odia cultural identity

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OHRJ, Vol.LIII No. 1 & 2

ODIA CULTURAL IDENTITYDr. Kailash Chandra Dash

IThe cultural activities of the Odias which were known from the Suryavamsi

Gajapati period (A.D. 1435 to 1568) found a remarkable transformation in the colonialphase when parts of Odia-speaking areas were lying with different non-Odia speakingareas. This cultural life was sustained by Bhagabata Ghara in the rural areas whichhad multifarious activities, by the celebration of Jhulan, Melan, Chandan and RathaYatra which were specifically Odia festivals and Dasahara (which had a distinct identityin medieval Odisha), by the performance of dance by Gotipuas and Maharis,Suangaand Rasa. With the establishment of colonial administrative set up which demandedthe interaction of several other races of India with the Odias, changes were found intheir cultural programmes. In the 20th century with the awakening of the Odias for adistinct regional identity, these elements of culture were freshly taken up and wereaccepted by the Odia Nationalists as the reflection of Odianess. (Dash 1978/1986:368-369, Mahapatra 1996:206-219) They used these cultural aspects forreconstructing Odian Odisha. Hence in this paper our main emphasis is on the culturalactivities in Odisha in the colonial phase in which despite the participation of otherraces some indices of Odia identity are visible.

II

An important institution which had fostered popular Odia culture in medievalphase was the Bhagabata Ghara (Bhagabata Tungi). This centre had developed afterthe composition of Odia Bhagavata by Jagannath Das in the period of the Suryavamsiking Prataparudra Deva. (Mukherji 1953:142-145) A map prepared by H.von Stietencronon the distribution of Bhagabata Tungis in different parts of Odisha on the basis ofinformation supplied by the Endowment Commissioner’s Office indicates thatBhagabata Tungis were more widespread all over the regions of lower and upperlevel of Mahanadi, (Dash 1996:37) The Bhagabata Tungis in Sambalpur are morenumerous than that of Cuttack. In different parts of western Odisha (Bolangir, Khariar,Kalahandi and Bamanda) there was great popularity of Jagannatha. Hence theremight have some arrangement for the study of Bhagabata in the rural centres calledBhagabata Ghara. The institution not only imparted religious teachings but also moralteachings to the rural folk.(Sukla 1986:115-121) It served as a place of inspiration andguidance for the village community as to how to lead a civilised life. It had givenopportunity in medieval phase as to how to build sound characters. (Singh 1959:148-149) Bhagabata Gharas had asserted the medieval rural Odia identity as it was the

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main centre of rural Odia culture.The Bhagabata Ghara which articulated multifariouscultural activities of the rural Odias became very attractive centre during the Dol andMelana festivals. The two festivals were very popular in medieval Odisha. A greatmarker of Odia cultural identity was the melan (congregation of gods).Radha krishnaimages from different villages could gather at a particular central place which was thescene of various cultural activities.

In the colonial period Bhagabata Gharas acted as libraries, night schools andplaces of religious discourse.(Asha,30th March 1914) Bhagabata vilas was an importantpart of the cultural activities of the Odias in rural areas which was due to the spread ofBhagabata Tungis in different parts of rural Odisha. The Odias listened to Bhagabatasin the night in the Tungis and then started to recite Bhagabata versions in their homes.It is therefore interesting to know about the Bhagabata vilas anustana paddhati (theprocess of Bhagabata recitation.(Mahapatra 1926) First of all the rural people set upa vimana or khatuli on a throne and they set up the image of patitapabana or Trimurtti(three images-Jagannatha, Balabhadra and Subhadra) in front of the Vimana. On theback side of the images the Bhagabata books (in plam leaves) in order to be usedfrom the first to the seventh for reciting for seven days have to be kept with thearddhamatra of Chandan and Tulasi and other flowers on them. On the front of theimages a sacrificial pit (Yajnakunda) is to be made by sand and muruja. In the northpart of the kunda earthen pots are to be set up and in its north western sideBrinda(planting Tulasi in Kodua) is to be set up. The Khatuli or vimana is to be beautifullydecorated. There should be wide space in front of the images. Four singers and onepriest are to be employed for the ritual. In the middle part between the images and thehomakunda(sacrificial pit)Salagramachandra is to be present. The pujaka (priest) in aSankirtana party should go and lift the Salagramachandra from the selected placeand place it on a khatuli covered with a new cloth (kachhia) by the ritualistic processes.He should place the khatuli(small cot) on his head and circumbulate on the sides ofthe gods in the throne and place the khatuli and pay reverence to it. Then again he isto proceed with khatuli. With the Sankirtana party they have to go to a selected placefor bathing the Salagramachandra with Tulasi and flowers. Then the khatuli consistingof Salagrama is to be placed before the images of the throne. First of all the deitiesare to be worshipped in the Kalasa. Then the images and Salagrama are to beworshipped. The place should be like Naimisaranya.Bhagabata versions are to berecited for seven days which is called Bhagabata Sapta.

In the 1920s Bhagabata vilas was well known in several rural families. ButBhagabata Gharas remained inactive. (Asha, 30th March 1914) In an editorial note inAsha(Odia weekly Newspaper) Gopabandhu Das, an ardent Odia nationalist, insistedon the revival of the activities of the Bhagabata Ghara which would assert Odia identitywhich was then fragmented.The Odia nationalists felt during that time that in order tomake the mission of the Utkala Sammilani successful the Bhagabata Gharas should

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be used as the centres to spread the Sammilani activities for mobilizing the Odias.They asserted that the Bhagabata Gharas were associated with the communitarianactivities of the Odias in the medieval phase and they should be revived to animateOdianess. The Bhagabata Gharas consituted a great indicator of Odia identity.

Festivals celebrated in Odisha in the colonial phase were accepted not only aspart of Odia’s cultural heritage, but also as an articulation of Odia’s cultural identity.Chandan yatra, Ratha yatra, Durga Puja, Dola, Jhulana and Melana were consideredfestive occasions of the Odias which were the indices of Odia‘s cultural identity asthere was originality and distinctive socio-cultural traits in the mode of their observationsin the colonial phase in Odisha.

An important festive occasion in Odisha continued from the medieval phase tothe colonial phase was the famous Chandan Yatra which usually appeared in themonth of May in the Christian Calender. The occasion had distinct contribution to thecultural mainstream of Odisha. According to an Old Odia tradition-Ali Jhulan, OlakanaMelana, Kendrapara Ramanabami and puri Chandan were the most famous in India.The Chandan Yatra in Puri region was very gorgeous, although Odia newspapers of19th century refer to its celebration in Cuttack in Binid Behari Zone in a grandmanner.The Odia news weekly Utkala Dipika in this connection states that the Chandanfestival was observed in different parts of Odisha, but Puri’s Chandan Yatra was thebest.(Utkala Dipika, 5th June 1875) Utkala Dipika describes the uniqueness of theYatra despite the significant ceremony of Ratha Yatra in Puri which is actually thenational festival of Odisha .But Chandan Yatra was another great festival of Puri forthe participation of the people in a leisurely mood not like serene devotees on theoccasion of Ratha Yatra. The time of Chandan was very appropriate for enjoying theoccasion. Hence all people of Puri had participated in the amusement (mauja) causedby the Yatra. Puri consisted of many Akhara gharas in the different lanes (Sahis)which were called Jegaghara. The Jegagharas were the centres of the people in theirleisurely hours and places of entertainment. Boxing training (Mallasadhana)and musicdiscussion (Sangitacharcha)were the chief occupations of the people in the Jegaharas.It enhanced good relation and unity among the people. Despite the degeneration ofthe Akharagharas due to the bad habits of the people the Akharas were very activeduring the Chandan.The Akharas appeared in a grand procession on the occasion ofthe Chandan in Puri. Every Akhara contained trained boxers and Gotipua dancers orsingers. This participation of the Akhara made the Chandan spectacular and enjoyablefor the people. Without Akharas in Puri Chandan would have been colourless.

This Yatra was observed in the different Brahmana sasanas in Puri. In differentvillages different methods were followed on this occasion. The Chandan Yatra ofBiswanath pur in Puri was a unique one in the 19th century.(Ibid.,3rd July 1886) In thatvillage Gopinath was the presiding deity.According to tradition it was originally decidedto be established as Madan Mohan. (Chalanti pratima) in SriMandira and for that the

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deity was kept in Changadaghara. Later on it was shifted to Biswanath Pur by VajpayeeSomanath Rajguru.(Ibid.) The image was made of metal. From Akshyaya Tritiya everyday from the western to eastern frontier of the village the deva moved in a manivimana (jewelled vimana). After the end of the chapa (presure)during the return journeyin the night Akhara, dagara nritya and songs were performed. The deity in a processionentered into the temple. In the 18th day the occasion assumed a grand shape. In1886,the festival in Biswanathpur was very enjoyable. In the Yatramelas Nrittarathas,Rosani and Phulajhadas were plentily available.Thousands of visitors attended it andabout four hundred rupees were spent for the occasion. The Chandan pond of thevillage was very old.(Ibid.)

In the 20th century Chandan Yatra was celeberated with great pomp. Due tothe effective managership of Rajkishore Das in the Puri temple in the first decade ofthe 20th century the Yatra had considerable success. Rajakishore Das first of all cleared(re-built) the Chandan Mandap of Narendra tank which became very attractive centrefor the occasion. The first portion in front of the mandap was covered with vermillionand chandratapa as well as with flowers and flags. It enhanced the elegance of themandap. The two chapas(Pressure makers) were painted with different figures andadorned with clothes. The mandap was lighted in the night which added to itsattraction.(Ibid.,23rd April 1904)

Cuttack was also an important centre of Chandan Yatra in the medieval phasewhich also continued in the colonial period. Chandan Yatra of Benod Behari was veryold. According to the newspaper report, the Chandan Yatra of Gangamandir (Cuttack)was completed in 22days in 1880.(Ibid., 5th June 1880) The Chandan Yatra of Baxibazar was famous in the 19th century and it was performed by the collection ofsubscriptions collected from the people of the area.(Ibid.)

In the 20th century Chandan Yatra was gorgeously performed in Cuttack. Itwas an important festival of Cuttack. It was performed in several places of Cuttack.(Ibid.,14th May 1904) The Chandan Yatra of Kanika Royal House was the best of all inCuttack. The Yatra was completed within the days stipulated. The Yatras in all theother sites in Cuttack were performed in the last five days of the stipulated phase. TheBinod Behari Yatra also had continued in this phase. In the Chandan Yatras in Cuttackthere was no great emphasis on chapakhela (pressure sports). Emphasis was ondance and drama.There were famale dancers (Bais dance), dance by Natua boysand lila were also performed. Each Yatra was just like the market of dance (nrityarahata). There was decline of Chandan Yatra of Cuttack for over-emphasis onamusement. The Odia Nationlists felt that the Chandan Yatra in the 20th century hadlost its important link with religion and society in Odisha and so they emphasised onits reform for asserting Odia cultural identity.(Ibid.,14th May 1904)

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An important point for Odia’s concern for Chandan Yatra which they thoughtwould reflect their identity and cultural distinctiveness was furnished by Utkala Dipikain 1914.(Ibid.,23rd May 1914) It refers to the Chandan Yatra of Chaudhuri Bazar(Municipal Garden). An artificial mandap was build up inside the pond and the godwas placed on it. The people at first invited a young artist named Baishnava Pani formaking Yatra.His Yatra could not be appreciated by some people who invited a Yatraparty from Balasore. The members of the Balasore party were Odias but they actuallyperformed Bengali Yatra. Many people had gathered to see this Yatra. But BaishnavaPani who was not successful in Chaudhuri Bazar did his Yatra near Binod Bihari whichwas very appealing. Many people left Balasore party to see the Yatra of Pani. TheUtkala Dipika of course emphasised the value of Bengali theatre on the occasion ofChandan in Buxi Bazar. But the activities of Baishnava Pani indicated the culturalconsciousness of the Odias . The Chandan Yatra of Radha Prasad Bhagat and AnaSahu in Buxi Bazar were unique in this period.

The Chandan Yatra was a marker of Odia’s cultural identity. Ratha Yatra ofJagannatha was regarded as the most important festival in Odisha which continuedfrom the medieval period to the colonial phase. Jagannatha was the presiding deity ofOdisha and from the stage of a Hindu deity it was Odiaized. Odias in the 19th and20th centuries accepted Jagannatha as an unmistakable marker of their identity. Amongthe countless pilgrims visiting the Purushottama Kshetra on the occasion of the RathaYatra and Nabakalevara Yatra Odias in a nationalistic passion declared Bengali Jatrisand Paschima Jatris as Paradesis and Odias as Swadesis- a feeling as presented inOdia periodicals of this phase which is indicative of the growing Odiaization ofJagannatha. (Dash 1998:7-13) The visitors outside Odisha considered the Yatra ofJagannatha as a famous Hindu festival, but Odias considered this Yatra in the colonialperiod as the famous Odia festival. The Chhera Pahamra which was a part of theRatha Yatra, although was despised by the outsiders, was accepted as a significantoccasion by the Odias in the 19th and 20th century A.D.(Utkala Dipika,1904:Dash1979)

The cultural life of the Odias was sustained by the great Puja festival of themonth of October. This occasion was well- known in Bengal and in South India. TheOdias had no distinctive-ness in this respect. The festival which was gorgeouslyobserved in Cuttack, the main centre of colonial Odisha, was mainly confined to Bengaliidea. Some innovations could be discovered in its celebration in the feudatorystates.(Utkala Dipika,6th November 1920)The practice was for the celebration of thisoccasion, the army appeared in the capital city, The national flag of the state washoisted in one place. The king of the state went to that direction for war to which the

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national symbol (nisana) swung. Hence the Dasahara festival encouraged the heroismof the Odias in the feudatory states in new enthusiasm. This practice was well-knownin the pre-colonial period, but it was not known in the colonial period. On the occasionthe kings with their army in the colonial phase were busy in hunting, the militia unitedin the capital to show the test of their strength. It was just like the annual parade of thearmy in the Odisha States. Hence the annual Dasahara Puja in the pre-colonial periodin Odisha States strengthened national power. The Odia nationalists were disappointedto see the festival, an imitation of Bengali attitude.(Ibid.) It did not reveal the identity ofthe Odias. The Odias had taken the puja of the deity as the worship of Odia heroicqualities, the gathering of national energy in the pre-colonial phase. The observationtaking the shape of Yatra-Suanga was a repetition of that followed in Bengal.

Odia’s quest for cultural identity reflected in the first two decades of the 20thcentury on the occasion of Dasahara. In 1917 a unique Dasahara festival wascelebrated by the school students in Cuttack.(Ibid.,10th November 1917) While theimage was on the way to immersion, the students prepared a portrait (Chitra Patta) offramented Utkala which was the idea of Madhusudan Das in which Mother Utkala wasin one direction and her banised daughter in another direction. In the gap there wassea. It means the sea of political administration (Colonial Power) has kept the daughterseparated from her mother. Both mother and daughter were looking to one another,but the daughter is banished. She has no way to return to her motherland. The younggroup kept the portrait before the image of Durga and shouted with the slogan “ JayUtkala Jay” which was widespread. The Odia nationalists in this phase in their questfor a complete Odisha viewed the terrible image of Durga (Chhinamasta) in thedeformed and scattered image of Utkala Mata. They belived that in near future thefragmented body of Mother Utkala would take a full shape in the form of the cheerfulBhubaneswari image which was worshipped on the occasion of Durgapuja. (Asha,2nd October 1916)

Jhulan Purnima was another celebrated occasion in Odisha in the colonialphase which aritculated Odia identity. The Jhulan festival was very famous in Aul inOdisha. The Jhulan Bada orJhulan Mandap was gorgeously decorated on the occasion.It was also observed in the Maths of Cuttack. The occasion was remarkable for musicalperformance. Both dance and song were appreciated by the larger public. TheMathdharis invited the landlords and royal officers to see the occasion.(Utkala Dipika,21st August 1875) The Benod Behari Jhulan festival was very famous in Cuttack inthe 19th century.(Ibid., 5th January 1878)The original intent of the occasion is to placethe presiding deity in a vimana in one side of the temple and to swing him in a slowmanner. It aimed to foster devotion in the minds of the devotees. The Jhulan Yatra,besides its religious import, became colourful by music. People came to the templesin the night and enjoyed Gotipua dance.(Ibid., 23rd August 1884)

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On the Jhulan occasion Benod Behari area became the testing ground for thehigher sections having predilection for music. The musical activities on the Jhulanwas a time honoured practice, but there was no improvement in the songs and danceswhich were actually in advance in Bengal. The Odias in their eager quest for anidentity in India in the colonial phase wanted reform in the field of music and theywanted to place it at par with that of the Bengalis. This consciousness appeared whenthey saw the decline of musical activities in Jhulan in the 19th century.

The Jhulan of Ali was very popular in the 19th and 20th century A.D.(Ibid.,10thSeptember 1904) In Ali there is the seat of Gopal Jeo whose Jhulan mandap was themost important for this occasion. There were three bands of female dancers andother natuas who performed dance and song had enjoyed jagir of the royal house.The occasion also witnessed the Gahma-abhiseka of the Ali king. According to thelong standing practice,on the Gahma-Purnima day there was the abhiseka(consecration) of the state deity, Baraha Jeo and on the third day the coronation ofthe chief was performed . The distance between royal palace and the temple of BarahaJeo was about one mile and there was a long road between the two. On the purnimaday at about 12 A.M.the king in his tamjan accompanied by his chief officers on horsesand elephants with materials of puja, purohita and other Chhatisa-nijog and dancersin a grand procession came to Baraha Jeo. Thereafter Bhog and alati having beencompleted the deity’s consecration was done. Outside the temple, female dancersperformed dance and the crowd was full in the fort to observe the grand occasion.After two hours all returned to the royal residence and the chief was consecratedwhen the Brahmins and later on the sardars of his jagirs placed rasi in his hand.Thenthe chief distributed pan to all his officers. On the third day the chief after visitingBaraha Jeo in a procession sat on the throne. The royal area was filled with dance(bothby male and female dancers) and the sound of various musical instruments. Thus Alifestival has its distinctiveness. It is a significant part of Odia cultural activities in thecolonial phase. Jhulan Mandapas were found in many of the feudatory states of Odishawhich could articulate a common cultural identity. In Puri Jagannatha’s Jhulan daywas also entertaining. The Jhulan Bada was well decorated. In 1907 separate JhulanKhanjas were there near Muktimandap and the Jhulan Kunja was very attractive withcolourful objects. The images of Narayana and Harihara were also very attractive.The centre of amusement became elegant in the light balls in wood and glass pots.Every day the akhara boys of the Sahis had their cultural activities. The Jhulan of thetemple was more beautiful than that of the Maths and other places in Puri in 1907.(Ibid., 24th August 1907)The Jhulan of Puri temple in 1913 was the most attractive inpuri. The Sri Mandira Kunja was lighted with different light balls. The Jhulan at GangaMata Math and of Madhi Mahapatra had their special value. Varous theatrical partiesfrom different parts of Odisha came to Sri Mandira for cultural shows.(Ibid., 23rdAugust 1913) In 1913 the Jhulan Yatra of Cuttack was also gorgeous. The Mahant of

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Gopal Jeo Math was very effective on this occasion, The Jhulan bada was well furnishedlike that of Binod Behari. In 1913 a Natua boy of Nuagarh had a very important role inthe work of entertainment. He could sing clearly and correctly Bengali, Odia and Hindisongs. Such a singer was then considered a rare one in Odisha.(Ibid.)

The Jhulan Purnima provided an important cultural atmosphere in Odisha whichin the colonial phase despite a decline in musical activities articulated Odia’s longingfor their old cultural practices. It indicated a continuity of Odia’s cultural life from thepre-colonial to the colonial phase.

Dola Yatra and Malan constitued a very important occasion in the cultural lifeof the Odias from the medieval period up to the colonial phase. It articulated Odia’scultural identity. The Dola Yatra comes firist and then comes Melan. The Yatra waswell observed in the villages of Odisha. Dolayatra of Kendrapada was unique in the19th century Odisha for accompanying muscial activities. Dancing was an importantpart of the Dola festival of Kendrapara.(Ibid., 11th March 1882) Melan is an occasionfor the congregation of gods in the central place in different village sasanas (Stietencron2001:363-401) Melan provides an important link between the villagers and is perhapsonly known in Odisha. In no part of India except Odisha this is celebrated.(Asha, 27thMarch 1916) It articulated Odia identity. Odias had a tendency for collective life andcollective amusement. In the melan not only the people congregated but also theirgods and this resulted in a cultural intercourse. Many necessary articles were broughtto the Melan for business and the village people got an opportunity to possess valuablearticles for their use only in Melan. Just as in the holidays like X Mas and Good Fridaythe educated people in India go to attend Congresses and Conferences the Odiavillagers take this leisure phase in spending happy time in Melan.(Ibid., 30th March1914)

The ,melan at Balanga near Pipli (puri Districit) was well known in the 19th and20th century Odisha. (Utkala Dipika, 23rd March 1912)The Melan at Chhatia was veryattractive in the 20th century due to the effort of Bholanath Nanda, Mahajana of Chhatiaand the Chaudhuri family of Bheda.(Ibid., 13th March 1920) The melan of GopinathJeo (Balia) was also famous in the colonial phase. There were six melan sites in Balia,but the Narasimhapur Balia Melan was a unique one.(Ibid., 13th March 1920)

In the 20th century with the spread of nationalist activities in Odisha,Gopabandhu and his associates were very keen to use these occasions and the ruralcentres like Bhagabata Ghara and Akharas for animating the Odias with the idea ofnationalism. They even wanted to convert the Bhagabat Mandir and Jegagharas asGramyasamitis for spreading the message of Utkala Sammilani which would mobilizethe rural areas for asserting their identity in colonial phase. (Asha,30th March 1914)They also wanted to convert the Melas as Chakla or Kendra Samiti of the UtkalaSammilani just like the role of the Hindu Melas of Bengal in reforming Hindu BengalSociety, (Choudhury 1998:11-39)

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In an editorial note in Asha Gopabandhu Das, a great Odia nationalist hadconcluded that for the construction of national identity, all old elements should beutilised with good result. (Asha, 30th March 1914) He had emphasised that the Odiashad to work in villages in order to construct this identity. This view was repeated in1916 in another note in Asha.(Ibid., 27th March 1916) Thus cultural centres andfestival occasions in Odisha in the 19th and 20th century reflected the Odia concernfor asserting identity by way of reforming them or elaborating them.

IIIImportant indices of Odia’s cultural identity were Rasa-Suanga-Yatra which

continued from the medieval phase to the colonial phase. The Yatras (Suangas, lilas)were well known in Balasore, Cuttack and Puri in the colonial phase. In Odisha in the19th century Bengali Yatra was widely known and popular.(Utkala Dipika, 28th October1876) But the Balasori party imitated the Bengali Yatra and produced a more forcefulOdia Yatra. In the 1880s Odia Yatra was confined to Ramalila,Krishna Lila andSubhadraharana. The first two were famous in Cuttack, because they had akharas inthe big villages of Cuttack. Subhadraharana was confined to Bhadrak. It wascommented that these Yatras had no actual musical touch and the Yatra makers didnot know what was music.They had known decoration and they had satisfied thepublic by reciting pothis and unchaste sentences. Yatra with proper music was unknownto the Odias. The Natua boys knew a little bit of music but as they did not sing on aparticular theme, the visitors could not like the Yatra.

As the songs were disconnected from the Yatra, the public felt increasingboredom. They did not know pure Ragaragini,tala and nrita.(Ibid.) As there was nogood Yatra in Odisha in the 19th century,Kabichandra Raghunath Parikshya composedGopinatha Vallabha Nataka and others to cater to this need.The songs in the text ofKabichandra were composed in the raga and tala of South Hindustani and Bengaliand he introduced this in South Odisha, but it did not come to Cuttack, Puri andBalasore zone.(Ibid.) In Odisha Yatra remained in association with character andSuanga and there was no real touch of music in the 1880s.(Ibid., 4th October 1880)Bengali Yatra reached the stage of prefection because worthy people accepted Yatraas a matter of their occupation and this tendency enriched their Yatra. Das Rai GovindaAdhikari and Gopal Odia and others with their songs made Bengali Yatra far moredeveloped in this phase.

In Odisha there were singers and poets but in the middle of the 19th centurysuch type of artists were prominently absent. Without music Yatra in Odisha wasmeaningless. Some Palagayakas were only available to amuse the people with theiraction and song. Hence the Odias felt the need of music based yatra in Odisha whichwould be appreciated like Bengali Yatra. In Cuttack town some rich men spent timeand money for the Gotipua dance; but they did not devote their money and time formusic.

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Rasa and Lilas were well known in Odisha in the colonial phase like SuangaYatras. The Basanta rasa Yatra of Satyabadi was a unique Yatra in the 1880s.(Ibid.,27th June 1885) The sites of the Yatra were surrounded with flowers-laden trees likeBakula and Chhuriana. On the western side is the temple of Satyabadi Gopal Jeo. Onthe southern side there is an artificial Kunja. On the northside for the enactment of thelilas (characters) some temples were built upon which there was a chhamundia coveredwith chandratapa. The pillars were adorned with light which did not distinguish thenight and the day. Some handsome boys in the dress of girls (Gopis) acted well whichappeared like Srikrishna’s Rasakrida in Brindavana. In the 1880s Madhusudan Pattnaikwas in charge of the yatra and for its expense about 4000 Rupees were spent everyyear. The concluding part of the show was observed on the last day called GovardhanaDivas.(Ibid.) The autumn Rasa Yatra of this area was instituted by DharmanarayanaMahajana Gangadhar Ota. About Rs. 2000 was spent for the occasion. Both theoccasions were well attended by about 5000 people. The Gobardhana lila wascompleted on 3rd June 1885 which was attended by two thousand people.(Ibid.)

As early as 1912 Baishnaba Pani, a member of the Yatra of Kothpada Mathcame to village Malihata and started a Yatra in imitation of the theatres. He took smallboys and trained them and used the songs and dialogues of the dramas of RamasankarRay in suangas as it was well appreciated by the people.(Ibid.,2nd November 1912)This was a pure form of Yatra and Baishnaba Pani had to display continual shows tothe people who were enthusiastic about it. The party of Pani showed the Yatra indifferent villages.

In the 20th century Sarada Rasa lila was very famous in Kendrapada. SriRadhagovinda Saradarasa was a text composed by the chief of Athagada who sentAnanta Sangitaratna and Kusun Bayakaratna to make lila in the Radhagovinda Jeotemple at Kendrapara.(Ibid., 24th November 1917) The owner of the temple BalaramaBhramarbara Ray and his younger brother Govinda Chandra Suradeo took successfulsteps for the enactment of the rasalila. The Rasalila was very successful. RadhagovindaRasalila was the most significant in south eastern India. It was organised by GovindaChandra Suradeo and shyam Sundar Simhari. Odia’s Rasagovinda Rasalila had gainedwide popularity in Brindabana and Navadvipa-two important centres of Rasa.It reflectedOdia’s cultural identity because in the expression of this lila the actors had showngreater success than that of the South Natuas. The old Odia lyrics were sung withsweet tone, the dance was very seductive. Gobinda Chandra was solely responsiblefor the success of this lila. He picked up village peasant boys and trained them for thisYatra.(Ibid., 4th January 1919)

An interesting Odia Rasa was provided by Gita Govinda Nataka. It wascomposed by Brajabasi Babaji Vaishnava Charan Das in 1928 in the light of MahakavyaGita Govinda.(Gita Govinda Natak,1928).It was printed on behalf of Radha GovindaRasalila of Satyabadi on 5th April 1928.In about 1828 Babaji’s maternal grandfather

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Pindika Srichandan on the basis of this Mahakavya composed Vasantarasa. (Ibid.)Itwas accepted as a valuable jewel by the people of Odisha.(Ibid.) The songs ofVasantarasa were used in the nama sankirtana mandali.Babaji Composed VasantaUtsaba,Virahamana and Manabhanjana on the basis of the Vasantarasa. He alsocomposed Vasantarasa Nataka from the essence of the four dramas started above.Babaji himself was a Brajabasi and so he had great admirat ion forBrindabana.Brindabana is the liladhama of Krishna. It is the symbolic representationof that aspect of the divinity which forms the space for the performance of the divineself-manifestation.(Thielmann-1998) As Lila is an activity it must have an area in whichto manifest itself. The image of Brindabana puts this concept into concrete terms of amentally conceivable place. As Jagannatha Puri was an important centre of Krishnaworship,it was also accepted as the Lilastali like Brindabana.(Dash1998:13-15).Dueto the identification of Krishna with Jagannatha Odisha got special importance fromthe point of view of Lila. Many actors of Rasalila of Utkala by their mode of expressionand pose(Bhavabhangi) ) were far superior to the Dakshini Natua(players of thesouth).For this superiority and excellence of Lila Govinda Chandra Suradeo was to becredited.(Ibid.) In the thirties and forties of the 20th century Mohan Sundar DebGoswami and Kalicharan Pattnaik also gave expression to Odisha Rasalila to articulateOdia cultural identity. (Ibid.)

Odia theatrical plays became effective as a part of Odia’s culture in the lastthree decades of the 19th century. In the house of Gopal Prasad Mitra in Cuttack in1881 on the occasion of Basanta Panchami a drama was staged which was kanchikaveri.(Utkala Dipika, 12th February 1881) In 1878 on the occasion of Saraswati PujaRamabhiseka was staged in Cuttack and it was in Bengali language. Odia interestwas less for it then and they wanted it eagerly to see the drama in Odia language. TheKanchi, Kaveri drama fulfilled Odia ambition. In this phase the preparation of aRangabhumi for the drama and the scenes associated with it were very costly affairsas the rich people had no sympathy for this cultural activities. The drama was stagedwith considerable difficulty.(Ibid.) This has been accepted as the first drama in Odialanguage and the artists were new and they had never appeared in the Natyasalabefore this.(Ibid.) It was belived that such dramas in Odia would be more effective andenjoyable. The drama Kanchi Kaveri satisfied the Hindu sentiment and also Odiasentiment because Jagannatha was the main element. Odia Hindu identity manifestedthrough it. The dramas of Ramasankar Ray were staged in the 19th century and theyenhanced Odia interest in drama. (Nayak 1988:11-13)

The Mahanta of Kothpada Daitari Raghunath Puri was a key force in the makingof stage drama in the 19th century.(Ibid.) Another important theatre was Radhagovindatheatre which was originally staging Odia dramas but as there was no good Odiadrama it staged Bengali drama and was converted into a Bengali theatre. The SambadBahika of Balasore on 23rd June 1912 demanded to convert it into an Odia stage.(Utkala

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Dipika,29th June 1912) In the beginning of the 20th century like Ramasankar’s KanchiKaveri there was Sitabibaha of Kamapala Mishra which was staged by Medical Schoolboys.(Ibid.) Govinda Chandra Suradeo was able to add songs in Kanchi kaveri afteromitting all old songs and this made the drama very popular in Odisha.(Ibid.) Stagingthe drama became a part of cultural activities of the Odias in the 19th century A.D. andin the 20th century A.D. they took effective steps for reforming the theatre baseddrama to be as attractive as that of the Bengali theatre. The purpose was to show thatOdia drama could be interesting like Bengali drama which indicated an assertion ofOdia identity. There was actually no theatre in Odisha in the full sense of the term.Steps were taken in the 19th century to make theatres but that could not last for years.The Radhakrishna Theatre of Balanga began in 1914 by the effort of BanamaliPati.(Utkala Dipika, 10th January 1920) Bikram Deb Burma, the chief of Jeypur hadconstructed a Rangalaya in Visakhapatna and there staged his own drama in Odiacalled Radhamadhab much before 1903. (Sambalpur Hiteisini, 10th May, 1903) TheOdias of South Odisha were glad to see that stage. The second prince of ParlakhemundiPadmanabha Narayana Deb after long effort constructed a rangalaya (theatre hall) inhis own kingdom. Odia dramas were staged before 1903 in that stage.(Ibid.) Therewere two rangalayas in Indupur of Visakhapatnam and Rasulkunda of Ghumsar duringthis phase.(Ibid.) In the capital of Bamanda a theatre party was established in 1910and it placed Sitabibaha with great success. This theatre party also stagedRamasankar’s Kanchi Kaveri on 26th and 27th March 1910.(Ibid. 2nd April 1910)Kesari Rangalaya, an important stage was constructed by the effort of the chief ofDharakote in the village Pitala.(Ibid.,3rd May 1913) This party had staged dramas indifferent parts of Ganjam. The manager of the party was Mohan Panda who wassuccessful in the work of the stage drama. The Vidusaka (comic actor) Bauri Mahapatrawas very successful in his action.(Ibid.) Ganjam was famous for Ramalila, Krishnalila,Madhumangala and other lilas and Suangas. But Padmanabha Deb, the second princeof Parlakhemundi was the first to start stage drama in Ganjam. Imitating him NarasimhaDas had established Mardaraja Rangalaya in Purushottama Pur with the support ofthe chief of Khalikote. Kesari Rangalaya was established in Pitala in the pattern of theMardaraja Rangalaya. Sribatsa Panda, a great social activist in his discussion aboutKesari Rangalaya described the defects in the stage drama like the obscene theme inthe drama, amorous elements and old styled. songs.(Ibid.) He suggested thatRangalaya is a teachig place. The actors have to be educated and well-manneredand they have to follow honest ways so that they will be appreciated in public. Thepresence of unity, goodness and discipline is essential in the theatrical party. ThusSribatsa Panda wanted that the theatrical party in Odisha must follow modern styleand at the same time it must have educative value.

In 1919 under the active support of the chief of Bamanda a new theatre(Rangamancha) was established. It was called Gangeya Rangamancha. Bengali artist

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and actor Dhirendranath Gangopadhyaya and his friend Prasanna Kumar made theRangamancha very attractive.(Ibid., 8th November 1919) In 1919 this theatre displayedthe drama Bhisma of Aswini Kumar Ghosh which captivated the popular attention.(Ibid.)In 1918 in Hindol, the chief, Nabakrishore Mardaraja Jagaddeba had established anew theatre in his state.(Ibid., 21st September 1918) In Brihatkhemundi RamanujaRangalaya was very active in 1918.(Ibid., 2nd February 1918)

For twenty years till 1918 there was a desire on the part of the Odias to reformand transform their Yatras and dramas. Utkala Sahitya, an Odia monthly magazine inthe first and second decade of the 20th century A.D. could focus the increasing demandsof the Odias for a better stage and better play. Krishna Prasad Chaudhuri in an insightfularticle in Utkala Sahitya emphasised on the change of the Odia stage drama with theeffective role of Ramasankar Ray and Govinda Chandra Suradeo.( Utkala Sahitya,Vol. XXII, No. II, Sala 1325/ Jyestha) He pointed out the successful stage drama inKendrapara by Govinda Suradeo. The Kendrapara Party consisted of thirteen boys ofthe age group 9 to 14. Govinda was the leader of the drama party. He got the ablesupport of the famous singer Gokul Chandra Srichandan and other youngmen of thearea. He was able to present new style in his dramas and shows were very attractive.There was originality and beauty in them. The stage drama of Govinda Chandra washedaway all ugly shows of the opera parties in Kendrapara which were staging such uglyshows for years on the auspicious occasions of the Narendra family. The Danaliladrama of Govinda Deo was very heart touching and interesting and Manabhanjanwas another drama of Deo which was also staged there. Krishna Prasad Chaudhuri inhis article stated the contribution of an Odia named Gopal Ude in the formation ofYatradal (theatre party) in the first stagedrama in Bengal. The Odias had this inspiringprogenitor of the stage drama.

Ramasankar Ray in response to an article of Chintamani Acharya in UtkalaSahitya presented the drama situation in Odisha in the last decades of the 19th andthe first two decades of the 20th century.(Utkala Sahita, Vol.XXII,No.VIII, Margasira1326 (Sala),p. 371-376) Kanchi Kaveri was staged in Odisha for 37 years after itscomposition as admitted by Ramasankar Ray in his focus.(Ibid.) He expressed theview that in Odisha there was no enactment of Odia drama because Odia drama wasnot written before him. He also expressed deep unhappiness for the absence ofdramatic platform (stage) in Odisha even after the composition of the Odia dramas.

The stage is the reflection of national mind and it reacts it and modifies it to agreat extent. As early as 1920 there was a necessity for a national stage inOdisha.(Utkala Dipika,24th January 1920) In an interesting focus Bhupati BhusanMukherji (a domiciled Bengali in Odisha ) and a votary of Odia culture, stated that thetime had come for Odisha to be active and to make up for the delay in having anational stage and a national drama.(Ibid.) He highlighted the effort of Banamali Patiof Puri in this direction. For seven years from 1913-14 Banamali Pati unaided and

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sometimes even in the face of damping criticism had maintained a theatre calledRadhakrishna Theatre which would go down to posterity as the ploneer and father ofthe future national stage of Odisha.(Ibid.) He had not spared money and time and asa result of his lifelong devotion to the cause of national drama, he had collected andtrained many young boys and men whose remarkable histrionic talent would haveremained unnoticed and undiscovered, to fade in the desert air. This stage under theable management of Kunja Bihari Bose produced two plays-Chaitanya Lila andJayadeva in January 1920. The Cuttack public did not forget the marvellousrepresentation of Jayadeva and the sweet songs of Krishna and Padma. The stagecreates the drama and in Odisha too, within such a short period of time this had takenplace, as Ramashankar Ray, Godavarish Mishra, Bhikari Charan Pattnaik, AswinKumar Ghosh and others were increasing the ranks of Odia dramatists and werecreating Odia dramas.(Ibid.) Mukherji asserted that Odias should not forget thecontribution of Banamali Pati in laying the foundation of the Odia stage of thefuture.(Ibid.)

Kanchi Kaveri tradition was well known in Odisha and for which in the nationalistphase when the Odia assertion of identity was at the extreme phase it continued to bepopular in dramatic stages. In the Basanta Rangamancha in Cuttack RajaPurushottama Deb a drama of Bhikari Charan Pattnaik was staged in March1924.(Utkala Dipika, 15th March 1924) In that phase Gajapati Purushottama, thehero of Kanchi Kaveri tradition, was a symbol of Odia glory and so the theme on himwas very popular and excited the nationalist passion and pride of the Odias.

Odias in the thirties of the 20th century felt that the place of Rangamanchawas at the top of the domain of nationalist culture. They evaluated the value of theOdia dramas at any rate because dramas and their enactment help in the constructionof national identity (Odia’s identity). (Sahakara, Vol XXIII,No X.p.424-428) In the 1930sin Berhampur Manmohan Theatre party was very active and staged different Odiadramas- Kalapahad, Arjunaparajaya, Naranarayana etc.(Nabeen, 13th May 1930) In1929 in Berhampur there was another theatre group called Natyamandir Nataksanghaby Sarathi Sahu. The party staged dramas in Dharakot, Rasulkunda, Parlakhemundi,Berhampur, Khurda and Cuttack etc. and won admiration from the public.(Ibid.,) ArtTheatre-a Natak Sangha of Cuttack was very successful in 1930s on the stage play.The manager of the party Gobinda Mohan Mukherji was a famous actor.(Ibid., 2ndDecember 1930) After the death of Banamali pati his Radhakrishna Theatre wastransformed into Art Theatre and Mukherji was in both stage.(Ibid.) The proprietor ofthe Art Theatre in 1930 was Aswin Kumar Ghosh, a great dramatist of Odisha.(Ibid.)The historical dramas like Kalapahad and Gobinda Vidyadhar were staged by Mukherjiand were extra-ordinarily successful . Radhakrishna Theatre declined in 1920 and ArtTheatre started from that phase and was very famous and active on stage play till1930.(Ibid.) The effort of the leaders of the Theatre party was widely appreciated in

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Odisha. Even Sita Rameya, a Telugu nationalist remarked at the success of the party-“The Telugu stage had to learn much from the Odia stage. In this respect, I hope Odiabrothers will be our kind teachers”.(Ibid.16th December 1930) In 1932 in KhurdhaTaruna Natya Sansad was established by the effort of Satchidananda Routray andother students of this area.The aim of this Natyasangha was to introduce new artisticvigour, thought and style in the Young group.(Ibid., 5th April 1932) Before this centrethere was Sailabasini club in Khurdha as a Natyasangha, but it was not effective inthe thirties. Taruna Natyasansad staged Abhimanyu in a temporary stage in Gurujang(khurdha) which was called Sabujamahal.(Ibid.)

In the thirties there was a demand for a permanent stage in Cuttack. AswinKumar Ghosh had tried his best for a permanent stage, but he was not successful till1933. (Sahakara, Vol. XIV,No.I, 1933, P. 94-95) It was decided to make a permanentstage for the Art Theatre. The Art Theatre was more aesthetic and the managers hadno business outlook for which a permanent stage construction could not be possibleeven in 1933. By 1938 the Art Theatre dominated the stage activities when it began towane.(Ibid.19th July 1938) In 1938 also the Odia nationalists felt the need of apermanent stage, but they were not successful.(Ibid.) The need of a permanentstage was also felt in 1942 when the Art Theatre declined and Odisha Theatres ofK.C. Pattnaik was active. Odisha Theatre used the Sabha Mandap of Utkala SahityaSamaj for their purpose. The Odias in the 1940s felt that a modern and permanentstage was necessary as an essential part of Utkala Sahitya Samaj.(Ibid.,30th June1942) The members of this Samaj appealed for help to the Chief of Parlakhemundi forthe establishment of a stage permanently in Odisha.(Ibid.)

Annapurna Theatre of Banapur became a successful group after the declineof Art Theatre in the 1940s.(Ibid.) The Odias accepted the Annapurna Theatre as aprogressive Natyapitha which was necessary for the reconstruction of Odiaidentity.(Ibid.) This Theatre group was animated with a nationalist passion. It stagedon March 22 1942 Konarka of Aswin Kumar Ghosh in a novel way. Natyarathi BalaiBanerji was the actor for Bisu Maharana and in his action showed his skill that enrichedthe natyapitha with nationalist ideas.(Ibid.) In this stage Karttik Kumar Ghosh, Kasinathand famous drama queen Radharani were the actors and actress.(Ibid.) OdishaTheatres was another significant dramatic club in Odisha in the 1940s and for sixweeks in Cuttack the drama Bhata of K.C. Pattnaik was staged by thisTheatre.(Ibid.,22nd August 1944)

Odisha Theatres began from the end of 1939 and it became a very effectivedramatic club. According to Hindustan Standard, from 1939 to 1950 Odisha Theatreswas run by K.C. Pattnaik which had an important place in the annals of modern stagein the state.(Hindustan Standard, 17th August 1958) His association with the ruler ofMayurbhanja and Raja Saheb of Puri in the late 1920s enriched the experience of thisbudding musician and poet. He fought against heavy odds and brought about a great

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revolution in the history of stage play by introducing social dramas and educated girlson the stage.(Ibid.) Thus Kalicharan had brought a remarkable transition in the phaseof the Odia drama and its enactment in the stage.

In the thirties of the twentieth century Cinema became a part of the culturalactivities of the Odias. In 1936 Kali Film Company of Calcutta released Sita Bibahawhich marked an advancement in the Odia cultural life. Mohan Sundar Deb Goswamiwas the director of this film. But this film did not satisfy the Odia sentiment. (Nabeen,3rd December 1940) By ‘1939 Odia Film Corporation was established in Calcutta inthe Sashibhusan De Street. The Company started with a capital of two lakhs of rupeesand the purpose was to release films reflecting Odia sentiment.(Deshkatha, 2nd August1939) In 1941 at Rambha of Ganjam in the Sangit Sammilani of All Ganjam a committeewas established for the production of an Odia film. It was also decided to take the helpof the benevolent people and institutions for the success of the scheme. Many peopleof Cuttack also accepted the proposal of the Sammilani for a film.(Nabeen, 25th March1941) In 1943 an institute called Utkala Talkies was started with the capital of onelakh and fifty thousand rupees.(Ibid.,7th December 1943) The institute decided torelease its first Odia film called Dosa Kahara. It was decided that the institute wouldbe run by five directors and that Dibakar Pattnaik would be the first director. The fivedirectors would contribute each a share of rupees ten thousand and an industrialist ofBomby would contribute one lakh for the working of the institute.(Ibid.) But the resultremained uncertain. In spite of very unsatisfactory progress in the film line the secondOdia film Lalita appeared in 1948 by the effort of Gaura Chandra Pratapsingh Deb. Itwas prepared by the Great Eastern Muvietone. It was then commented that the filmshould represent modern ideas of the Odias.(Ibid., 26th October 1948) The chiefactor of this film was Lokanath Mishra and the actress was Uma Goenka.(Ibid.) Despitethis film the Odias felt the need of a good film in Odia and the third film Sri jagannathaof Rupa Bharati (Cuttack) did make some improvement in this respect.(Ibid., 5th June1951) The Odias felt that due to inactivity and want of effort film industry could notmake progress.(Ibid.) The production of Odia films by the funds of the shareholderscould not bring success and so many people of Odisha wanted the support of the richindustrialists of Odisha. They suggested in the 1950s that enthusiastic and risingindustrialists like Biju Pattnaik would give his kind attention to this national need andthat by their efforts only film production would be successful in near future.(Ibid.)Thus in the 1940s and 1950s the Odias wanted to reflect their culture and life in films,but it was not very successsful in this phase.

IVDance and song-two important parts of music were present in the cultural life

of the Odias in the colonial phase. Dance and songs were associated with the festivalslike Jhulan and Melan in Odisha. The Natuas on these occasions not only danced butalso sang devotional songs. Utkala Dipika commented that in the 19th century there

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was no real appreciation for music among the richer sections of the Odia society andthat the Natua boys did not sing well on festive days. (Utkala Dipika, 21st August1875) Emphasis was more given to sankirtan which did not possess the sweetness ofgood music.(Ibid.) As a matter of fact these sankirtans came from Bengal by theGoswamis and such type of music was unknown in Odisha in pre-Chaitanyaperiod(Ibid). Very few jamindars of Odisha had real taste for songs and musicalintruments in the 19th century. In some of the zamindar families in rural Odisha, therewere groups of Natuas, but they did not improve the system of music.(Ibid.) Therewere some good singers in Cuttack in the beginning of the 19th century, but they wereaided by outside singers on the Jhulan occasions. Such people were absent in1878.(Ibid., 17th August, 1878) In Calcutta during this phase Surendra Mohan Tagoretook pains to establish a Music School there and other musical institutions were openedin different parts of Bengal in course of time.(Ibid.)

In 1878 in Odisha Maharaja of Mayurbhanja had a proposal for the opening ofa music school. It was proposed to Maharaja to provide stipend to two or three boysfor musical training in his school not only from Mayurbhanj but also from other districtsof Odisha. By this musical activities it was expected to be revived.(Ibid.) In the BinodBihari Jhulan Yatra there was a test for the singers who were present there. Manymusic lovers of Cuttack gathered there. Such a tradition was prominently absent in1884.(Ibid.,23rd August 1884) It was proposed by many to establish music schools inOdisha on the pattern of the music schools of Bengal where music had considerableprogress.(Ibid.)

In Puri the Akharagharas were the centres of musical activities particularly onthe occasion of Chandan Yatra. In Puri musical activities had remarkable progress inthe 19th century due to the Akharagharas. (Ibid., 5th June 1875) Despite the indifferenceof the higher-ups of the society to the musical activities of the Akharagharas in Puri,the lower sections had still encouraged this art in the Akharagharas by which musicalactivities had got good progress there. (Ibid.)

The Odia Yatras in the 19th century were devoid of good music.(Ibid., 5thJune 1880) There were famous singers in Odisha in the 19th century like Das RayGovinda Adhikari and Gopal Odia who were famous in Odisha and Bengal for the useof good songs in the Yatras. (Ibid.) They were able to captivate the attention of theaudience by their songs in the Yatras. In the middle of the 19th century there were nogood singers and music did not receive attention in Odisha. There were Pala singersand their qualities (if any) could be known in contest (ladhaipala); but they were notgreat poets. Their ideas could only appeal to some people who were not musicians.These Pala singers had some contribution to the musical programme in 19th centuryOdisha. (Ibid.) The need of a good singer was emphatically presented by thenewspapers in 19th century Odisha.

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In the 20th century there was improvement of Odia music on the festiveoccasions. The singers and badakas (instrument players) in this phase were youngpeople who had love for modern songs and bhajanas were also sung by them onfestive occasions. (Ibid., 23rd August 1913)

In the 1920s there was an institution called Utkala Sangita Samaj and onbehalf of this institution in 1924 in the Utkala Sammilani the song Bande Mata Payarewas sung. (Asha, 7th July 1924) Odia songs of the medieval poets-Gopalkrishna,Upendra Bhanja, Dina Krishna, Abhimanyu, Banamali, Devadurlabh, Ramakrishna,Kavisurya, Brahma and Kavisurya Rayaguru had been very enchantingly sung in thecolonial period and these songs were even sometimes felt to be superior to that ofChandidas, Vidyapati, Gobinda Das, Jadunandan Das and Narottama Das of Bengal.(Ibid., 27th May 1929) But the songs of Bengali poets were extra -ordinarily popular ineach house in Bengal and these songs excited the nationalist passion of theBengalis.(Ibid.) Mohan Sundar Goswami lamented that in Odisha this passion wasabsent.(Ibid.) He insisted on the recitation of the devotional songs of the medievalOdia poets and suggested that these should be sung in the manner of kirtan.(Ibid) Healso said that the Natua boys in Odisha should sing these songs; every home inOdishan villages should adore the Odia songs and that in every village there shouldbe sangita mela.(Ibid). With khola and Karatala the padavalies of Utkala should berecited in every part of Odisha. (Ibid.)

For the revival of Odia music there was the need of a national institution andsuch an institution was established in Cuttack by the untiring effort of LakshmikantaChaudhury from November 1933. It was called Utkala Sangita Samaj. (Nababharat,1342 Sala/Karkata, .163-164) In the end of 1934 the members of the Sangita Samajwere fiftythree and many leading people of Odisha were its members. Three branchschools of this Samaj were also established. The main school was in Sri RamachandraBhavan where Gopal Prasad Ghosh was appointed as a teacher. On behalf of theSamaj the most famous Odia singer Aparna Panigrahi was sent in 1933 to attend All-India Music Conference in Allahabad University and there he got great recognition.(Ibid.) The Samaj had no permanent office and it functioned in Ramachandra Bhaban.

The Samaj was established with a view to foster and develop the musical artof Odisha in general and to base its indigenous musical culture on a scientific foundationin particular. It was duly registered as a cultural body in 1940. Nabeen, 6th April, 1948)During the 14 years (1933-48) the Samaj had certainly played no insignificant part inthe changed outlook of the people of Odisha with regard to music and in its adoptionas an art. Artists of reputation and lovers of music in higher sphere of work, menholding high and responsible position had joined the Samaj either as patrons, lifemembers or ordinary members(Ibid) Their active interest in it had become a source ofencouragement to the members of the Executive Committee with whom the solemanagement of the Samaj rested. In 1948 there were fourteen members of the

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Executive Committee with Raibahadur Banchhanidhi Mahapatra as its president.(Ibid)The Utkala Sangita Vidyalaya which was a necessary adjunct of the Samaj wasformally opened by the Raja and Ruling chief of Athamallik State on the 26th January1934.(Ibid.) In 1943 in the month of August the nomenclature of the school was changedin order to commemorate the sweet memory of its founder LakshmikantaChaudhury.(Ibid.) Since then regular classes were being held in the afternoon withstudents both male and female in a hired building taken for the purpose at GaneshGhat, Cuttack. (Ibid.) The teachers of the school in 1948 were :1. Prof. Dhirendra Kumar Das, B.Mus. (Lucknow) for classical music.2. Gayakaratna Singhari Sri Shyam Sundar Kar, Sangit Bisarad for Karnatic music.3. Madhusudan Ghosh for instrumental music.4. Nrusimhanath Khuntia for Karnatic music.On 10th May 1948 All Odisha Sangit Sammilani was held in Berhampur(Ibid.,18thMay 1948) It was attended by singers-Jatin Das, Bhubaneswar Mishra, UpendraTripathy, Dhirendra Kumar Das, Madhusudan Ghosh, Benodbihari Harichandan,Radhamani Biswakarma, Narayan Behera from Calcutta, Madhuri Panda from Askaand Somanath Patra.(Ibid)

Another session of All Odisha Music Conference was held on 19th May 1949in Boirani(in the field of Gandhi Kalamandir).(Ibid., 31st May 1949) Lachman Khadangacaptivated the audience by his play on bina (flute). About hundred singers from differentparts of Odisha joined the conference. Radio artist Balakrishna Dash, BhubaneswarMishra, Radhagovinda Ghosh, Madhuri Panda, Kasturi Devi, Satyabati, BinodSrichandan, Sisir Kumar Pattadeb, Sadasiva Sahu, Kasinath Padhi etc. attended thesession. A proposal to construct a Kalamandapa in Odisha constituting the followingmembers was passed in the Conference. (Ibid) The members were-1. Tarini Charan Patra, Professor of Vinabadan2. Kabichandra Kalicharan Pattnaik3. Kshetramohan Kar4. Balakrishna Dash5. Krishnachandra Panda

As early as 1938 Odias asserted that in the field of music (particularly songsand lyrics) Odisha had a respectable place.(Asha,21st November 1938) They talkedof Odisi Sangita in this phase to assert Odia’s distinctiveness in music. The role ofUtkala Sangita Samaj was very significant for highlighting Odisi Gita and Sangita.(Ibid.)On behalf of the Samaj, Snehamayi,a daughter of Lakshmikanta Chaudhury(only 9years old) had presented the playing of Sitar excellently in the All India MusicCompetition at Allahabad.(Ibid.) In order to encourage and expand this field of art, the

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Odias presented that there was elaborate discussion of music in early Odisha andthat this was disrupted due to political reason. (Ibid.) They opined that music was theparameters of the cultural identity of the race and its revival in the 20th century was agreat achievement for them.(Ibid.)

In a presidential speech in the music branch of the Utkala Sahitya Samaj KrishnaPrasad Basu stated about the musical activities in Odisha. (Nababharat,Dhanu/,1345,p.482-491) Basu had deep admiration for the medieval Odia poets. These poetswere excellent singers. He stated that in Parlakhemundi,the kheyals composed byGaurahari Parichha and Haribandhu Bebarta Pattnaik were sung and they were higherthan the champus of Kavi Surya. In chhatrapur he stated that Kanhei Sasmal sang asong which was of high order and his fame did not extend beyond Risikulya. UtkalaMusic was enriched by them. He highlighted the contributions of Krishna Mohan Pattnaikof Chanahat, Kabibar Lakshmikanta Mahapatra, Kavichandra Kalicharan Pattnaik,Govinda Chandra Suradeo and Banchhanidhi Mohanty.

Basu stated in his speech that Moghul Tamasa was very popular in Bhadrakin the colonial phase.(Ibid.) A compound of Odia, Parsis and Urdu was found in MughalTamasa which was a type of Tumri. It contained songs on Mughal admiration for Odialife and culture. The songs of the Tamsa were composed by Ballabha Chakravartti.(Ibid). Besides Dalkhai, Dumpha ,Doli, Kumar Punei and Chaitra Punei songs wereindicative of Odia love for music. (Ibid). According to Basu Cuttack was the maincentre for the revival of music in the first phase of the 20th century. The effort of GopalChandra Ghosh, Gokul Chandra Sri Chandan, Panchanan Sanyal were verycommendable for the revival of musical activities in Cuttack.(Ibid) The famous singersAppanna Pani, Haricharan Pali and Munshi Khan Muhammed who left the world by1937 were the sources of Odia inspiration.(Ibid.)

Samanta Shyam Sundar Dhir of Madhupur (Born in Sal 1305 or A.D. 1898)was a famous singer in this phase. He was the son of Jagabandhu Dhir SamantaSinghar and Sita Devi. He was involved in musical activities in Cuttack for 25 years.He was an expert in Sitar and Tanpura. He had great love for Odisi and had a name inDhrupad. (Nabeen, 23rd August 1938) Gokul Srichandan was another famous singerin this phase by whose effort in 1938 Kumari Pratibha Banerji (daughter of SibendranathBanerji-Zamindar) became a famous singer in Odisha. Srichandan was the musicteacher in Ravenshaw Girls’ School. (Ibid., 16th August 1938) Nimai Harichandanwas another devoted singer in Odisha whose discourse on music delivered in BaripadaSahitya Samaj in the second annual session constituted an interesting reading ofOdia music. (Bhanja Pradipa, Vol. V., No. IV, Asadha/ 1343).

In the 1930s Odia songs appeared in Gramphone-an event associated withthe cultural progress of the Odias. In 1935 eight songs of Harichandan were recordedby the Gramphone Company and four hundred records were prepared by that date.

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(Asha,23rd August 1935)The Bolanki, a company of Madras once stated that Odiasongs could not be recorded because there were about six to seven Odias who couldpurchase a gramphone.(Ibid.) On the basis of the sale of the gramphone the companieshad taken control of the areas. (Ibid.) These companies associated Odisha with Madrasfor the purpose of sale. With the formation of separate province it was believed in1935 that there would be no such trouble (like the dependence of Odias on the MadrasCompanies).(Ibid.) There was fear that the songs of South Odisha were leaning towardsTelugu and that of North Odisha towards Bengalee. It means that the taste for musicin Odisha was not uniform and this led to the problem for the sale of the records.Lakshmi Narayana Sahu in his New Odisha also stated that he would unite theGramphone agents and the Odia singers and players. (Ibid.) There was a call toutilise this opportunity offered by Sahu to the singers of Odisha. Kishore ChandraParichha from Gunupur in 1935 stated that the songs of Aparna Panigrahi who wasadmired by music professer Abdul Karim in the All India Music Competition and gotmore time to sing in the stage should be recorded and this would be gracefully doneby Parla chief.(Ibid.)

By September 1936 many Odia songs were recorded for Gramphone play.(Nabeen,September 8,1936). Most of them were old champus and chhandas andthey were widely circulated and appreciated. Odias instead of Bengali songs couldlisten to the Odia songs and that animated their patriotism. It was pointed out in1936that Odia songs were corrupted for Odia association in the four different provincesand the revival of Odia music would assert the real Odia cultural identity. The owner ofLakshmi Bhandar and HMV Gramphone company’s Agent lakshman Sahu both hadtaken the responsibilities of releasing some Odia gramphone records in 1935-36.(Ibid.) For Ganjam and Jeypur there was needed a representative to select singers forGramphone Company in 1936 and till date no Odia singer in Ganjam had recordedtheir songs in the Gramphone records.(Ibid.) While recording Odia songs it wasasserted that the Odia singers should have to consider the Odia taste. (Ibid.) Odiashad thus concern for the preservation of Odia songs in this phase and this was anarticulation of Odia cultural identity. Odia songs were circulated from 1945 from CalcuttaRadio Station and in 1948 January a Radio Station was established in Cuttack whichcirculated Odia songs properly. (Senapati 1997) In 1950 the National Music Associationwas established by Bibhuti Tripathy and Suren Mohanty for teaching Odia classicalmusic and lastly in 1952 Kalabikas Kendra was established in Cuttack by the effort ofBabulal Joshi and others which was responsible for the development of Odia music.(Ibid.)

Dance was another important aspect of music in Odisha in the colonial andpost-colonial phase. There were Gotipua dance, Desiya dance, Mahari dance andChhau dance in Odisha in the 19th and 20th century. On festive occasions in the 19thcentury Odisha Gotipua dance and Bali natch (female dancers) were very popular in

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Odisha. Maharis had their dance in the temple of Jagannatha at Puri. (Dash 2000:41-42; Pattnaik 1978; Pattnaik 1971/1990) It was known in the pre-colonial period as wellas in the colonial period. The Mahari dance was an important part of Jhamu festival inthe Mangala temple of Kakatpur (Puri) which was observed in the month of April.(Utkala Dipika,29th April 1911) The Gotipuas preserved the old style of dance inOdisha in the colonial period. Such dancing received continuous patronage from theMaths, Akharagharas and Zamindars in Puri and outside of it. Amongst the teachersof the Gotipua dance in the 20th century were Basudeva Mahapatra of Khurdha,Kartik Sahu of Bhingarpur (Puri) and Somanath Mohapatra in the district of Cuttack.(Pattnaik1978) Both Gotipua and Mahari -Devadasi dance constituted Odisi dance inthe 1930s. The development of dance in the temples of Odisha in the pre-colonialperiod was adopted in the colonial phase. The dance masters added their imaginativetouches and the scholars played their role in explicating from ancient dance texts andsculptural depictions. The result is the Odisi dance. As a totality this is new, althoughit contains much from the past. (Seneviratne 1998: 18-19)

Chhau dance like Odisi dance was very popular not only in Mayurbhanja,Singhbhum and in the Garjats of Odisha in the colonial phase, it became an attractivetheme of amusement in India and abroad due to the extra-ordinary role of SubhenduNarayana in the 1930s. This prince of Sareikella although lived upto 1944 made thisdance so popular in India and abroad that Odisha was well remembered for it.(Chaturanga, 18th Febrary 1947, Ist Year, 10th Issue)

In the colonial phase Odia cultural activities participated and fostered by manynon-Odias, became a significant part of the Indian cultural stream.The cultural activitiesthough some-time reflected a broad Hindu/ India thought also presented distinctivenesssometimes by construction and sometimes by a continuation of the past.References :1. Asha, 1914,1916,1924,1929,1935,1938

2. Bhanja Pradipa, Odia Monthly Magazine from Baripada, Vol. V. No. IV, Sala,1343.

3. Chaturanga, Vol.I,No,X,18th February 1947.

4. Deshkatha, Odia Weekly Newspaper, Cuttack, 1939.

4(I) Dash, Gaganendra Nath(1978/1986), “Jagannath and Odia Nationalism” in TheCult of Jagannath and the Regional Tradition of Odisha, ed.Eschman, Kulkeand Tripathy, p.359-374.

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5. Dash,Gaganendra Nath (1979). Janasriti Kanchi Kaveri (The Tradition of KanchiKaveri), Cuttack.

6. Dash, Gaganendra Nath (1996). “Anchalika Baishishya, Anchalikata O Odisa(Bhasagata Anchalikata” In Odia O Odisa,ed. Pradyumna Bal, et, al, BikalpaSandhani Mancha, Bhubaneswar.

7. Dash, Kailash Chandra (1998) “Gita Govinda Nataka”, Odisha Review,Government of Odisha, Bhubaneswar, Vol. LIV, No. X. May, p. 13-15.

8. Dash Kailash Chandra (1998) “Jagannatha Yatri “ Sri Mandira (Puri TempleAdministrator), June,p.7-13.

9. Dash Kailash Chandra (2000) “Jagannatha Mandira re Devadasi “, Sri Mandira,July, P.41-42.

10. Chaudhury Indira (1998). The Frail Hero and Virile History,Gender and Politicsof Culture in Colonial Bengal,Oxford University Press,New Delhi.

11. Gita Govinda Nataka of Babaji Baishnaba Charan Das, publisher- DasarathiDas, Cuttack, 1928.

12. Hindustan Standard, 1958.14. Mukherji Prabhat (1953), The History of the Gajapati Kings of Odisha and Their

Successors, Calcutta-1.14. Mahapatra, Baikuntha, (1926), Srimad Bhagabat Bilasa,Anustan Paddhati, Puri.14(1) Mahapatra, B.N.(1996), “Ways of Belonging : The Kanchi Kaveri Legend and

the Construction of Odia Identity”, Studies in History, vol.XII, No.2, New Delhi.15. Nababharata, Odia Monthly Magazine, Sale 1342, Sala 1345.16. Nabeen, Odia Weekly Newspaper, Berhampur,

1930,1932,1936,1938,1940,1941,1942, 1943, 1944, 1948,1949, 1951.17. Nayak Sarat Chandra (1988) Odia Rangamanchara eka Bismruta Diganta ( A

Forgotten Aspect of Odia Stage), Mayur Publications, Bhubaneswar.18. Pattnaik Kalicharan, ed. (1978) Odisi Nrittya Alochana, Odisha Sangita Nataka

Academy, Bhubaneswar.19. Pattnaik D.N. (1971/1990) Odisi Dance. Odisha Sangita Nataka Academy,

Bhubaneswar.20. Sambalpur Hiteisini, Odia Weekly Newspaper from Bamanda, 1903, 1910,

1913,1918, 1919.21. Sahakara, Odia Monthly Magazine, Cuttack, Vol. XIV, XXIII.22. Singh Jagabandhu (1959) “Bhagabata Ghara”, Sahitya Prabesh, Cuttack,

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23. Sukla Banabihari (1986) Bhagabata Ghara and Village Panchayat in MedievalOdisha (1510-1803). Bharati Publications, Cuttack.

24. Seneviratne, H.L. (1998) “Identity, Consciousness and the Past”, Forging ofCaste and Community in India and Sri Lanka, Oxford University Press, Delhi.

25. Senapati, R.M. (1997). “Odia Sangita”, in Samaya (Odia Daily Newspaper, )Bhubaneswar, 8th March.

26. Stietencron Heinrich von. (2001) “A Congregation of Gods: The DolamelanaFestival in Odisha” in Jagannatha Revisited, Studying, Religion and the State inOdisha, ed. Hermann Kulke and Burkhard Schnepel, Monohar, New Delhi.

27. Thielmann Selina. (1998) Rasalila, A Musical study of Religious Drama in Vraja.A P H Publication Corporation, New Delhi.

28. Utkala Dipika (Odia Weekly Newspaper from Cuttack), 1875, 1876, 1878,1880,1882,1881, 1884, 1885 1886, 1904, 1907, 1911,1912, 1913, 1914, 1919,1917, 1920, 1924.

29. Utkala Sahitya ( Odia Monthly Magazine from Cuttack), Vol. XXII. No. II, VIII.

Reader in History,Binayak Acharya Govt.College,

Brahmapur-6, [email protected]

odia cultural identity

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