perceptions of zimbabwean men about teenage pregnancy
TRANSCRIPT
Perceptions of Zimbabwean menabout teenage pregnancy.
A research report submitted in partial fulfillmentof the requirements for the degree of
BSocSci Honours in Sociology
University of Pretoria
By Kudakwashe Kumbirai Zwana
Supervisor: Dr Charles Puttergill
November 2014
DECLARATION
I certify that this research report is my own work except in
places where references have been made to other sources
acknowledged within the text and that it has not been
previously submitted at any University.
Signed :
Name : Kudakwashe Kumbirai Zwana
Date :
i
Abstract
Studies exploring the perceptions of men about teenage
pregnancy remain limited. Most literature tends to focus on
the effects teenage pregnancy has on the teen mother. Teenage
pregnancy is of growing concern not only in Africa but also
across the globe. The challenges faced by teenage parents
determine the life choices they make. In most cases, girls are
forced to dropout from school due to the stigma and the
pressures of pregnancy. In some cases they are expelled. At
home, they may be chased away forcing them to elope. Boys
however on the other hand are treated differently within both
society and school. At home, certain demands are asked of
them. At school they are looked up to by fellow peers who view
them as alpha males. Their relationships with fellow learners
rarely changes. In most cases they are not expelled from
school nor are they stigmatized. The aim of this study was to
find out the perceptions that Zimbabwean men implicated in
teenage pregnancy have about it. A qualitative research
approach was used to understand the perceptions on the
challenges faced by teenager parents. It highlights, the
challenges faced by teenager parents which vary depending on
their financial disposition. In most cases however, schooling
is often disrupted for both boys and girls.
Keywords: Teenage pregnancy and parenting, perceptions,
challenges, financial disposition, schooling
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Table of contents
Declaration i
Abstract ii
Acknowledgements iv
Chapter 1: Introduction
1
1.1 Aims and objectives
2
1.2 Outline of this study
2
Chapter 2: Teenage pregnancy in context
4
Chapter 3: Methodology
8
3.1 Type of study
8
3.2 Data collection: interviews
9
3.2.1 Advantage of interviews
9
3.2.2 Disadvantage of interviews
9
3.3 Participants
9
iii
3.4 Sampling
10
3.5 Data analysis
11
3.6 Ethical considerations
11
3.6.1 Participants’ freedom to participate in the research
11
3.6.2 Privacy and confidentiality
11
3.6.3 Seeking sensitive information
12
3.7 Limitations
12
Chapter 4: Data analysis
13
4.1 Introduction
13
4.2 Perceptions on the challenges faced by teen parents
13
4.3 Perceptions of becoming a teen parent
19
4.4 Perceptions on the attitude of teachers and fellow
learners 21
iv
4.5 Perceptions on the support that teen parents need
23
Chapter 5: Conclusion
26
5.1 Overview of findings
26
5.2 Lessons learnt from the study
26
5.3 Limitations
27
5.4 Recommendations
27
5.5 Conclusion 28
List of sources
29
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTSMany people contributed to the success of this study and I
wish to acknowledge them as follows:
First, I would like to extend my sincere gratitude to my
family. Without their financial assistance, this study would
not have been possible. A very special thank you to my
supervisor, Dr Charles Puttergill for his continued guidance,
patience and constructive criticism throughout the research
process. His supervision and assistance with this study have
been truly valuable. I would also like to extend my
appreciation to all research participants for their
willingness to participate in this study. Their contributions
made this study a success. Without their views and valuable
information this study would not have been possible. My
appreciation is extended to my friends for their valuable
input in this project
vi
Chapter 1: Introduction
There is a growing concern about teenage pregnancy in the
world. This is mainly due to the socio-economic and academic
challenges that come with the responsibility of having
children at a young age. Zimbabwe has seen a significant
increase in in teenage pregnancies. To illustrate, the 2005-
2006 Zimbabwe Demographic Health Survey (ZDHS) reported a high
rate of teenage pregnancies (21%), for the 15 to 19 age
cohort. The adolescent fertility rate is higher in rural (120
per 1000 girls) than in urban (70 per 1000 girls) areas. A
number of reasons ranging from poverty to sexual abuse have
been given for this increase (UNFPA Zimbabwe).
As a result of pregnancy, teen parents are usually forced out
of school due to lack of support from their respective
communities. It is the teenage mother who usually faces the
greater burden of raising the child alone as the male partner
may refuse to take responsibility. In instances where the girl
is impregnated by an older man, the consequences for her are
the same due to the legislation prohibiting sexual relations
with children under 18. As a result, girls drop out of school
due to the pressure of pregnancy and the stigma from peers
whereas boys can continue with their education. This is why I
argue that teenage pregnancy is amongst the major concerns
that pose a serious threat to gains achieved by improving the
level of education.
In as much as girls are the most directly affected, teenage
pregnancy has its own consequences for boys as well. In most
1
cases, certain demands are asked of them. Taking
responsibility is one of these demands. It entails paying a
bride price with an additional ‘damages’ fee, a fine
specifically for impregnating someone’s daughter. As a result,
the boy may be forced to look for a job so as to prove that he
is now a man. He may also be forced to move out of the family
home to start his family. In rural Zimbabwe, when a boy
impregnated a girl and takes responsibility, his parents will
allocate him a piece of land where he can build his house as
well as where he can till the land. The homestead is thus
recognised by the headman as independent from his parents’
(Mudavanhu, 2010). This is almost the same for those who
reside in urban Zimbabwe. The only difference is that in urban
Zimbabwe the cost of a piece of land is beyond the reach of
ordinary low income families thus when a boy impregnates a
girl they may end up having to rent a room rather than build a
house. Thus income is a major determinant.
Teen parents are particularly vulnerable groups within any
society. Their vulnerability stems from the fact that
pregnancy impacts on their long term life chances. They are
both at critical points in their lives, where their life
chances may be shaped towards healthy development, stability
and productivity or towards poverty and dependency (Stephens
et al 1999). Without support to continue education, teen
parents will potentially fall victims of poverty.
One aim of this research is to explore the perceptions
Zimbabwean men have with regard to teenage pregnancy. To
elaborate, this research seeks to find out what Zimbabwean
2
men’s views are on the challenges faced by teenager parents,
what could be done about these challenges as well as whether
the views around teenage pregnancy have changed over time. The
research focuses on males, who either impregnated a girl when
they themselves were teenagers or those who impregnated a
teenage girl when they were no longer teenagers.
1.1 Aims and objectives
Within the Zimbabwe, it is unacceptable for teenagers to
engage in sexual activity. Thus falling pregnant or
impregnating a girl is not tolerated. This is why some
teenagers end up running away from home and even dropping out
of school. Communities usually offer little support. In
school, they are treated differently by both teachers and
peers because of the stigma attached to teenage pregnancy and
parenting (Manyalo, 2012). By focusing on perceptions of
Zimbabwean males towards the subject, a more complete
understanding can be obtained on how teenage pregnancy is
viewed within society. Since a subset of the sample is teen
fathers, it provides an indication of the extent to which they
faced challenges not only in schooling but also in supporting
their partner.
Most literature has tended to focus on a female perspective,
hence the focus on males to explore the challenges teenage
parents face, the measures in place and as well as what can be
done in order to lessen the young teenager parents’
challenges, so that they are able to complete their education
and become self-reliant.
3
1.2 Outline of this study
The research report is divided into five chapters. In chapter
two I present a framework based on a review of literature
drawing on aspects from Shaningwa (2007). First, I consider
the perceptions on the challenges faced by teen parents, that
is, for both boys and girls. Second, I focus on their
perceptions on challenges of becoming a teen parent. Third, l
focus on their perceptions of the attitudes of teachers and
learners towards teen parents. Last, I focus on the
perceptions of the educational support that teen parents need.
Chapter 3 discusses the research methods used in conducting
the study. It describes the research design for this study.
The research setting, sampling of the research participants,
data collection is discussed as well as data analysis,
research ethics and limitations of the study.
Chapter four reports on the data collected through interviews
using themes such as: perceptions on the challenges faced by
teen parents, perceptions on the challenges of becoming a teen
parent, perceptions on the attitudes of teachers and fellow
learners towards teenage pregnancy and parenting and the
support that teen parents need.
Chapter five presents a critical overview of the study,
research design, the summative reflection of the main
findings, lessons learnt from this study, limitations of this
study and tentative suggestions for actions and future
research on the basis of the study.
4
Chapter 2: Teenage pregnancy
In this section, I provide a framework for focusing on teenage
pregnancy especially by looking at the different views of
researchers on teenage pregnancy as a social phenomenon. Here,
issues of pregnancy and disruption of schooling are
considered. Research into gender and education, and in
particular the challenges young teen parents go through when
they go back to school, and how to address the challenges so
that the girls are able to finish their schooling, remain
limited especially when looking at the Zimbabwean context.
While the situation concerning teenage pregnancy and schooling
5
problems is less accounted for locally, it is widely accounted
for globally by a number of scholars.
Schooling disruptions are to a larger extent fuelled by
societies’ attitudes to teenage pregnancy. This is to say
that, if society does not accept teenage pregnancy then it is
less likely that there would be any support for teen parents
and this results in them (teen parents) dropping out of school
as acknowledged by Helge (1989). To a larger extent, it is how
the news of a teenage boy impregnating a girl or that of a
teenage girl falling pregnant is received within society which
determines whether or not these teenagers will be able to
continue their education. Mokgalabone (1999) uses this
argument with reference to the South African context.
Furthermore, it is usually the pregnant girl who is forced to
drop out of school whereas the boy can continue attending
school. This defeats the goal of ‘education for all without
discrimination’ as set out in the Zimbabwe constitution.
Research by Kaufman et al (2001) showed that both pregnancy
and parenting are the leading reasons girls give for dropping
out of school. In South Africa, Grant and Hallman (2006) have
shown that in most cases the birth of a baby marks the end of
schooling for the teen mothers. In their research in 2007,
Chigona and Chettey, revealed that in the 2000 Commission on
Gender Equity report to the South African Ministry of
Education, it was stated that a number of complaints had been
received from pregnant learners concerning the manner in which
their schools had been treating them. When looking at the
Zimbabwean context this is also particularly true. The
6
Ministry of Education does not grant maternity leave to
expecting teen parents who are still in school. Furthermore,
in most cases, pregnant girls are expelled from school whereas
in others they end up dropping out as a result of
discrimination they suffer from peers and teachers within the
school. (Sithole et al, 2013) Since a subset of my sample is
teen fathers, I will be able to ascertain the extent to which
their schooling was disrupted as a result of impregnating a
girl.
Education is a human right (UNESCO 2003) and although in some
countries it is not illegal to refuse pregnant girls an
opportunity to complete their schooling, banning them
increases their vulnerability. It is not surprising that the
Nziramasanga Commission (1999) which looked into the entire
education system discovered that, “a high percentage of
dropouts in schools were of girls and most of them
due to pregnancy. The commission expressed great
concern about the ill-treatment the teenage girl was
given by the school administration and education
authorities.” (Sithole et al, 2013) The Forum for African
Women Educationalists (FAWE) has worked since 1992 to promote
Education for Women through advocacy, concrete actions and
policy reforms. As a result of its efforts, in South Africa, a
policy formalised in 1996 allows pregnant girls and mothering
teens to continue schooling logistically and financially
(Grant and Hallman, 2006).
Johansson and Hammaren (2012) explored young fatherhood have
mainly looked at low-income and unemployed young men in Sweden
7
where a new phenomenon was emerging. Within Sweden, young
fathers are creating blogs and presenting themselves on the
Internet. The research found that the images of young
fatherhood constructed in these blogs are often positive and
framed within a discourse of the caring father. Gender theory
informed Johansson and Hammaren’s (2012) conceptual framework.
Embedded in this framework was Raewyn Connell’s notion of
hegemonic masculinity. Connell (1995) defines hegemonic
masculinity as “the con guration of gender practice whichfi
embodies the currently accepted answer to the problem of the
legitimacy of patriarchy, which guarantees (or is taken to
guarantee) the dominant position of men and the subordination
of women.” It has to be noted however that this hegemonic
masculinity is not always negative as found by the research
which showed young fathers as caring. In my research I also
hoped to shed more light on the positive masculinities that
can arise as a result of teenage pregnancy. These positive
connotations usually arise in instances when the teenage boy
accepts responsibility for impregnating a girl. I also hoped
to locate these positive attributes within the broader
challenges that teenage parents face. That is, how these
challenges impact on their status as men within society.
Enderstein and Boonzaier (2013) have argued against Morrell et
al. (2012) discourse of ‘bad men’ widely used in South African
gender activism in their research which focused on narratives
of young South African fathers. The article explored early
fatherhood as a potential site for the development of
alternative masculinities. Young men are often viewed as
8
subjects of risk factor vulnerability and negative outcomes
who become uninvolved fathers. Their article sought to counter
these claims. The analysis revealed that young men
deliberately shift their life focus and actively renegotiate
their identity through the choice to take responsibility for
their children. How these young fathers restructure their
personal goals their relationships with families and
partners in terms of providing emotional and nancialfi
stability for their child challenges stereotypes of
irresponsible young men and absent fathers. Research by Barker
and Ricardo (2005) has shown that discussions around gender
have become synonymous with the disadvantages that women and
young girls face in a patriarchal context. This is not to say
that gender oppressions are not a stark reality. The argument
here is to show that perceptions of young fathers are coloured
by this representation and they are often assumed to be
disinterested and wilfully absent. In doing this research I
want to investigate to what extent these scholarly debates
hold water specifically focusing on the Zimbabwean context.
This is why I chose to interview Zimbabwean men so as to gain
a better understanding of the dynamics that come into play in
the occurrence of teenage pregnancy. Interviewing those who
impregnated a teenage girl should provide me with much needed
insight on the subject. Financial disposition usually
determines the course of action taken by both teenagers. This
is to say that sometimes a boy may refuse to take
responsibility due to the fact that he earns no income or he
comes from a poor family. Even when he does take
9
responsibility in within this hypothetical situation, certain
demands are made of him such as payment of the bride price
including “damages’ for impregnating the girl. This bride
price is usually negotiated between families (Enderstein and
Boonzaier, 2012) the fact that there is limited knowledge of
young fathers and the issues they face is one of the factors
that have necessitated this research.
In Zimbabwe however, much work needs to be done with regard to
teenage pregnancy. There is still limited research into the
perceptions of adolescent fathers. In schools, boys and girls
are treated differently which is why I argue that a policy as
that one adopted in South Africa would go a long way in
ensuring that there is considerable support for teen parents.
Shaningwa (2007) provides a framework on how to analyse the
challenges faced by teen mothers. First, she looks at the
different views of researchers on teenage pregnancy as a
social problem. These issues included “the consequences
related to dropping out of school such as poverty, the limited
career opportunities of teenage mothers, teenage mothers’
social behaviour and social status as well as exclusion.”
(Shaningwa, 2007). Her second focus is on the challenges of
becoming a teenage mother. Here, she looked at the school
environment with specific focus on the stigma attached to
pregnancy within such an environment. Third, she looked at the
attitudes of both teachers and fellow learners towards teenage
mothers in school. This included how teachers and learners
related to the teen mothers, both negatively and positively.
The fourth section of her framework focused on the educational
10
support teenage mothers need. Lastly, she looked at the
implementation of teenage pregnancy policy in Namibia in which
she drew directly from policy documents on teenage pregnancy,
more specifically the part of the re-admission of young
mothers. (Shaningwa, 2007). In this research, I borrowed some
aspects from this framework for my research and broaden it to
focus on the perceptions that men have towards teenage
pregnancy and parenting. These perceptions will be divided
into 4 categories.
First, I consider the male perceptions on the challenges faced
by teen parents, that is, for both boys and girls. Second, I
focus on their perceptions on challenges of becoming a teen
parent. Third, l focus on their perceptions of the attitudes
of teachers and learners towards teen parents. Last, the
research focuses on the perceptions of the support that teen
parents need. Most of the literature that I reviewed focused
on girls mainly due to the fact that in most cases, they are
forced to drop out of school. This is due to various reasons,
health, among them. I focused on male perceptions on teenage
parenting and pregnancy as there is still very little
literature on this. The research juxtaposed the responses of
my male participants with those of the literature I reviewed
so as to unmask how gender and socialisation determines the
perceptions on the challenges faced by these teen parents.
That is why my participants were only male. By drawing to
males who fathered a child with a teenage girl, I explored
whether there were differences in their perceptions on the
issue and how their own experiences may have shaped it.
11
Chapter 3: Methodology
3.1 Type of research
This research was conducted using a qualitative interpretive
research paradigm. Instead of variables, qualitative data
examines motifs, themes, distinctions and perspectives. This
approach is usually inductive. One of its main differences
with quantitative research is that in qualitative research,
analysis proceeds by extracting themes or generalisations from
evidence and organising data to present a coherent, consistent
picture. In quantitative research on the other hand, analysis
is determines by the use of statistics or tables discussing
how what they show relates to hypotheses in qualitative
research social life is examined from multiple points of view
so as to understand and explain how people construct
identities. The assumption here is that certain areas of
social life are intrinsically qualitative (Neuman, 2011)
12
An interpretive paradigm, considers the experiences of
individuals as the main source of interpreting social reality.
For Cantrell (1993), the interpretive paradigm allows the
researcher to understand the situation of the phenomena being
studied and to interpret meanings within the “social or
cultural context” of the participants. Therefore, this
research paradigm allowed me to construe the experiences,
thoughts, and perceptions of the research participants in
their own setting and cultural context. The main advantage of
conducting this study within this research paradigm is that it
allowed me, as the, researcher to understand and make sense of
the actions and views of my participants from an individual
perspective and to understand that different men can perceive
the subject of teenage pregnancy differently.
3.2 Data collection: interviews
The nature of my study allowed me to collect data through two
different data collection tools: interviews and document
analysis mainly due to it being qualitative in nature.
Interviews enable probing and make it possible to understand
the perceptions, opinions and thoughts of the interviewee.
(Cohen & Manion, 1994). Given the sensitive nature of this
research, focus groups ran the risk of generating socially
acceptable answers. This is due to the fact that within a
focus group setting, some participants may find a focus group
situation intimidating and may feel under pressure to agree
with the dominant view. Participants may not be entirely free
to express themselves, especially when their thoughts oppose
the views of another participant. Within the Zimbabwean
13
context, public discussions regarding sexuality are taboo. For
this reason, I used semi-structured interviews.
A semi-structured interview is a qualitative method of inquiry
that combines a pre-determined set of open questions
(questions that prompt discussion) with the opportunity for
the interviewer to explore particular themes or responses
further. Within a semi- structured interview, each person is
asked the same question in the same way with some leeway for
flexibility. This allows respondents to discuss and raise
issues that the interviewer may not have considered (May,
2011). The role of the interviewer is that of directing the
respondent according to the sequence of questions on the
interview schedule. An interview schedule, for the purposes of
clarification, is the guide an interviewer uses when
conducting an interview. Comparability between responses can
be achieved using this method given the structured nature.
With the permission of the respondents, some of the interviews
were recorded.
3.2.1 Advantages of interviews
A semi-structured interview provides valuable information from
context of participants’ experiences. The use of pre-
determined questions provides structure (Neuman, 2011). The
sensitivity of the research topic has necessitated my
implementation of interviews as a method of data collection.
In depth information can also be collected using interviews.
This is usually done through probing. For Bell (1993), semi
structured interviews allow paticipants a “considerable degree
14
of latitude”. An interview is also flexible in that questions
can be explained in instances where the respondent needs
clarity. Participants are given freedom to talk about the
topic and give their views in their own time unlike in
structured interviews, where the respondents are limited to a
range of responses previously developed by the researcher
(May, 2011).
3.2.2 Disadvantages of interviews
Interviewing is time consuming and expensive since it involves
meeting different people at different locations. The quality
of data depends on the quality of interaction as well as that
of the interviewer (Kumar, 2011). When framing questions, the
researcher may introduce his/her bias thereby influencing the
answers given.
In this research, I was attentive of the advantages; how to
facilitate conversation and build rapport, whilst being
mindful of the pitfalls.
3.3 Participants
The research involved finding out the perceptions of
Zimbabwean males on teenage pregnancy and parenting. There was
an underlying question here of whether authorities, parents
and the general public were aware of the challenges of teenage
parenting as well as what they were doing about them. However,
as a researcher, I did interview participants under the age of
18 as it would have involved asking for the parents’ informed
consent as well as the minors’ assent to participate. It is
taboo to discuss issues to do with sexuality in Zimbabwe.
15
Given that this research had a focus on matters linked to
sexuality, parents would have been less likely willing to
grant me permission to talk to their children. In addition,
given my own gender and societal taboos, females would also
have been uncomfortable discussing this matter with a young
male.
Hence, I interviewed male participants between the ages of 18
to 30. I chose this age range because they are defined as
youth. Furthermore, it provided some opportunity to see
whether any differences emerge between those younger and those
who are slightly older. My position as a young adult male in
Zimbabwean society determined the age range of participants.
Zimbabwean men compared to women are more comfortable
discussing the issue of teenage pregnancy with a man. Due to
the insignificant number of people belonging to other races, I
interviewed black Zimbabwean males. Given the time available
to conduct the research, I interviewed 10 people. Eight became
fathers when they were teens. The remaining two fathered a
child with a teenage girl when they were no longer teens. I
took as much time as needed during the interviews so as to get
as much information as possible. No payment or other
incentives were offered to participants. This was done to
avoid prejudicing the answers and findings of the research.
3.4 Sampling
I used personal contacts in order to build up a sample group
to be studied. This study was conducted within the municipal
boundaries of Harare, hence in an urban setting. Participants
16
were drawn from a local sports club whose members come from
the surrounding suburbs in Harare. Snowball sampling was also
be used to supplement the intended number of participants in
cases where some of the participants cancelled the interviews.
Snowball sampling can happen in a number of ways, but
generally it is when a group of people recommends potential
participants for a study, or directly recruits them for the
study. It is a very effective method especially when
recruiting people who are difficult to identify or have to
meet certain criteria to participate. This eases data the
collection process.
3.5 Data analysis
Qualitative data analysis is an inductive process of
organising the data into categories and identifying patterns
among the categories (Cooper & Schindler, 1998). The
categories and patterns will emerge from the data rather than
being imposed on the data prior to data collection. Since the
data to be analysed involves a small sample, the process of
organizing data and data reduction will be done by means of
categorising the responses until prominent themes could be
identified and described. The findings of my research
participants were compared and interpreted according to
perceptions, opinions and experiences in order to make
meaning.
3.6 Ethical considerations
17
This part of the research is very important as it helps ensure
that there is minimal discomfort, health risk as well as loss
of privacy. Ethics are a growing concern in social research,
and the researcher’s ethical responsibilities include the
overarching principles of academic integrity and honesty, and
respect for other people (Punch 2006). The researcher is
ultimately motivated to undertake this inquiry with the
purpose of adding to the body of knowledge, which is to help
provide to society valuable information about the varied
cultures and people and their daily social interactions.
Therefore, having a respect for people is a priority for the
researcher. I will thus briefly explain the ethics considered
and how I overcame them.
These are:
3.6.1 Participants’ freedom to participate in the research
It was encouraged that all participants to be interviewed do
so on their own free will. Information collected was voluntary
and not forced upon participants. This helped me get as much
accurate data as possible. I ensured that I gave enough time
for participates to choose whether or not they want to be
interviewed. The researcher did not coerce people into
participating in the research.
3.6.2 Privacy and confidentiality
It is unethical to share information about a respondent with
others. Participants were thus assured that taking part in the
research would not result in their loss of privacy. Thus
participants were given pseudonyms throughout the research.
18
This was done to ensure that their identities were not
compromised. Even after the research is complete, I will not
reveal the identity of my participants in the research.
3.6.3 Seeking sensitive information
The issue of sexuality is very sensitive within the Zimbabwean
context. Thus certain types of information would have been
regarded as sensitive by respondents. Questions of sexuality
may be intrusive and can constitute invasion of privacy for
some. To navigate past this, I did not ask about participants’
sexual behavior. Instead, I asked general questions around
teenage pregnancy, its effects on their daily lives and their
perceptions of it. I clarified any questions raised.
3.7 Limitations
The limitations of the proposed study include time constraints
and a low budget, which allowed little time for the
collection, analysis, interpretation and final drafting of the
study to be completed. I intended to carry out the research in
one month.
19
Chapter 4: Data analysis
4.1 Introduction
This chapter deals with the perceptions Zimbabwean men have
with regard to teenage pregnancy. The research focused on both
males, who impregnated a girl as a teenager and those who
impregnated a teenage girl when they were no longer teenagers.
I will highlight the lessons learnt from this case study in
terms of questions and issues raised by the results of this
small scale study. I managed to conduct ten interviews. Two of
my participants impregnated a teenage girl when they were no
longer teenagers. The rest were teenage fathers. The survey of
literature focused on teenage pregnancy especially considering
the different views on teenage pregnancy as a social
phenomenon.
4.2 Perceptions on the challenges faced by teen
parents.
First the study revealed the differential treatment from
society in terms of gender. This difference in treatment has20
many dimensions and is not only confined to one’s immediate
community. Boys are treated differently to from girls both at
home and at school. All my interview participants viewed this
this differential treatment as unfair as it affects girls the
most. For instance, when a girl falls pregnant while still in
school, expulsions are common in Zimbabwe. This has a
detrimental effect on her life chances as she loses out on her
education. The male partner on the other hand usually
continues with his education. As stated by Eric1,
“I impregnated my wife while we were doing our A Levels. She was expelled from but
was allowed to sit for her final exams. On the other hand, I continued attending
school.”
From this, the view is that boys are treated differently from
girls when it comes to schooling. Eric’s experience provides a
reflection as to the extent to which difference in treatment
affects the girl more than the boy. The fact that he managed
to continue with his schooling shows that teenage boys and
girls have different experiences with regard to teenage
pregnancy and parenting. Eric continued with his education at
a time when he was staying with his parents. The girl was
chased from home and eloped to his parents’ house. As a
result, he had to balance being a scholar as well as being an
expecting parent. His parents now viewed him as an adult and
hence he had to behave as such. At first, his parents were not
open to the idea of the girl eloping but accepted it as he had
taken responsibility. Even the girl’s parents became more
receptive after this. However, the double responsibility1 Pseudonyms in this research were used to protect participants identities
21
became a burden as he told me when I asked about how he
related with peers, his parents as well as his wife;
“At school, I was a student who was also an expecting parent and for that I was
treated by my peers with a lot of respect although sometimes it was more of teasing.
At home, I was a father and had to behave differently as advised by my parents. The
first weeks with my wife were difficult as we had no experience at all hence we were
always arguing. This affected me at school…”
Here, it is evident that indeed it is the girls who are
usually affected the most by pregnancy. In my interviews, 6 of
my participants revealed that their partners had been chased
from home forcing them to elope. In 2 cases, the girl’s
parents thought it best to support their child instead of
chasing her away. The remaining 2 participants revealed that
their partners where not chased from home but moved in with
them on their own free will. These dynamics reveal that it is
not always the case that girls are chased away from home.
However, boys are also affected as noted in my interview with
Eric. Even though boys can continue with education, the role
of being a student and a father at the same time becomes a
burden. I also found in my interviews that there was no
difference in the way boys were treated within the community
and at school. This is probably due to the fact that
Zimbabwean society is patriarchal in nature. To a larger
extent, teenage fathers embody a form of hegemonic masculinity
amongst peers. The view is that masculinity within society is
measured through fatherhood. The fact that one is an expecting
teenage father sets him apart from his peers. This is to say
22
that, becoming a father marks an entry into adulthood. The boy
becomes a man as he will have shown his fertility. I claim
that teenage fathers embody a form of hegemonic masculinity.
Connell (1995) defines hegemonic masculinity as, “the
con guration of gender practice which embodies the currentlyfi
accepted answer to the problem of the legitimacy of
patriarchy, which guarantees (or is taken to guarantee) the
dominant position of men and the subordination of women.” Thus
in my view, the difference in experiences as well as treatment
between boys and girls with regard to teenage pregnancy
results in the subordination of girls both at home and at
school.
Another issue raised is that of the financial strain teenage
pregnancy puts on the teenagers as well as their immediate
family. As noted, 7 girls were chased from home forcing them
to elope. In instances where the boy may refuse to take
responsibility, the girl is left in a dilemma of what to do.
Other relatives on the girl’s part may end up taking her in.
However, the girl has to also contribute to her upkeep. In
instances where the boy accepts responsibility, the burden
falls on the parents. The boy in this instance is usually
forced to take up employment and move out as he will have
become an adult. Teenager parents are incapable of taking care
of themselves let alone a baby given the economy in which
there are no jobs. Part time jobs do not pay enough to sustain
a family of two, let alone three. James stated in vernacular,
23
“Chikoro ndakatombomira kuti nditsvage basa asi zvanga zvakaoma, mabasa
hakuna. Ndakaona kuti zviri nani kuti ndidzokere kuchikoro ndichingoshanda pano
ne apo zvekukiya kiya. Manje mari yacho ma $5 ne ma$20 haikwane.”
Translated to English;
“I had to drop out of school in order to look for a job. This was easier said than
done. I could not find a decent job thus ended up going back to school and working
part time doing piece jobs. These jobs pay between US$5 and US$20 which is not
sustainable.”
The economy is very central when it comes to teenage pregnancy
and parenting. First, teenagers depend on their parents’ or
guardians’ for upkeep as they are unemployed. Second, it is
difficult for a school drop out to get a full time paying job
in Zimbabwe. Even in cases where the boy does not drop out of
school, jobs are scarce as the country has been in economic
turmoil for the last decade. Third, taking care of the baby
costs money, and money is an elusive commodity for teenagers.
Most of my participants alluded to the fact that of all the
challenges they faced, economic challenges were the most
damning. To illustrate, 5 of my participants were encouraged
to seek employment by their parents. Since they were still
attending school, they could only settle for low paying part
time jobs. Of the 5 who were forced to seek employment, 3 were
chased away from home. For instance, Anthony was forced to
move out and together with his wife, they stayed with his
uncle until he found a job as a tout for local commuter
omnibuses.
24
“I only started receiving monetary help from my parents when they had realised
that the income I was getting from my job could not sustain my family as well as pay
for my rentals. For me, I think within the hierarchy of challenges, money comes next
after health.”
Jack who was forced to move out had this to say,
“unosvika pekuti unongotora chero basa kuti ukwanise kurarama
nemhuri.chandakaona ndechekuti hama neshamwari dzikaona uchiisa effort
dzinogona kukubatsira.”
Translated to English,
“you get to a point where you will be willing to settle for any job for the upkeep of
your family. However I realised that when friends and relatives see you making an
effort, they often help.”
Moving out and starting a family is not easy as revealed in
the above interviews. However it is seen as a step in the
right direction in that it is aimed at giving the couple
independence to start their family as has been the culture
over the years (Chigwedere, 1985)
Even in cases where the boy was not forced to move out, the
financial strain that teenage pregnancy and parenting puts on
the immediate family is worth mentioning. Of my participants,
2 where not forced to move out. They were allowed to continue
with their education. As mentioned earlier on, teenagers are
dependent on their parents for upkeep. When teenage pregnancy
occurs and the girl elopes, the immediate family is forced to
revise its monthly budgets within the household. Furthermore,
it becomes the boy’s parents’ obligation to take care of the
25
pregnant girl’s upkeep. This upkeep includes clinic check-up
fees as well as school fees in cases where she continues with
her schooling. Bride price has to be agreed for the girl’s
parents to accept the boy as their son in law. Often this
burden falls on the boy’s parents. This is perhaps one of the
reasons why most of my participants were forced to look for
employment so as to cover the extra costs.
When asked whether views on teenage pregnancy had changed over
time. All my participants acknowledged a change in attitudes.
Most of my participants were aware of a teenage parent known
to them either as a friend or relative. Mark, 27 revealed,
“tichikura waisambonzwa nyaya yekumitisana kakawanda. Manje mazuva ano
zvakutojairika. Ini ndotoziva vamwewovakamitisa”.
Translated to English,
“When we were growing up we rarely knew any cases of teenage pregnancy.
However, these days it seems like teenage pregnancy are slowly being normalised.
Personally I know quite a few personally.”
In July 2013, UNFPA expressed its worry at the 2010-11 ZDHS
statistics which reported a high adolescent fertility rate of
115 births per 1,000 women aged 15 to19 years which had gone
up from 99 in 2005-6. (UNFPA Zimbabwe, 2013) Furthermore,
according to the World Bank, in 2010, the global adolescent
fertility rate (15–19 years) stood at 53 births per 1,000
women for the 15 to 19 age cohort (Pressler-Marshall and
Jones, 2012). Zimbabwe is one of the countries above this
threshold ahead of South Africa. This substantiates the claim
26
that over the last decade, teenage pregnancy has been on the
rise in Zimbabwe.
The purpose of this research was not to explore the reasons
accounting for the difference. Instead I asked the respondents
on whether these rising figures were due to the fact that
views on the subject had changed over time. I discovered that
the idea of shunning girls has to a larger extent shifted.
Peter had this to say,
“Zvinogona kudaro nekuti ukatarisa mamiriro akaita nyika. Kana ukadzingwa
pamba unorarama sei kusina mabasa. Vamwe vanotosvika kana 25 vachigara
nevabereki. Vasikana havachambonyanyotarisirwa pasi kana vakamitiswa nekuti
havasirivo vega vanenge vaine dambudziko. Nyaya dzekudzingwa kudzimba
dzikuita dzichiita shoma kunyanya kuvakomana. Kuvasikana pachine nyaya.”
Translated to English,
“It might be so especially when you look at the state of the economy. If you are
chased from home how will you survive where there are no jobs? Most people reach
the age of 25 staying with their parents. Looking down upon impregnated girls has
shifted slightly as they are not the only ones affected. Incidents of boys being forced
to move out have lessened but the same does not go for girls.”
Within the community, more and more people are becoming
sympathetic as they now understand some of the challenges that
teenager parents go through. In schools however, views have
not changed that much. Instances of discrimination are still
occurring. Boys who impregnate girls are viewed as men whereas
impregnated girls are looked down upon having low morals. A
family’s income level also determines their views on teenage
27
pregnancy. When a girl from an affluent family is impregnated
by a boy from a not so affluent one, the girl’s parents are
less likely to chase her away as they feel their child is
better off staying with them. Thomas stayed with his partner
briefly before her parents took her back in. He stated,
“Vabereki vemusikana pavakazviziva kuti aita nhumbu vakatombomudzinga kumba
ndobva anditizira. Tinogara tiri 5. Kumba kwedu mdara ndovega vanoshanda saka
zvakatotiomera kuti tigare zvakanaka. Kwapera about 4 months tichigara naye
akabva atorwa nevabereki vake. Vainge vaona kuti zvaitove nani kuti vagare naye.”
Translated to English,
“The girl’s parents chased her away from home when they realised that she was
pregnant. As a result, she eloped and came to stay with me and my parents. We are
a family of 5 At home my father is the only one who is gainfully employed so it was
difficult for us financially. After about 4 months her parents came and took her as
they realised we could not take care of her financially.”
Tony who attends a local church had this to say;
“In church, teenage pregnancy used to be frowned upon as sex before marriage is a
sin. At the local church I attend, there are now support groups and counselling
sessions for teenager parents. These were not there when I became a teenage parent
in 2008.”
Tony’s experience provides an insight into how various
institutions such as religion have changed their stance over
teenage pregnancy. One of the main aims of the 2000 Zimbabwe
National Youth Policy was that of reducing the incidence of
teenage and unplanned pregnancy (Youth Policy, 2000). However
it is worth noting that the relationship between a change in
28
views and prevalence is one that is still open to critique
even though most of my participants (8) pointed that a change
in views to a larger extent accounts for the prevalence.
When probed further with regard to why the views had changed a
number of reasons were given. The advent of technology through
smart mobile phones and the internet was given as a cause as
it has given adolescents access to adult material which they
were previously denied. For instance, to access social
networks like WhatsApp with unlimited downloads for a month,
one needs to recharge their mobile phone with $5. Jack stated,
“Kana uchishandisa Econet, unongoda about $5 mwedzi wese. Nemari iyoyo, unoita
WhatsApp, Facebook ne Opera mini. Twitter mahara. Chifunga manje kuti uine zvese
izvi ungatadze kuvizita mamwe mawebsite here nekutumirana mapicture?”
Translated to English,
“If your service provider is Econet, you just need about $5 per month. That gives you
access to WhatsApp, Facebook, and Opera mini. Twitter is free. Now imagine
whether or not a teenager can resist the urge to visit adult websites or exchange
photos.”
Another reason was that of how fast teenage girls were
maturing in terms of physical appearance. In some cases as
pointed by my participants, girls may lie about their true age
when they are underage. This may be as a result of peer
expectations and group acceptance I then asked who was to
blame for the increase in instances of teenage pregnancy. It
was difficult for my participants to direct the blame to a
single person. Nevertheless, general consensus had it that
29
boys are to blame since in most cases they are the ones that
pursue the girls. Neglect from parents and guardians were also
seen as possible causes for teenage pregnancy.
4.3 Perceptions of becoming a teenage parent
The transition from being a mere teenager to becoming a
teenage parent is often difficult. This was evident in the
data I collected. The inexperience of taking care of a child
is one of the main challenges. Personal transformation is of
paramount importance. This is to say that a great deal of
responsibility is needed when raising a child. In instances
where the male partner refuses to take responsibility, the
mother is confronted with the difficulty of raising the child
alone and this is not always easy. At the end of the day, the
girl drops out of school. Dropping out of school disadvantages
the girl in that she cannot get a high paying job to support
the child. John who is still with his partner and now formally
married said,
“Vasikana vakawanda vanomitiswa vobva varambwa vanosangana
nematambudziko akawanda. Kuchikoro vanodzingwa, kumba dzimwe nguva
vanodzingwa. Kuzorera mwana uri 1pazera iroro kunonetsa nyangwe ukawana
hama inokubatsira. Nyangwe munharaunda chinhu chinonyadzisa kunzi
wakamitiswa pamusoro pazvo zvonzi muridzi wenhumbu akairamba. Unobva
watoonekwa sehure.”
Translated to English,
“Most girls who are impregnated and the male partner refuses to take responsibility
face a lot of challenges. At school they are expelled, at home they are sometimes
30
chased and raising a child alone at such a young age is difficult even some relatives
intervene. In society it is embarrassing alone to be impregnated and even worse
when the male partner refuses to take responsibility because people will view you as
having low morals.”
From this conversation with John I noted that for him, taking
responsibility and then later paying the bride price changed
society’s view of their union. Mudavanhu (2010) notes that
bride wealth is regarded as a form of thanksgiving to the
wife’s people for the care they have taken of their daughter.
It fosters and solidifies bonds of relationship that are
difficult to sever. Hence, a man who chooses to stay with
someone’s daughter without settling part of the bride price
has no traditional approbation or customary claim over the
children resulting from such a union. This is why in cases
where the male partner does take responsibility, certain
demands are asked of him. Some may be forced to drop out of
school so as to look for a job to support the child as already
noted.
In my interviews I asked my participants whether there was a
difference between challenges they faced when their partner
was pregnant and when the baby was born. Moses impregnated a
teenage girl 5 years ago when he was 22. I asked him whether
they experienced the same challenges during pregnancy and when
the baby was born. He said;
“…during pregnancy it was just me and my wife so the arrival of the baby created a
financial strain on the few resources we used to manage on…with the birth of child
31
relations with other people also improved. Once the baby was there people even
started chipping in…”
People become more receptive when the baby is born and when
they see the effort of the parents. Taking responsibility is
seen as a step forward. In cases where the male partner takes
responsibility, once the baby is born, people start helping
the young couple as they know of the inexperience they will
have in raising the child. Nine of my respondents revealed how
they started getting assistance once the baby was born. For
Kisembo and his collegues (1977), the generation of life was a
matter of concern for the whole community hence getting
married and having children would be something that most young
people would aspire to in life. Thus having children is seen
as a blessing in the same sense that childlessness is viewed
as a curse.
The birth of a baby enables the mother to go back to school.
However this is not always easy. She will have to look for a
babysitter and this costs money. My interviews showed that
even though people become more receptive once the baby is
born, the teenage parents must still strive to provide for
their child. Certain demands and responsibilities are asked of
them as well. In my interviews, it was clear that the ability
to provide nancially is a key determinant of theirfi
involvement with their child. Thus if one can provide for the
child, they are most likely to take responsibility. John
impregnated his partner while he was gainfully employed and
took responsibility. He ended up paying her school fees at a
private college after she had been expelled. He stated,32
“When I impregnated my partner I was already working thus taking care of her was
not much of a problem up until the baby was born. It was only then that I faced
financial challenges but her aunt and my parents helped us raise the baby.”
Most research has tended to present young fathers as violent,
irresponsible or disinterested. The case of Thomas who stayed
for 4 months with his partner until her parents came and took
her back is an example of the contradiction to this discourse.
This was consistent with other research conducted within South
Africa by Enderstein and Boonzaier (2013). Their studies which
focus directly on young fathers collectively point to nancesfi
as a major concern for young fathers. These young fathers
report great pressure to provide nancially and be involvedfi
with their new families, and are greatly disheartened when
they are unable to do so as also acknowledged by Allen and
Doherty (1996), Glikman (2004) and Wilkes et al. 92011).
I also asked my participants to locate their experiences
within those of people to them either as friends or relatives,
who became teenage fathers. My reasoning behind this was to
establish the similarities and differences in the challenges
they faced. I found that each experience was unique though
similarities were present. For instance, when one impregnates
a girl, he is forced to take up employment so as to support
the child and the wife. In some cases however, the boy is able
to continue with his schooling as in the case of most of my
participants. This is usually because of the lack of vacant
position. Furthermore, relationships between the teenager
parents and their parents, guardians and friends also play a
33
role, these relationships create networks which can be of
assistance to them, financially or otherwise.
4.4 Perceptions on the attitude of teachers and
fellow learners
I noted that with regard to educational challenges faced by
teenage parents, the attitudes of teachers and fellow learners
are not uniform. Attitudes usually vary among institutions.
For instance, in public schools, expulsions are common. Of my
participants, 4 of their partners where expelled from school.
In one case, the girl was forced to transfer due to
discrimination from fellow learners and teachers. Anthony
stated,
“Ini ndakakwanisa kuramba ndichienda kuchikoro kunyangwe ndaipota
ndichiwanzirwa nekushorwa asi musikana wangu haana kukwanisa kuramba
achienda. Aingowanzirwa nemateachers. Kunyange dzimwe shamwari dzake
dzakambomira kutamba naye. Mateacher aitotishandisa sema example.”
Translated to English,
“I managed to continue with my schooling but my partner could not. She was
constantly being teased by teachers. Even her friends stopped playing with her.
Teachers sometimes used us as references to the results of early sexual initiation.”
Anthony’s case shows that girls are the ones who face the
greater challenges in school. His partner was not expelled but
had to transfer to another school. Relationships with fellow
learners change as revealed in my conversation with Anthony
revealed. Anthony was discriminated by teachers but he did not
lose any friends. In their research, Chigona and Chettey
34
(2007) revealed that girls usually drop out of school due to
the pressure of pregnancy and stigma attached to being a
school going teenage mother. The Zimbabwean context not only
substantiates these findings but adds another dimension. If a
girl falls pregnant while in a public (government) school, she
is usually expelled while the male partner usually continues
with education. My interview with Roy revealed another
dimension with regard to expulsion in school. Roy impregnated
his partner while they were at a mission school. As a result
both he and his partner were expelled. This is what he had to
say,
“Pazvakazivikanwa kuti ndakamitisa pachikoro tese takadzingwa tikaenda kune
zvimwe zvikoro muno muHarare. Mukadzi wangu akaenda kuprivate college nokuti
akashaya nzvimbo kumwe.”
Translated to English,
“When news broke out that I had impregnated a girl at the school, we were both
expelled. As a result we both transferred to Harare. I enrolled at a public school and
my wife at a private college as she could not be admitted into a public one.”
In as much as boys do not go through the same challenges as
girls, it is worth noting that all this usually depends on the
type of school. My interview with Roy revealed that boys can
also be victims of expulsion. Roy also mentioned that, when he
got to the new school, teachers and fellow students were not
aware that he was an expecting father and hence he was treated
just like any other new student. At the school he was expelled
from, he was discriminated against by some teachers. His
fellow learners held him in high regard. Even the girls at the
35
school did not discriminate him. He also pointed that
attitudes of both teachers and fellow learners are usually
determined by the nature of the institution.
Private schools and colleges on the other hand provide unique
cases in which the girl is allowed to continue her education.
However, this is not always easy as she faces discrimination
from not only peers but also teachers. In her research,
Shaningwa (2007) noted that the difference in treatment
between the teen mothers and their peers resulted in their
marginalisation in school. How teachers relate to teen
parents, that is, both boys and girls, goes a long way in
deciding how they are treated in school. This was also evident
in my interviews. When I asked Tom, 25 who impregnated his
wife when he was 17 years, about the attitudes of teachers and
fellow learners, he had this to say;
“School is where the main challenge is. I had a slight difference in experience to that
of my wife who, during her pregnancy and even when she went back to school, told
me that sometimes it is tougher in school than at home.”
In this section I noted that disruption of school does not
make it easy for teenager parents. Furthermore, in some cases,
boys can also be expelled and it is not always the case that
girls are expelled. Nevertheless, striking a between being a
student and an expecting parent is difficult. Here it is
evident that teenage girls and boys are treated differently in
school by both teachers and fellow learners.
Having heard their responses with regard to attitude of
teachers and fellow learners, I then probed further asking my
36
interviewees to give their view on the educational support
rendered to them as well as that needed to ease their
marginalisation. This takes me to the fourth section if my
findings.
4.5 Perceptions of the support that teen parents need.
Given the various causes of teenage pregnancy highlighted by
UNFPA, this study found that there cannot be a single
solution. I noted that when it comes to teenage pregnancy and
parenting, it is the girl who is adversely affected. All of my
interviews indicated that teen parents, especially mothers
must be allowed back into school. However, only allowing teen
mothers back to school does not help them succeed in their
secondary education. Pearton (1999) argues that adolescents
are mostly too young and emotionally immature when they first
fall pregnant. Therefore, if these girls are to succeed
academically it is important to provide adequate support.
There is a need for support to prepare teen mothers for
schooling and mothering before they return to school. (Chigona
and Chettey, 2007) This preparation can be in the form of
counselling sessions. Teen mothers need to be counselled
regarding their stigma and schooling. Due to the fact that
they have become mothers before completing school and while
they are still young, they are stigmatised and their peers and
society judge and view them as girls with low morals. Usually
this is why teen mothers end up dropping out of school.
Since all my participants highlighted discrimination as a
major concern, 6 viewed counselling as a solution. This
37
counselling should be for both boys and girls. Girls are
discriminated against by both fellow learners and teachers,
unlike boys who are mainly discriminated by teachers. Anthony
said,
“Counselling is very important for both boys and girls. Girls must be counselled so
that they can cope with the discrimination from teachers and fellow leaners. Boys
normally face discrimination from teachers mostly but should also receive
counselling in that regard.”
Counselling for Anthony and the rest of the participants would
ready the teenage parents to face the reactions of their
fellow students and teachers without being emotionally hurt
and becoming overwhelmed with the situation. I asked further
on whether counselling should be only confined to teenage
parents. All six who had raised it a solution stated that
counselling should also be extended to the teachers as most of
the time they do not know how to help teen parents cope with
school. Church support groups was also given as a solution
that could go hand in hand with counselling. However, most
participants highlighted counselling in schools as top
priority Tom stated,
“Mateacher dzimwe nguva havazive kuti kuwanzirwa kunotikanganisa chikoro.
Vanofanira kumbodzidziswawo kuti tinosangana nemaproblems akaita sei.”
Translated to English,
“Teachers sometimes have no idea how discrimination affects our schoolwork. They
must also be educated on the problems we face.”
38
Five of my participants noted the absence of support groups
within society. In these groups, teenage parents can meet and
discuss ideas on how to cope with parenting. This goes in line
with counselling. The only difference is that here, it will be
a platform for the teen parents to interact among themselves.
Roy said,
“Ukada kuzvitarisa, masupport groups anodiwa. Mumagroup imomo tinenge
tichipanana maideas ekuti tikwanise kuriritira mhuri dzedu.”
Translated to English,
“When you look at it, support groups are needed. In these groups we can exchange
ideas on how to overcome the various challenges we face.”
Exchanging ideas with people who have gone through similar
problems goes a long way in lifting this burden. In their
article, Johansson and Hammaren (2012) explored a new
phenomenon in Sweden where young fathers creating blogs and
presenting themselves on the Internet. These blogs contained
clips on a wide range of child caring procedures such as how
to change a diaper. When I suggested something similar in my
interviews, most of my participants were receptive of the
idea.
All my participants suggested preventative measures such as
the introduction of contraception within schools were
suggested by my participants. For them, providing
contraception within schools reduces the instances of teenage
pregnancy. Sex education from a very early age was also
proposed by some (8). John said;
39
“I think sex education should be introduced at a very early age, maybe as early as
grade 5. It must not only be in schools but at home as well. Parents and guardians
have a very important role to play”
It is evident here that it is not only the role of parents and
teachers that is important. The whole community has an active
role to play as it is also affected by teenage pregnancy given
the prevalence rate.
CHAPTER 5: Conclusion
5.1 Overview of findings
One of the key results of this study is that Zimbabwean men
who have impregnated a teenage girl acknowledge that she faces
the greater challenge. This was evident in how girls and boys
are treated differently within society and in school. The
media suggests they are deviants, abusers and violent. This
was not the case with participants in this study. Men and
fathers have been quite absent from the public discourse on
this matter. Levels of income within the home and position in
society determine how teenage pregnancy is viewed. For
40
instance, accepting responsibility entails financial burden.
One has to pay ‘damages’ as part of the bride price. This
bride price is usually negotiated between the families and
usually it is the boy’s parents who incur the financial burden
as the boy is usually unemployed. Within Shona culture, even
in circumstances where the girl might at first elope without
the usual formalities, both families are not content until
some form of bride-wealth is paid sooner or later. Staying
with ones partner without any bride wealth payment is seen as
an embarrassment. (Mudavanhu, 2010)
Given the demands, most of the time the boy is forced to seek
employment. I found that the men interviewed saw fatherhood as
a choice to take responsibility which counters current social
norms of denying paternity. Over time, the views of teenage
pregnancy and parenting have also changed and to a large
extent it accounts for its prevalence. However in school there
are still instances of stigma and discrimination. This was in
line with most of the literature reviewed for the study. This
study has also broadened my understanding of the challenges
faced by teenage parents.
5.2 Lessons learnt from the study
From the various issues I have learnt from this study that I
cannot make assumptions about the perceptions that Zimbabwean
men have about teenage pregnancy. This study broadened my
understanding of how teenage pregnancy is viewed with regard
to the Zimbabwean context. I was not only able to relate my
findings with those of existing literature but also managed to
41
gain an insight into how the research process I adopted helped
me collect quality data. Second, it is not always the case
when men refuse to take responsibility. Rather, a lot of
dynamics come into play such as finances and paternity. In my
interviews, the issue of financial disposition was given as
the most determining factor. Third, school disruptions not
only affect girls. Boys are also affected in that they are
usually forced to seek employment so as to support their
families. This then limits the type of job they get and ends
up leading to dependency. Fourth, counselling was given as a
solution to the support needed by teen parents. Counselling
helps both boys and girls cope with stigma and discrimination
experienced in schools. Last, I have understood that as an
interviewer, honesty and integrity together with patience is
of paramount importance and that equipped with these quality
data can be collected without exposing respondents to any
harm.
5.3 Limitations
The study focused on a limited number of research
participants. This could result in the possibility of errors
and bias regarding the perceptions of the respondent.
Participants may have, only decided to share information or
experiences concerning teen pregnancy that they thought I was
interested in hearing. I only chose participants who accepted
paternity thus, the results revealed in this small scale study
may not be generalised to all teen parents and schools. Being
male and interviewing male participants may have had a bearing
on the responses I got from the participants.42
5.4 Recommendations
In line with the findings of this research, the following
recommendations could be adopted in order to ease the burden
of teenage pregnancy and parenting.
Including sex education into the curriculum from as early
as grade 7. In Zimbabwe, Grade 7 is when most pupils go
into their teens. Sex education can be helpful in making
teens aware of their sexuality. Understanding the
differences and similarities between two genders in terms
of body and mind will set up a foundation for the future
development in their acquaintance with friends and lovers
and their interpersonal relationships.
Teachers must be trained to enable them to offer better
support to teenage parents. The claim here is that when
teachers are trained, they can be more accommodative to
the needs of teen parents. Furthermore, teachers can get
to understand the challenges that teen parents face thus
placing them in a better position to assist them.
Counselling must be provided to teenage parents
especially mothers before they return to school. Teen
mothers face the greater challenges in school.
Counselling them will help ensure that there is minimal
discomfort as they will be aware of how to deal with
discrimination.
Communities must set up support groups that provide
advice in dealing with teenage pregnancy and parenting.
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In these groups, exchanging ideas will be helpful.
Teenage parents can share their experiences and give each
other solutions. It is also important for these support
groups to have qualified facilitators.
5.5 Conclusion
This research has discussed the perceptions that Zimbabwean
men have regarding teenage pregnancy. Since the research
participants contributed their own perceptions regarding the
above research area, the findings have provided increased
insights into the perceptions held about the issue of teenage
pregnancy which is of concern both in Zimbabwe and elsewhere.
The prevalence of teenage pregnancy has serious implications
for society. Education is amongst the major sectors affected.
This research has focused more on education and society. It
has revealed that within education both girls and boys face
different challenges. Girls are forced to drop out due to
pressures of pregnancy and discrimination from peers and
teachers. Boys on the other hand are usually not expelled and
this to a larger extent results in their being held in high
regard. It is my hope that the findings of this study will
enable a better understanding on how teenage pregnancy is
viewed within society as well as provide an indication of the
extent to which they faced challenges in schooling and
supporting their partner ultimately adding to an already
existing body of knowledge.
44
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