific about purchasing high quality and reliable brands. The youth wearing a faded pair of

jeans can be caused due to the factor of Westernization. Yet, the youth adorning a pirithnool

brings out the fact of where he is being traditional. Thus, both tradition and modernism get

combined and the youth is portrayed as a post modern individual (Liyanage, (2009 – 2010),

p. 105 - 106).

Further, there are other examples of post modernism have been provided and these are

focusing on extremes such as music, language and preferences towards food and are

mentioned as follows. Considering music is also another manifestation of the force of

postmodernism. The local Superstar television events which are telecasted throughout the

nation appeals to a wide audience, across all SEC groupings. It is important for one to note

that all these mega TV events are unmistakably modelled based on the American Idol, but

their localization is equally unmistakable (Liyanage, (2009 – 2010), p. 105 - 106).

Interestingly, the judges of the events, unlike their American counterparts would not shower

praise on the young and talented participants. Criticism is spared and an attempt to introduce

a critical judge in one event to make the counterpoint, as it were, seemed contrived and

rehearsed. The local feminine cultural ethos as opposed to the masculine American cultural

values is another indication of an apparently western and modern behavioural orientation

(ME) but a traditional attitudinal orientation (I). The new ―IME‖ consumer vividly plays its

role on the stage of the Superstar’ (Liyanage, (2009 – 2010), p. 105 - 106).

33

The food habits of the postmodern consumer have a traditional base. Even today the

polsambol and the Kirihodi are very much a part of regular menu of most Sri Lankans across

all SEC groupings. However, sausages at home and regular visits to the likes of McDonalds

are not uncommon. This fusion is perhaps best expressed in the McDonald‘s Mc Rice.‘

(Liyanage, (2009 – 2010), p. 105 - 106). The final element of Language and its use in

particular contexts is another manifestation of the confluence of the traditional and modernist

tendencies. Interestingly today most of the Sri Lankan youth use ―singlish‖ and tamilish‖

expressions into their day to day conversations irrespective of their SEC groupings. This

tendency is reflected in many interactive TV and radio programs, where English words and

phrases are liberally interspersed with the vernacular (Liyanage, (2009 – 2010), p. 105 - 106).

Further, other examples that appear to the foster post modernism can be identified in brands

such as Clogard. For example, when considering Clogard, this brand of toothpaste initially

catered to the markets of modern consumers. However, after realizing the importance of

herbs and with the introduction Supiriviki by Siddhalepe, which was mainly appealing to

traditional consumers, Clogard came out with a new product with cloves catering to the post

modern consumer. Meaning, modern consumers prefer toothpaste and traditional consumers

preferred herbs in order to maintain their teeth for a long time. Thus having realized this,

Clogard was launched in a manner where it was both a combination of tradition and

modernity (Liyanage, (2009 – 2010), p. 106).

Finally, when considering Samaposha breakfast products, is a cereal product mainly catering

to the requirements of modern – traditional (postmodern) market. As Samaposha on one hand

have the modern cereals, which are easy to prepare on one side and on the other it has the

traditional and difficult to prepare Kola Kande (Liyanage, (2009 – 2010), p. 106).

34

2.5 Impact of who you are on what you do

2.5.1 General context

Kahl and Davis, (1955), mention that occupation appears to be the best predictor of social

class and is often sufficient to estimate the class of a family (Williams, 2002, p. 251). If

explained in detail occupation is a good predictor of social class within industrialized

societies as levels of status and respect varies among different jobs, where the work itself

would affect attitudes and beahviour rather than status (Williams, 2002, p. 252).

Kohn et al., (1990), define higher status occupations in terms of ownership, control of the

means of production, and control over the labour power of others. Kohn and Schoenbach,

1983, et al., (1990), mention individuals who function within higher status occupations

possess characteristic personalities, motives and values that distinguish them from the

individuals of positions that are not high in status. Further, in various classes there appears to

be a relative degree of occupational self direction which leads to psychological differences

among members of different classes. Hence, the authors mention about factors like values,

attitudes, and motives which arise from greater levels of occupational self-direction and

which lie beneath the behaviour beyond workplace. Therefore, this affects the purchasing

pattern or behaviour of buyers belonging to different classes (Williams, 2002, p. 252).

(Granger and Billson, 1972; Russo et al., 1975), mention that education is too related to

social class. Since education is closely associated to the job held. At the same time there are

behavioural implications for education which go beyond relationship. Education affects

consumer information processing and decision making (Williams, 2002, p. 252). According

to (Duncan and Olshavsky, 1982): college educated consumers tend to read more, read

different magazines, spend less time watching television, rely less on well – known brands,

and put more time as well as effort into purchase decisions than high school educated

consumers.

Knowledge is another factor that is related to consumer comprehension. According to (Alba

and Hutchinson, 1987; Bettman and Sujan, 1987), mention that consumers tend to have

35

varying levels of knowledge that influences them differently in their decision making

processes (Williams, 2002, p. 252).

According to (Bronfenbrenner, 1959; Duberman, 1976; Kohn, 1969), children from different

socio economic classes emerge with different social values. In general, a child that is brought

up in the lower social class would be characterized by demands for authority, orderliness,

obedience, respect, conformity, rigidity, suppressed aggression, physical toughness, and

physical punishment. On the other hand children, who belong to higher classes, have higher

expectations for scholarly and career achievement with an emphasis on reasoning, self-

direction, self-control, self-expression, independence, initiative and curiosity (Williams,

2002, p. 252).

2. 5.2 Sri Lankan Context - who you are on what you do

According to Liyanage, (2009 – 2010), as mentioned in section 2.2.2 TMC 1 basically refers

to those individuals belonging to the pre 1956 era, where they are mostly Westernized and

who have retained some traditional value and customs. These individuals can also be

described as the individuals who benefitted from the late 19th

century.

It has been mentioned in the book ―Nobodies to Somebodies‖ by (Jayawardena, 2012, p.

154), where by the late 19th

century, there were Sinhala and Tamil bourgeois men who had

increasingly entered the legal and medical professions and it was interesting to note that

women too took the first inroads within the medical field. Thus the access of higher

education to Indian and British Universities produced a group of professionals whose

numbers increased with the opening of the Ceylon Medical College (1870), the Council of

Legal Education (1874) and later the Law College (Roberts 1973:272). This lead to the

increase in numbers of those within the legal profession and this group comprised of

barristers, advocates and proctors. During this time law was an attractive as an independent

position and many persons active in the country were lawyers. This gave them the freedom of

public expression unavailable to government servants.

Further, the bourgeoisie put a high premium on educational qualifications and by the year

1901, there were 885 local males within the professions of doctors, lawyers, engineers,

36

accountants, surveyors and auctioneers; of these 41 percent were Sinhalese, 24 percent were

Ceylon Tamils, 31 percent were Burghers and 1 percent of Muslims.

The judicious marriage was also means of accumulation for those at the higher levels of

employment and success. Many of the professionals married into rich families, the best

lawyer and doctors being the most in demand as sons-in-law by the millionaires of the time.

As colonial institutions were democratized and greater opportunities were given to persons of

talent in the bureaucracy, there emerged among the Sri Lankans, a set of ―mandarins‖ who

married into families which, having labouriously worked their way up in business, wanted

the scamp of ‗class‘ which the possession of material wealth by itself could not confer

(Jayawardena, 2012, p. 155).

While TMC 2 was described in the following manner:

The class of intelligentsia that followed the post‐1956 was known as TMC 2. This class

essentially had individuals who were basically products of free education. This is a situation

which is quite contrary to above mentioned situation. As it has been mentioned above TMC 1

consisted of individuals who had their education at British and Indian Universities and at the

time where universities had begun to operate within Sri Lanka. Moreover, TMC 2 had

individuals who had basically entered the university after 1956. At that time the universities

were managed by the state sector totally and were lacking the influence of the British which

resulted in having a majority of monolinguals. The education they received was free of

charge and they mainly operated within the public sector (Liyanage, 2003, p.34).

Thus, TMC 2 comprises of individuals who clearly rooted in the soil and identified

themselves with the generality of the people. Management and administrative cadres in the

public sector, school principals, teachers and university academia, and professionals solely

engaged within the public sector came under TMC 2. This group is relatively traditional in

maintaining its orientation where it emphasizes on heritage and occupation of one‘s key

determinants in society. Though this group is exposed to Western life styles and behaviours,

they are not passionate followers of them (Liyanage, 2003, p.34).

37

For example, when considering the cinema and teledramas provide evidence of the force of

traditionalization. When considering the teledrama Yashoravaya in the early 1990‘s

mentions about how the locals get embedded into the system of westernization. Baladeva, the

chief protagonist of Yashoravaya is the elder brother of a family of an aged couple and four

children, living in the same house. Baladeva who adorns the traditional national dress, and

rooted in tradition is dismayed to observe his brothers and sisters pushed and pulled by the

currents of westernization and modernization. Their life styles are characterized by a

ceaseless effort to possess the symbols of success; their attempt at conspicuous consumption

and the resultant ―up rootedness‖ and alienation from a socio‐cultural milieu which is truly

theirs (Liyanage, (2009-2010), p.95).

2.6 Impact of who you are on what you have – ownership of items

2.6.1 General Context

Two studies (Gronhaug and Trapp, 1989; Schaninger, 1981) found that social class and

income influences on buying perceptions, attitudes and behaviour vary by product.

According to this study, a set of generic purchase evaluation criteria were considered for a

variety of consumer products: dress clothing, garden tools, automobiles, wedding gifts, living

room furniture, children‘s play clothing, kitchen appliances, casual clothing and stereos. The

products were selected to reflect a wide range of items differing in durability, expressiveness,

necessity, gender orientation etc. These products can be classified as being more or less

sensitive to social class influence, but there will be wide variations among

individuals‘.(Williams, 2002, p. 253).

Rich and Jain, (1968) have shown how more socially visible products are likely to be judged

on subjective criteria. The higher social class individuals are likely to attach more

significance to evaluative criteria in general as well as are likely to emphasize subjective

criteria depending on the types of the products evaluated or purchased. This tendency of high

class social class consumers portrays where they are more likely to enjoy shopping and to be

less risk - averse than those in lower classes (Rich and Jain, 1968) (Williams, 2002, p. 254).

Williams, (2002), felt where men and women may be expected to exhibit different patterns of

response relative to evaluative criteria importance. Since, women tend to be more involved

38

with and interested in buying, higher importance ratings might be anticipated for them across

a variety of products. In addition, (Williams, 2002), had interviewed husbands and wives at

the same time for the study where social class and income effects their agreement of

importance placed on the evaluative criteria across products.

2.6.2 Sri Lankan Context

Liyanage, (2009 – 2010), p. 100, has shown that status and individual identity are

increasingly defined not in terms of social position (i.e. who you are) but rather, in terms of

life style (i.e. what you have). If explained in depth consumption patterns and acquisition of

status symbols are increasingly replacing one's occupation and heritage as key determinants

of social status and personal identity. The rising viewership of television in a transnational

framework has increasingly highlighted people's assessment of success. The term "Good life"

is increasingly defined in terms of ownership of things. Individuals who are privy to such

ownership and consumption are held in high esteem in a rapidly changing social milieu.

A C Nielsen, (2009), has showed where the young and the middle‐aged have paid attention to

personal care, as this aspect demonstrates the urge to mimic the west. Television has been

used largely as the medium to market personal care products to a wider audience, with some

programs that are specifically devoted to using the various personal care products and in how

grooming can change the appearance of a person (Liyanage, (2009 – 2010), p. 100).

The shift of emphasis from a social position to a consumption‐based life style is being

reflected within the remarkable change that has taken place in the way different strata of

people occupy seats in local cinema halls. For example, if one is to consider the situation

Two decades ago it could plainly be observed in how the people will be occupying the seats,

where the poor would always sit in the "gallery", followed by lower middle class viewers,

and so on. Further, (Hettige, 95) mentions there has been a broad decline in cinema

attendance due to the spread of television, the shortfalls witnessed in the gallery and with

respect to the more expensive seat categories.

39

This resulted in cinema halls in not having the "gallery". In addition it has been observed that

individuals from lower social strata tend to purchase expensive tickets as previously not to

occupy seats but due to the changes in social patterns (Liyanage, (2009 – 2010), p. 100).

Previously, the title "Mahattaya" was used to refer feudal/ state functionaries (via, "Korale or

Vidane Mahattaya"). Today, up‐scale traders who demonstrate a consumption‐based life

style are referred to as "Mudalali Mahattaya" (or plain "Mahattaya"). Though, these

individuals truly belong to a lower social stratum according to conventional classification.

This is a clear manifestation of consumption, replacing occupation and heritage as the

defining criterion of social status and personal identity (Liyanage, (2009 – 2010), p. 101).

Further, based on a study conducted by TNS Lanka (2010), nearly 62 percent of the customer

base of fast food restaurants consists of lower SEC groups. This study was done based on the

regular users of fast food restaurants within Colombo and Kandy and a trend towards

modernity has been observed (Liyanage, (2009 – 2010), p. 101).

2.7 Impact of who you are on what you value

2. 7.1 International (Indian) Context

Pattanaik, (2009), has stated new employment opportunities proved for the new middle class

of India has resulted in , where the older generations are forced to become less dependent on

their children, as they tend to benefit prospects away from their homeland or native regions

(Nita Mathur, 2010, p. 218). Further, (Mathur, 2010, p. 218) mentions that both urban rural

youth are not content with settling in bigger towns of India. Therefore, many Indian

youngsters in order to improve or upgrade their life styles migrate to affluent countries like

Canada, Dubai and Saudi Arabia.

This results in contributing further to the spread of consumer culture. The other results

would be where the Indian migrants would consciously be engaging in joint ventures with

foreign companies and would be bringing in more luxury commodities into the domestic

market in an unconscious manner. The youth sector or the young Indians constitute to a

major group of target consumers.

40

Thus it can be seen, where these groups of individuals to have little or insignificant family

based obligations and eagerly seek to own luxury commodities.

Finally, the establishment of international companies‘ as well multinational companies on the

Indian soil is increasing the availability of international brands within the Indian market.

Therefore, the new middle class of India is nowadays experiencing the coming of MNCs

which not only implies foreign investment as a feeder to the national economy, but also

increasing the importation and production of luxury goods and services. This results in

encouraging superficial self-display and consumerism (Mathur, 2010, p. 218).

According to (Voyce, 2006 and 2007), it has been mentioned that the new middle class seeks

to construct its identity through employment status and acquisition of status symbols. If

explained in a broader manner the new middle class distinguishes itself from the old middle

class by preferring to visit modern departmental stores and shopping malls. This creates a

distance to prosperous middle class consumers who are not part of this group (Nita Mathur,

2010, p. 219). For example, the urban landscape of India is predominantly lined with

hoardings of international brands of consumer goods, spaced out by restaurants and marked

by leisure spaces, while the body is often shaped by the latest fashion items and signalled by

the latest models of mobile phones‘.

According to (Ritzer, 2007), the central aspect of consumer culture is the process of ‗public

performance‘ which takes place by displaying what has been consumed through frequent

visits to fast food outlets, restaurants and malls. The benefits of shopping malls would be

where they would not only offer apparel and accessories, gifts, electronic goods and lifestyle

commodities for sale, but also contain beauty shops, coffee shops, pubs, restaurants, even

amphitheatres and cinema halls.

Within these often large and well-kept premises, people can stop, talk and show off the latest

purchased products and look at those of others. The presence of many options for

consumption attracts people of diverse age groups with different purposes.

41

Individuals in being able to purchase goods and services as well as at the same time having at

one‘s disposal restaurants and fast-food outlets, undertaking beauty treatments and watching

films makes them feel good about oneself on being a part of upper class society‘(Mathur,

2010, p. 221).

Finally, (Mathur, 2010, p. 226 – 227), mention about the shift in ideology of the younger

generation of the middle class away from idealism, stronger allegiance to general welfare

over individual concerns and national pride to personal gains. This sometimes results in

flamboyant consumerism, which has at least three main implications in society. First, status

gets attached to a pretentious of flamboyant show of new fashions and styles and ownership

of luxury commodities, even as the long held codes of status groups are challenged.

Second, an ostentatious way of life and possession of enviable goods emerge as a

contemporary basis of understanding distinctions in society and as signifiers of personal

identity that sets an individual apart from others. Third, there is a distinct change in emphasis

from virtues of humility, self-restraint and nurturance to conspicuous indulgence in

consumption. The new middle class seems to be more cosmopolitan in outlook and lifestyle,

global in aspirations, time-investing and risk-taking in jobs, demanding in leisure-time

services (such as tourism and hospitality in hotels) and at the same time watchful of values

and lifestyle laid down by age-old tradition emphasizing austerity, frugality and voluntary

poverty.

2.7.2 Sri Lankan Context

The survey by (Ogilvy and Mather, 2000), suggests that the Sri Lankan consumer continues

to be entrenched with tradition and rituals in food. If explained broadly Sri Lankan

consumers continue to embrace the richness along with the relatively non-complicated nature

of the past in its food diversity and culture. The consumer is mainly concerned about the

credibility of the brand where rituals and the elaborate preparation come with regard to food

(food brands). Further, (Ogilvy and Mather, 2000) mention, that brands are taking short cuts

in the preparations of a meal. On the other hand, brands are also ignoring the traditions and

rituals pertaining to food, its preparation and consumption (Liyanage (2009-2010), p. 95).

42

Due to the factor of modernization and traditionalization getting combined (Liyanage (2009-

2010), p. 105) mention about food habits based on postmodernism. This is where; the

postmodern consumer has a traditional base, which has influenced multinationals like Mc.

Donald‘s in coming out with products like Mac-bath. Further, when considering the breakfast

product Samaposha has a ―modtradi‖ appeal and falls between the modern cereals on one

side with the traditional as well as inconvenient to prepare Kola Kande, on the other.

The People‘s Awards conducted by the Sri Lanka Institute of Marketing (SLIM), based on a

nationwide survey conducted by the Nielsan Research Company in the years 2007 to 2009,

showed that the most popular actress was Malini Fonseka and the most popular singers were

both W. D. Ameradeva and Nanda Malini. This is provides an indication of value where most

individuals of the society tend to place ―old forms‖ of music and drama that importantly, are

not considered to be ―old fashioned‖. This too portrays the strength of traditionalization

(Liyanage, (2009 - 2010), p. 97).

Finally, values and ideology are two important indicators which enable to measure the force

of traditionalization. According to the National Youth Survey, (2002 nd 2009) indicate the

dominance of traditional values among the country‘s youth (Liyanage, (2009 – 2010), p. 97).

For example, over 75% of youth in the country stated that they select a partner for marriage

based on good character, love, affection, care and companionship. In addition, most males

(91%) and females (94%) stated that divorce was not acceptable under any circumstances.

This dominance of traditional values also forms the opinions on aspects such as prostitution

where 89% of youth stated it was unacceptable, while the use of illicit drugs and

homosexuality was totally unacceptable.

When considering the concept of premarital sex most females (75%) and males (65%) stated

that it was unacceptable. Further, it was noted that the views on pre-marital sex were more

relaxed and permissive among the Sinhala respondents than the Tamil and Muslim

respondents (Emmanual Sara, NYS Conference paper, 2010). While nearly half felt that

matching horoscopes of marital partners was important and was more practiced among the

Tamils (70%) (NYS, 2002).

43

Finally, when considering religion 80% of youth consider themselves to be religious, while

93% of them participate in religious activities on a regular basis. Religiosity does not vary

with educational attainment, nor are urban-rural differences significant in this regard (NYS,

2002).

2.8 Summary

The five different social strata of Sri Lanka are Traditional Middle Class 1 (TMC 1),

Traditional Middle Class 2 (TMC 2), The New Urban Middle Class (NUMC), the New

Working Class (NWC) and the Alienated Rural Youth (ARY). If explained in detailed

manner, among all social strata TMC 1 and 2 play a great level of importance. TMC 1 mainly

focuses on being westernized, bi-lingual and being employed within the private sector and

the latter being products of free education, mono-lingual and being employed within the

public sector. The ongoing process is of where the dominance of TMC 2 over TMC 1 when it

comes to traditional values versus the influence caused from the west.

However, the New Urban Middle Class (NUMC) refers to individuals those have been

exposed to overt Western life styles and can somewhat be described of being beyond modern

and post modern. Finally, when considering the remaining strata, the Alienated Rural Youth

(ARY) mainly includes the rural youth who are either unemployed or have educational

qualifications up to ordinary levels and above. The New Working Class (NWC) can be

described as a new working class emerging where rural youth are getting educated and are

mainly interested in looking for jobs in the public sector as opposed to the private sector,

while the non-educated rural youth are looking to work either in the private or public sector.

44

Chapter 3

CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK AND METHODOLOGY

3.1 Introduction

The conceptual framework of this study has been developed based on the relevant literature

and is given below. Within this framework there is one broad research problem which is

broken up in to three distinct groups. Building the conceptual framework and development of

the problems is shown next. The conceptual framework developed focuses solely on two

social strata i.e. Traditional Middle Classes 1 and 2 (TMC 1 and 2).

3.2 Social Class Classification

In today‘s dynamic and evolving society it has become important for both marketers and

social scientists to understand the various types of socioeconomic classes that are present

within the society. [Williams, 2002, p. 250 (Fisher, 1987; Komarovsky, 1967)], mention that

social classes have variations in education, attitudes, values, and communication styles,

which lead to variations in consumer information processing and decision making. For

example, (Williams, 2002, p. 251) mentions that social class can be replaced to the summary

of all dimensions which are related to social prestige and power when considering the United

States.

Further, it has been stated that the expected relationship between social class and

psychological processes are associated in behavioural patterns such as decision making and

information processing behaviour, which are again associated with levels of social status.

The construct of social class can be alternated to a summary for all dimensions of social

prestige and power.

If one has to consider the importance of socio economic classes in India which almost has a

similar culture to Sri Lanka; (Mathur, 2010, p. 215), mentions the importance of the Indian

Middle class. (Mathur, 2010), states where the original middle class came into existence

during the colonial period with a certain group of the elite Indian population who served

45

under the colonial administration in addition belonged to the group of mercantile and

agriculture based classes.

However, the new Indian middle class is mainly categorized in terms of salaried executives,

teachers, lawyers, doctors and bureaucrats. Finally, (Mathur, 2010, p. 215), states that the

new Indian middle class comprises of both educated men and women who distinguish

themselves from the lower and elite or influential classes thus in forming a new class. This

new Indian Middle class mainly emphasizes on western-style education, social position and

influence which is either based on public or politics (Literature Review – section 2.3.2).

When considering the Sri Lankan context, (Liyanage, 2009, p.35), mentions that within the

five given socioeconomic classes of Sri Lanka, both the Traditional Middle Class 1 (TMC 1)

and Traditional Middle Class 2 (TMC 2) are at variance with each other in terms of lifestyles,

personal interests and preferences. A more pronounced Western orientation, both in terms of

values and behaviours characterize Traditional Middle Class 1. Importantly one can witness

in society a keen struggle between the two strata for key positions, both occupational and

political. Given the increasing dominance of the Traditional Middle Class 2, its typical

victory over Traditional Middle Class 1, in jockeying for key positions, is not difficult to

comprehend (Liyanage, 2009, p.35).

On the other hand, the young members of both Traditional Middle Classes 1 and 2 possess

similar types of interests for obtaining employment within the private sector and of a more

pronounced Western orientation. This characteristic principle is found in the New Urban

Middle Class (NUMC) of Sri Lanka (Liyanage, 2009, p.34).

According to (Liyanage, (2009-2010), p.94), one of the main outcomes of colonization has

been the spread of Western values, ideas and institutions in the colony. Many social scientists

believed that this would pave the way for a transition from tradition to modernity. Empirical

evidence however has shown that the result has been the creation of a small Westernized,

native elite and the ways of the larger population have not radically altered. (Literature

review – section 2.2.2)

46

3.3 Selection of variables

The three variables selected here at a broad level are what the class has, what they do and

what they do and what they value.

The first of these variables is who you are. The social strata are defined based on age,

education level, occupation, income categories and the parental generation. Within the Sri

Lankan context ―who you are‖ is identified based on the following criteria: the pre 1956 and

post 1956 generations, free education, sectors worked (private and public) and positions held,

linguistic patterns (bilingual and monolingual), and lifestyles, values and behavioural

patterns with relevance to western orientation (Liyanage, 2009).

When considering middle class definitions these are commonly used for classification. For

example in India the ‗old middle class‘ is defined as professionals who despite owning their

business work alongside their employees. They are contrasted with the ‗new middle class‘

who are formally well educated and are usually engaged in professional and technical forms

of employment (Mathur 2010, p. 215). Therefore, it is clear that one‘s profession and level of

education are important in terms of determining class.

The second variable considered is what one does. (Liyanage, 2009), defines ―what you do‖

based on the following criteria: type of food most consumed, language spoken at home

(frequently), type of music most enjoyed, newspapers / magazines read, type of outlet most

visited (Fair, supermarket or grocery), TV programmes most watched & preferred

medium/s, types of leisure activities done and the usage of social media and ICT.

According to (Ritzer, 2007), frequent visits to fast food outlets are considered part of public

performance which is a central aspect of consumer culture. In addition to this food is often

cited as an important consideration in assessing impact on various social groups with the

evolution of society. For example (Liyanage (2009 - 2010), p.95), cites an (Ogilvy and

Mather, 2000) survey conducted on food habits which indicates that nearly 50% of Sri

Lankans considered foreign food to be a bad influence on culture. Therefore, the postmodern

Sri Lankan seemingly has strong views based on food and its implications on culture. Hence,

this is dimension was included as part of the study.

47

The next dimension in consideration was music. A survey conducted by Org-Marg Smart in

1999 in Sri Lankan identifies that across the different socio economic classifications singers

whose music contained a semi-classical or traditional base as opposed to a complete western

base were the most popular. This was a fact that was highlighted by classical artists such as

Nanda Malani and W.D. Amaradeva being awarded the Peoples‘ Award consecutively. On

the contrary the Indian middle class consumer is considered to be a major market for Western

style clothing, films and music (Mathur, 2010). Therefore, it can be noted that different

markets and possibly classes would have differing tastes and preferences in music (Liyanage

(2009 - 2010), p.96 - 97).

Language is another dimension that is considered under what one does. Here, the languages

that are known well and are spoken in different contexts are considered. This is an important

dimension. For example, in considering class awareness in Iceland one key dimensions in

consideration was the use of non-standard language. Oddsson, (2010) closely relates to

language and media habits. Oddsson, (2010) states that people form a generalized opinion on

society based on one‘s own familiar experiences and familiar images prevalent in the media.

Hence, it would be interesting to observe the media consumption of each class as it would

have an impact not only on how they see themselves but also on their views of the external

world. Therefore, the media consumption in terms of types of media accessed, preferred,

programmes watched and perceptions formed based on those were measured (Oddson, 2010,

p.296).

Leisure time activities are also considered as part of what one does. Over 50% of Indian

middle class students in the age group of 20-30 have mentioned that that the acquisition and

display of consumer goods and leisure enclaves is important to secure their social position

(Mathur, 2010, p. 223). Therefore, the authors too have considered leisure activities of

Traditional Middle Classes 1 and 2 as part of deciphering what the traditional middle class of

Sri Lanka do.

Shopping habits is the next dimension in concern. This too is an important consideration

when discussing about middle class consumers. Shopping malls in India for instance re said

to be serving to sift the middle class consumers from those who are not part of this group. In

48

fact (Mathur, 2010, p. 221) says that the Indian shopping malls were specifically created to

cater to the emerging middle class. Therefore, the authors have included shopping habits not

only in terms of visits to malls but also visits for grocery item and daily essential shopping.

The next variable considered is what one has. According to, (Liyanage, 2009), ―What you

have‖ basically refers to the type of house owned (own or rented and the number of rooms

present), the best form of transportation owned and the ownership of consumer durables (TV

/ DVD player, radio, computer, washing machine, fridge, micro wave, floor polisher, fan /

pedestal, cooker, laptop type, mobile phone type etc.).

This has been defined in terms of living conditions, transportation and possession of

consumer durables. The first aspect in consideration i.e. living conditions is an important

aspect. The Department of Census and statistics in Sri Lanka has identified that within the

Colombo district 21% of houses are two storied and 2% have more than two levels. In the

Gampaha district the number of two storied houses drops to 10% and in the Kalutara district

to 8%.

The first question that the authors considered was who the different groups of people

occupying these types of housing units are and if there was a difference among the two

different middle classes. Living conditions also encompassed the availability of services such

as fixed telephones, running water and pay television.

An unpublished Nielsen survey conducted in 2011 indicates that the availability of a fixed or

CDMA phone is over 75% in socio economic class A households and less than 50% in socio

economic class D households. Therefore, it is clear that in terms of socio economic

classifications there is a marked difference in the availability of utilities. The same could also

be true for both Traditional Middle Classes1 and 2.

Method of transportation and ownership of durables is also considered here. The Indian

middle class consumer is seen to be copying the western influences by replacing train or bus

journeys with plane journeys (Mathur, 2010, p. 220). Similarly the Sri Lankan middle class

consumer too may be altering their mode of travel based of different situations. The middle

class consumer is often seen as one who attempts to maintain or achieve social class through

49

their consumption patterns. Therefore as part of this research the authors have considered the

mode of transport as a key variable.

In addition marked differences can also be seen in the usage of durable goods. An

unpublished research conducted by Nielsen Sri Lanka in 2011 shows that the ownership of

durables is very different among the main socio economic classes. For example, while nearly

half of socio economic class A households owned a washing machine only 11 percent of

socio economic class C did so. The same is true for ownership of computers with the former

class households having nearly 60 percent penetration while only a quarter of the latter

owned one. As part of this research the authors have attempted to understand the differences

in the durable ownership of the two selected socio economic classes.

The final variable considered was what one values. According to (Liyanage, 2009), ―what

you value‖ comprises of tradition (rituals, practices and belief in horoscopes and auspicious

times) religiosity (importance of religion in life, participation in religious activities, belief in

God and life after death), family (centrality of family and frequency of family events and

occasions) and beliefs (respect for elders, value of heritage, opinion on caste / class and

views on westernization).

Economic prosperity, visibility of affluent people, and upward social mobility leads to

upward social comparisons which results in heightened class awareness. Class awareness

refers in part to the tendency to see society as being divided in to two or more social classes

(Oddson, 2010, p.301). A core information area for this research is to understand if the

people in the said social classes identify that there are different social classes and see them as

belonging to one.

The next aspect considered is religious beliefs. In the Indian context the middle class

consumer is seen to be an avid participator in religious festivals mainly for the consumption

occasion that it offers and also that the middle class was keen to initiate religious reforms

(Mathur, 2010, p. 215). On the contrary in Sri Lanka an overwhelming majority of youth,

consider themselves as religious and actively participate in religious activities. Even in their

postmodern state they are prone to wearing western clothes but continue to display religious

symbols as part of their appearance (Liyanage (2009 - 2010), p. 105). Hence the authors

50

have seen the importance of religion as a key measure in understanding the similarities and

differences among the social classes.

Another key aspect considered here is the centrality of family. Family features prominently

when considering the concept of culture Vinod Raina in Consumption as Happiness quotes

that you want to be the kind of person who has friends, family, is loved and respected by

others, and has many accomplishments to your credit. What you don‘t want is merely to have

the enjoyable experiences associated with having friends, family, love, respect, and

accomplishments. Worshipping elders, respect for elders, family hierarchy and displays of

family unity are seen as postmodern values present in Sri Lanka today. With over 20% of

youth speaking of values associated with serving ones family (Liyanage (2009 – 2010), p.

107 ) it is clear that this is a key function in understanding what one values.

The final consideration is the view on Westernization. It was highlighted before that the Sri

Lankan consumer is traditional even in the postmodern context. The traditional dress used by

the different social classes, food habits, music tastes, television series all point to a mod-tradi

consumer; one that is modern on the outside but traditional on the inside. How this consumer

in belonging to the middle class would see the modern forces of Westernization and how

they would react to them are covered in this survey as well.

51

3.4 Conceptualization of the problem

Figure 1: Conceptual Framework – Traditional Middle Classes 1 and 2

Source: Liyanage (2013) - Research Guidelines

The three main variables identified above for each socio economic strata will allow the

authors to obtain the answers for the questions of the existence of a new consumer and how

they are impacted by changes occurring presently. The inter-relationship between these three

variables will provide the answers for the questions relating to the impact of sociological

changes on consumer behaviour and their implications for marketers.

3.5 Hypothesis

Based on the above framework the following hypothesis has been developed.

H1: TMC 1 is distinctly different from TMC 2 in terms of who they are, what they do, what

they have and what they value.

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3.6 Operationalization

Table 2: Concepts, Variables, Indicators and Measures.

Concept Variables Indicators Measures

Profile of

the Sri

Lankan

consumer

TMC 1

and TMC

2

Who you

are

Age Age category

Socio economic

class

Socio economic classes A and B depending

on the education and occupation of the chief

wage earner

Occupation Present occupation

Education Highest educational qualification

Income Monthly household and personal incomes

What you

do

Consumption Types of food consumed

Home preparation vs. dining out

Music

Preferences

Types of music listened to

Preference towards various genres

Languages Languages known

Languages used to communicate with

different groups of people

Media Habits Television channels watched

Television Programme preference

Radio stations listened to

Radio Programme preference

Print media read

Leisure Activities done during leisure

Telecommunica

tion and social

media

Use of mobile phone- services used

Type of handset used

Availability and usage of social media

Shopping habits Location of grocery shopping

Other shopping habits such as online

53

Concept Variables Indicators Measures

Profile of

the Sri

Lankan

consumer

TMC 1

and TMC

2

What you

have

Living

Conditions

Own house/rented/apartment/number of

levels/number of rooms

Availability of electricity/source of

water/fixed telephone/pay TV

Transportation

Types of vehicles owned

Most frequent way of commuting to work/

when visiting others etc

Type of ownership- company

maintained/leased/paid in full etc

Ownership of

durables

Types of durables owned such as television,

radio, mobile phone, refrigerator etc

What you

value

Views on caste

or class

Awareness of the concept

Perception of self

If and when it is considered

Religious

beliefs

Perception of self

Frequency of visiting religious locations

Belief in after life/heaven etc

Level of belief in horoscopes

Association and perception of other religions

Centrality of

family

Level of perceived respect for elders

Level of involvement of elders (voluntary and

involuntary) in various occasions

Preference of residence post marriage

Involvement of family when children are born

Views on

westernization

What values are considered as western and

perceived positives and negatives of western

influences if any

Perception of self in relation to western views

Source: Liyanage (2013) - Research Guidelines

54

The authors chose to do their study based on a mixed method approach.

Qualitative research can be defined as research that is undertaken using an unstructured

approach with a small number of carefully selected individuals to produce non-quantifiable

insights into behaviour, motivations and attitudes (Wilson, 2006, p. 105). When considering

qualitative research the aforementioned concepts, variables, indicators and measures were

mentioned or used within the discussion guide. Here, the data gathering process was less

structured and much more flexible than quantitative research and there wasn‘t a necessity to

rely on the predefined question and answer format associated with questionnaires.

The individuals involved were less in number and accounted only for thirty eight

participants. These participants were not necessarily representative of the larger population.

The participants chosen were only from the Colombo district. Among the thirty eight

individuals there were twenty who were interviewed through in-depth interviews and the

remaining eighteen of them were interviewed through focus group discussions. Each focus

group discussion had a maximum of three participants. Further, the depth interviews were

held with the participants alone and were not in the presence of members of their family.

The benefit of choosing a qualitative methodology was that it assisted the authors to obtain

deeper and more penetrating insights into topics as opposed to the quantitative methodology.

Further, the data produced was concerned with understanding things rather than with

measuring them.

However, the authors chose to bring in a basic quantitative approach as, according to

(Wilson, 2006, p. 105) it is a mistake to consider qualitative and quantitative research as two

distinctly separate bodies of research. Wilson states that a study which combines both

qualitative and quantitative methods would give a depth of understanding as well as

information about the general representativeness of that understanding.

Wilson, (2006, p. 135) defines quantitative research as the approach that is undertaken by

using a structured approach with a sample of the population to produce quantifiable insights

into behaviour, motivation and attitudes. The data gathered was more structured and involved

a larger sample of 200 participants.

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The benefits were that the authors were able to quantify the incidence of the particular

behaviours, motivations and attitudes in the population under investigation.

3.7 Methodology used for obtaining data

The data for this study was collected using both qualitative and quantitative methodologies.

The main reason for choosing qualitative research was to get a detailed understanding about

both the middle classes of TMC 1 and 2. Quantitative research was chosen to cover a wide

target audience within the urban and rural within the Western Province of Sri Lanka and to

provide a validation to the findings obtained in the qualitative phase.

The qualitative research was conducted in the form of depth interviews and focus group

discussions. A total of twenty depth interviews and six focus groups were conducted equally

split amongst both middle classes, where the participants were from different age groups and

professions. The research was conducted amongst both genders. The quantitative survey was

carried out among 200 participants who were also equally split between among both middle

classes and was conducted within the districts of Colombo, Kaluthara and Gampaha.

Through the interviews of qualitative research the authors were able to understand the

underlying reasons for behaviours and obtain an in depth view of the drivers of opinions

which was not possible within the structured quantitative interviews. This inductive method

provided a detailed understanding of the two groups of participants.

A quantitative approach was also considered by the authors and was carried out in the form

of a survey. While this method did not allow additional probing which results in

understandings mental constructs, it enables the identification of overall patterns and verifies

the existence of both social classes and the aspects identified in the qualitative phase. The

findings from the quantitative research were supporting the definition of TMC 1 and 2 as

given by (Liyanage, 2009 – 2010, p. 94). Consequently, the findings from qualitative

research too was supporting the definition of (Liyanage, 2009 – 2010, p. 94), but provided a

much clearer definition in what determines the social class, its behavioural patterns and its

existence within the society.

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The authors chose to use the mixed method methodology as it provided a holistic view about

both middle classes in their similarities as well as differences. According to (Onwuegbuzie

and Turner, 2007), using a mixed research methodology allows researchers to ensure that the

results are as comprehensive as possible. Further, by using this form of mixed method

research had enabled the authors in capitalising the strengths of both qualitative and

quantitative research methodologies thus had enabled to gain an increase depth and breadth

of understanding about both social classes.

The study included participants from both the private and public sector. The participants

from the private sector mainly included business professionals, company heads, managers

and both senior and junior executives. The participants for TMC 1 were from the private

sector for both qualitative as well as quantitative research.

The same stands for quantitative research too and the participants for TMC 2 were mainly

from the public sector which included professionals, managers and lecturers.

The participants chosen for the study were between the ages of 30 – 45, from socioeconomic

classes A and B and in having the educational qualification of a tertiary level, being a

Graduate or Professional. The participants from TMC 1 had a salary of LKR 45,000 and

above and the participants from TMC 2 had a salary of LKR 30,000 and above.

Due to the fact of where a study on social classes has not yet been completed within the Sri

Lankan context the authors were not able to use a validated research instruments that could

be used for the purpose of data collection. Therefore the authors developed both the

questionnaire and discussion guide and measured its validity prior to data collection. Both the

questionnaire and discussion guide was developed based on past questionnaires and

discussion guides that were used at renowned research agencies. Both tools were developed

with the opinion and assistance of both academic as well as industry experts.

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The authors chose the method of convenience sampling for both research methods

(quantitative and qualitative) as this was most suitable method to adopt. Convenience

sampling is one of the methods of nonprobability sampling and was used because of its

benefits. The benefits would be where the sample sizes tend to be small, enabling the authors

to target the most important participants and the cost is significantly less to undertake than

for probability samples. Finally non probability sampling methods include less stringent

procedures that are required in potential participant selection mean that they can be

conducted reasonably quickly (Wilson, 2006, p. 200).

3. 7. 1 The process used for obtaining both qualitative and quantitative data

The process of obtaining both qualitative and quantitative data was done within the months

of February and March 2013. The method used as mentioned above was convenience

sampling as this was most suitable method to adopt. Convenience sampling comes as a part

of non probability sampling and proved to be the best method of sampling in being

convenient and less expensive. The method of Nonprobability sampling was used to ensure

timely completion of the survey. Therefore, the participants for the study were selected using

personal contacts and snowballing covering a wide range of industries and professions.

Sekaran & Bougie, (2010, p. 298) show awareness of sampling designs and sample sizes that

help managers to understand why a particular method of sampling is used by researchers.

It also facilitates understanding of the cost implications of different designs, and the trade-off

between precision and confidence vis-à-vis the costs. This enables managers to understand

the risk they take in implementing changes based on the results of the research study. There

were two methods used to gather qualitative data, the first being depth interviews and the

other being focus group discussions.

Prior to meeting the participants for the in-depth interviews an appointment was made with

them in order to get their fullest consent in having a confidential interview with them for

about an hour. Although the interviews were planned for a one hour period, the time varied

among various participants, where the interviews held ranged from a minimum of half an

hour to a maximum of two and half-hours.

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The discussion covered their opinions on who they were, what they did, what they had and

what they valued.

Most of the participants had participated in the interview for about an hour to one and half

hours while some interviews exceeded one and half hours and some were between 20 – 45

minutes. All interviews conducted by the authors were successful, where they were able to

get a broader understanding about their participants on who you are, what they do, what they

have and what they value. The interviews had various types of participants‘ where some

participated enthusiastically and were very conversant while some needed to be prompted

heavily in order to obtain the required level of information. On the other hand, some of the

participants exceeded the required time period and some wanted to finish the interview as

soon as possible.

A digital recorder was used to record both the interviews and focus group discussions, while

the same discussion guide was used for both depth interviews and focus group discussions.

Most of the interviews were conducted in English, while some were done in Sinhala and one

was done in Tamil and the English discussion guide was used where the authors looked at it

and asked the questions in both Sinhala and Tamil. Most of the interviews and focus groups

were done as a solo effort while some were attended by both authors where one was the

moderator and the other was the observer. After completing all interviews and focus group

discussions the participants were thanked and a token of appreciation was provided to them.

The focus groups had a maximum of three participants and were scheduled for a time period

of 1 – 2 hours. All focus group discussions proved to be worthy while sometimes the authors

had to keep all participants on track with the relevant discussion topic. Further, the authors

had to ensure that all participants were providing proper answers which included proper

moderating. The answers provided in the focus group discussion also enabled the authors to

gain a broader understanding about their participants on who you are, what they do, what

they have and what they value. Unlike the depth interviews most of the focus groups were

conducted in Sinhala.

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Sekaran and Bougie, (2010, p. 181) mention where focus group sessions are aimed at

obtaining participants‘ impressions, interpretations and opinions while the members talk

about the event, concept, product or service. In this case, focus group discussions were useful

in talking about different concepts of the chosen study. The benefits of having focus group

discussions was where they were relatively inexpensive and provided a fair amount of

dependable data within a short time frame. The unstructured and spontaneous responses

generated from the focus group discussions reflected genuine opinions, ideas and feelings

about the topic of discussion which was of great use to the authors.

Further, when considering in-depth interviews Sekaran and Bougie, (2010, p. 196) mention

that unstructured interviews are usually constructed to obtain definite ideas about what is,

and is not important and relevant to particular problem situations. If explained further,

qualitative research can be considered as an unstructured approach of obtaining information.

Thus, the in-depth interviews held within qualitative research are unstructured. The benefit

generated to the authors was where they were able to understand the mental construct of the

participants, which enabled them to identify the overall patterns. This verified the existence

of both social classes as well as covered the required aspects. The qualitative approach was

very useful in identifying the significant similarities in addition to differences among the two

social classes.

Finally, when it came to analysis the authors did the transcription and the preparation of

content analysis by themselves. As mentioned by (Sekaran & Bougie, 2010, p. 370), the first

step of qualitative analysis came in hand which is known as data reduction and refers to the

process of selecting, coding, and categorizing data. The transcripts were typed based on the

discussion guide, where initially the relevant data was kept by removing unnecessary data.

Thereafter, the data within the transcripts were selected, categorized and coded under specific

headings.

After doing the first part of qualitative analysis the format of the content analysis was

prepared based on the discussion guide where the coded responses of the transcripts were

grouped based on their relevance to each topic covered within the discussion guide. In short

the tabular method that was used to analyse the data.

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This was similar to the process of data display as mentioned by (Sekaran & Bougie, 2010, p.

370). Data display refers to ways of presenting the data. It involves the selection of quotes, a

matrix, a graph, or a chart illustrating patterns in the data where it would help the researcher

to understand data. Consequently, the content analysis prepared by the authors was in a form

of a chart (table) and this analysis helped them to draw conclusions based on patterns within

the reduced set of data. This was followed by analysis and interpretation of the findings for

each of the four variables considered for this study.

For quantitative research too, the method of convenience sampling was used. A structured

questionnaire was used for data collection and an interview lasted between 45 minutes to one

hour. The participants were asked to provide answers on each of the four aspects covered in

this survey. The quantitative survey was conducted in Sinhala and in English based on the

preference of the respondent. The questionnaire was formulated in English and subsequently

translated in to Sinhala for data collection purposes.

Prior to meeting the participants in quantitative research an appointment was made with them

in order to get their fullest consent in having either a confidential interview with them for

about 45 minutes to one hour. Although the interviews were planned for a one hour period,

the time varied among the various participants, as the interviews held ranged from a

minimum of one hour to a maximum of two hours. This involved where the authors when

conducting the interviews had to sometimes explain certain questions in a detailed manner as

some participants were unable to understand the questions.

Due to a large number of participants the authors interviewed one hundred participants by

themselves and these individuals were present within the district of Colombo. However, the

remaining one hundred participants were outsourced to a panel of field executives who were

asked to conduct the interviews with participants from districts such as Gampaha and

Kaluthara.

Once data collection was complete it was analyzed using SPSS. Initially, as mentioned by

(Sekaran & Bougie, 2010), the data was coded, edited and entered within an Excel sheet.

Thereafter, the data was transferred to a SPSS package.

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The differences between the two groups were analysed using a two tailed significance testing

and a Mann Whitney U test analysis as appropriate. The data was then presented using tables

and graphs and was interpreted in relation to the original objectives set out.

3.8 Summary

The middle class Indian is characterized by possession and use of consumer goods,

communicating style, individuality, leisure enclaves and playing with fashion styles that were

not in reach previously (Mathur 2010, p. 212 - 213). Similarly the Sri Lankan middle class

consumer may be characterized based on who they are, what they have, what they do and

what they value. The authors have selected these measures as they appear to be the most

commonly used determinants in defining social classes. Each of these measures was further

broken down in to dimensions which captured and essence of each social class.

The main reason for choosing qualitative research was to obtain a detailed understanding of

both middle classes TMC 1 and TMC 2. Bradley, Curry, Devers, (2007) stated that in

qualitative research the data collected has to be derived from speech or observation and

attempts to understand the phenomenon of interest in terms of the meanings that people give

them. The qualitative research in this case served the purpose by bringing in in-depth views

of participants which would not have been identified in a quantitative survey. Qualitative

research was conducted in the form of depth interviews and focus group discussions. A total

of twenty depth interviews and six focus groups were conducted equally split amongst both

middle classes and included both genders.

Quantitative research was chosen because of having the benefit to cover a large number of

participants from Colombo, Kaluthara and Gampaha. The research was conducted with both

genders. The quantitative survey was carried out with 200 participants who were also equally

split among both middle classes. This method does not include probing, as probing is mainly

used in qualitative research to understand the mental construct of the participant/s in a

detailed manner. The participants chosen for the study were between the ages of 30 – 45 as

well as from both middle classes TMC 1 and 2.

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They were either Graduates or professionally qualified. Considering the levels of Income

varied amongst both classes, where the participants from TMC 1 had a personal income of

LKR 45,000 and above. On the other hand, the participants from TMC 2 had a personal

income between LKR 30,000 and LKR 45,000.

Considering qualitative research care was taken to choose participants as participants

belonging to TMC 1 had communicated in English for the past three generations with family

members, relatives, and friends in addition to the place of work. On the other hand,

participants belonging to TMC 2 differed from the former as they had communicated in their

Mother Tongue (Sinhala or Tamil) for the past three generations with family members,

relatives, and friends in addition to the place of work.

Regarding qualitative and quantitative research methodologies the authors chose the method

of convenience sampling. This method of Nonprobability sampling was used to ensure timely

completion of the focus groups and in depth interviews. For that reason, the participants for

the study were selected using personal contacts and snowballing covering a wide range of

industries and professions. Sekaran and Bougie, (2010, p. 298) show awareness of sampling

designs and sample sizes help managers to understand why a particular method of sampling

is used by researchers. It also facilitates understanding of the cost implications of different

designs, and the trade-off between precision and confidence vis-à-vis the costs.

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Chapter 4

DATA ANALYSIS AND FINDINGS – QUALITATIVE RESEARCH

4.1 Introduction

The following chapter includes the research findings that were gathered in the study of

―Profiling the Sri Lankan Traditional Middle Class Consumer‖ in terms of who they are,

what they have (own / possess), what they do (understanding their behavioural patterns) and

what they value. It was conducted among individuals aged 30 – 45 years and those who were

employed within the public sector as well as the private sector.

The authors have identified the lineage of these individuals as well, in order to project the

behavioural patterns which distinguish both TMC 1 and TMC 2 and thereby understand the

factors which make one class unique to the other. Further, the similarities and differences

have been mentioned where it is possible to understand the dominance of one middle class

over the other and how these two classes have been there present for more than 56 years.

TMC 1 refers to the westernized middle class who still retains their traditional values and

customs. For example, though the individuals would be opt to marry at a star class hotel as

opposed to their own homes; the attire worn by both the groom and bride could be of

traditional nature. Hence, it has to be noticed though TMC 1 is more towards western

orientation they do want to retain their traditional values and customs.

TMC 2 refers to the middle class who are more towards traditions and they are both impacted

and influenced by westernization. For example, this could be in communication, where they

might speak more in their mother language (Sinhala / Tamil) and yet they would be using ―Hi

and Bye‖ salutations. This situation has given rise to the postmodern consumer (Liyanage,

2009).

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4.2 Background of the Case

The study done was to examine whether there is a difference between the two traditional

middle classes. The research carried out was mainly in several broad phases. The first phase

focused on ―Who you are‖ which encompassed areas such as lineage, education, occupation

etc. The main emphasis was on getting a brief understanding about the participant/s in order

to understand how they position themselves and how they want to be.

Phase two was related to understanding ―What you do‖ and covers areas such as

consumption habits, leisure time activities, languages spoken, type of media used, and types

of music listened to, preference of telecommunication as well as shopping habits.

Phase three aimed on getting an understanding of what the participants possess i.e. ―What

you have‖. This mainly refers to the living conditions of participants, opinions of today‘s

transport and transport used, and about the ownership of durable items (furniture and

electronics).

The final phase was on ―What you value‖ and covers perceptions towards caste and social

class, religion versus philosophy, respecting elders and opinions about westernization.

4.3 Profile of the participants and methods used for the study

The profile of the participants who participated for the mini focus groups and in depth

interviews were as follows. Each focus group consisted of three individuals with three of the

focus groups being participants who belonged to TMC 1 and the balance being participants

who belonged to TMC 2. Further, the participants who participated for each group were

selected based on the target group defined in the previous section. Care was taken to ensure

that all ethnic groups and a variety of age groups were represented. In addition to the TMC 1

groups which consisted of private sector employees a wide coverage of careers which

included those in teaching, finance and self-employment were considered. For the TMC 2

groups as well, coverage of different types of government employees were selected from

varying management categories.

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4.3.1 Methods used to conduct research

A majority of depth interviews were conducted with both authors being present as this helped

to establish a rapport and motivate the participants (Sekaran & Bougie, 2010, p. 212). For

example, after having a rapport the participants were willing to divulge and provide

supportive information which had helped both authors in order to understand whether the

interviews conducted were on the right path and direction. Further, after having established

higher trust levels some of the participants provided rich information that was relevant to the

characteristics and definitions given for both middle classes under the literature review.

Finally, by having personal interviews brought both the moderator and respondent closer

which enabled to clarify questions, clear doubts and ask new questions. However, the

limitations were where some of the participants needed to be prompted properly to get

information out of them; they took a long time in order to answer certain sections and did not

divulge confidential information such as wages.

E.g. – When questioned about living conditions about the type of house, a participant from

TMC 1 gave a description of the house as well as the lineage which was very helpful for both

authors.

‗…. But during my grandfather‘s time of course there wasn‘t a need to pay for electricity

as he was living a luxurious life. We have a magazine at home that was published when

Queen Elizabeth visited Sri Lanka and in that magazine they have taken the well known

families in Sri Lanka and my grandfather‘s family was also there…… even when our

home was built there was no power on the road, but we had power in our house and the

designs of house were done by English architects.‘

A less amount of focus groups were used when compared to depth interviews as its high time

consuming and in certain instances there were lacking of homogeneity. The advantages of

having focus groups was first it enabled the interviewers to have an interactive conversation,

second to obtain information from various dimensions and at last of having a rapport with

three individuals at the same time.

E.g. –When questioned about friendship from a FGD of TMC 1 the following bits of

information came out.

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Participant 1 – ‗I have one very close friend whom I visit often. In addition I have other

friends as well…..Yes. My joys sorrows everything can be shared with them. They are

there for you because they want to be there, not because they have to – like relations.‘

Participant 2 – ‗I associate with all people possible. But don‘t have a best friend as such.

… Not so important. I try to lead my life as best I can. That is all that matters….They

will know all your secrets so you must be careful.‘

Participant 3 – ‗I of course have a gang of friends mainly mothers from my kids school

where we do everything together. I associate with them very closely…….They are

important to me….Any issue I have I can share with them. It is nice for a change to be

away from family as well. ....But you must always be careful. Friends can make or break

you.‘

4.4 Findings from Qualitative Research

4.4.1 Who you are

In this section areas relating to who the participants is, is covered. Based on Liyanage (2009)

TMC 1 refers to the pre – 1956 intelligentsia, who was part of the ruling classes and were

heavily involved in administration. Liyanage states that ―TMC 1 is the ideologies which gave

the pivotal intellectual momentum to society. These ideologies were actively propagated

through the mass media which was at their command. TMC 1 belonged to an upper middle

class which was bilingual, and at its upper end, cosmopolitan and markedly western

oriented.‖

Based on the definition of Liyanage, TMC 2 refers to the class of people who are the

products of Free Education. They are mainly monolingual and are employed in the state

sector. They identify themselves with the general public in a sense and are clearly rooted in

the soil. Liyanage states that ―Management / administrative cadres in the public sector,

school principals, teachers and university academia, and professionals solely engaged in the

public sector are principal actors of the TMC 2. This group is relatively traditional in its

orientation and considers heritage and occupation as key determinants of one‘s status in

society. They are exposed to Western life styles and behaviours, but are not avid followers of

them‖.

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4.4.1.1 Self-Description

When questioned about who they are, it was noted that among both TMC 1 and TMC 2

participants, females provided a self-description in relation to their families while male

participants provided a generic description. .

‗I am a good obedient daughter. I have a lot of friends. I am always laughing. That is

how I see myself.‘ (FGD3 – TMC - 1.3 N) - Female participant

‗I am a good mother. A good wife. I am a hard working person. I have goals in my life

and I work hard to achieve them. (FGD6 – TMC - 2.3 P) – Female participant

‗I am also a friendly person. I have many friends. I enjoy life a lot. That is important to

me‘ (FDG5 – TMC - 2.2 M) – Male participant

‗I can say that I am now very confident and independent‘ (TMC - 2- 2.2 - Dr. P) Male

participant

It was also noted that most of the TMC 2 participants highlighted their achievements in

education or profession as part of who they are while almost all TMC 1 participants defined

themselves through personality traits.

‗I would not say confident as I am a quiet person who keeps everything within me and I

am independent. I try to make my decisions by myself as within the work environment

too I will have to take decisions on my own. More or less I am a self-made and an

independent person. ‗(TMC - 1 - 1.1 – A)

‗If I describe myself by profession I am a doctor, I have an additional qualification

which is Mphil. And I have another Indian qualification which is a diploma in

anaesthesia‘ (TMC - 2 - 2.1 - Dr. S)

According to the book ―Nobodies to Somebodies by (Jayawardena, 2000), addresses the

evolution of the upper middle class in Sri Lanka mainly during the late 19th century, where

they had access to higher education within Indian and British Universities thus producing a

group of elite professionals over the other classes prevailing in Sri Lanka. Also the author

mentions in how these professionals adopted the Western culture and lifestyles within their

culture and lifestyles. Therefore this class i.e. TMC 1 can be expected to be more self-assured

with a sense of entitlement, therefore not finding a need to justify their social standing unlike

the participants of TMC 2 who would be trying to establish their social standing by

highlighting their personal achievements.

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4.4.1.2 Importance of friends

When considering the importance placed on friends, it is the participants of TMC 2 who have

a higher value placed on friendship as opposed to the participants of TMC 1, as they are more

cautious in selecting friends. In addition the participants of TMC 2 have mentioned that

friends are to be used in order to create connections and improve social status which was not

a sentiment highlighted by the participants of TMC 1.

‗I associate with them very closely…….They are important to me….Any issue I have I

can share with them. It is nice for a change to be away from family as well. ....But you

must always be careful. Friends can make or break you.‘ (FGD -1 - TMC1.1 - S)

‗I of course have got a lot of trustworthy friends and most of my friends have only

helped me. A high level of bonding is maintained with friends.‘ (TMC - 2- 2.2 - Dr. P)

‗Yes. I also think so. When you go somewhere do get something done and if you have

friends who you know, it is easier. They will recommend you. That is how all these big

people get around. They have friends in high places.‘ (FGD4 – TMC - 2.1R)

4.4.1.3 Perception of others

There were no notable similarities or differences in how participants felt that they were

perceived by others. However on the importance of the right type of perception it was noted

that many of the TMC 1 participants felt that the manner in which others perceived them was

important while majority of the TMC 2 participants felt it was not so. In this light TMC1

participants seem to be more concerned by their outward appearances and perception as it has

a bearing on perceived social class, status and family. On the other hand, the participants of

TMC 2 were more inward in thinking that righteousness within was more important than

what is perceived.

‗Yes. When we are living in society it is very important how others see you. It

matters...It matters to my children. If they see me as a bad person it will look bad on my

children. Same with my husband. If I am seen in a bad light it is not good for him either.

So it matters.‘ (FGD3TMC1.3T)

‗It doesn‘t matter. People who want to say bad things will always say bad things‘ (FDG5

– TMC - 2.2M)

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Mathur (2010 p 220) states that today people commonly engage in an unprecedented level of

conspicuous consumption and self-display. Her work states that artificial display of one‘s

body and lifestyle regulates social relationships more than anything else that would have

been considered previously. In this light it is clear that TMC 1 fall in to this group of

consumers to whom it matters how society sees them as opposed to TMC 2, who are ignorant

of this fact.

4.4.1.4 Family and lineage

When considering the type of family there was a mix of both nuclear and joint families

among both TMC 1 and TMC 2 participants. On lineage too there was a mix of pre 1956 and

post 1956 parents in both groups. However it could be noted that TMC 1 participants‘ parents

did mainly come from higher level public services such as Ministry Sectaries, SSPs in the

Police, Post Masters, and Engineers. Many of the TMC 2 participants‘ parents were from a

slightly lower level in government services such as Police Officers, Teachers, employees in

the postal services department etc.

‗He was a secretary in the Ministry (product of free education) Mother - She was a

product of free education and she was basically into the library side and my mother‘s

mother was not a graduate and she was a housewife.‘ (TMC - 2 - 2.1 - Dr. S)

‗My father was in the government service and he has retired from it now. He was a

dispenser and my mother is a housewife. My father‘s father and my mother‘s father were

both farmers and both my grandmothers were housewives.‘ (TMC - 2- 2.2 - Dr. P)

In terms of languages spoken at home and outside, both TMC 1 and TMC 2 participants

mainly spoke in their mother tongue at home. The participants of TMC 1 also mentioned that

depending on the situation they would change the language spoken in to mother language or

English or a mix of both as appropriate. However the participants of TMC 2 said that their

knowledge of English was not up to a level where they could confidently speak in English

anywhere and this was with the exception of a few highly educated TMC 2 participants.

Therefore, the participants of TMC 2 would include English words to change the language

spoken, from mother language to a mix.

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‗I mainly speak in Sinhala but my kids speak a mix, a lot more English than what I

would use. So when I speak with them I too end up mixing the two languages

sometimes. But with everyone else at home I speak in Sinhala. It depends on where you

are. Where it is required we will speak in English. I have seen that in my kids as well.

When they are among friends they tend to speak in English a lot more.‘ (FGD 1 – TMC

1.1 - S)

‗In Sinhala at both places. Like Eranga I also use some English words here and there.

But I don‘t full speak in English.‘ (FDG5 – TMC 2.2 - M)

The definition of TMC 1 by (Liyanage, 2003) states that the individuals belonging to TMC 1,

were Western orientated, bilingual and were produced through the schools and the

universities, the ideologies, which gave them pivotal intellectual momentum to society. He

also states that TMC 2 comprises of individuals who clearly rooted in the soil and identified

itself with the generality of the people. Management and administrative cadres in the public

sector, school principals, teachers and university academia, and professionals solely engaged

within the public sector came under TMC 2. This group is relatively traditional in

maintaining its orientation where it emphasizes on heritage and occupation of one‘s key

determinants in society. This differentiation is clearly seen in terms of the languages spoken

by the two groups.

4.4. 2 What you do

This section covers the habits of the TMC 1 and TMC 2 social classes. Liyanage, 2009 states

the post‐modernist tendencies that are unfolding at present have the potential to become a

megatrend that will markedly affect all sectors and classes of the Sri Lankan society.

Postmodernist and consumerist tendencies have to date, and will in the future, impact

different SEC groupings and urban‐rural segments differently. Importantly, it is the challenge

of the marketer to discuss the varying impacts of postmodernism on disparate market

segments over time.

TMC 1, on one hand becomes more westernized in some respects, while on the other,

retaining some traditional values and customs. For instance, the emergence of the western

bridal gown rather than the bridal sari, one would typically witness in a western wedding, is

contrasted with the traditional customs such as the poruwa ceremony and the worshiping of

parents by the bride and the bridegroom at the wedding.

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While TMC 2 is also impacted by postmodernist tendencies, they are likely to be influenced

by the force of westernization, one facet of the postmodern consumer. For instance, the

Sinhala/Tamil speaking young consumer will without any inhibition greet his friends with the

western salutations such as ―Hi and bye‖! The tendency to incorporate more of these western

forms and expressions seems inevitable in the wake of the unfolding currents of

postmodernism.

4.4.2.1 Consumption habits

The authors found no major differences in consumption of types of food among the

participants of TMC 1 and TMC 2. There were vegetarians and non-vegetarians found across

both groups. The changes were mainly based on religion with most being Buddhists and

Hindus not consuming Beef, Muslims not consuming Pork while Christians consumed all

meat items.

When it comes to food preference, most of the participants prefer non vegetarian food and it

is the same for both middle classes.

‗I am in between (vegetarian and non vegetarian) but the rest of the family is very

carnivorous (except beef) so there is no choice.‘ (TMC 1 – 1.1 – A)

‗I like being a non vegetarian and I can never be a vegetarian. I am not saying being a

vegetarian is bad because I really love seafood. I mainly take sea food, I eat chicken too

and I have tasted mutton and pork. I do not take beef.‘ (TMC 2-2.1 – Dr. S)

Regardless of the social class they belonged to all participants have their main meals from

home except on special occasions. In addition to this, both groups expressed interest in

consuming food outside of home to add variety and to satisfy the requirements of children.

‗Homemade food and I like foods that are green, less oily and the nutrients should be in

them and I am very particular on those. Three main meals are taken.‘ (TMC 1 – 1.1 – A)

‗My children prefer fast food especially from Mc. Donald‘s, KFC and Pizza Hut. But my

husband and I like homemade food.‘(TMC 1 – 1.1 – A)

‗I prefer homemade food as I can get the taste preferred at home and three main meals.‘

(TMC 2-2.1 – Dr. S)

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4.4.2.2 Listening to music

On the types of music listened to it was identified that many of the TMC 1 participants had a

liking towards English music with a higher taste towards slow, jazz and pop music. A

marked dislike towards hard rock and metal type genres were mentioned. In addition to these

they also preferred local artists from the 70‘s and 80‘s and modern artists who mimic the

music of that era. Again a clear dislike towards newer music of local artists was seen.

‗I don‘t select and play, I just play the music that is available and that is mainly from

Yes fm. We do not watch or listen to music from the TV because you get this horrid

songs and stuff and with children it is impossible to watch and listen. So we have

blocked all the music channels that are on cable.‘ (TMC 1 – 1.1 – A)

‗Jazz music and to 70‘s and 80‘s music ‗(TMC 1 – 1.2 – R)

‗I feel the same way. The newer music is just more noise. Very few proper artists are

there. ‗(FGD3 – TMC 1.3 - T)

The TMC 2 group of participants mainly listen to Sinhala or Tamil music; the Sinhalese

participants preferred the old types of music with the old artists like Nandamali, Jothipla etc.

and with the emergence of new artists like Bathiya and Santhush and Shihan Mihiranga etc.

There is a certain amount of population who prefers to listen to their music. The Tamils

mainly prefer the old artists (Indian based - S.P. Balasubramaniyam, Mano, Janaki, A. H.

Rahman etc) when it comes to listening to music and karnatic music was one of their choices.

Even the participants of TMC 2 listen to English music and named of few singers like

Michael Jackson, Mark Anthony etc. However, the participants who mentioned these artists

were either young or in higher levels of professional categories.

‗I also like Jothi Pala‘s songs. Not others. ...‘ (FGD4 – TMC 2.1 - D)

‗I listen to songs by Nanda Malani. I like her songs. …‘ (FGD4 – TMC 2.1 - T)

‗I like instrumental music like Karnatic music, because by listening to that music alone

gives you some kind of mental satisfaction and I do not have any favourite singers as

such.‘ (TMC 2 – 2.1 – Dr. S)

‗When it comes to singers I mainly listen to the songs of S. P. Balasubramaniyam,

Mano, and Janaki and when it comes to Tamil music there are famous singers who are

only from India. ……... I listen to English songs that are sung or composed by Mark

Anthony, Michael Jackson and so on.‘(TMC 2 – 2.2 – Dr. P).

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The preference of food and music points in the direction of the post-modern consumer.

Liyanage (2010 p17) states that the symbol of the postmodern consumer is a youth clad in

jeans having a thick and showy symbol of religiousness and tradition by wearing ‗pirithnool‘.

He also refers to the mega television shows which imitate American Idol where the setting is

western but the songs sung are inherently local and more than that, traditional and classical.

This is seen in the above findings as well with the food and musical preferences of even the

western oriented TMC 1 pointing to a traditional direction.

4.4.2.3 Media preferred

In most cases either in TMC 1 and TMC 2 TV was the preferred media of choice. There was

an overlap between the participants TMC 1 and TMC 2 on the preferred media channels.

Most of them mentioned local channels but a higher number of participants from TMC 1 also

seemed to prefer Pay TV channels which were not mentioned by the participants of TMC 2.

‗In TV we use to watch Fox Traveller, National Geography, and Discovery, Star world

star movies, CNN, and Cartoon Network. They are mostly cable based and I also watch

cartoons.‘ (TMC 1 – 1.1 – A)

‗There aren‘t any favourite TV channels or radio stations, whichever channels have news

are my favourite channels. It can be CNN, BBC, and Sun TV News etc.‘ (TMC 2 – 2.1 –

Dr. S)

‗I mainly watch news and entertainment programmes. For news it is mainly on BBC.

………. when it comes to documentary channels, it is mainly Discovery and when it

comes to entertainment it is mainly Sun TV. My wife mainly watches Vijay TV.

Preferred channels - It is mainly Sun TV and Mega TV and when it comes to

entertainment it is Sun TV‘ (TMC 2 – 2.2 – Dr. P).

4.4.2.4 Telecommunication

When it comes to telecommunication most of the participants belonging to TMC 1 and 2

prefer modern media which is mobile phone. Considering social media facebook, linked in

and Skype are mentioned. Certain participants from both TMC 1 and 2 prefer facebook and

some do not because due to privacy based issues. Skype is preferred to a greater extent

because it is cost efficiency when it comes to using.

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‗Modern telecommunication such as mobile phones and I am not a heavy user of mobile

phones, it is somewhat that I depend on. I use it for communication and if you have a

smart phone, you have Internet, calendar, alarm, and you can basically organize what

you want and I use a smart phone.‘ (TMC 1-1.1- A)

‗Modern telecommunication and most of the time I am with my mobile phone and

Internet. I mainly use internet during the off time. …….. I use facebook and Skype and I

have an account with LinkedIn but I do not use it very much. I use facebook every day. I

am on Skype too but most of the time I am on facebook (a normal phone is used).‘(TMC

2 – 2.2 – Dr. P).

‗Mine is a galaxy...No. I only use calls and SMS...I use email. Not much of internet.

That is it. No other services….Only when I am on the move. If I am at work or at home I

use the laptop, but when on the move I use this.‘ (FGD – 3 – TMC 1.3 - N)

Mathur (2010 p 219) states that the urban Indian landscape is lined with hoardings of

international brands and the body is lined with the latest fashion and the latest mobile phones.

This is indicated in the above finding as well where TMC 1 is more technologically

conversant. This can also be an outcome of the higher disposable income of the TMC 1

participants who due to their income and social standing are more exposed to technology and

their applications when compared to the participants of TMC 2.

4.4.2.5 Spending Leisure time / Hobbies

When it came to spending time most of the participants who were married either in TMC 1 or

TMC 2 were keen on spending time with the family. While among unmarried participants in

both middle classes it was spending time with close friends.

‗I go out with my wife mainly, even if it has to be hotels or whatever, sometimes it

would be friends and sometimes it would be alone.‘ (TMC 2 - 2.1 -Dr. S)

‗Spending time on weekdays, weekends and on holidays - On weekdays we come home

and sit with the children and watch TV while having meals. On weekends the kids have

classes so I have to drop and pick them up and I would also go shopping with them. On

holidays we would go on a trip or so. Preferred mode of spending time -Spending time

with my family by doing stuff together like playing and by just talking.‘ (TMC 1- 1.1 –

A)

‗I go to the pool with my friends. I go online to Facebook. If the whole crowd is there

then we go to Parliament grounds those days or the Koswatte grounds now to play

cricket.‘ (FDG 5 – TMC - 2.2M)

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In this case it is clear that both classes engage in some form of leisure activity. This is typical

of the new middle class consumer. Mathur (2010 p.227) states that the new middle class is

more cosmopolitan in its consumption and outlook and demand leisure activities related to

tourism and hospitality. In the Sri Lankan context too, both TMC 1 and TMC 2 seem to be

engaged in leisure enclaves. However the extent to which each class engages in leisure

cannot be confirmed based on these findings.

4.4.2.6 Shopping habits

Most of the participants both from TMC 1 and 2 prefer to purchase either from supermarkets,

co-operative stores or from the open markets. Purchasing from normal shops or boutiques

has become less.

‗If it is a packaged product then it would be the supermarket and if it is fruits or

vegetables then it would be the pola. ‘ (TMC 1 – 1.1 – A)

‗Nowadays we mainly shop at the supermarket. For example, when we go to a normal

shop we wouldn‘t buy all things and sometimes we forget to buy essential things like a

shaving razor and so on. But in a supermarket when we shop we can remember to

purchase all things as all items are present within our vicinity……. Sometimes when you

have to purchase fruits and vegetables in kilos then you need to purchase them in the

open market as it is impossible to purchase vegetables and fruits in huge quantities at the

supermarket.‘ (TMC 2 – 2.1 – Dr. S)

4.4.3 What you have

In this section three main areas were focused on, namely living conditions, transportation and

ownership of durables. Gronhaug and Trapp identified that social class and income

influences buying behaviour. In the Sri Lankan context, Liyanage highlights that status and

individuality are increasingly being defined on material possessions as opposed to social

position. This is also shown by the increasing usage of mobile phones which has now risen to

over 18 million connections for a country having a population of 20 million

(Telecommunication Regulations Commission Sri Lanka).

The scurry among the lower social classes to become part of those who have a ‗good life‘ is

also seen in the phenomenal growth of the durable market which has further been aided by

declining prices and purchase schemes which cater to those who are unable to make a large

down payment. Liyanage also highlights that the shift in thinking among the lower classes in

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to wanting to belong to a higher class is clearly shown in the changes that have taken place in

cinema hall seating where the gallery seats have largely disappeared. In addition large

volumes of personal care products are being purchase to boost the appearance and image of

the middle classes especially the youth which has resulted in the personal care category

accounting for 18% of the total FMCG market value as at 2009 (AC Nielsen).

With this background the authors aimed to obtain an understanding of the durable ownership

and consumption patterns of the middle class consumers.

4.4.3.1 Living Conditions

It is clear that both classes focus on the importance of keeping a home neat and clean. The

idea that the home must be a place where there is peace of mind was spoken of by nearly all

participants regardless of the class that they belonged to.

‗I don‘t think it (the size and location of the home) is important as long as you keep your

place nice and clean that is all that matters…‘ (FGD 4 – TMC 2.1 - T)

‗Where ever you live it must be a place that offers peace of mind. It is not to bring

everything you see and have it in your home. Even a little can be kept nicely……If you

take government servants for instance they may have to move from place to place to

quarters. From that you can‘t decide their class. But once you go inside from ……..even

the quarters… how they are keeping it, based on that you can decide what type of people

they are‘ (FGD 3 - TMC 1.3 - T)

While this similarity did exist, there seems to be a difference in the perception of how the

home ought to be. TMC 1 focuses more on continuous maintenance with a focus on utility, a

sense of class and personality while the participants of TMC 2 want their homes to appear up

to date and stylish. This difference was seen among most groups and individuals.

‗Some people clutter it with everything they can afford. Then it loses its style and

calmness....‘ (FGD 3 – TMC 1.3 - NP)

‗I like it to be a tactical home and be clutter free with minimal stuff. If you look at the

furniture, they should have the look and feel, must be comfortable, and maintenance

should be minimal‘ (TMC 1 - I.1 – A)

‗The home should be trendy. Because in our culture we buy whatever we want and in

our case I along with my wife took a decision to purchase tailor made furniture. We

purchased the furniture after buying the house.‘ (TMC 2 - 2.1 - Dr. S)

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‗The home should be a decent home but a bit stylish and spacious.‘ (TMC - 2- 2.2 - Dr.

P)

Usage of utilities depended largely on the location and not on the social class of the

participant. The authors found that participants who lived in more urban and town areas with

limited garden space opted for public water supply as did participants who lived on flats.

This was similar across both social classes.

‗I live on rent. We don‘t have our own house…. The house that we are living in right

now has a public water supply which is what we use‘. (FDG 1 – TMC 1.1 D)

‗Yes we pay for both water and electricity in Colombo as well as Jaffna. In Jaffna we

mainly use well water and we have a connection through the Municipality Council

which we have to pay‘ (TMC 2 - 2.1 - Dr. S)

‗I am still unmarried so I live with my parents. It is their own house… we have a

garden…. We also have a well in it. .‘ (FGD 3 – TMC 1.3 - N)

4.4.3.2 Transportation

There was no marked difference in the usage of transportation. The authors encountered

participants from both social classes who had more than one vehicle and had different types

of vehicles as well. Further, type of ownership did not show marked differences among the

two groups with both TMC1 and TMC 2 participants having leases or loans commonly.

‗I don‘t have my own vehicle. When my husband is there I go with him. Other times I

use a trishaw. If I am going on my own I take the bus. But for work I go with my

husband in the car‘ (FGD 1 – TMC 1.1 J)

‗My father has a bike. He drops us to the town in that. From there I take the bus. We also

have a van. Sometimes if the whole family is going, then we take the van.‘ (FGD 5 –

TMC 2.2 - E)

However all TMC 1 participants who were interviewed had at least one vehicle where as

several TMC 2 participants did not have any form of self-owned transportation. The

aspiration to purchase a vehicle and in particular a four wheeled vehicle was seen among

several of these TMC 2 participants. This indicates that cars and other four wheel vehicles

are seen as aspirational modes of transport by TMC 2.

‗My dream is to buy my on vehicle. I don‘t have one yet. So we go by bus. Sometimes

by Trishaw. If it is nearby then I walk…‘ (FGD 5 – TMC 2.2 - P)

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‗My husband has a three wheeler, we go in that. What we would like is also to move

from 3 wheels to 4 someday‘ (FGD 4 – TMC 2.1 - T)

Another observation by the authors when conducting the interviews was the manner in which

the participants of TMC 1 spoke of their vehicle ownership. The tone in their voices signified

a sense of pride and many were quick to mention the brand of vehicle without prompting.

Many of the participants of TMC 2 used words and body language that seemed to imply that

they felt of a lower status due to the lack of a vehicle of their own.

4.4.3.3 Ownership of durables

Types of durables owned were not markedly different in the qualitative discussions. However

there was a difference in the perception towards replacement of consumer electronics and

durables.

The participants of TMC 1 spoke about the social pressure that causes them to purchase

durable items which are newer or have more features in order to uphold their social status.

Some of them did mention that many of the older brands and products were of a better

quality than the newer ones but yet opted to purchase the newer ones in order to maintain

social status.

‗No, I think there is a certain kind of pressure when these latest versions come and they

create a pressure. For example, when concerning flat screen televisions, you need not

necessarily purchase them but that need was created artificially and we end up in buying

them. Even when concerning tangible benefits there isn‘t much. It is like only the

aesthetic look and feel where it is a nice thing and etc.‘ (TMC 1 - I.1 – A)

This differed from the participants of TMC 2 who mainly sought utility and practicality. If

the utility of the newer version was higher they would opt for it, however if there was no

marked utility improvement then they were willing to manage with the current product. This

was mainly due to the necessity to balance the various consumption requirements. The

participants of TMC 2 clearly stated that the consumption of one item would impact another

hence a trade-off always had to be considered.

‗For example, if a new version of a fridge comes …… (And it is) going to give you

some benefits then you should replace it with the older version. Other than that it isn‘t

really necessary to replace electronics just because a new version has emerged….having

purchased this if a newer version arrives, you cannot give up the first version as you

have bought it……..For example, I could have purchased a Benz …….and pay one and

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a half lacks per month but at the same time I also need to consume something, so if you

have a salary of one lack you should purchase a car that can facilitate your salary.‘

(TMC 2 - 2.1 - Dr. S)

These indicate that TMC 1 participants are more conscious of upholding their social status as

opposed to the participants of TMC 2 who showed ignorance towards the perception of

others at most times and also strongly mentioned that people should not and cannot be judged

based on their ownership of material items, a fact that came out among the participants of

TMC 1 only upon probing.

‗I think the same as well...I don‘t care what people think of me. I am doing the best I

can. That is enough‘ (FGD 4 – TMC - 2.1D)

‗I think so too. People first judge someone based on the outer appearance. But

sometimes when you start talking to them you realize that they are not good people

inside. However, society doesn‘t care about that. As long as you can maintain your

appearance you will be treated better than someone who can‘t.‘ (FGD 6 – TMC - 2.3 P)

Overall consumption points out clear difference between the two groups. The participants of

TMC 1 having a higher disposable income are obviously able to afford better living

conditions and durables while having better modes of transportation when compared to the

participants of TMC 2. In addition it also highlights the value placed on consumption and the

bearing that consumption has on social class. Mathur (2010, p. 227) states that in the Indian

context, the middle class consumer sees the patterns of conspicuous consumption as a key

indicator of social class and identification. TMC 1 is far ahead on the road of consumption in

attempting to ensure the maintenance of their social standing while TMC 2 is in pursuit.

4.4.4 What you value

In this study values were looked at in terms of views on caste and class, religious beliefs,

centrality of family and views on westernization.

Saavala (cited by Mathur 2010, p. 227) mentions that much of the middle class in India have

their roots in the working class and have seen an upward mobility in terms of social status. In

this context Mathur (2010, p. 227) also mentions that individuals seek to distinguish

themselves from others based on an display of envious ownerships that at times precedes the

allegiance to general welfare and national pride.

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In Sri Lanka however a concept of the mod-tradi consumer has been identified by Liyanage

where consumers while being outwardly modern are traditional inside. Despite this inward

traditional nature Liyanage also points out that TMC 1 individuals would still discriminate

TMC 2 individuals as ‗godayas‘. In his findings Liyanage argues that the forces of

traditionalization are ever present in the food consumed where emphasis is given to culinary

skills, dress where the upper classes enjoy being class in traditional outfits and even in the

preference of music where traditional artists are preferred.

Religion also plays a key role in the life of many youth which was identified by the National

youth survey in 2002 where 80% of youth considered themselves as being religious and 93%

of them participated daily in religious activities.

4.4.4.1 Views on caste

The initial reaction from both participants of TMC 1 and TMC 2 when asked about class was

that it is a concept that is not considered. The exception to this was the Tamil participants

where caste was spoken of immediately and both Bhurger participants who were mainly

Christians as well as Muslim participants did not consider the practice at all.

‗Caste and class are considered especially in social behaviour like marriages and you

will have to decide on that. For example, if you are a Palan which is from the lower caste

and by having very good behavioural patterns you can match certain criteria but not all

as when it comes to marriage it would be important as it is still prevalent and this is

mainly because of a long term bond and on association and etc.‘ (TMC 2 - 2.1 - Dr. S)

(Tamil)

‗I think both class and caste are irrelevant and irrational as I teach human rights and I

believe in human rights as God created everyone equally. The main reason for caste and

class is because of having powers as well as being insecure and based on these you say

that people belong to different classes like upper, middle and low and castes like

Brahmins, Kings, Merchants, Aristocrats, Farmers and Labour. What I say is that both

caste and class should not be there in global terms. However, considering social class in

economic terms cannot be avoided. Even when considering social class for marriage is

irrelevant because if the parties who are to get married are having a strong understanding

between them then whatever others say would not cause a hindrance to them as it is their

life where they will have to make their own decisions. It is better for the marital party to

live separately from the others who are causing unwanted hindrances or troubles to

them‘. (TMC 2 – 2.10 – MH) (Muslim)

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The participants of TMC 2 mainly felt that the cast system was an aspect of a bygone era and

limited to the Kandy district or rural locations. Initially the participants of TMC 1 also bore

the same thoughts.

‗It is not there so much. For example if you are sick and the doctor you go to is of a low

caste, you will not refrain from drinking the medicine he gives.‘ (FGD – 6 – TMC 2.3 -

P)

‗No. I don‘t think people look in to that anymore. I think Buddhists must be. But we

don‘t.‘ (FGD – 2 – TMC 1.2 - S) (Bhurger)

‗No. I think Tamils look in to that and Kandians also. But others don‘t‘ (FGD – 3 –

TMC 1.1 - J)

‗That is ignorance and human beings are human beings. Everybody is different due to

their cultures, but there is only one truth and peace and love cannot be divided.‘ (TMC -

1- 1.2 – R)

However upon probing it was clear that all TMC 1 participants (with the exception of

Bhurgers) would consider caste as a key determinant in marriage. Several felt that it was their

duty as parents to ensure that their children would receive the same respect that they did and

being married to a person of similar caste was a key component of that.

‗Even their in-laws may treat them differently because of caste. That will create issues

for them. So it is our duty to make sure that they marry someone that is suitable‘ (FGD 3

– TMC - 1.3 - T)

‗That is an issue that should start and end at home. Parents mustn‘t let their kids marry

people from, lower castes. If they do, in the end the children and their children's children

will suffer.‘ (FGD – 3 TMC 1.3 - NP)

This indicates that although at surface level caste issues are not prominent and not largely

considered (except among the Tamil community) underlying discriminations still exist which

is the probable cause; for parents thinking that failure to marry within caste would result in

lowering or respect.

4.4.4.2 Views on class

Social class is perceived differently by TMC 1 and TMC 2. Both groups agreed that such a

concept exists in their communities and that they have seen discrimination based on social

class.

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‗I think in class there is a demarcation whether you like it or not and sometimes I would

want to say that I belong to this class and I would not want to be prejudiced because

someone is lower and it is there in an unconscious level.‘ (TMC 1 - I.1 – A)

‗Where ever you look you can see that there is a class difference…‘ (FGD – 2 – TMC

1.2 - L)

However both participants of TMC 1 and TMC 2 indicated that regardless of the social class

that a person belongs to, he or she should be treated equally.

‗Yes they exist definitely….Of course. …. Exactly. No matter how much class you may

have if you ill-treat people then there is no point…..‘ (FGD 2 – TMC - 1.2 - T)

The reason for this necessity as seen by the participants of TMC 2 was mainly that all human

beings are equal and deserve equal opportunities.

However the reason given by many TMC 1 participants was that when living in society you

need the assistance of all social classes and therefore must treat them equally. This indicates

that for TMC 1, the respect shown towards other classes is based more on necessity than

actual compassion. Further, some of the well to do off TMC 2 participants also had a similar

thought within them.

‗That is true. No matter how poor someone is or if they are from a lower class we might

need their help for something or other. And we must always treat them with respect.‘

(FGD1 – TMC 1.1 - S)

‗It is first important to first look in the human quality and later we can decide on the

individual things. Other than that there is nothing in caste and class, because whether

you are Buddhist or Muslim or any other you are still a human being and you have to

take the good things.‘ (TMC 2 - 2.1 - Dr. S)

When discussing the occasions when class is considered, both TMC 1 and TMC 2

participants mentioned marriage. Both groups sated that it is not a joining of two individuals

but of two families in a long term relationship and being of similar classes would lessen

problems.

‗Yes. And you can see it in their behaviour as well. The people from the lower class will

seem out of place….You don‘t only marry the person you marry in to their family.‘

(FGD – 2 – TMC - 1.2 - S)

‗Not only for us, even for our children. If we don‘t marry someone of a same class, then

our children also will not be able to move with our families and go ahead in life‘ (FGD -

3 – TMC - 1.3 - T)

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‗….considered especially in social behaviour like marriages and you will have to decide

on that. ….you can match certain criteria but not all, as when it comes to marriage it

would be important as it is still prevalent and this is mainly because of a long term bond

and on association and etc.‘ (TMC 2 - 2.1 - Dr. S)

In addition both groups mentioned that in any situation it is easier for individuals of higher

classes to move about in society and have their needs fulfilled. Many participants of TMC2

spoke with animosity on this point and had strong opinions indicating an underlying clash of

classes that is not displayed at the surface.

‗.because any person would naturally try to help an equal first before they move down.

They will be a contacts..Someone‘s friend or classmate. Therefore, you want to help

them first. The person who has none of that will find it difficult.‘ (FGD 2 – TMC 1.2 -

T)

‗Yes yes, Even if someone from poor areas is educated they won‘t get an opportunity to

go up the ladder. The rich will somehow find a way to put them down.‘ (FGD – 4 –

TMC - 2.1D)

The definition of class was also different among the two groups. The participants of TMC 2

mainly defined class based on the amount of money, the designation held at work, ability to

speak English and education. They clearly saw education as a means of moving up the social

ladder. In contrast the participants of TMC 1 saw additional aspects such as family

background, personality and outward appearance as also being key determinants of class.

‗People think class is money. But it is not. It is also how you behave. Your

personality…..Even your manners. It is not only the money that counts…..People who

know me will know. But others won‘t…..Of course. I don‘t want them to think that I

don‘t have class….Because I have class.‘ (FGD 2 - TMC1.1 - J)

‗It depends on the amount of money, vehicles and material things that you have. If you

don‘t have to bend to anyone to get anything done, then you are considered of a high

class.‘ (FGD 5 – TMC - 2.2 - P)

Another interesting observation was the link between the preferred television programmes

and social class. When discussing the preference towards tele-dramas, the participants of

TMC 2 mentioned the fairy tale like nature of the tele-dramas that they preferred. These

showed the union between two members of different social classes ending in happiness and

resulting in the upward social mobility of one character. It appears that these tele-dramas are

indeed catering to an underlying need for upward social mobility in circumstances where it

seems impossible.

84

‗No not like that. The storyline is nice. The poor girl wins the love of a rich boyfriend so

it‘s like a fairy tale to us. So I like to watch it.‘ (FGD – 4 TMC 2.1 - T)

‗I like sandapinidiya. It is a nice story. It is like a fairy tale love. So I like it. It shows that

love triumphs over everything in the end…even though the two people are worlds apart.‘

(FGD – 6 TMC - 2.3 - K) TMC 2

4.4.4.3 Religious Beliefs

Both TMC1 and TMC 2 groups believed that they are strongly religious and frequently

visited religious locations and places of worship.

‗Religion is the faith that a person has in something outside themselves. In terms of

Buddhism it is a way of life and it is not a concept that is way out there, it is something

you live each day and how do you live it.‘ (TMC 1 - I.1 – A)

‗Me too. I have 2 daughters. It is very important for me to bring them up in accordance

with our religion. So I can only do that by example. I don‘t pretend to be overly religious

and live at the temple. I have a close relationship with the temple and I practice what the

Buddha has taught in my life.‘ (FGD 3 – TMC - 1.3 - NP)

‗Yes. I go to temple once in two weeks. I donate money and give alms on a monthly

basis. I think it is a very important part of our lives...Keep your mind clear. And in the

end we must to things in view of our afterlife as well not only this life. Religion helps

you in that‘ (FGD – 4 – TMC - 2.1 - R)

‗I am a Hindu and if you go to the temple the positive energy will be present there

always with the lighting of lamps, praying and worshipping, with the chanting of ―Om‖

and certain rituals. Therefore, the atmosphere itself has positives and this brings forth

positive thinking and discipline. For example, if you go to the temple you have to

remove your shoes; have to stay in a line. Whether you are a doctor or carpenter, you are

praying to the same god and the pride of being ―I‖ comes down and this is different from

ego‘. (TMC 2 - 2.1 - Dr. S)

Belief in horoscopes and auspicious times varied based on ethnicity and age. Christians did

not believe in these due to the nature of their religion. Also several younger members of

TMC 1 and TMC 2 did not have a belief in horoscopes whereas older members had a

stronger belief in them.

‗A little. Only because my parents ask... I don‘t want to live my life by them‘ (FGD4 –

TMC 1.1 - R)

‗I usually don‘t. But for some occasions I do. I have a daughter. If my daughter is going

to get married, I will first look at it. If it doesn‘t match then I will have to think twice

because I don‘t want anything bad to happen to my child….‘ (FGD 6 – TMC 2.3 - P)

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As seen here, TMC 1 is more concerned about class and caste when compared to TMC 2.

While the concern on class may be justifiable as TMC1 seeks to maintain their social

standing. Conroy (cited by Mathur 2010, p212) states that the Indian middle class is

characterized by consumption and aspiration of a privileged lifestyle. Therefore, in order for

TMC 1 to continue to be privileged it can be argues that their social class must be

maintained. They are also concerned with caste. This contradicts logic where one may

assume that the more western oriented TMC 1 may overlook this aspect. However, one may

relate their need for individualism, flamboyance and upholding their social status to their

views on caste. If caste were to be considered at some point in society TMC 1 would not

want to be degraded from their social standing due to it, therefore they would rather consider

caste in key social situations

Finally, when considering the belief of God all participants coming under the religions

Christianity, Islam and Hinduism believed in an Almighty God whereas the majority of the

participants who were Buddhists believed mainly in the force of Dhamma. Again, almost all

participants believed in the existence of heaven and hell, while all Buddhist participants

believed in rebirth in leaving out both Christians and Muslims as they do not believe in

rebirth, while the Hindu participants were doubtful with the concept of rebirth. Astrology and

horoscopes were mainly considered by Buddhists and Hindus in leaving out Christians and

Muslims as again they do not believe in astrology as well as horoscopes. All participants

agreed where it is important to respect all religions as religions are supposed to teach good to

mankind.

‗I am a Christian and I believe in only One God as a Trinity‘. (TMC 1 – 1.5 – Y)

(Christian)

I believe in one supreme god or super power and that takes different forms. For example,

if you are a Hindu, you have been brought up like a Hindu, you believe in the various

forms of god and go accordingly and Muslim goes accordingly based on his religion.

According to me it is important for one to do the best thing and god or the super power

will look after you and this may be if you are Hindu, Christian, Muslim, Buddhist or any

other. Further, Hinduism says that there is only one almighty god so I believe that there

is only one almighty god who takes multiple forms based on different purposes‘. (TMC

2 - 2.1 - Dr. S) (Hindu)

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‗I do not believe in an Almighty God but in the power of the universe which can

counterpart with the power of god and I believe in saints. I believe that the one who

believes in Dhamma is protected by Dhamma. If you do good that good will come to you

always‘ (TMC 1 – 1.5 – D) (Buddhist)

‗I believe in an All Powerful Omnipresent God who is present in all places and there

isn‘t any place without his presence‘. (TMC 2 – 2.10 – MH) (Muslim)

‗....... and it is very important to patronize all religions including yours. In order to

respect other religions it is first important to patronize your religion and mould your

beahviour where you will have to patronize others in respecting their thoughts on

religion. One should not be an activist or a racist, the message you give should reach

others as a result both religious people are different from extremists‘ (TMC 2 – 2.10 –

MH) (Muslim)

4.4.4.4 Centrality of family

Both participants of TMC 1 and TMC 2 stated that respect to elders is a must in our society

and that it is a key element in our culture. Both classes also noted that the respect to elders

has deteriorated over time but were hopeful as they see well brought up children continuing

to respect their parents and other elders.

‗...because the old needs our protection, help and support, as they are senior and mature

citizens and we can learn a lot from them.‘ (TMC - 1- 1.2 – R)

‗I also think the same. It is not true in all cases. Sometimes you see kids who are being

brought up very well who respect their elders, but there are people who don‘t as well.‘

(FGD – 6 – TMC 2.3 - P)

Both classes also considered that the involvement of parents and elders in their lives as

important. The knowledge and support offered by the elders were cited as reasons for this.

However, when considering differing opinions between themselves and elders, TMC 1 and

TMC 2 classes showed a difference. Unmarried individuals in both classes admitted that as

they are dependent on their parents, they are obliged to follow the advice given, even if they

do not agree.

‗I am not married. I live with my parents. So I follow that they say‘ (FGD - 6TMC -

2.3D)

87

However married participants of TMC 1 indicated that in the event of differing opinions,

they would follow what they consider is best for their family even if it is opposed by their

elders. On the other hand, the participants of TMC 2 mentioned that they would follow the

advice given by the elders regardless of agreement or not.

‗I still talk to my mother about everything. Even if she says something I am wearing is

not nice, then I don‘t want to wear it anymore. My mother will not tell me anything

bad...Isn‘t it. But when you have your own family you have to sometimes take your own

decisions even if it goes against what your parents want you to do.‘ (FGD – 3 TMC 1.3 -

NP)

‗I am married. But even now I listen to what they say and follow because they are

always giving good advice. I may not see it now but in future I will see their point...So I

will follow what they say‘ (FGD – 6 – TMC - 2.3 P)

Finally, both classes stressed the importance in having a good marital life as well as a family

life based on trust, understanding and love. When questioned about love marriages and

proposed marriages most of the participants mentioned that it depends upon the persons who

are getting married. Thereafter, when questioned about living with parents after marriage

and living alone after marriage varied among participants.

‗Love marriages and proposed marriages depend on the person and love and

understanding is important in a family life. Because love will overcome all problems and

what I mean by love is unconditional love‘ (TMC - 1- 1.2 – R)

‗One should live as a family and when you mention the word ―Family‖, I think about my

parents and sisters. Marriage is where two people come together and start a new life.

Further, it is important to have both love and understanding in a martial life as well as a

family life, because you will need to live a proper life as opposed to living for the sake

of living. Marriage should benefit both parties and it can either be a proposed marriage

or a love marriage‘. (TMC – 1 – 1. 5 – Y)

‗It is definitely better to live alone as there is less interference, they learn to grow with

each other, and they learn to be independent on their own and be within themselves.

They can be independent and stand on their own as this helps them‘. (TMC – 1 – 1. 6 –

D)

‗Living with parents is preferred because when you are living with parents have all the

facilities. Therefore, a joint family life is preferred and again it can be situation based.

So if you are the only child what are you going to do? Therefore, you need to have a

joint family. Again if you have two or three sisters, you are all in the same house and

everyone will look after everyone and it is better to be a joint family‘. (TMC 2 - 2.1 -

Dr. S)

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4.4.4.5 Views on westernization

While both classes admitted that western influences were readily seen in the country, the

impacts of these influences were perceived differently between the two groups. Both groups

saw positive influences in the fields of medicine, advancement of technology and transport.

‗The good things of westernization would be of having good medicines and technology.‘

(TMC 2 - 2.1 - Dr. S)

TMC 2 participants mainly considered these influences as negative and deteriorating.

However, the participants of TMC 1 saw westernization as mainly positive. Their take on the

subject was that there is nothing which is completely positive or negative and therefore one

needs to absorb the positives and repel the negatives.

‗But on an overall basis there is a positive side of westernization. It is on how

westernization is manipulated and westernization is good for education and many other

purposes……We by adopting westernization can make ourselves in line with the rest of

the world and show that we are there to face challenges. But then you also need to look

at in terms of the Sri Lankan culture and adopt it in that context. The negative sides of

westernization is when you are adopting culture you will need to adopt in a manner that

it is suitable to you. ‗(TMC 1 - I.1 – A)

‗The bad things would be using the technology in a bad manner and the culture of

westernization. Because when it comes to dress it is not acceptable, I mean the modern

clothes of westernization whereas in olden days they too had good clothes. ‗(TMC 2 -

2.1 - Dr. S)

Both groups here are focused on maintaining culture and respecting adults. This indicates

where the postmodern consumer is outwardly modern but inwardly traditional. Despite this

inward traditionalism TMC 1 continues to be more western oriented. Liyanage in discussing

TMC1 states that ‗this social group belonged to an upper middle class which was bilingual,

and at its upper end, cosmopolitan and markedly western orientated‘ [Liyanage, (2009-2010),

p.94]. Therefore, they are more open to western influences and see them in a positive light

when compared to the participants of TMC 2 who do not see so.

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4.5 Summary

In this chapter the findings of the qualitative exercise were discussed. The qualitative

methodology included twenty in depth interviews and six focus group discussions. These

were conducted among participants of TMC 1 and TMC 2 based on the definitions of the two

groups provided earlier. The participants were selected in a manner that ensured a fair

representation of all races, religions and age groups. Interviews were conducted using a

discussion guide which enabled to covering all required aspects. The discussion covered the

following areas; who you are, what you do, what you have and what you value.

In terms of who you are the authors found that females in both groups tended to define

themselves based on their roles in the family as mother, wife or daughter while males defined

themselves based on qualities and occupations. In addition, it was noted that the participants

of TMC 1 defined themselves almost entirely based on their qualities. On the other hand, the

participants of TMC 2 brought in elements of achievements and occupational status.

On the subject of importance placed on friends, both groups felt they were important. The

participants of TMC 1 mentioned in detail the importance of selecting the right type of

friends whom you can place your trust on. On the other hand, the participants of TMC 2

mentioned the importance of friends ‗in high places‘. The participants of TMC 1 felt that

how they were seen in society was important while the participants of TMC 2 largely were of

an ignorant nature. On family and lineage there was no marked difference in the pre free

education and post free education of parents or themselves. However, it was noted that the

participants of TMC 1 did descend from higher level administrative parents than the

participants of TMC 2. Finally, the participants of TMC 1 were largely bilingual whereas the

participants of TMC 2 were mainly monolingual.

Food consumption was similar among both groups. The participants of TMC 1 showed a

higher preference to English music and local music of the 70‘s and 80‘s and a lower

preference to current music except for those artists that mimicked the past eras. In contrast,

the participants of TMC 2 preferred local music and continued to have a preference towards

newer artists. There were no other differences among these groups in terms of what they did.

90

What you have was the next area of focus. Both groups had an emphasis on the cleanliness

and appearance of their homes with TMC 1 focusing on class and TMC 2 focusing on value

of objects. TMC 1 admitted the social pressure of upgrading electronic equipment while

TMC 2 resorted to focusing on utility. No major differences were observed on transportation

except for the prevalence of cars among the participants TMC 1 and highly affluent

participants of TMC 2.

Both groups considered themselves as religious and on the surface rooted for quality among

castes and classes. However, the participants of TMC 1 strongly admitted that on marriage

both these aspects ought to be considered. On the other hand, the participants of TMC 2

viewed class as money and education while the participants of TMC 1 viewed it as inclusive

of personality and upbringing in addition to money and education. Finally, the participants of

TMC 1 were accepting the positive influences of westernization whereas the participants of

TMC 2 had an opposing view.

91

Chapter 5

DATA ANALYSIS AND FINDINGS - QUANTITATVE RESEARCH

5.1 Introduction

The following chapter includes the research findings that were gathered in quantitative phase

of the study of ―Profiling the Sri Lankan Traditional Middle Class Consumer‖ in terms of

who they are, what they have (own / possess), what they do (understanding their behavioural

patterns) and what they value. It was conducted among individuals aged 30 – 45 years and

those who were employed within the public sector as well as the private sector.

5.2 Participant Profile

Participants for the quantitative survey were selected based on the criteria outlined in the

previous sections. All participants belonged to the age group 30-45 years and Socio

Economic Classes A and B. The participants of TMC 1 were those who were employed in

the private sector and had a monthly household income higher than LKR 45,000 while the

participants of TMC 2 were defined as those employed in the public sector and had a

monthly household income ranging from LKR 30,000 – 45,000.

In total 200 participants were interviewed with 100 of them belonging to TMC 1 and 100 of

them belonging to TMC 2. An equal split was maintained between the two genders to ensure

a fair distribution in the data.

Table 3: Profile of participants

TMC 1 TMC 2

Sector of

employment

Private Sector 100% 0%

Public Sector 0% 100%

Socio Economic

Class

SEC A 86% 43%

SEC B 14% 57%

Others 0% 0%

Gender Male 59% 77%

Female 41% 23%

92

Marital Status

Married 64% 16%

Unmarried 34% 84%

Divorced/Widowed 2% 0%

The mean monthly household income of TMC 1 participants was LKR 78,143 while the

mean monthly household income of TMC 2 participants was LKR 35,614.

The age distribution of the participants was as follows.

Figure 2: Age Distribution of respondents

5.3 What you do

5.3.1 Shopping Habits

Shopping habits for the two classes were captured in terms of the location where most of the

household shopping is done. A higher number of TMC 1 participants have indicated that they

conduct most of their shopping at Supermarkets while the participants of TMC 2 have

indicated that majority of their shopping is done at retail outlets. None of the participants of

TMC 1 purchase most of their goods at the local fair and none of the participants of TMC 2

purchase most of their household items from a wholesaler.

21%

32%

55%

45%

23% 23%

0%

10%

20%

30%

40%

50%

60%

TMC 1 TMC 2

30-34 yrs 35-39 yrs 40-45 yrs

93

Table 4: Location where most of the household shopping is done

Type of Shopping TMC 1 TMC 2 Z value Difference

Grocery – Retailer 29% 66% 0.024 Significant

Wholesaler 13% 0% 0.005 Significant

Open market / fair 0% 7% 0.510 Not Significant

Super market 59% 27% 0.002 Significant

The Mann Whitney U test conducted indicates that there is a significant difference in the

shopping habits of the participants of TMC 1 and TMC 2.

When considering shopping at shopping malls, majority of TMC 2 participants indicated that

they visit shopping malls on a weekly basis. However, the participants of TMC 1 visited

these locations less often. A significant difference was noted in the behaviour between the

two groups on this aspect.

Table 5: Frequency of visiting Shopping Malls

Shopping Beahviour TMC 1 TMC 2 Z Value Difference

Once a week or more often 9% 55% 0.001 Significant

Once a month 36% 45% 0.415 Not Significant

For special seasons – less than once a

month but more than once a year

55% 0% 0.002 Significant

Mathur, (2010 p.221) identifies two types of shoppers at shopping malls. The first group is

that of the serious buyers. Their purchase decisions are based on brands and the identity it

gives them and therefore do not participate in bargaining. Their spending is mostly on

clothing and accessories and durable items. The second group is that of the casual buyers.

They spend most of their money on food and entertainment. They want to familiarize

themselves with the latest trends and rarely make substantial purchases from malls. The high

94

frequency of visiting shopping malls despite having a lower disposable income would

indicate that TMC 2 would fall in to the latter group.

It also goes in line with the sentiments seen in the qualitative phase of wanting to belong to a

higher social class. By moving in places where higher social classes may frequently visit, by

indulging and keeping up with whatever activities possible that are similar to those of the

higher classes it is possible that TMC 2 feels a sense of elevated social standing.

5.3.2 Mobile Phone Usage

The usage of mobile phones was prevalent among both groups. Considering the brand of

phone used, 9% of TMC 2 participants were not aware of the brand of mobile phone being

used. Among the participants of TMC 2 the brand that mainly used was Nokia while among

participants of TMC 1 the using of brands such as Nokia, Apple and Samsung were common.

When asked if their phone was a ‗Smart phone‘ or not, 5% of TMC 2 participants, responded

that they were not aware of what a smart phone was. 70% of TMC 1 participants were using

a smart phone while only 7% of TMC 2 participants did so. On this aspect the Mann Whitney

U test indicated a significant difference among the two groups.

Table 4: Brand of Mobile phone used

Brands of mobile phones TMC 1 TMC 2

Unknown 0% 9%

Nokia 25% 77%

Samsung 18% 9%

Sony / Sony Ericcsson 13% %

Apple 20% 0%

HTC 9% 0%

Other 16% 5%

Services used on the mobile phone were also considered. This was considered at three levels

namely the services aware, the services used by friends and the services used by the

respondent him/herself. A list of services were used which contained both generic services

70%

30%

0%TMC 1

Smart phone user Regular phone user Not aware

12%

80%

5%TMC 2

Figure 3

Smart Phone Usage

95

such as SMS, Ring-in-tones and higher order services such as International Roaming,

accessing social media on mobile phone etc. Based on the Mann Whitney U test significant

differences were noted among the two groups on many of these aspects.

Figure 4: Services Aware of

When considering the services aware of, the participants of TMC 1 have a very high level of

awareness on all aspects. On the other hand, the participants of TMC 2 have a lower level of

awareness of the above mentioned services. Of all the services listed the participants of TMC

2 have the highest awareness on SMS, IDD, Ring-in tones, mobile money and chat services.

Further, they have the lowest level of awareness on downloading games, international

roaming, accessing email and social media on mobile and GPRS.

100%

100%

100%

100%

96%

96%

96%

96%

96%

95%

91%

91%

91%

91%

89%

89%

Ring In tones

MMS

SMS

IDD

GPRS

International Roaming

Mobile money

3G services

Accessing email

Accessing social media

Accessing websites

Down loading games

Playing games

Chat services -SMS

Downloading other applications

Chat services -Internet based

TMC 1

80%

77%

91%

91%

50%

39%

68%

55%

41%

48%

59%

25%

48%

64%

32%

61%

TMC2

96

Figure 5: Services used by friends

On services used by friends too, differences can be noted among the two groups. Among the

participants of TMC 2 there is a lower use of these services among their friends when

compared to the participants of TMC 1. Over 75% of TMC 2 participants have stated that

their friends and networks use each service. Among the participants of TMC 2 the mostly

used service by friends is SMS, followed by Ring-in tones and accessing websites via

mobile. The lowest used services were 3G services, downloading applications and game and

using international roaming all of which received scores of less than 10%.

On services used by them, both groups had lower scores. The most used service among both

TMC 1 and TMC 2 was SMS followed by IDD calls. The participants of TMC 1 also used

GPRS, MMS and accessing email in excess of 60% while the least used services were chat

services, playing and downloading games and mobile money services. Among the

participants of TMC 2 the most frequently used services were chat services via SMS, playing

games on mobile, MMS and Ring in tones while the least used services were accessing

websites, social media email and 3 G services via mobile.

100%

95%

100%

100%

91%

79%

89%

91%

82%

82%

77%

89%

84%

75%

75%

75%

Ring In tones

MMS

SMS

IDD

GPRS

International Roaming

Mobile money

3G services

Accessing email

Accessing social media

Accessing websites

Down loading games

Playing games

Chat services -SMS

Downloading other applications

Chat services -Internet based

TMC 1

61%

36%

86%

39%

16%

9%

18%

0%

14%

27%

39%

0%

25%

27%

0%

16%

TMC 2

97

Figure 6: Services used by self

5.3.3 Usage of Internet

Usage of Internet was measured at various locations and frequencies.

Figure 7: Usage of Internet

32%

66%

96%

80%

64%

30%

5%

52%

63%

59%

59%

5%

5%

5%

52%

0%

Ring In tones

MMS

SMS

IDD

GPRS

International Roaming

Mobile money

3G services

Accessing email

Accessing social media

Accessing websites

Down loading games

Playing games

Chat services -SMS

Downloading other applications

Chat services -Internet based

TMC 1

25%

25%

70%

52%

7%

0%

5%

0%

0%

0%

7%

9%

20%

43%

0%

5%

TMC 2

46%

0

54%

64%

7%

0

7%

5%

11%

5%

7%

5%

12%

7%

23%

30%

88%

27%

0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100%

Mobile phone

At Internet Café

At work

Home

Daily Weekly Monthly Less often Never

0%

0%

9%

18%

5%

5%

11%

25%

0%

0%

0%

9%

0%

7%

0%

0%

95%

88%

80%

48%

0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100%

Mobile phone

At Internet Café

At work

Home

Daily Weekly Monthly Less often Never

TMC 1 TMC 2

98

All the participants of TMC 1 use Internet at their own home or at a home of a relative.

Nearly half of the participants of TMC 2 do not use Internet at home. Over half of TMC 1

participants use the Internet at work while only 9% of TMC 2 participants do so. Also nearly

half the TMC 1 participants access the Internet via their mobiles while none of the TMC 2

participants do so. Accessing the Internet at Internet Café s is low among both groups.

When considering the use of mobile phones and Internet based services it is clear that the

participants of TMC 1 are more technologically conversant when compared to the

participants of TMC 2. This is partly due to their higher disposable income and social

standing that allows them to be exposed to technological advances and are able to make use

of them before they are available to the participants of TMC 2. Mathur, (2010, p. 219) states

that urban India is dotted with hoardings of famous brands while the bodies of the middle

class is adorned with the latest mobile phones. She also states (Mathur 2010, p. 223) those

occasions such as Christmas, Valentine‘s Day, etc. has become occasions for display of

affection by gifting the latest clothing or mobile phones. It is the view of the authors that the

high disposable income makes this sort of expensive gift giving possible mainly to TMC 1

rather than TMC 2. In addition their western orientation is more likely to cause them to want

to follow the latest trends without the financial inhibition that TMC 2 participants would

have.

5. 3.4 Leisure Activities

All participants were involved in at least one leisure time activity. There were marked

differences between the leisure activities engaged in by the two groups. Among the

participants of TMC 1, most of them were engaged activities in such as reading, travelling

locally, using the Internet, meeting friends/relatives and in watching television all of which

had scores of over 80%. Among the participants of TMC 2, most of them were engaged in

activities such as reading and watching television which were the aspects that scored over

80%. The Mann Whitney U test indicates that except on watching television and reading, the

participants of TMC 1 and TMC 2 are significantly different to each other on leisure

activities.

99

Table 7: Types of leisure activities

Type of leisure time activities done for

the past 6 months

TMC 1 TMC 2 Z

Value

Significance

Reading books / newspapers / magazines 96% 80% 0.008 Not Significant

Using social media 68% 9% 0.000 Significant

Using the Internet 91% 34% 0.000 Significant

Watching local television 89% 84% 0.446 Not Significant

Watching pay TV channels 64% 0% 0.000 Significant

Watching downloaded movies / dramas/

documentaries on TV / computer

55% 0% 0.001 Significant

Going to the cinema 77% 32% 0.002 Significant

Meeting friends / relatives 95% 77% 0.003 Significant

Travelling locally 89% 34% 0.001 Significant

Travelling to other countries 66% 7% 0.000 Significant

Other 0% 0% 1.000 Not Significant

Leisure time activities are also considered as part of what one does. According to (Mathur,

2010, p.223), more than 58 percent (161 students) of the interviewed students falling within

the age group of 20 – 30 years who are pursing graduate, postgraduate and management

courses assigned a critical value to consumption. These students mention that they feel

pushed in acquiring and displaying consumer goods and in involving in leisure to maintain

their high position within society. The same appears to be true in the Sri Lankan context for

TMC 1. The lower disposable income appears to be preventing the participants of TMC 2

from pursuing leisure activities in comparison to the participants of TMC 1 who are more

engaged in a variety of leisure activities.

5.3.5 Languages Spoken

The languages spoken were looked at in two dimensions, firstly the languages that the

participants were able to converse in and secondly the languages that they conversed in for

different occasions.

100

On the languages aware, all TMC 1 participants were able to use their mother tongue, which

was either Sinhalese or Tamil and English. Among the participants of TMC 2 all were

capable of conversing in their mother tongue while 75% were capable of using English.

Table 8: Languages Spoken

Languages spoken TMC 1 TMC 2

Sinhalese 100% 100%

Tamil 5% 16%

English 100% 75%

Other 0% 0%

The situational usage of languages showed marked differences among the two groups as

indicated below.

Table 9: Languages used for different occasions

Occasion TMC 1 TMC 2

Moth

er

Lan

guag

e

Engli

sh

Mix

Moth

er

Lan

guag

e

Engli

sh

Mix

At home with family 95% _ 5% 100% _ _

At work- equal level colleagues 30% 4% 66% 70% 0% 30%

At work- higher level colleagues 7% 75% 18% 59% 16% 11%

At work -lower level colleagues 93% 5% 2% 82% 5% 0%

Using public transport 95% _ 5% 100% _ 0%

Calling a bank / mobile service

provider

7% 75% 18% 50% _ 50%

Talking to close friends 27% 43% 30% 77% 0% 23%

101

Both groups mainly spoke in their mother tongue at home and when using public transport.

When speaking to close friends almost half of TMC 1 participants spoke in English while

over three quarters of the participants of TMC 2 spoke in their mother tongue.

When speaking to a service provider such as a bank or mobile company, the participants of

TMC 1 mainly spoke in English while the participants of TMC 2 were equally split among

those who spoke in their mother tongue as well as those who mixed languages.

At work places the participants of TMC 1 spoke a mix of languages when speaking to equal

level of colleagues. They mainly spoke in their mother tongue with lower level colleagues

and in English with higher level ones. On the other hand, the participants of TMC 2 spoke

mainly in their mother tongue at their work place except when speaking with higher level

colleagues where they used some English or a mix of the languages.

Except when speaking at home and using public transport, the Mann Whitney U test

indicated a significant difference among these two groups on the languages spoken for

various situations.

The languages spoken by each social class is in line with the definition of these two classes

as mentioned by Liyanage. TMC 1 was defined as follows.

‗The pre 1956 intelligentsia kept the wheels of the then administrative structure

moving for the ruling classes, and produced through the schools and the universities,

the ideologies, which gave the pivotal intellectual momentum to society. These

ideologies were actively propagated through the mass media which were at their

command. This social group belonged to an upper middle class which was bilingual,

and at its upper end, cosmopolitan and markedly western orientated‘ (Liyanage, (2009-

2010), p.94).

While TMC 2 was described by (Liyanage, (2009-2010), p.94)].in the following manner:

‗The class of intelligentsia that followed the post1956 comprises almost in its entirety,

products of free education. They were essentially monolingual and operated within the

state sector. They were clearly rooted in the soil and identified itself with the generality

of the people. Management and administrative cadres in the public sector, school

principals, teachers and the university academia were the chief actors of this

intelligentsia, in contrast to their alienated western oriented and cosmopolitan

predecessors‘

102

Here, the differences in the languages spoken are clearly highlighted. The authors observed

that as seen in the qualitative phase, the on the participants of TMC 2 mix the two languages

where ever possible, probably to obtain a sense of belonging to the upper middle class which

they aspire to belong to.

5. 3. 6 Food Consumption

Following is the food consumption of TMC 1 and TMC 2 participants.

Table 10: Food consumption

TMC 1 P

repar

ed a

t hom

e

Pro

vid

ed b

y w

ork

pla

ce

Bought

from

outs

ide

(non

-fas

t

foo

d)

Bought

from

outs

ide

(fas

t-fo

od

)

Din

ed o

ut

(non

-fas

t

foo

d)

D

ined

out

(fas

t-

foo

d)

Din

ed o

ut

at f

rien

ds

/ re

lati

ves

house

Weekday breakfast 79% _ 21% _ _ _ _

Weekday lunch 70% 9% 16% _ 5% _ _

Weekday dinner 91% _ 4% _ 5% _ _

Weekend breakfast 100% _ _ _ _ _ _

Weekend lunch 79% 5% 9% _ _ 5% 2%

Weekend dinner 98% _ _ _ _ _ 2%

When considering the consumption of TMC 1 participants, all meals are mainly consumed at

home. However there is about a fifth of participants who buy non fast food type food items

for week day breakfast.

103

Table 11: Preparation of food

TMC 2

Pre

par

ed a

t hom

e

Pro

vid

ed b

y w

ork

pla

ce

Bought

from

outs

ide

(no

n-f

ast

food)

Bought

from

outs

ide

(fas

t-fo

od

)

Din

ed o

ut

(non

-fas

t

foo

d)

D

ined

out

(fas

t-fo

od

)

Din

ed o

ut

at f

rien

ds

/

rela

tives

house

Weekday breakfast 86% 5% 5% _ _ 5% _

Weekday lunch 57% 34% 5% 5% _ _ _

Weekday dinner 75% 7% _ _ 5% 7% 7%

Weekend breakfast 86% _ 14% _ _ _ _

Weekend lunch 64% 16% 7% 5% 5% 9% _

Weekend dinner 100% _ _ _ _ _ _

The participants of TMC 2 also mainly consume homemade food. However, there is about

one third of the participants who receive weekday lunch from the place of work.

The consumption of food also points to the post-modern nature of both TMC 1 and TMC 2

consumers. Liyanage (2010, p. 5) states that the Sri Lankan consumer is entrenched in food

rituals where they embrace the non-complicated nature of food and its elaborate preparation.

This is clear in both TMC 1 and TMC 2 with both groups favouring home-made food.

5.4 What you have

5.4.1 Living Conditions

When considering the living conditions the residence was a key question. Nearly three

quarters of both TMC 1 and TMC 2 participants had their own home.

104

Table 12: Living Conditions

TMC1 TMC 2

Own home 77% 70%

Living with parents 18% 25%

Annex/ Living on rent 5% 5%

On the number of levels and bedrooms in the household however, differences were observed

among the two groups. Most participants of TMC 1 lived in a house with more than 1 level

while most the participants of TMC 2 lived in a house with 1 level. The mean number of

bedrooms in the house for the participants of TMC 1 was 3.3 while that of the participants of

TMC 2 was 3.0 which is a significant difference.

Table 13: Levels in home

TMC 1 TMC 2

One levelled home 38% 68%

Two or more levelled home 62% 32%

Mean number of bedrooms 3.3 3.0

5.4.2 Mode of travel to work

Mode of travel to work was the next aspect evaluated under what respondents have. The

participants of TMC 1 largely travelled to work by using their own vehicle while most of the

participants of TMC 2 used public transport for this purpose.

Table 14: Mode of travel

TMC 1 TMC 2

Public transport 7% 68%

Office Transport 2% 20%

Own Vehicle 91% 7%

Self-driven vehicle provided by work place 0% 5%

105

5.4.3 Durable ownership

In terms of durable ownership too there were differences between the participants of TMC 1

and TMC 2. On household item ownership, there is a significant difference in ownership on

desktop computers and fixed-line telephone connections, where TMC 1 participants have a

higher incidence of ownership than the participants of TMC 2 respondents. However, when

considering the ownership of CDMA telephone connections the participants of TMC 2 had a

higher incidence of ownership when compared to the participants of TMC 1.

Table 15: Ownership of durables

Household Durables/ Services TMC 1 TMC 2 Z Value Significance

Television 100% 100% 1.000 Not Significant

Radio 100% 100% 1.000 Not Significant

Computer -Desktop 70% 27% 0.000 Significant

Computer- Laptop 13% 20% 0.284 Not Significant

Fixed line telephone connections 82% 34% 0.000 Significant

CDMA 13% 30% 0.003 Significant

Sewing machine 46% 48% 0.898 Not Significant

Pay TV 73% 40% 0.001 Significant

On kitchen appliances too, there is a significant difference among the two groups. In terms of

oven and microwave ownership there is a higher incidence among the participants of TMC 1

when compared to the participants of TMC 2.

Table 16: Ownership of kitchen appliances

Kitchen Appliances TMC 1 TMC 2 Z Values Significance

Refrigerator 100% 93% 0.048 Significant

Rice Cooker 100% 60% 0.001 Significant

Gas Cooker 95% 93% 0.761 Not Significant

Oven 88% 32% 0.001 Significant

Microwave 75% 5% 0.000 Significant

106

In terms of vehicle ownership there is a significantly higher incidence of car and van

ownership among the participants of TMC 1. On the other types vehicle ownership there is

no difference between the two groups.

Table 17: Ownership of vehicles

Vehicle Ownerships TMC 1 TMC 2 Z Value Significance

Bicycle 39% 18% 0.023 Significant

Three wheeler 0% 7%

0.469 Not Significant

Motorbike 38% 57%

0.179 Not Significant

Car 82% 20%

0.000 Significant

Van 11% 0%

0.026 Significant

Liyanage, (2009 – 2010), p. 100, has shown that status and individual identity are

increasingly defined not in terms of social position (i.e. who you are) but rather, in terms of

life style (i.e. what you have).

‗The phenomenal growth of the consumer durables market, although aided by the fall

in prices of consumer durables with rapid changes in technology, and more recently

that of the mobile phones market, cannot be plausibly explained only in terms of

economic factors. The explanation also lies in the emerging social forces and

ideological shifts that have been delineated‘.

This can be seen in the above findings as well with the class conscious TMC 1 indulging in a

higher level of consumption when compared to TMC 2.

5.5 What you value

5.5.1 Views on Caste and Class

The views on caste and class have significant differences among the two groups. When

questioned about a social class system being present within the society, all participants stated

that in society there is a class system in place whether or not they consider it. However, when

asked if there is a caste system in place, a higher proportion of the participants of TMC 1

stated that it was so compared to a lower number among the participants of TMC 2. The

ethnicity of those who said that a caste system was present and those who said it was not,

107

was mixed. In the view of the authors this is acceptable as the question raised was not in

concern to themselves, i.e. not whether the participant considers caste but if it is present in

society. The Mann Whitney U test confirmed a significant difference in the views on caste

among the two groups.

Figure 8: Presence of class and caste

Presences of social class system in society

Presence of a caste system in society

Participants were also asked when these aspects ought to be considered in society. A list of

options was provided for the participants to select where they felt that caste or class ought to

be considered. When considering castes, nearly all the participants of TMC 1 stated that caste

ought to be considered when selecting a partner for marriage. Among the participants of

TMC 2 the number who said so was less than 30%. This was a significant difference between

the two groups.

TMC 1

Present Not Present

TMC 2

Present Not Present

84%

16%

TMC 1

Present Not Present

68%

32%

TMC 2

Present Not Present

108

Table 18: Occasions where caste ought to be considered

Occasions where caste ought to be

considered TMC 1 TMC 2

Z

Value Significance

In marriage 91% 29% 0.000 Significant

When selecting friends 0% 0% 1.000 Not Significant

Selecting candidates for jobs- private sector 0% 0% 1.000 Not Significant

Selecting candidates for jobs- public sector 0% 0% 1.000 Not Significant

Promoting employees- private sector 0% 0% 1.000 Not Significant

Promoting employees - public sector 0% 7% 0.480 Not Significant

Admission to schools 0% 0% 1.000 Not Significant

When asked where social class ought to be considered too marriage came up as a key

occasion among both groups however here too a significant difference was observed among

both TMC 1 and TMC 2 where all participants of TMC 1 said that social class ought to be

considered while just over a third of TMC 2 participants said so. There were higher numbers

for most responses when asked when class ought to be considered in contrast to where caste

ought to be considered.

Table 19: Occasions where class ought to be considered

Occasions where class ought to be

considered TMC 1 TMC 2 Z Value Significance

In marriage 100% 34% 0.000 Significant

When selecting friends 7% 18% 0.093 Not Significant

Selecting candidates for jobs- private sector 0% 14% 0.060 Not Significant

Selecting candidates for jobs- public sector 0% 0% 1.000 Not Significant

Promoting employees- private sector 5% 11% 0.274 Not Significant

Promoting employees - public sector 0% 7% 0.068 Not Significant

Admission to schools 7% 7% 0.950 Not Significant

109

Considering class and caste TMC 1 and TMC 2 show marked differences. Both groups are

aware of the presence of a class system but TMC 2 seems to be less aware of the prevalence

of a caste system. As seen in the qualitative phase this can be associated with the urge of

TMC 2 is to rise up the social ladder and their inability to control caste, while TMC 1 is keen

on maintaining their entitlement at all possible levels.

5.5.2 Religion

All participants both TMC 1 and TMC 2 consider themselves as religious people. While

there seems to be marginal differences in how religion is practiced at home where more TMC

2 participants take part in religious activities at home on a daily basis. There is no significant

difference among the two groups on this aspect. In addition, there is also no significant

difference among the two groups on the aspect of how often religious activities are conducted

by themselves at places of worship. Here, both groups have similar frequencies of practicing.

Table 20: Religious beliefs

Do you consider yourself religious? TMC 1 TMC 2

Yes 100% 100%

No 0% 0%

How often religious activities are done at home TMC 1 TMC 2

Daily 59% 86%

Monthly 32% 0%

Special Occasions 9% 0%

Hardly ever 0% 14%

Never 0% 0%

110

How often religious activities are done at place of

worship TMC 1 TMC 2

Daily 0% 0%

Monthly 23% 23%

Special Occasions 32% 43%

Hardly ever 45% 34%

Never 0% 0%

When asked about their beliefs in after life there was a significant difference in the responses

provided. More TMC 1 participants appear to be strong believers while a higher proportion

of TMC 2 participants seem to be sceptics of afterlife despite their religions stating the

existence of one.

Belief in after life TMC 1 TMC 2

My religion speaks of afterlife- I strongly believe 61% 23%

My religion speaks of afterlife -I believe, not very strongly 29% 73%

My religion speaks of afterlife- I don‘t believe 11% 5%

My religion doesn‘t speak of afterlife-I strongly believe 0% 0%

My religion doesn‘t speak of afterlife-I believe, not very strongly 0% 0%

My religion doesn‘t speak of afterlife- I don‘t believe 0% 0%

5.5.3 Horoscopes and Auspicious times

Belief in horoscopes and auspicious times is another area where the two groups showed

differences. When questioning about horoscopes the authors looked at both the ownership of

one along with the belief of one. There were a considerable percentage of participants who

did not have a horoscope, all of whom were Christians, Catholics or Muslims in terms of

religion. Hence, in this aspect it is clear that religion plays a key role in determining belief in

addition to social class.

111

In terms of belief in horoscopes there is a significant difference between the two groups

despite both groups having an equal number of persons who do not have a horoscope.

Table 21: Belief in horoscopes

Belief in horoscopes TMC 1 TMC 2

I do have one and strongly believe in them 0% 23%

I have one and somewhat believe in them 68% 50%

I have one and don‘t believe in them at all 13% 8%

I do not have one but strongly believe in them 0% 0%

I do not have one but somewhat believe in them 0% 5%

I do not have one and don‘t believe in them at all 20% 15%

In terms of belief in auspicious times too there was a significant difference among the two

groups. TMC 2 had a higher proportion of participants who believed in auspicious times

during special occasions while TMC 1 had a lower number of such participants.

About a quarter of TMC 1 participants used auspicious times for special occasions despite

not believing in them. Here, too there was a religious implication with Muslim and

Christian/Catholic participants not believing in auspicious times. Interestingly among TMC 2

participants there were participants who checked for auspicious times despite belonging to

afore said religions however due to low sample size it is not possible to make a conclusive

judgment.

Table 22: Belief in auspicious times

Belief in auspicious times TMC 1 TMC 2

I believe in them and look at them on a daily basis 4% 0%

I believe in them and use them for special occasions 48% 80%

I don‘t believe in them but look at them on a daily out of interest 0% 18%

I do not believe in them but use them for special occasions 25% 2%

I do not believe in them at all and do not look at them 23% 0%

112

5.5.4 Respect for Elders

On the matter of respecting elders in this country, there was a significant difference among

the two groups. None of the participants said that elders are not respected at all. Half of TMC

2 participants stated that elders are always respected while only 9% of TMC 1 participants

said so. Most of the participants of TMC 1 stated that elders were mostly respected though

not always.

In terms of when the advice of elders is sought there is no difference between TMC 1 and

TMC 2 on seeking advice for selecting a partner for marriage. However, on all other aspects

there is a significant difference between the two, with TMC 2 participants seeking more

advice on all occasions when compared to the participants of TMC 1. In the aspects of

selecting schools for children, naming children, selecting a location for living during post

marriage, moving to a new house and in selecting a career; the participants of TMC 2 state

that they seek the advice of elders more frequently than the participants of TMC 1.

5.5.5 Views on Westernization

On views on westernization the participants were provided with a list of twelve statements

and were asked whether if each were influenced by westernization and if the influence was

positive, negative or neutral. In terms of the views of western influences on living conditions

there was no difference between TMC 1 and TMC 2 with both groups mainly feeling that the

influence was either positive or neutral. On the aspect of respect for local culture and

traditions there was no significant difference between the two groups with both groups of

When opinion of elders is sought TMC1 TMC2

Selecting a job 20% 61%

Moving to a new house 39% 66%

Selecting a partner for marriage 91% 84%

Selecting a residence for living

after marriage

5% 48%

Naming children 32% 73%

Selecting schools for children 5% 52%

34%

20%

16%

71%

9%

50%

0% 50% 100%

TMC2

TMC1

Never Hardly Sometimes Always

Figure 9: How often elders are

respected in the country

Table 23: When opinion of

elders is sought

113

having the opinion that the influence was largely negative. However, on all other aspects

there was a significant difference between the two groups. In terms of food habits, clothing,

language, religion, music, knowledge, respect for elders, providing equal opportunities and

education system; more participants of TMC 1 felt that there was a positive influence when

compared to the participants of TMC 2. On transportation more TMC 1 participants felt that

there was no influence when compared to a lower number of TMC 2 participants.

Figure 10: Views on westernization

114

Respect for elders and views on westernization can be viewed in terms of the definition of

the two social classes. Liyanage defines TMC1 as follows.

‗The pre1956 intelligentsia kept the wheels of the then administrative structure moving

for the ruling classes, and produced through the schools and the universities, the

ideologies, which gave the pivotal intellectual momentum to society. These ideologies

were actively propagated through the mass media which were at their command. This

social group belonged to an upper middle class which was bilingual, and at its upper

end, cosmopolitan and markedly western orientated‘ [Liyanage, (2009-2010), p.94].

The definition of TMC2 as per Liyanage is given below.

‗The class of intelligentsia that followed the post 1956 comprises almost in its entirety,

products of free education. They were essentially monolingual and operated within the

state sector. They were clearly rooted in the soil and identified itself with the generality

of the people. Management and administrative cadres in the public sector, school

principals, teachers and the university academia were the chief actors of this

intelligentsia, in contrast to their alienated western oriented and cosmopolitan

predecessors‘ (Liyanage, (2009-2010), p.94)].

115

Here, it is clear that TMC 1 is more western oriented and therefore are more independent of

their elders. They are also more open to western influences. Due to these factors it is possible

that their view of ‗respecting‘ elders is different to that of TMC 2 who is more traditional and

rooted in locality. They are more reliant on their elder‘s opinions and hence are more

pessimistic of western influences.

5.6 Summary

All participants belonged to the age group 30-45 years and Socio Economic Classes A and B.

The participants of TMC 1 were those who were employed in the private sector and had a

monthly household income higher than LKR 45,000 while the participants of TMC 2 were

defined as those employed in the public sector and had a monthly household income ranging

from LKR 30,000 – 45,000. In total 200 participants were interviewed with 100 of them

belonging to TMC 1 and 100 of them belonging to TMC 2. An equal split was maintained

between the two genders to ensure a fair distribution within the data.

Significant differences were observed among the participants of TMC 1 and TMC 2 on all

four aspects looked into, namely who you are, what you have, what you do and what you

value. However, on aspects such as presence of class in society, marrying within the same

social class, obtaining elders views on selecting a partner for marriage, food habits, selected

leisure activities and selected durable ownership, there was no significant difference among

the two groups.

116

Chapter 6

DISCUSSION OF FINDINGS

6.1 Introduction

This chapter discusses in detail the findings as highlighted in Chapters four and five by the

authors based on the qualitative and quantitative research findings. The findings in the

aforementioned chapters; highlighted the similarities and differences in the selected socio

economic classes i.e. TMC 1 and TMC 2. This chapter aims to interpret those findings and

understand the implications of those interpretations to marketers in relation to who the TMC

consumers are, what they do, what they have and what they value.

6.2 Who you are

The key literature on the differences between TMC 1 and TMC 2 states that TMC 1 was part

of the pre-1956 era, were part of the key administration of the country, bilingual and western

oriented. On the other hand, the TMC 2 was largely the products of free education and was

rooted within the soil. In order to manage the scope of the research additional definitions

were brought in, in consultation with the original author of the subject Prof. U. Liyanage on

whose theory this research is based. Hence, in this situation all of the participants belonging

to TMC 1 were from the private sector and all of the participants belonging to TMC 2 were

from the public sector.

In the coming sections as the differences in these two segments are discussed, it becomes

clear that this difference in the sector of employment is in fact a key determinant of consumer

behaviour. Therefore, in order to better target and position product categories it may be

useful for marketers to understand what drives these two groups. The differences, what type

of marketing communications tools need to be used in order to get to them and perhaps even

product specifications may have to be tailor made in order to satisfy their differing needs and

wants.

When describing themselves the females in both groups defined themselves in terms of the

roles they play in their families. Even among the participants of TMC 1 who were originally

defined to be more western-oriented, the females of TMC 1 began their self-description with

117

the role played in the family, regardless to the fact that all of them were employed. Many of

them were with a tertiary level education, were professionals and were even running their

own businesses. Therefore, it is clear that the role they play in their families is a core value

for women based on which part of their self-worth is defined.

The self-description of the participants of TMC 2 was more focused on achievements while

the participants of TMC 1 focused on values. Through the entire research, in many aspects it

was clear to the authors that one of the key objectives of the participants of TMC 2 was to

move up the social ladder. Therefore, their self-worth was defined by what they have

achieved which to them assists in uplifting their social status.

On the contrary the participants of TMC 1 already had a sense of achievement and

entitlement and therefore did not feel the need to stress on their achievements. To them, as

they had already surpassed the need to state their level of achievement, the defining factor

was the values or personality traits. This does not however mean that TMC 1 rests on their

laurels and do not want to climb further up the social ladder but rather that their sense of

worth was defined by higher order determinants.

This is in line with the existing literature on the matter. The book ―Nobodies to Somebodies

by (Jayawardena, 2000), addresses the evolution of the upper middle class in Sri Lanka

mainly during the late 19th century, where they had access to higher education within Indian

and British Universities thus producing a group of elite professionals over the other classes

prevailing in Sri Lanka and also the author mentions in how these professionals adopted the

Western culture and lifestyles within their culture and lifestyles. Therefore this class i.e.

TMC 1 can be expected to be more self-assured with a sense of entitlement, therefore not

finding a need to justify their social standing unlike the participants of TMC 2. On contrary

the participants of TMC 2 would be trying to establish their social standing by highlighting

their personal achievements.

The implication here for marketers, is that having a clear understanding of products made for

them and the communications attempting to target each of these groups should ideally be

ones that gratify their core emotive needs. In the case of the female segment it would be their

role in the family, among TMC 2 participants the aspiration to move up in social class and

118

among TMC 1 participants the personality and entitlement. This would assist in creating a

sense of identification with the product or service as it would be deemed personally relevant

by the target group.

There were differences in the importance of how one is perceived by others among the two

classes as well. For TMC 1 participants this was important as it had an impact on their family

and wanted society to be aware of their standing among the classes while for TMC 2

participants the inward righteousness was more important. This does not mean that TMC 2

participants were ignorant to the perceptions of society but saw qualities within one‘s self as

superseding the societal perceptions. The authors see this as being related to the importance

of friends mentioned by these two classes. TMC 1 being concerned of how they are seen in

society is careful in selecting friends as it would have an impact on their image. This is not to

say that TMC 1 participants do not associate with lower social classes but that they are

careful in selecting friends, as the actions of friends could be a determinant in their social

image.

On the contrary the participants of TMC 2 were more open to being with friends and saw

them as a key part of their lives and an aid to attaining their ambition of moving up the social

ladder. This is also in line with their inward-looking nature where they are not highly

concerned of how society sees them; therefore the actions of friends need not define who

they are.

The authors found no distinct relationship between the pre-free education and post-free

education eras with the social class the participants belonged to. However, regardless of

whether the linage of the participants pointed to a pre-1956 or post-1956 era; it was clear that

TMC 1 participants‘ parents were involved in a higher level administration in the

government and those who were self-employed ran large businesses and were strongly linked

to those who ran the administration. On the contrary TMC 2 participants‘ linage pointed to a

lower grade of employment than TMC 1.

This contradicts with the definitions of the two classes provided by Liyanage. The definitions

of TMC 1 are as follows:

119

‗The pre 1956 intelligentsia kept the wheels of the then administrative structure moving

for the ruling classes, and produced through the schools and the universities, the

ideologies, which gave the pivotal intellectual momentum to society. These ideologies

were actively propagated through the mass media which were at their command. This

social group belonged to an upper middle class which was bilingual, and at its upper end,

cosmopolitan and markedly western orientated‘ [Liyanage, (2009-2010), p.94].

While the definition for TMC2 is as follows:

‗The class of intelligentsia that followed the post 1956 comprises almost in its entirety,

products of free education. They were essentially monolingual and operated within the

state sector. They were clearly rooted in the soil and identified itself with the generality

of the people. Management and administrative cadres in the public sector, school

principals, teachers and the university academia were the chief actors of this

intelligentsia, in contrast to their alienated western oriented and cosmopolitan

predecessors‘[Liyanage, (2009-2010), p.94]

However the definition hold true in identifying that TMC 1 were the drivers of the

administration whereas TMC 2 were rooted in the soil.

These have implications on communication. For example, considering a communication

material that depicts a well to do, entitle family heading back to their home town. Should the

ancestral home depict humble upbringings, it may appeal to TMC 2‘s aspirations but would

alienate TMC 1 participants whose ancestral homes would not be so. While these are but

nuances and not the key component of a marketing communication, it is these nuances that

ensure that the targeting and positioning of the communication is effective and thus becomes

important that such nuances are carefully thought through.

6.3 What you do

Some similarities and differences were observed among TMC 1 and TMC 2 participants in

terms of what they do.

In terms of shopping habits the two groups were found to be different with some exceptions.

At an overall level the participants of TMC 1 were mainly found to be shopping at Super

markets while the participants of TMC 2 did most of their shopping at groceries. However,

exceptions were found in the form of well educated, professional TMC 2 participants with a

comparatively higher disposable income who also shopped at Supermarkets.

120

However, regardless of where they shopped the motive in selecting a place for shopping was

convenience either in the form of offering credit, allowing the purchase of small quantities or

housing everything on the monthly shopping list.

‗We purchase mainly from the supermarket as we mainly use the credit card. We do

90% of credit card based shopping as it is impossible to carry money all the time.

Hamedias and Odel are preferred because these outlets have the type of clothes that I

prefer to wear and I do not like to purchase clothes from House of Fashion because

outlets like this do not have the type of clothes catering to needs. Traditional shopping is

preferred as it where you go and touch and feel the product when you purchase it.

Whereas, in online shopping you do not have the experience that you gain in traditional

shopping and it is must to shop clothes, books and products that you feel through

traditional shopping‘. (TMC - 1 - 1.4 – S)

‗For example, when it comes to clothes traditional shopping is preferred as you will have

to wear the clothes before purchasing them and we go to Bangkok to purchase clothes.

Online shopping is suitable for items that you cannot purchase through traditional

shopping and there are lot of problems that happen through online shopping when

compared to traditional shopping. We purchase both fruits and vegetables from both the

supermarket as well as the open market where items are fresh. Sometimes the items

displayed within the open market is exposed to dust, therefore, I prefer to buy local fruits

and vegetables from CIC and imported fruits and vegetables from the supermarket‘

(TMC - 1 - 1.4 – S).

When considering the use of mobile phones, the image conscious TMC 1 participants had

higher end phones and a higher incidence of smart phones when compared to the participants

of TMC 2. The TMC 2 was more comfortable in using a generic ―Nokia‖ phone which

allowed them to conveniently use the basic functions. The use of services on the mobile

phone was also different in terms where TMC 1 participants used higher order services such

as application downloads, 3G services, social media etc while TMC 2 participants mainly

used basic functions such as SMS, IDD, playing games etc.

‗Modern modes of telecommunication come within my mind and my main mode of

telecommunication is chatting. I chat a lot online because I am online most of the time.

We work at office on an online basis, because we need to chat with our head office in

Sweden as well as the offices at other countries. In office we chat through Microsoft

Link and I have an account with Skype where it is used for my personal uses. Further, I

also chat via facebook, thus my main mode of telecommunication is modern and as well

as internet based. I find modern telecommunication easier because I am online most of

the time. If I am to take a phone call it would take a longer time and it is much easier to

type something in having an easy conversation via online communication‘ (TMC - 1 -

1.5 – Y).

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Internet usage was also higher among TMC 1 participants when compared to TMC 2. The

accessibility of Internet at home, at work and via mobile phone was of a higher frequency for

TMC 1, while for TMC 2 most had not accessed Internet frequently. Mathur (2010, p. 219)

states that the urban Indian landscape is lined with hoardings of international brands and the

body is lined with the latest fashion and the latest mobile phones. This is indicated in the

above finding as well where TMC 1 is more technologically conversant. This can also be an

outcome of the higher disposable income of the TMC 1 participants who due to their income

and social standing are more exposed to technology and their applications when compared to

the participants of TMC 2.

‗Immediately what comes to mind is the mobile, because that‘s the most used mode of

telecommunication. For example, when you take a modern or smart mobile phone it well

equipped with all modern facilities such as facebook, twitter, Skype, Internet and email.

Having all the aforementioned facilities provide a lot benefits to busy business personnel

like me as we are involved with lots of important communications or conversations. My

wife also uses a mobile phone and my children know how to use a mobile phone‘ (TMC

- 1 - 1.4 – S).

These aspects highlight that TMC 1 participants are more technologically conversant than the

participants of TMC 2. This could be the result of a combination of factors such as

disposable income which allows TMC 1 participants to access Internet at home or purchase a

device that grants them accessibility, language barriers where TMC 2 participants are largely

monolingual etc. Hence, when deciphering the Traditional Middle Class consumer it

becomes clear that what technology is being used and the access to technology plays a key

role in differentiating the two groups. Hence, in the opinion of the authors, while online

marketing becomes a catch phrase, marketers need to keep in mind that majority of TMC 2

participants are not connected online and may not be reached via online or technologically

advance sources which may intimidate them.

‗I prefer traditional shopping as I have not tried traditional shopping and I don‘t know

whether I can rely on online shopping. I do not trust the sources of online information

because when I tried it once or twice they ask for credit card details and I find it

reluctant to my personal information to an unknown party that is outside or present

somewhere else. I mainly purchase all FMCG stuff from a wholesale shop at

Narhenptitya where I have to purchase all that I want with a big discount in three units or

three kilos. I visit this place once a month and get all the necessary items that I want

from this place. Further, I do not buy the essential items from the supermarket. By

purchasing at the wholesale outlet helps me in saving a considerable amount of cost. I

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prefer to buy both fruits and vegetables at the super market as a wide selection is offered

and is more reliable than the open market. Previously I use to go the open market not

anymore and I purchase meat and fish from reliable shops‘ (TMC 2 - 2.10 - MH).

Leisure is another area that differentiates the TMC 1 and TMC 2 groups. While both groups

enjoyed leisure time activities and saw them as a time for bonding with family and escape

from monotony of life the way in which they engaged in leisure was different, i.e. the core

need fulfilled by leisure was the same for both groups however the methods used to satisfy

that need was different. The technologically advanced TMC 1 participants with a higher

disposable income engaged in social media, watching downloaded material and extensive

travel as means of leisure. On the other hand, the participants of TMC 2 engaged in watching

television and meeting with friends and family.

Leisure time activities are also considered as part of what one does. According to (Mathur,

2010, p.223), more than 58 percent (161 students) of the interviewed students falling within

the age group of 20 – 30 years who are pursing graduate, postgraduate and management

courses assigned a critical value to consumption. These students mention that they feel

pushed in acquiring and displaying consumer goods and in involving in leisure to maintain

their high position within society. The same appears to be true in the Sri Lankan context for

TMC 1. The lower disposable income appears to be preventing the participants of TMC 2

from pursuing leisure activities in comparison to TMC 1 who are more engaged in a variety

of leisure activities.

‗I like to travel a lot and I mainly like travelling abroad. I‘ve been to France and

Belgium, where these countries were nice with the exposure you get and what they have

done and all. I went to UK took a car, went up to Scotland and Wales. We drove as we

went to all these places and it was a different life with the pumping of fuel and etc. I

along with my wife went to Japan once and we visited the Toyota factory of Japan where

it is very modern with robots in doing a lot of things. ............. We went to Japan and

Dubai too and I also have an ambition of staying abroad. I would like to reside in

England or in any other European country as they‘re the type of people who have come

up in life mostly etc‘ (TMC - 1 - 1.4 – S).

‗My favourite hobby is playing badminton. I like it because it is a physical activity and I

mainly play with my friends and on this day I would also meet a lot of friends. On this

day some of my friends would be playing badminton while the others would just sit and

provide comments. On the other side chatting and gossiping would be going on and it

would be of some kind of entertainment. After that we would either go for a small party

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or dine outside. Spending time - Mainly out with relevant to the job, friends and

thereafter with family‘ (TMC - 2- 2.2 - Dr. P).

This implies the products and services on offer in terms of satisfying the need for leisure

need to be different for these two groups. While those organisations engaged in providing

leisure activity related offerings may appeal to consumers by focusing on their core need for

engagement with family and obtaining different experiences; in satisfying those needs, the

disposable incomes and the preferred methods of leisure need to be kept in mind. For

example while a TMC 1 participant may actively seek a holiday for two, while a TMC 2

participants who spends more time with family may actively seek a family vacation that

includes the extended family as well.

The participants of TMC 1 and TMC 2 greatly differed in terms of the languages that they

speak. The participants of TMC 1 were largely bi-lingual while the participants of TMC 2

respondents were mainly mono-lingual. Regardless of the social class both groups

extensively spoke in their mother language when at home. The participants of TMC 1 select

the appropriate language to speak in depending on the occasion while the participants of

TMC 2 experiment with a mix of languages where they attempt to practice their spoken

English skills largely when among friends i.e. a safe environment. In addition to this both

groups of participants felt that the ability to converse well in English brought about an

additional level of respect. Therefore, the mainly monolingual TMC 2 participants felt that

they were at a disadvantage and often seem to feel intimidated by those who were able to

converse well in English. The authors when conducting the discussions felt a change in the

tone of the TMC 2 participants which connoted a sense of intimidation or shyness to state

their difficulty in communicating in English.

‗English at home and work. I think in English as it is my thought process.‘ (TMC - 1 -

1.1 – A)

‗It is English as I know English better than Sinhala.‘ (TMC - 1 - 1.5 – Y).

‗I like English because I am fluent in English than Sinhala. Therefore I like English and I

do not speak Sinhala every day, I do not speak Sinhala for long periods, I speak Sinhala

and sometimes I find it a bit difficult to keep the conversation but when I moderate in

Sinhala I do it very nicely (job wise when conducting interviews with

respondents)‘(TMC - 1 - 1.6 – D).

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Therefore, marketers must ensure that the frontline staff are able to converse well in both

languages or have separate staff for each language that the customer is able to communicate

in. The inhibition to admit difficulties in conversing in English among the participants of

TMC 2 may result in them attempting to converse despite having difficulty in doing so,

which was stated by several of the participants in discussions with the authors. Interestingly

even this point was mentioned in post interview casual discussions where they knew the

conversation was not being recorded. This clearly shows the mindset of the monolingual

TMC 2 participants and it becomes crucial to have frontline staff trained on how to handle

such situations without intimidating or offending customers.

‗Sinhala ……… it is my Mother Language and from my childhood up to now I have

been mostly speaking in Sinhala).‘ (TMC 2 - 2.7 - R)

‗My mother language and because I am Sinhalese.‘ (TMC 2 - 2.4 - Dr. A)

‗My mother language and because I am Sinhalese.‘ (TMC 2 - 2.5- D)

There were no major differences observed among the two groups on consumption of food

with both groups largely preferring home-made food in relation to taste, hygiene and health

concerns. This provides an opportunity for marketers to provide convenience to home

cooking which facilitates consuming home-made food, to provide food items that provide the

gastronomic flavours of home-made food with its health benefits.

‗Non- vegetarian, because I think we have to have the freedom of having anything.

Other than beef I would consume any non vegetarian food‘ (TMC - 1 - 1.4 – S).

‗I like being a non vegetarian. I want fish and meat with vegetables and I do not take

beef. I also consume soya meat and egg and food that have a lot of protein. I consume

pork only at parties and not at home.‘(TMC - 2- 2.3- Dr. D

The consumption of food also points to the post-modern nature of both TMC 1 and TMC 2

consumers. Liyanage (2010, p. 5) states that the Sri Lankan consumer is entrenched in food

rituals where they embrace the non-complicated nature of food and its elaborate preparation.

This is clear in both TMC 1 and TMC 2 with both groups favouring home-made food.

Local music preferences among both groups were also similar. The only differences

encountered were related to age and ethnicity where younger participants preferred rock, pop

type of music while older respondents preferred slower and more classical types of music. In

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addition to this, TMC 1 participants who are mainly bi-lingual enjoyed English music

actively than the participants of TMC 2 who didn‘t do the same.

‗I listen to the music of International Singers like Britney Spears, Jennifer Lopez as both

an actress and singer, Richard Marks songs and Lady Gaga. I like only Western music

because it is so nice. They‘re really creative, the words used are soothing and sometimes

it maybe the lifestyle where it has brought me to that position. Most of the people we

know listen to those songs, in that category. Maybe if I was at home with my parents, I

would like listening to Sinhala songs. Very frankly, I like lady singers‘. (TMC - 1 - 1.4 –

S)

‗I come from a strong Sinhala speaking background and I used to listen to Sinhala music

only where in my school days I used to listen to Sinhala music only, but in order to

improve my English I started to listen to gold fm. I listen to gold fm and this depends

like if I am travelling to Matara or any rural areas on an individual basis I would be

listening to music from gold fm. If I am travelling with my parents I would be listening

something in Sinhala that is more music orientated, it would not be like shah fm but

somewhat like Amaradeva‘s, Sunil Edirisinghe‘s and Clarence would be the types of

music that I would be listening to. When it comes to English music I would like to listen

to the music of the old generation and that would be like Madonna, Michael Jackson

(one step behind) and Backstreet Boys and for local music it would be Clarence. When

it comes to English singers I have no clear opinion about them, but when it comes to

Sinhala singers I would like to position myself like Kasum Kalhara‘. (TMC 2 - 2.5- D)

The preference of food and music points in the direction of the post-modern consumer.

Liyanage (2010, p. 17) states that the symbol of the postmodern consumer is a youth clad in

jeans having a thick and showy symbol of religiousness and tradition by wearing ‗pirithnool‘.

He also refers to the mega television shows which imitate American Idol where the setting is

western but the songs sung are inherently local and more than that, traditional and classical.

This is seen in the above findings as well with the food and musical preferences of even the

western oriented TMC 1 pointing to a traditional direction.

This qualifies the selection of different types of media when targeting different groups of

participants. The monolingual TMC 2 participants cannot be reached via English media

therefore marketing communications targeting them should be done via appropriate media

that mainly use their mother tongue.

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6.4 What you have

The participants of TMC 1 and TMC 2 were different to each other in terms of what they

had. The participants of TMC 1 as seen previously were image conscious, therefore their

main expectation of a home was functionality coupled with class. Minimalism was embraced

as it provided a sense of differentiation and modern appeal which would be a contrast to the

other classes. On the other hand, the participants of TMC 2 continued to focus on the need of

being up to date and have as many fashionable items as they could afford in an effort to be

in-line with the upper classes.

In terms of the household itself, the participants of TMC 1 being the more affluent were more

likely to be living in a house with more than one level and having a higher number of

bedrooms when compared to the participants of TMC 2. Another related aspect was the

ownership of durable items. The participants of TMC 1 had a higher number of durable items

in their households when compared to the participants of TMC 2. They were more

technologically connected in having computers, pay TV and fixed line telephones and had

more kitchen appliances as well.

The participants of TMC1 also admitted the social pressure which forces them to have the

latest items, brands and features in order to uphold their social status. On the other hand, the

participants of TMC 2 having a lesser disposable income chose carefully when deciding if an

upgrade was required. In the attempt to display a higher social standing, many of the TMC 2

participants‘ reason for not upgrading was that it was not possible to measure a person by the

equipment usage and therefore, if the present equipment was functioning well, there was no

need to replace it. It was only upon probing that the authors were able to obtain the financial

difficulty aspect from them.

TMC 2, as seen before focuses on uplifting their social status and therefore do not want to

seem as though they are lacking in any aspect. The participants of TMC 1 are attempting to

differentiate themselves from social classes below them and are trying to experience the

‗good life‘. Therefore, for marketers; the key focus aspect when communicating to TMC 1

ought to be the attainment of good life, the ability to experience the luxuries of the upper

classes and the differentiation it creates in their lives from the lower classes. On the contrary

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the communication messages to TMC 2 ought to be the extra value provided by upgrading

and the cost effective methods of being similar to TMC 1 be it a cost effective versions or

even instalment schemes.

In terms of transportation, all TMC 1 participants had at least one self-owned vehicle while

this was not so among the participants of TMC 2. Most of the participants from TMC 1

travelled to work in their own vehicles or used transportation provided by their work place

while most TMC 2 participants used public transport. The aspiration to own a four wheeled

vehicle was high among the participants of TMC 2. Their tonality and body language when

discussing their lack of a self-owned four wheeled vehicle, even if they already owned a

three-wheeler or a motor bicycle, clearly indicated that they felt lesser due to the non-

ownership of a four-wheeler. However, the TMC 2 participants who did own a car or a van

were extremely proud of it and spoke passionately about its value, features and the status that

it brings them.

In view of this desire for vehicle ownership of TMC 2, marketers have an opportunity to

target them with low priced vehicles and attractive financing options. In doing so the core

message that should be conveyed is the upward movement in class brought about by the

transition from a two- wheeler or a three-wheeler to a four-wheeler. On the other hand, the

participants of TMC 1 need to be told of the luxury, comfort and exclusivity of their vehicle.

Liyanage, (2009 – 2010), p. 100, has shown that status and individual identity are

increasingly defined not in terms of social position (i.e. who you are) but rather, in terms of

life style (i.e. what you have).

‗The phenomenal growth of the consumer durables market, although aided by the fall

in prices of consumer durables with rapid changes in technology, and more recently

that of the mobile phones market, cannot be plausibly explained only in terms of

economic factors. The explanation also lies in the emerging social forces and

ideological shifts that have been delineated‘.

Mathur (2010, p. 227) states that in the Indian context, the middle class consumer sees the

patterns of conspicuous consumption as a key indicator of social class and identification.

This can be seen in the above findings as well with the class conscious TMC 1 indulging in a

higher level of consumption when compared to TMC 2.

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6.5 What you value

In terms of what you value, several key dimensions were measured, namely; views on caste

and class, religiousness, centrality of family and views on westernization.

Both groups admitted that a social class system was in place. While both groups felt that

regardless of the social class that one belongs to, all people should be treated equally; their

reasons for this were different. The participants of TMC 1 were focusing on a practical aspect

of social interactions while the participants of TMC 2 focused on a more humanitarian aspect

due to their identification with the prejudices faced when belonging to a lower social

standing. Finally, the participants of TMC 2 viewed the upper classes as a privileged group

who marginalized people of lower social classes.

The participants of TMC 2 saw education, money, designation and ability to speak English as

determinants of social class while the participants of TMC 1 brought in other aspects of

family background and behaviour in to the scope. The participants of TMC 2 clearly saw

education as a means of upward social mobility.

On occasions where social class ought to be considered, all TMC 1 participants stated that

marriage was such a situation while less than half of the TMC 2 participants said so. This

was the main occasion where class was considered to be important by both groups to

differing extents.

Caste too was a concern for the participants of TMC 1 while for TMC 2 participants it was

not a cause for concern with the exception of a few ethnicities. The main occasion where

TMC1 participants felt that caste ought to be considered was once more in terms of marriage.

The main reason for this was that the TMC 1 participants were conscious of their image and

maintenance of social standing. Their reason for considering caste as an important

denominator here was that if a member of a lower caste joined their family, the social status

of the whole family may be compromised; therefore it was better that lower castes were not

considered for marriage.

The key point to note here is that throughout the entire study, the participants of TMC 1 are

focused on maintaining their social status while the participants of TMC 2 are focusing on

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upward social mobility. Here, it is the authors‘ opinion that the participants of TMC 2 do not

focus on caste as much as they do on class in marriage as caste is not within their control.

Class however is within their control, as in their opinion education could uplift social class.

Therefore, in view of their need to move up the social ladder, they would stand a better

chance should caste not be considered. Conroy (cited by Mathur 2010, p212) states that the

Indian middle class is characterized by consumption and aspiration of a privileged lifestyle.

Therefore, in order for TMC 1 to continue to be privileged it can be argued that their social

class must be maintained which can be a key reason for focusing on social class and caste.

The next aspect surveyed was religiousness of the participants. Regardless of the social class

that they belonged to, religion played an important part in their lives and all participants felt

that they were religious. In terms of centrality of family the views of the participants

differed. More participants from TMC 1 felt that their elders were respected more often than

those of TMC 2. The reason for this could be the level of involvement that TMC 2

participants had with the elders of their families in making decisions. The participants of

TMC 1 mainly involved their elders in selecting a partner for marriage while the participants

of TMC 2 involved them for other aspects such as selection of jobs, houses and naming

children. This increase in involvement may result in TMC 2 participants feeling that rest of

society is not respecting their elders as much.

The final aspect considered was the views on westernization. Here, a set of twelve aspects

were taken in to account and participants were asked to state if westernization had any

impact on these aspects and if the influence was positive or negative. The participants of

TMC 1 saw most aspects as positive while the opposite was true for TMC 2. TMC 1

participants felt that there would be both positive aspects and negative aspects of anything

and therefore the duty of the individual was to pick the positives and not the negatives. By

definition itself TMC 1 were more western oriented and therefore would be more open to

western influences while TMC 2, being more rooted in the local soil would resent it.

‗I think it is very wrong to pinpoint Westerners and say that we have got those bad habits

from them because we have had those things in our culture too. For example, if you take

the Estate Sector of Sri Lanka you can find a lot of stories based on one woman in being

with so many men and one man in being with so many women, how their children are

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brought up and in having extra marital affairs. These happenings are there in various

parts of the world.

Further, we are now talking about casinos, drugs and of play areas which have derived

from Westernization and this isn‘t proper. For if you are to read the Jathaka Tales, there

have been stories based on extra marital affairs, rape, theft, murder, cheat, disrespecting

elders and parents, jealousy, hatred, irreligious and in taking unwanted substances. So

there isn‘t any big difference between the wrong doings of us as well as theirs and it is

very wrong of us to criticize them. It may be where some of what they have brought

would have facilitated in doing more bad things and in not where they have introduced

bad behavioural patterns by themselves alone. Consequently, we should not criticize

them as if you take the whole of Westernization the positives are 99% and the negative

is only 1%‘ (TMC - 1 - 1.4 – S).

‗In the East we want to respect others and gain respect where it is not the same in the

West where you are no one and here you are someone‘s son or father etc. In the East

there is a culture where in the West most focus on high levels of individualism. Within

our society there is a community based life and this pattern is not found in the Western

nations. Again when it comes to providing freedom it has to be within my reach and if

there is too much money freedom given would be unlimited. Further, when considering

Eastern Nations like India and Sri Lankan the family is said to be the family of the oldest

individual who is present within the chosen household whereas this kind of pattern is not

found within the West‘. (TMC 2 - 2.10 - MH)

Both groups here are focused on maintaining culture and respecting adults. This pinpoints

once more to the postmodern consumer who is outwardly modern but inwardly traditional.

Despite this inward traditionalism TMC 1 continues to be more western oriented. Liyanage

discussing TMC 1 states that ‗this social group belonged to an upper middle class which was

bilingual, and at its upper end, cosmopolitan and markedly western orientated‘ (Liyanage,

(2009-2010), p.94). Therefore, TMC 1 are more open to western influences and see them in a

positive light when compared to TMC 2 participants who do not see so.

6.6 Summary

The research indicated significant differences among the participants of TMC 1 and TMC 2.

The differences were mainly due to the western orientation and high disposable income of

TMC 1 participants as opposed to the participants of TMC 2. In addition, the feeling of

entitlement and the need to maintain social class of TMC 1 participants coupled with the

focus on upward social mobility of TMC 2 participants played a key role within the

outcomes. Further research needs to be undertaken to ensure island wide applicability as this

study is limited in terms of geographic and ethnic coverage.

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Chapter 7

CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS

7.1 Introduction

This chapter discusses mentions about the key conclusions, key recommendations and areas

for further research. Further, under the section ―key conclusion‖ a brief summary of the

findings have been mentioned. Finally, when considering the importance of further research

the authors have mentioned how significant it will be for academics as well as business

professionals in trying to understand the evolution of the traditional middle classes as well as

the other social strata for business related purposes and in making fruitful business decisions.

7.2 Key conclusions

This study was carried out in order to unearth the similarities and differences between the

two social classes; TMC 1 and TMC 2 as identified by (Liyanage, 2009). The study

undertaken used a mixed methodology approach in combining both qualitative and

quantitative techniques to ensure that the findings are robust in terms of length and breadth.

However, the study was based on a qualitative approach backed up by a basic quantitative

approach.

There were significant differences seen in the study among TMC 1 and TMC 2 in terms of

who they are. This could be seen in their perception of self, importance of perception,

association with friends, languages spoken and lineage. Differences were also seen in terms

on what they do on leisure and use of technology. However, both groups were similar on

their preference of music and food. On consumption, there was a marked difference where

TMC 1 was far more consumption oriented than TMC 2. Lastly on the values of these two

groups similarities were seen in perceived religious orientation while differences were noted

on centrality of family and views on westernization.

In conclusion it is clear that many social changes have been taking place in Sri Lanka from

the post 1956 era which have had a significant impact on the different social classes and their

behaviours. The outcome of these changes seems to be the emergence of the postmodern

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consumer with their outward western orientation and inward traditional nature in varying

degrees between these two groups.

These differences in social classes means that when marketing products and services even to

a middle class consumer, the minute differences that make up the different strata within the

middle class itself ought to play an important role. The communication messages should be

gratifying the core needs of both groups TMC 1 and TMC 2. For TMC 1 and TMC 2 females

it would be the role in family, for TMC 2 it would be upward social mobility and in TMC 1 it

will be personality and entitlement. Thus, the marketing organisations should have effective

and efficient staff to cater to the self-conscious mono-lingual TMC 2 as well as the bi-lingual

TMC 1. The correct applications of these nuances constitute to the difference between

satisfying and delighting a customer.

Taking in to consideration the Indian context, Mathur (2010, p. 226) has identified three

main implications on society as a result of the shift to a flamboyant lifestyle by younger

generation of the Indian middle class. Firstly, the original status symbols have been

challenged by the emergence of a pretentious show of fashion and luxury goods. Secondly,

social demarcations are formed by ostentatious lifestyles and possession of enviable goods.

Finally, there is a shift in emphasis from humanity, restraint and nurturance to consumption

and indulgence while being watchful of traditional values.

Many of these implications hold true for the Sri Lankan middle class although they may not

be as pronounced as in the Indian context. Firstly, as in India the status symbols have

changed. The lineage of TMC 1 and TMC 2 participants are different and if explained in

detail, TMC 1 had communicated in English for the past three generations while TMC 2 had

communicated in their Mother Tongue (Sinhala or Tamil). Original status demarcations such

as caste, appearance of one‘s home and family background still act as barriers preventing

TMC 2 from moving up the social ladder. Possession of goods is becoming an increasingly

important for differentiating class. This is clearly indicated by the ownership of smart

phones, durable items and vehicles by TMC 1 and their opinion that these need to be

maintained up to date in order to uphold their social status. It is also seen in the aspiration of

TMC 2 to own vehicles and durable items that would signify them to upward social mobility.

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Finally, the shift towards indulgence can also be seen. The participants of TMC 1 focus on

leisure and attempt to have as many experiences as possible. However, the shift from

longstanding traditional values is not as marked. Both groups still consult their elders for key

decisions in their lives and the majority of TMC 2 considers western influences as having a

negative impact on culture and tradition.

The changing dynamics between the two social classes will continue to have an impact on

their consumption patterns with one group attempting to set the trend and move on before the

other catches up. The marketing fraternity needs to keep a watchful eye on these changes and

adjust their upper as well as lower middle class consumer strategies. By doing this, they will

able to cater to both TMC 1 and to the aspiring members of TMC 2 whose main focus is

upward social mobility.

7.3 Key recommendations

If explained in a detailed manner, ―Profiling the Sri Lankan Consumer‖ is a vast and never

ending area. Hence, the authors recommend additional research, where it should be done in

order to obtain an understanding if the same social dynamics are taking place within other

parts of the country as well as to verify the existence of these differences among different

ethnic groups. For example, if a study was done within Jaffna, Galle, and Ampara or in any

other particular part of the island, then the thoughts generated from those participants may or

may not be similar to the findings given within this paper. Their thoughts towards who you

are, what you have, what you value and what you do would be different or similar to this

study.

7.4 Areas for further research

This study does not represent the country in its entirety because it was mainly focused on the

Western province of Sri Lanka in focusing on its three main districts Colombo, Kalutara and

Gampaha. The representations of the various ethnic groups that make up the population were

limited. The majority of the participants were Sinhalese Buddhists followed by a lesser

proportionate of Sinhalese Christians, Tamil Hindus, Tamil Christians, Bhurgers and

Muslims.

134

If explained in depth this study only covered individuals who fell under the age of between

30 – 45 years namely within the private and public sector companies of Sri Lanka. Further,

even if the same study had been conducted with the same amount of participants with

individuals aged between 18 – 28 years, the thoughts drawn from them might be different

from those aged between 30 – 45 years.

Within this group sometimes there might be a lot of similarities within both middle classes of

TMC 1 and 2 as (Liyanage, 2009) mentions that the young members of both TMC 1 and 2

are possessing similar thoughts as the New Urban Middle Class (NUMC). Perhaps there can

be a convergence of the youngsters of both middle classes along with the NUMC in having

only one class as the ―Young Middle Class‖. The only differentiators of this class could be

education, job held and family background which perhaps could diminish or be perhaps be

maintained in marriage and in maintaining a level of respect within society.

Further, the remaining two strata of Alienated Rural Youth (ARY) may merge with the New

Working Class (NWC). If explained further, the jobless ARY could merge themselves with

the NWC who is mainly working in clerical positions within the private or public sector and

could form small enterprises or businesses. The thoughts of the above mentioned youngsters

could also be done through research in order to see whether they are having the similar

thoughts of the youngsters as in TMC 1, TMC 2 and NUMC. Considering the educated

NWC could form their own businesses or could merge with either TMC 1 or TMC 2 or

NUMC. Thereafter, whether their thinking patterns would be the same or changing can all be

identified through proper research.

Finally, research needs to be undertaken from time to time. Meaning the youngsters of

1980‘s would not share the similar thought of the youngsters of 2000, the thoughts generated

from these individuals would not be the same. Therefore, further research needs to be

undertaken to verify if the same similarities and differences exist in other parts of the country

from time to time. Finally, a better representation of the ethnic communities would ensure the

applicability of the study to a national context. It would enable the findings and implications

to become more robust and therefore increase reliability.

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7.5 Summary

This study was conducted to unearth differences among the two selected social classes of

TMC 1 and TMC 2. The research findings pointed out distinct differences between these

groups in terms of their values and behaviour. It is also highlighted the underlying conflicts

between these two classes in where TMC 1 is trying to maintain their social standing.

Likewise TMC 2 is attempting to move up the social ladder via education and possible

indulgence. These patterns will further change as these classes evolve under various global

and local influences which will ultimately lead to more variety and segmentation among

consumers.

136

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