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LIFE STAGES, LIVING ARRANGEMENTS AND LIFESTYLES: A CENTURY OF

CHANGE

Damaris Rose damaris_rose@ucs.inrs.ca

Centre de recherche INRS-Urbanisation, Culture et Société Institut national de la recherche scientifique

and

Paul Villeneuve paul.villeneuve@crad.ulaval.ca

Centre de recherche en aménagement et en développement (CRAD) Université Laval

Paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the Canadian Association of Geographers, London ON, 31 May 4 June 2005 (special session Bourneschrift

IV Urban Social Change

PLEASE DO NOTE QUOTE OR CITE WITHOUT AUTHORS PERMISSION

Life Stages, Living Arrangements and Lifestyles

Damaris Rose and Paul Villeneuve

Introduction and Key Concepts

The resident ial locat ion and pat terning of different social groups within the city has long been

a concern of urban social geography. Research has typically focussed on dif ferent iat ion and

disparit ies between social groups in terms of the types of urban goods and services (public and

private) to which they have access, on how divisions of urban space ref lect different

st ructures of consumpt ion and on the material and symbolic values that dif ferent groups

at tach to these dif ferent consumpt ion landscapes . A generat ion ago - when neo-marxist

currents were very st rong in North American and European urban studies following on from the

mass mobilizat ions for social j ust ice of the 1960s (Soj a, 2000: 116; Topalov, 1989)

it was

dif ferent iat ion by social class that primarily framed research in this area. Class divisions

generated by the capitalist wage-labour system were seen as being mapped onto urban

resident ial space via disparit ies in household purchasing power for market goods and services.

This resident ial dif ferent iat ion (at worst , segregat ion) would in turn lead to increasing inequity

in access to good quality commercial consumpt ion facilit ies, such as supermarkets, whose

locat ion is market -driven. At the same t ime, state policies as regards collect ively consumed

goods and services (social housing, public schools, t ransit ) were crit iqued for not living up to

the redist ribut ive promises of the welfare state in that the quality of goods and services was

worse in poor neighbourhoods, which could in some cases lead to the reproduction of pervasive

inequalities from one generation to the next.

In the 1980s and 1990s, urban social researchers paid increasing attention to other lines

of demarcat ion and spat ial dif ferent iat ion. Gender relat ions and ident it ies were shown to

complicate the geometry and geography of class relat ions and modes of consumpt ion, and

at tent ion was increasingly drawn to inequalit ies and exclusions based on sexuality, ethnicity,

race , life stage and abilit y status (Bondi and Rose, 2003; Jacobs and Fincher, 1998; Ray and

Rose, 2000). It has even been suggested that [t]o some degree, household income has become

a funct ion of demographics rather than occupat ion or social class

(Jones and Simmons, 1993:

428). Social movements such as feminism and ident ity- and rights-based claims by minority

groups have made such dimensions of inequality much more visible to urban researchers and

policy-makers and have in some cases improved access to resources needed for individual self-

actualizat ion and collect ive empowerment . While not necessarily supplant ing t radit ional class

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divisions, these other dimensions may intersect with or overlay class-based dif ferences in

complex ways (Bondi and Christie, 2000).

In this paper we aim to show that over the past few decades major demographic shif ts

especially increased life expectancy and declining fert il it y, leading to smaller household sizes

and an aging populat ion - have intersected with other sets of t ransformat ions in the economy,

culture and society to generate an increasingly varied array of household types, living

arrangements and pat terns of consumpt ion in Canadian cit ies, as well as more f luidity in living

arrangements over people s lifet imes. We suggest that this adds yet another layer of

complexity to urban socio-spat ial dif ferent iat ion, along the lines of what is commonly referred

to as lifestyle .

Lifestyle is a broad concept as likely to be used by j ournalists and those in market ing

as by academics. The post -modern turn in sociology and related f ields has paid increasing

at tent ion to how cultural styles are playing an increasing role in ident ity const ruct ion. Some

scholars argue that in our post -modern urban society, t radit ional status hierarchies and social-

class boundaries - which used to shape a person s ident ity so fundamentally - have largely

broken down. At the same t ime, the mass consumpt ion of the Fordist economy and society has

given way to a post -Fordist , post -modern fragmentat ion of consumpt ion styles and fashions

target ing different market segments . Individuals are said to have considerable freedom to

const ruct their own ident it ies (and proj ect these to others) by means of the part icular pat tern

of consumpt ion they opt for

including how they look, what they buy, the kind of city and

neighbourhood they live in and where they engage in leisure act ivit ies. This is somet imes

referred to as the niched society . Crit ics, however, point out to a danger in this work, it

being too easy to equate lifestyles with fashions , implicit ly assuming they are the product of

a set of freely-chosen tastes and preferences as though there were no const raints on choice

(Campbell, 1995). In fact , the concept of lifestyle is not inherent ly post -modern. It has older

roots in analyses of the modern city. According to the Chicago School of urban sociology,

important aspects of people s behaviour in everyday life were shaped by the size, density and

heterogeneity of human set t lements

hence the emergence of concepts of urban as opposed

to rural and suburban lifestyles. But in a classic essay published over 40 years ago, Herbert

Gans (1962, Urbanism and suburbanism as ways of life ) argued that this perspect ive wrongly

ignored the roles of social class and life cycle. Gans s crit ique seems highly prescient to us

today. It is not for nothing that private sector market ing researchers are the main clients of

Stat ist ics Canada s data products providing socio-demographic and economic profiles of urban

residents at the geographical scale of the postal code, to which measures of values and

at t itudes are added in order to segment consumer markets in appropriate ways (Jones and

Simmons, 1993: 113).

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In urban studies there is also a growing interest in cultural style and new consumpt ion

pat terns. Some scholars suggest that shopping may now be more signif icant as a social act ivity

than in terms of the acquisit ion of goods (Jones and Simmons, 1993: 53), while others are

examining how central-city economies of post-industrial cities and urban revitalization projects

are increasingly focussed on consumpt ion-based indust ries - including cultural facilit ies,

specialized bout iques and eateries, retailing and leisure complexes

whose success depends on

harnessing the lifestyles of various groups with disposable income to part icular kinds of

consumpt ion pract ices (Hannigan, 1998; Zukin, 1998). City governments engage in branding

based on lifestyle appeal to the new urban elite workforces (Greenberg, 2000; Kipfer and

Keil, 2000).

Our own posit ion is that lifestyle is indeed an increasingly important dimension of

social dif ferent iat ion and ident ity const ruct ion in the post -modern, post -indust rial city (Zukin,

1998). However, the literature has paid lit t le at tent ion to how living arrangements, lifestyle

choices and capacit ies to pract ice certain modes of consumpt ion are shaped not j ust by

income but also by other dimensions such as gender, sexuality, race or ethnicity and life

stage. The extent to which an individual has the freedom to choose her or his lifestyle also has

to be interpreted in the historical context and the social mores of the t imes he or she lives in,

because these set the limits of the possible and define what are acceptable versus

t ransgressive lifestyles. Compared to the post -World War 2 years, let alone a century ago,

there now exists a far greater variety of socially-sanct ioned lifestyles. This is the case both

from the biographical perspect ive of an individual and in terms of a cross-sect ional look at

society at an instant in t ime. The lifet ime of people born in the 1950s or later typically

comprises a larger number of dif ferent life stages compared to the lifet imes of their parents

and grandparents. Each life stage can be seen, in turn, as combining a constellat ion of

educat ion, employment and income situat ion, family-based commitments and living

arrangements. Life stages do not determine lifestyles in a mechanist ic way but they do set

some of the parameters or limits within which lifestyles are chosen.

Transit ions from one stage to another are ident if ied by major events, especially those

involving household st ructure (leaving home, divorce, moving into a chronic care facilit y ) and

family composit ion (birth of f irst child ) but also those involving employment status where this

has major repercussions in the family sphere or for living arrangements. The durat ion and

sequencing of life stages are also less predictable than in the past , due especially to the

increasing instabilit y or f luidity of conj ugal relat ionships but also due to delays in young adults

home-leaving as well as episodes of returning to the parental home. Transit ions used to be

seen in terms of the concept of life-cycle , which implied a normat ive sequence of clearly-

def ined stages from childhood to home-leaving to marriage to family format ion to the empty

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nest and perhaps eventually widowhood. Today this concept has largely been replaced by the

more neut ral and open concept of life course (Heinz and Krüger, 2001; Monk and Katz,

1993), both in demography and in urban geography, notably in work on resident ial mobilit y and

housing careers . In addit ion, a massive demographic shif t is underway with the aging of the

populat ion and the increased life expectancy of the elderly. There is no longer a single

elderly stage of the life course. Maj or life t ransit ions take place during the period that

society defines as old age, with implicat ions for urban consumpt ion pat terns that are only j ust

beginning to be addressed.

All of this means that from a cross-sect ional perspect ive, urban society now comprises

a much-increased diversity of household types and living arrangements: t radit ional nuclear

families, dual-income couples (increasing numbers of whom are dual-career couples), lone-

parent families, blended families , same-sex couples and the very fast -growing category of

one-person households. The lat ter are increasingly found within all age groups rather than only

at the beginning and end stages of the life course; some will be commit ted to maintain their

current living arrangements and lifestyle for a long t ime, while others see themselves as being

in a life stage of short durat ion. Each of these household types is cross-cut by socio-economic

dif ferences (educat ion, occupat ional status and income) as well as by age, gender, race and

other dimensions of dif ference such as health status/ physical abilit y. So here we have the

makings of a much more complex set of demarcations and differentiations of urban space and

perhaps also dif ferent iat ions within the Canadian urban system - in terms of lifestyles and

consumpt ion pract ices that have the potent ial to reinforce inequalit ies of status and access to

resources (Bondi and Christie, 2000; Halnon, 2002).

In the remainder of this paper, we f irst chart secular social changes in Canada that

have led to this increased diversity of household types and living arrangements as well as to

increasingly f luid life t ransit ions. We then illust rate how a number of social dimensions,

including gender, ethnicity, sexual orientat ion, occupat ional class and life stage, intersect to

nourish the present diversity. And finally, we discuss two emerging issues associated with these

changes: the impact of dual-earner families and the diversif icat ion of the elderly populat ion.

Both issues raise policy challenges in that they are potent ially capable of producing new forms

of social inequalities.

Demographic and Social Indicators, Living Arrangements and Life Transitions: A Century of Change

The century that has j ust ended brought momentous changes in Canadian demographics and

society - in life expectancy, in the environments in which Canadians lived, in the kinds of

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households and families they lived in over their lifespan, in their living standards and in their

opportunit ies for educat ional, economic and social advancement and emancipat ion as

individuals. For women, the t ransformat ions wrought in their lives were even greater. Some of

these maj or demographic shif ts and social changes are closely linked to the urbanizat ion of

Canadian society and to the growth of economically-diversified metropolitan urban areas.

Periodizing Social and Demographic Change over the Twentieth Century

As we have already ment ioned, the life stages that people go through, the t ransit ions they

make between stages and the dif ferent dimensions that make up their lifestyle at any

part icular life stage need to be situated within the broader historical and st ructural context of

the t imes they live in. The various social and demographic changes that modif ied Canadians

lifestyles over the 20th century are not historically independent of one another

changes in

some induce changes in others. We have at tempted to divide the century into periods

characterized in economic, socio-cultural and demographic terms. It is important , however, to

avoid myths of total rupture (Mitchell, 2005: 117), since much that seems new has a lineage

in the past . We assembled the values (or reasonable est imates) of 13 such indicators for every

census year from 1901 to 2001. The values of 10 of these indicators are graphed in Figures 8.1,

8.2 and 8.6 (the other three are per capita disposable income and the percentages of managers

in the female and male workforces). Using correlat ional techniques (not presented here due to

space limitat ions) to examine the pace of change in the overall prof ile of Canadian society, in

terms of all these indicators taken together, from one decennial census year to the next , we

f ind that the century divides into three broad periods (1901-1931; 1941-1961; 1971-2001),

separated by decades of t ransit ion or even rupture in which social and demographic changes

seemed to be accelerated. Table 8.1 summarizes the results of this exercise.

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TABLE 8.1: SELECTED SECULAR CHANGES IN CANADA

URBAN ECONOMY, EDUCATION, LABOUR FORCE

DEMOGRAPHY, CULTURE, LIFESTYLES

1901-1931

Rapid increase in metropolitan urbanization, growth of white-collar employment, including more openings for women

Demographic transition well under way; bohemia, freedom of city for some young single women; marriage still lifetime commitment

1930s Depression, Keynesianism and nation-building institutions e.g. Bank of Canada, capital-intensive production, automobile, slow-down in urbanization rate

Continued decline in fertility, rising age of marriage

1941-1961

Post-war boom, Fordism, married women displaced from men s j obs , rapidly increasing male university enrolment rates, tertiarization, gradual increase in female labour force participation

Baby-boom, emerging home-ownership-based consumer society, suburban nuclear family, conformity

1960s Welfare state, increasing female university enrolment rates

Cult ural revolut ion , experimentat ion in living arrangements by middle class youth, feminism, divorce law reform, legalization of homosexuality, more reliable contraception

1971-2001

Growth of advanced tertiary employment and professional occupations, acceleration of female university enrolment rates and labour force participation. Post-Fordism, neo-liberalism, economic uncertainty

Population aging. More fluid life-course, diversification of conjugal arrangements and household types, Individualization, de-centring of traditional family. Dual-earner families become norm, household consumer patterns differentiated by number of earners.

The f irst period (1901 to 1931) was characterized by rapid urbanizat ion, especially the

growth of metropolitan cities fuelled by international immigration and domestic migration from

agricultural areas (Figure 8.2). As can be seen from Figure 8.1, the long-term and dramat ic

decline over the 20th century in the fert il it y rate of Canadian women was already well under

way in the early decades of the 20th century. This demographic t ransit ion began around 1870

and was closely linked to the urbanizat ion process: couples were marrying later, large families

were less necessary in a non-agricultural economy, sanitat ion and health care decreased

childhood mortalit y and women could increasingly gain access to birth cont rol (Beauj ot , 2000;

Henripin, 1968). Consequent ly, overall household size also decreased. Marriage was almost

always a lifet ime commitment , but many women st ill became widows while raising their

children (Lemieux and Mercier, 1992: 339-343). Children lived at home unt il marriage unless

they went into the military or domestic service.

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As to employment opportunit ies, in Eastern and Cent ral Canada manufacturing

predominated although white collar employment grew rapidly in maj or urban cent res after

World War 1. Working-class families needed the addit ional income from women s work in

manufacturing and domest ic service. Unmarried middle-class women (including nuns in

Québec) great ly increased their presence in professions such as teaching but the mores of the

t imes and off icially-sanct ioned discriminat ion kept married women out of career -track

employment (Dumont et al., 1987: 209-224; Laflamme, 2001; St rong-Boag, 1988: 41-80).

Nevertheless, urbanizat ion, and especially the growth of diversif ied met ropolitan areas, was

already changing the horizons of some groups of women. Back in the early twent ieth century,

urban sociologists pointed to the modern metropolis as an arena for relatively anonymous social

experimentat ion, where the st rong and homogeneous social bonds of rural life and the

obligat ions of family were at least part ly displaced by more diverse social networks, with more

f luidity and less commitment (Park, 1969; Simmel, 1950). Both feminist academics and

novelists are increasingly showing us how, as early as the 1920s, moving to the big city could

be an emancipatory step for young unat tached middle-class women, opening horizons both

economically and in terms of escaping the cultural mores of rural and small town life although

a step that could also entail great personal risks and the loss of social support (Bondi and Rose,

2003; Garber, 2000; see also Richard Wright s 2001 novel, Clara Callan).

The Great Depression of the early 1930s was a period of profound rupture in Canadian

society. It led to intervent ionist state policies (Keynesianism) to st imulate the economy and

laid the foundat ions for the post -World War 2 development of a middle-class consumerist

society that would be increasingly based on single family housing, home ownership and the

automobile. Capital-intensive indust ries expanded in cent ral Canada, epitomized by the

automobile indust ry which paid high wages to its (most ly male) unionized workers. In this way

Fordism (named after Henry Ford) reinforced the ideal of the t radit ional nuclear family,

discouraged married women s paid employment once they were no longer needed for wart ime

product ion, and promoted the suburban dream (Séguin, 1989).

The aftermath of World War 2 brought the baby boom (much larger in Canada than in

most other western count ries, relat ive to its populat ion); this signif icant ly interrupted the

secular decline in the fert il it y rate. The 1950s are generally characterized as a socially-

conformist era, the golden age of the t radit ional nuclear family (Beauj ot , 2000; see also CBC

Radio, 1963)). Nevertheless, social and gender discontents were not far below the surface, and

women s labour force part icipat ion rates were beginning to accelerate as the growth of the

service economy increased the demand for their labour (Figure 8.2). However, this was much

more the case in large cit ies than in the small single indust ry communit ies where a large

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proport ion of Canadians st ill l ived at mid-century and where a more t radit ional gender order

prevailed until shaken by recent waves of economic restructuring (Preston et al., 2000).

Figure 8.1 Fertility and Household Size in Canada

0,0

1,0

2,0

3,0

4,0

5,0

6,0

1901 1911 1921 1931 1941 1951 1961 1971 1981 1991 2001

Per

son

/hh

, nb

of c

hld

/wo

men

15-

49

Household size Fertility rate

Sources: Cansim Series A248-253 and Canadian Censuses of 1981, 1991 and 2001. Henripin, Jacques 1968. Statistics Canada, Products no. 91-535F, 84-210-XPB and 11-001-XPF.

In spite of the higher birth rate during the baby boom years, average household size

cont inued to fall (Figure 8.1). This was because increasing numbers of people were living

alone. Interest ingly, as Miron (1993) has noted, living alone changed from being a feature of

rural non-farming areas (men working in seasonal occupat ions in the natural resource sector or

as migrant labour in single-indust ry communit ies) to a phenomenon linked to growing urban

prosperity and a change in socio-cultural values. The economic boom of the 1945-1975 period

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brought rapid rises in disposable incomes. Boarding and lodging by people who did not have a

family of their own went out of favour. For more and more young unmarried women and men in

Canada s larger cit ies, it was becoming affordable, socially acceptable and symbolically

important for young women and men to establish resident ial autonomy before marriage by

moving out of their parents home once they obtained employment

typically in the

burgeoning tert iary sector. Such moves were made possible as private rental apartment

buildings became an increasingly common feature of Canadian inner-city landscapes in the

1960s and 1970s. At the same t ime, increased life expectancy led to growing numbers of

elderly widows, who generally continued to live on their own.

The 1960s saw massive expansion of public sector employment , educat ion and welfare

state institutions (Moscovitch and Drover, 1987), including the secularization of health care and

educat ion in Québec

a trend that cont inued into the mid-1970s and great ly increased

women s labour market access. This was a t ime of major social experimentat ion and cultural

upheaval across the count ry as elsewhere in the western world, with a broad quest ioning of

established inst itut ions such as marriage, the pat riarchal family and

especially in Québec

the Church. Eff icient cont racept ion enabled much greater cont rol over childbearing (Beauj ot ,

2000: 92). Divorce laws were liberalized, leading to more people living alone in older age

groups and paving the way for people to change their living arrangements more frequently over

their life course. Presaging the gent rif icat ion movement that would gain st rength in the 1970s

and 1980s, some elements of the young, university-educated middle-class rediscovered the

role that inner city neighbourhoods had played much earlier in the century as a locale for

bohemianism and a counter-cultural lifestyle where non-convent ional living arrangements,

gender ident it ies and sexualit ies could be explored openly (Appleton, 1995; Caulf ield, 1994;

Ley, 1996; Séguin and Villeneuve, 1993).

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FIGURE 8.2 Urbanization, education, labour force participation, Canada

0,0

10,0

20,0

30,0

40,0

50,0

60,0

70,0

80,0

90,0

1901 1911 1921 1931 1941 1951 1961 1971 1981 1991 2001

Per

cen

tag

es

Lab force part - male Lab force part - female Urban popn

Metropolitan popn Univ enrolmt - male Univ enrolmt - female

Sources: Cansim matrix 3451, Series D107-122. Cansim matrix 3451, Series D107-122. Stone, Leroy O. 1967. Canadian Censuses of 1971, 1981, 1991 and 2001. Statistics Canada, Canadian Social Trends (59) Cat No 11-008, winter 2000, various pages

The period formed by the last three decades of the twent ieth century renewed in one

key respect with the f irst three decades, in that fert il it y rates resumed their pat tern of

decline, in spite of the increase in internat ional immigrat ion. This added momentum to the

overall decline in household size (Péron, 1999). In other respects, the last third of the century

saw a deepening of t rends established in mid-century

tert iarizat ion of the economy and rapid

growth in women s higher educat ional opportunit ies and labour force part icipat ion (Cooke-

Reynolds and Zukewich, 2004). The increase in university enrolment rates accelerated in the

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immediate post -war period for both men and women, but by 1991 women s enrolment rates

had overtaken those of men (see Fig. 8.2). The improvement in labour market opportunities for

women was a major cont ribut ing factor to smaller family sizes. As well as being able to stay in

employment after marriage, they also gained growing access to career-t rack employment in

professional f ields, and, more recent ly, even in managerial f ields previously the exclusive

preserve of men (Fortin and Huberman, 2002; Rose and Villeneuve, 1993). This led in the 1980s

and 1990s to spectacular growth in the number of dual-career couples, meaning couples

where both partners were highly-educated and held professional or managerial j obs (Rose and

Villeneuve, 1998). This is especially t rue in Canada s major post -indust rial cit ies which have

seen a st rong professionalizat ion of their workforces with the growth in business services as

well as in high-level government services (Rose and Villeneuve, 1993); here, the percentages of

people with university degrees and the percentages holding j obs requiring a university

educat ion are much higher than in other types of urban regions, and the gap widened from

1981 to 2001. These cit ies also act as magnets for highly-educated workers from more

peripheral parts of Canada s urban system (Heisz et al., 2005).

Increasingly, then, women have alternat ive sources of fulf ilment to a life focussed

ent irely on marriage and child-rearing. The age of f irst marriage rose again in the last decades

of the 20th century

by 2001 it was 28 for women and 30 for men (Crompton, 2005). This t rend

was more pronounced in large metropolitan areas, where educat ion levels and employment

opportunit ies are bet ter, than in small towns and rural areas. Childbirth was postponed or

even, for a growing number, foregone ent irely (Beauj ot , 2004). In seven out of 10 two-parent

families with children under 6, both parents are in paid work; this also affects fert il it y rates

because of Canada s chronic shortage of adequate and affordable childcare services (Cleveland

and Krashinsky, 2003).

Women s economic advancement is not , however, the only reason for the drast ic fall in

birth rates. Job prospects and lifet ime employment careers became more uncertain for many

in the wake of the mid-1970s oil shocks, the growing globalizat ion of the economy since 1980,

and government def icit -cut t ing st rategies in the 1990s. Real earnings fell from 1980 to 2000,

except among the university-educated, especially women (Morisset te and Johnson, 2004). It

has thus become risky for families to rely on a sole, male breadwinner in order to at tain and

maintain middle-class living standards (Rose and Villeneuve, 1998). In 2002, 59 per cent of

Canadian families with employment income were of this type (with data by CMA showing a

range from 53 per cent in Saguenay, Québec to 64 per cent in Calgary and Saskatoon)

(calculated from data in Stat ist ics Canada, 2004 - CANSIM). Also, it is taking longer for young

people to at tain suff icient ly stable employment conducive to independent living and family

format ion. The 1980s and 1990s saw a renewed tendency for young people to remain in the

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parental home unt il their mid- or even late 20s, as well as increased episodes of returning to

the parental home (Beaupré and Le Bourdais, 2001; Beaujot , 2004). Although this may not

necessarily compromise the acquisit ion of personal autonomy associated with the t ransit ion to

adulthood (Rose et al., 1999), it is likely to delay the age of first marriage and childbirth and so

to reduce the number of children a couple will have over their lifespan.

Finally, the combined effects of increased life expectancy (see Fig. 8.6), declining

fertility and the baby boom mean that the Canadian population is now aging rapidly. A hundred

years ago only 6 per cent of Canadians were over 65; by the mid-1990s their share reached 17

per cent , and this f igure is growing at 2-3 per cent per year. The share of the populat ion over

80 is increasing even faster (Martin-Matthews, 2001; Moore and Rosenberg, 2001). International

immigration will do lit t le to dampen these t rends and could even reinforce them if it becomes

easier for exist ing immigrants to sponsor older relat ives. We address the implicat ions of this

very important t rend for living arrangements, lifestyles and service needs in a separate sect ion

of this paper.

Diversification of Living Arrangements

We have seen that by the late 20th century the predominance of the t radit ional nuclear family

was being challenged from many direct ions due to both economic and socio-cultural pressures.

We turn now to a brief and necessarily incomplete look at some of the new household types

and living arrangements that have become more prevalent and/ or more socially acceptable,

over the past two decades.

Among families with children, easier divorce proceedings led to rates of lone-

parenthood returning to the high levels seen in the earlier 20th century when widowhood had

been the main cause of this type of family In 2001 over 21 per cent of all Canadian families

with children were headed by a lone parent

a female in almost 90 per cent of cases since

unt il recent ly custody decisions almost invariably favoured mothers. It is not possible to

examine recent t rends in the prevalence of lone-parenthood in dif ferent Canadian cit ies

because of a maj or change to the census definit ion of lone-parent family in 2001, but

indicat ions are that this type of family form has widely diffused throughout Canada, although

less so within some ethnic minority groups. Although their socio-economic status is very diverse

(Rose and Le Bourdais, 1986), many experience high rates of poverty due to diff iculty in

combining decent ly-paid work with child-raising. In 2000, almost one-quarter of employed lone

mothers were in low-paid j obs compared to only 11 per cent of their male counterparts

(Morisset te and Picot , 2005). Since the mid-1990s the numbers of lone parents have not been

growing as fast as the numbers of step - and blended families result ing from re-marriage or

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cohabitation with a new partner (Statistics Canada, 2002a) an indicator of the growing fluidity

of living arrangements and life transitions at the turn of the 21st century.

Rates of living alone have also increased signif icant ly. This has indeed been one of the

most dramat ic demographic shif ts of the past half-century, from 2.6 per cent of Canadians in

1951 to 12.3 per cent in 2001 (Clark, 2002). Overall, populat ion aging is the largest single

cont ributor to the rise of living alone, because the longer one lives, the more likely one is to

endure a spell of widowhood. This is especially the case for women because their life

expectancy is greater than that of men (Fig. 8.6). However, living alone is also becoming more

prevalent for both sexes in mid-life; in these age groups living alone by choice has become

much more socially acceptable and is no longer necessarily associated with personal and

economic instabilit y. Figure 8.3a presents changes in the frequency of living alone between

1981 and 2001 for the Mont réal and Toronto CMAs as well as for the aggregate of 5 second-

t ier CMAs (combined in order to minimize sampling error effects), while Fig. 8.3b breaks out

the 2001 data by gender. Toronto s lower rates are likely due to a combinat ion of it s high

housing costs and greater ethnocultural diversity; among some ethnocultural minorit ies, young

adults generally remain in the family home unt il marriage (Rose et al., 1999), and widowed

elderly persons are more likely to move in with their children, especially among Asian

Canadians (Pacey, 2002). The 2001 census also reveals that the frequency of over-25 year olds

living with their parents, as well as elders aged 75 and over living with relatives, increases with

CA/ CMA size (Stat ist ics Canada, 2002b); again, this may be a funct ion of the greater

ethnocultural diversity of (most of) Canada s largest urban areas. As regards variat ions across

the ent ire Canadian urban system, the same data source reveals that the highest rates of living

alone (in each age group, and for both sexes) are in the Mont réal and Vancouver CMAs.

Otherwise, there is lit t le difference by size of CMA or CA. However, an interest ing except ion

can be found in resource-based single-indust ry communit ies where it is very rare for women in

the 25-44 age group to live alone (only 3 to 8 per cent , compared to about 12 to 19 percent of

their male counterparts) (Stat ist ics Canada, 2002b). In such communit ies, the t radit ional

nuclear family is st il l very much the norm, and living alone is less feasible or acceptable for

women than for men, some of whom are short-term migrants in search of work (Halseth, 1999).

14

FIGURE 8.3a Frequency of living alone by age, both sexes, selected CMAs, 1981 and 2001

0

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

40

45

Mtl-1981 Mtl-2001 Tor-1981 Tor-2001 5 '2nd tier'*-1981

5 '2nd tier'*-2001

per

cen

t

15-24 25-34 35-44 45-54 55-64 65-74 75+

Source: Statistics Canada, 2001 census, Public use microdata files

15

FIGURE 8.3b Frequency of living alone, by age and sex, selected CMAs, 2001

0

10

20

30

40

50

60

Mtl-female Mtl-male Tor-female Tor-male 5 2nd tier-female

5 2nd tier,male

per

cen

t

15-24 25-34 35-44 45-54 55-64 65-74 75+

Source: Statistics Canada, 2001 census, Public use microdata files

The rise of living alone is having important impacts on the housing market . Especially in

advanced tert iary cit ies with widespread professional and managerial employment

opportunit ies, one-person households, both female and male, form a rapidly growing segment

of the home-buying market in Canadian cities (CMHC, 2004; Rose, 2004). The majority purchase

condominiums because of their lower purchase price and also because maintenance

responsibilit ies are less than in the case of a single-family home, which frees up t ime for a less

home-oriented lifestyle. For some single people, this type of home-buying symbolizes

personal and economic autonomy and creates an anchor point in their lives. For others, it is an

16

entry point to a housing career that may later take a more t radit ional, family-oriented

suburban path. Condominiums aimed at non-elderly singles tend to be located in cent ral areas

of cit ies including former indust rial dist ricts and brownfield redevelopment sites such as

Mont réal s Lachine Canal and Toronto s Liberty Village. Developers pitch these condos using

lifestyle market ing promot ing the urban experience , hedonism and act ive leisure pursuits,

not ing closeness to night life and bicycle paths (Allen and Blandy, 2004) (although we should

not over-est imate the power of such lifestyle market ing since affordabilit y and the desire to

get out of the rental market probably t rump other considerat ions (CMHC Québec Market

Analysis Centre, 2003). Municipalit ies see young singles as well as other types of small non-

t radit ional

households with some disposable income as key to re-establishing a resident ial

presence in city cent res and as a means of reinforcing the clustering of new economy j obs

(art ist ic, cultural and high-tech niche sectors, which are increasingly important to post -

industrial inner-city economies) at the CBD fringes (Heath, 2001).

Although these housing developments as well as the commercial services they generate

are not aiming at a luxury segment of the market , they are a social world away from the ways

that the low-income end of the spect rum of singles have to live. The end of the spect rum is

populated by divorced or never-married individuals occupying a marginal niche in the labour

market , displaced workers, migrants from deindust rialized regions, and others experiencing

long-term economic and social exclusion for various reasons. Since the 1970s, gent rif icat ion

and urban redevelopment schemes have led to men and women in this isolated and precarious

situat ion increasingly being displaced from their t radit ional housing market niche, low-rent

inner-city rooming houses, increasing their risk of homelessness.

Another type of living arrangement that has gained increasing social acceptabilit y is

that of the same-sex couple. The 2001 census marked the f irst t ime that same-sex couples

living together were able to ident ify as such on the quest ionnaire i f t hey so wished. While the

responses to this new census quest ion do not necessarily ref lect accurately the actual numbers

of same sex couples, they do no doubt ref lect the comfort levels of gay and lesbian couples in

aff irming this expression of their sexuality in an off icial document . Media and opinion polls

suggest that there is st ill great unevenness within Canada

by region, religion and ethno-

cultural background in the social acceptabilit y of openly living as a gay or lesbian couple. Back

in the early 20th century, as we have mentioned earlier, the central areas of large metropolitan

cit ies were seen as bohemian places, something of a mecca for alternat ive lifestyles and

t ransgressive social and sexual pract ices. Almost a century later, chart ing the reported

frequency of same-sex couples compared to all couples for Canada s CMAs in 2001 (Figure 8.4)

shows that three out of four of the largest CMAs came out at the top. Mont réal and Vancouver

have a gay-friendly reputat ion. Toronto (with Canada s largest recent immigrant populat ion)

17

was a marked outlier with a relatively low reporting of same-sex couples while Victoria - with a

smaller populat ion but a West Coast image - was up at the top. Conversely, and perhaps

tellingly, the lowest percentages are found for three of Canada s smallest CMAs, Abbotsford,

Greater Sudbury and Trois-Rivières.

FIGURE 8.4 Reported presence of

same-sex couples, by CMA size, 2001

log of population

161514131211

% o

f sam

e se

x co

uple

s

1,0

,8

,6

,4

,2

0,0

Winnipeg

Windsor

Victoria

Vancouv er

Toronto

Thunder Bay

St.Cath

Sherbrooke

Saskatoon

Québec

Ott-Hull

Montréal

London

KitchKingst

Ham

Halif ax

Edmonton

Calgary

Abbots, T-Riv , Sudb

r = 0,639 (0,01)

Source: Stat ist ics Canada, 2001 Census, http://www12.statcan.ca/english/ census01/ products /analytic/companion/fam/sscma.cfm#ftnt1

18

Finally, how does the diversif icat ion of household types and living arrangements play

out at the intra-urban scale? Exploring this systematically is beyond the scope of this paper and

presents many challenges in terms of available data and choice of measurement techniques.

Here, we simply present some indications for the case of one CMA, that of Québec City.

In Table 8.2, eight types of households are dist inguished using fairly standard Canadian

census categories for 2001. A diversity index, the Gibbs-Mart in index (see Hammond and

McCullagh, 1974), is computed for each census t ract of the Québec CMA. High values of this

index indicate high household diversity. When the index is plot ted against distance of the t ract

from the city cent re, the pat tern shown in Fig 8.5 is obtained. This pat tern is somewhat

counterintuit ive. The convent ional image we have of our metropolitan areas suggests that

suburbs are more homogeneous then cent ral city neighbourhoods in terms of living

arrangements. Here, we observe quite the opposite. When households are categorized the way

they are here, we find a steep increase in diversity with distance from the centre up to about 7

km away, then a levelling-off beyond that point . Table 8.2 sheds light on this f inding. In this

table, the percentage of households in each type is shown for t racts within selected distance

bands from the cent re. Low diversity in the cent re is essent ially due to the predominance of

one-person households, while the higher levels of diversity in older suburbs (5 to 5.5 km) and

newer suburbs (20 to 25 km) result from quite dif ferent household prof iles. In older suburbs,

married couples with children at home make up a much lower share of households than in

newer suburbs where we also find a lower proportion of one-person households.

19

FIGURE 8.5 Diversity of household types within census tracts, Quebec CMA, 2001

0,45

0,50

0,55

0,60

0,65

0,70

0,75

0,80

0,85

0,90

0,00 5,00 10,00 15,00 20,00 25,00

Distance from centre (km)

Ind

ex o

f d

iver

sity

Source: Statistics Canada, 2001 Census, e-stat, Table OMNA9.

20

TABLE 8.2 Diversity of household types within census tracts in selected distance bands from centre of Québec CMA, 2001

1 km

5 - 5.5 km

20 - 25 km

%

%

%

Married couple, no children at home

6.8

13.8

16.2

Married couple with children at home

3.3

12.3

30.0

Cohabiting couple, no children at home

10.9

12.1

11.4

Cohabiting couple, with kids at home

2.1

6.2

13.4

Female single parent

4.8

7.9

6.8

Male single parent

1.3

1.8

2.1

1 person household

63.65

39.1

18.9

Nonfamily household >1person

7.1

6.8

1.3

Total number of households

11210

16665

15680

Index of diversity 0.569 0.773 0.810

Source: Statistics Canada, 2001 Census, E-stat, Table OMNA9.

Increasingly fluid life transitions

Overall, and crucially, the social and cultural shif ts of the 1960s have led in the past three

decades both to a maj or diversif icat ion of family forms and to an increased f luidity in living

arrangements of the life course (Beauj ot , 2000). By f luidity we mean the increased possibilit y

and social acceptabilit y of moving in and out of dif ferent living arrangements as emot ional

connect ions and economic necessit ies change. For large segments of the populat ion, certain

major life t ransit ions

those associated with the forming and ending of relat ionships and

founding a family

have become much more a mat ter of choices made by individuals and

couples and less a mat ter of following t radit ion or respect ing an established inst itut ion. The

couple and the family no longer have procreat ion, legally sanct ioned by marriage, as their sole

purpose (Beauj ot , 2004), and are tending more to be ways of pursuing reciprocal relat ions of

companionship and mutual aid between people who also have lives of their own (Jones et al.,

1990). The growing popularity of common-law unions

especially in Québec but increasingly so

elsewhere in Canada

is a clear example of such f luidity because such unions do not last as

long as legal marriages, even when they produce children (Le Bourdais et al., 2000). For some

demographers, this increased f luidity and f lexibility in entering into and exit ing from family

and parenting relationships and household living arrangements represents such a major societal

change that they now refer to it as the second demographic t ransit ion .

Some analysts interpret these f luidit ies in relat ionships and living arrangements as

ref lect ing a secular rise in individualism and a decline in st rong social bonds. But

individualizat ion in the sense of ident ifying and trying to achieve personal life goals is not the

21

same thing as individualism, which implies a devaluing of social relat ionships and a loss of a

sense of common purpose with others (Bellah et al., 1985). Others argue that people s st rong

social t ies and long-last ing commitments can no longer be read off from their living

arrangements. To take some examples, living alone does not necessarily mean an abandonment

of close family t ies, and close friends may become surrogate kin (Roseneil and Budgeon,

2004). Non-custodial parents may nevertheless maintain intense relat ionships with their

children. And also, be it for reasons of choice or necessity, increasing numbers of couples with

long-term commitments may maintain separate households or only living together on a part -

time basis (Levin, 2004; Milan and Peters, 2003).

Some Emerging Issues and Challenges

Disparities in Urban Lifestyles: The Impact of Dual-Earner Families

The diversif icat ion of household types not only ref lects and reinforces the momentous social

and cultural changes in the ways that Canadian urban dwellers live and work. It also affects the

patterning of household income distribution. There is a potential for rising income disparity and

polarizat ion of lifestyles between households with two earners and households with only one

earner or without employment income (Bourne and Rose, 2001). Low wages remain a stubborn

problem in Canada with about one in 6 adults earning less than $10 per hour in 2004, much the

same as in 1981. If a low wage earner lives alone or heads a lone-parent family, living in

poverty is inevitable, given the high cost of shelter and other essent ials. But if a household has

two earners, it is less vulnerable to poverty (unless there are several dependent children) even

if individual earnings are low, because the household is essent ially an income pooling unit

(Morisset te and Picot , 2005). Income dist ribut ion data show the top family income quint ile

being increasingly populated by two-earner couples (Mongeau, 1999).

We might expect this household income polarizat ion to be more marked in the largest

CMAs, which, as we have seen, act as a magnet for dual-career couples with high incomes.

According to 2002 income tax-f ilers data (Stat ist ics Canada, [2004]

CANSIM), Canadian

couples (with and without children) with both spouses employed have employment incomes

well over double (2.19 t imes) those of the t radit ional single-male-earner couple. The size of

this gap no doubt reflects the tendency for highly-educated professionals and managers to seek

partners of similar status (this is called educat ional and occupat ional homogamy ) (Rose and

Villeneuve, 1998). The highest dif ferent ials are found not only in Canada s three largest CMAs,

which is to be expected, but also in a few mid-size CMAs (Victoria, Kingston, London and

Gat ineau), which could be explained by the presence of maj or universit ies and/ or government

service indust ries providing professional employment opportunit ies to both women and men.

The same data set shows that in most CMAs the employment income cont rasts between dual-

22

earner families and unat tached individuals are even greater. Though some of these unat tached

individuals are the singles in professional or managerial j obs who can afford a comfortable

lifestyle (as we ment ioned earlier in this paper), many of the unat tached are eking out a

marginal existence, somet imes at the fringes of the very same neighbourhoods undergoing

gentrification by dual-career families (Slater, 2004).

Dual professional/ managerial households command a very high purchasing power for

housing and consumer goods and services. Some are major players in the gentrification of inner

city neighbourhoods in Canada, as well as in the maintenance and reinforcement of t radit ional

elite enclaves. Others opt for a high-consumpt ion lifestyle in more distant elite suburbs,

including new urbanism developments (Grant , 2002). The diversif icat ion of household

st ructures combined with variat ions in the number of earners per household may thus also be

cont ribut ing to the increased family and household income disparit ies that have been observed

between census tracts in Canadian CMAs (Myles et al., 2000; Bourne, 2005).

At the neighbourhood scale, the spat ial concent rat ion of high-income two-earner

families who can afford to subst itute privately purchased goods and services for domest ic

labour t radit ionally done within the household can signif icant ly alter the local landscape of

consumpt ion. For example, high income households eat out much more often than low-income

households and purchase more cleaning services (Williams, 2002). The bout iqu-isat ion of

supermarkets -catering both to the busy couple s predilect ion for gourmet prepared food and

to the growth in one-person households disinclined to cook for themselves (Robbins, 1989)

diminishes the accessibility of inexpensive food for low-income residents of the neighbourhood.

Rather than helping to lobby for improvements to the supply and quality of publicly-supported

daycare in their neighbourhood, high-income two-earner couples with children may opt to have

both housework and childcare done by a live-in foreign domest ic worker (a special category of

temporary migrants created by the federal government) working for low pay and receiving very

little time off for leisure or skills development (Pratt, 1999).

The growth of dual-career couples also increases the demand for new housing requiring

less maintenance than the older housing stock. Those without children at home may opt for

condominium living where exterior maintenance responsibilit ies are cont racted out to a

company. Large urban redevelopment schemes catering to wealthy empty-nester couples are

often de fact o landscapes of exclusion where public spaces (waterfronts for example) are

privatized and where shops and services integrated into the developments cater only to the

rich. Municipalit ies may even seek to disperse concent rat ions of low-income singles in order to

make a neighbourhood more appealing to potent ial gent rif ier families (Slater, 2004). All in

all, the lifestyles of dual-career couples raise uncomfortable quest ions about how the choices

23

of the aff luent can shape urban inequalit ies (Bondi and Christ ie, 2000: 302), and pose complex

policy challenges.

Diversification of the Elderly Population

We turn f inally to a topic that draws together a number of the issues raised in this paper. We

explore brief ly how the secular changes in economy, culture and society in urban Canada over

the past century have affected the living arrangements and lifestyle opt ions of the fastest

growing segment of the Canadian populat ion

the elderly. While most urban cent res have

lower proport ions of elderly than in rural Canada, populat ion aging poses a variety of

challenges for cit ies and other regional and local governance st ructures (such as community-

based health networks) as regards service delivery and urban and regional planning pract ice,

because the elderly populat ion is becoming more internally diverse. Seniors can no longer be

associated with a single life stage and are different iated by gender and abilit y or health status

as well as by socio-economic status, so that the growth of the elderly populat ion generates a

wide variety of wants and needs as regards consumpt ion of private and public goods and

services.

24

FIGURE 8.6 Life expectancy, men and women, Canada

50

55

60

65

70

75

80

85

1901 1911 1921 1931 1941 1951 1961 1971 1981 1991 2001

Yea

rs o

f ag

e

Life expectancy - male Life expectancy - female

Source: www. statcan.ca / francais/Pgdb/health26 f.htm

Both biological and social factors make aging a highly gendered phenomenon.

Dif ferences in life expectancy (Figure 8.6) explain why 57 per cent of people over 65 were

female, rising to 70 per cent among the very old (85 and over), and why elderly women are

much more likely to live alone than elderly men; for example, in the 75-84 group where health

status declines rapidly and people start to lose their autonomy, 61 per cent of women but only

28 per cent of men live alone (Stat ist ics Canada, 2002b). The life course perspect ive we have

promoted in this paper can help us place these differences in their broader historical, social

and geographical context . The current cohort of elderly has benefited from improving health

care during their lifet ime, increasing their life expectancy and their probability of remaining in

good health unt il an advanced age. Many (61 per cent of men, 35 per cent of women) st ill l ive

with spouses because fewer are experiencing widowhood than in the past and divorce is st il l

rare among this generation (Statistics Canada, 2002c). If their children are alive there is usually

25

at least one child within an hour s drive (Mart in-Mat thews, 2001). However, the format ive

years of women in this cohort predated the feminist movement and the opening-up of

employment opportunit ies for women. Consequent ly, few gained economic autonomy and most

have only modest incomes combining state benefits and a share of their husband s pension.

Poverty has great ly diminished: in 2002 only 10% of households with an elderly maintainer had

low incomes, down from 29 per cent among the generat ion that was elderly in 1980 (Stat ist ics

Canada, Income Trends in Canada, 1980-2002 cited in Sauvé, 2005) largely due to

improvements in state benefits. Nevertheless, the gender gap in incomes persists into old age

and worsens among the over 80s (Brotman, 1999; Moore and Rosenberg, 2001). In cont rast ,

among the baby boomers who will form the next , and huge, wave of the elderly, more will

have experienced some of the f luidit ies in relat ionships that we have discussed in this paper:

although the narrowing gender gap in life expectancy may mean that fewer elderly women will

l ive alone as widows, many will have experienced divorce and only some will have new

partners. Moreover, their extended families may well be more geographically dispersed than

those of the present -day elderly. So they may have greater desires or needs to live in

congregate housing with on-site services, even if they do not have high physical care needs. In

addit ion, because of the societal changes this generat ion has lived through, they are more

educated, more assert ive as health care consumers and overall more militant concerning

their rights as equal cit izens. As Canadians age, educat ion and income have an increasingly

important effect on health status (Prus, 2003), perhaps because they are bet ter able to

mobilize their cultural capital and monetary resources for health maintenance and preventive

care. Female baby-boomers will be more economically autonomous and so more able to choose

their living arrangements, including moving closer to children or friends who become fict ive

kin (Mart in-Matthews, 2001).

Aging has important implicat ions for mobilit y and migrat ion at various geographical

scales. Act ive middle-to upper-middle income seniors are fuelling migrat ion f lows to

ret irement communit ies such as Victoria as well as less expensive cit ies with mild climates,

or, more generally to municipalit ies with a st rong enough tax base to offer good quality public

sector services. Lower-income elderly have less freedom to move, however, and may be

especially service-disadvantaged if they live in economically declining urban areas or

communit ies located at the resource front ier, where they may also face reduced access to

social support from children, because young families are migrat ing elsewhere in search of

better job opportunities (Hanlon and Halseth, 2005; Moore and Rosenberg, 2001).

At the int ra-urban scale, North American urban studies and planning pract ice have

tended to assume that households preferences for dwelling and neighbourhood type changed

as they progressed through clearly-def ined life-cycle stages. Zoning regulat ions normat ively

26

ordered urban, and especially suburban, landscapes into separate single-family

neighbourhoods, apartment dist ricts and so on (Fincher, 1998). Since the 1980s this model has

been subj ect to st ringent crit icism (e.g. Gober, 1990; Moore and Rosenberg, 1993) both for it s

middle-class bias (i.e. excessive focus on consumer choice to the neglect of const raints) and

for failing to keep up with the increasing instabilit y and f luidity of family and household forms

over an individual s life course. Also, by assuming that economic and locat ional rat ionality

were the key determinants of resident ial choice, the model predicted that empty nest

households would want to downsize from their single-family suburban home to a smaller unit

in a high-density neighbourhood closer to the city centre. This prediction has been borne out in

part . Upper-income empty nesters are cont ribut ing to the boom in condominium const ruct ion

in 2001 one-third of condominium residents were over 65 (CMHC, 2004: 23). They are drawn to

lifestyle-based gated communit ies in the suburbs in which access to neighbourhood amenit ies

is privat ized (Grant et al., 2004), as well as to upscale leisure oriented downtown

redevelopments. However, many aging couples choose not to move, so much so that aging-in-

place has become one of the most important demographic t rends shaping the face of Canadian

urban areas (Moore et al., 1997). This t rend is based on at tachment to one s home and rooted-

ness in a particular place (Després and Lord, 2002), and speaks to the importance of a different

kind of rat ionale than that st ressed by the family life cycle model of resident ial mobilit y

(Dieleman, 2001).

Aging in place, combined with the increasing share of elderly in the total population, is

leading to a greying of many suburban neighbourhoods. In Quebec, whose populat ion is aging

even faster than elsewhere in Canada, researchers argue that relat ively autonomous elderly

who opt to remain in the familiar suburban neighbourhood would benefit from the ret rofit t ing

of automobile oriented subdivisions, commercial zones and recreat ional space to create

greater funct ional mix and higher-density environments bet ter served by public t ransportat ion

(Séguin and Apparicio, 2004)

recommendat ions highly reminiscent of feminist urbanists

blueprints for inclusive urban planning almost a generat ion ago (Hayden, 1981; Mackenzie and

Wekerle, 1985). Such ret rof it t ing requires major public investments, which municipalit ies can

ill-afford in the current context of governance rest ructuring in which increasingly

responsibilit ies for social policy and infrast ructure are downloaded to municipality and

community levels without adequate funding supports. Séguin and Apparicio (2004) point to a

growing socio-spat ial polarizat ion within met ropolitan areas between consumpt ion landscapes

of aff luent seniors versus those of low-to modest incomes: on the one hand, the mushrooming

in outer suburbs of highly profitable all-inclusive private ret irement complexes catering to the

aff luent autonomous and semi-autonomous elderly; on the other hand, the aging private rental

stock in inner suburbs, where concentrations of low-income elderly are increasing rapidly while

resources are lacking both for housing maintenance and public or community-provided supports

27

to independent living. Relat ively few low-income seniors can obtain a place in public or non-

profit sector rented housing, where respect ing the desire to age-in-place is a longstanding

policy so that housing management and social service and health care supports are now well

integrated.

As people begin to lose their autonomy and their physical abilit ies, their everyday life

act ivit ies become more spat ially circumscribed

depending on how barrier-free are the private

and public spaces and the t ransit systems they need to use to maintain their mobilit y

and

they become more dependent on services provided by others. Providing adequate home care to

increasingly inf irm elderly is a growing public policy challenge. Home care is st il l not assured

by right in the Canadian health and social services system and tends to be provided by family

members

spouses if st ill l iving, and children

somet imes complemented by a patchwork of

supports by public social service agencies and voluntary organizat ions (Williams, 2001).

Children who care for their elderly relatives face severe time stresses because the majority are

in full-t ime employment

a very dif ferent situat ion from that of their forebears in the 19th and

much of the 20th century (Frederick and Fast , 1999; Williams, 2004). Women put in more

caregiving hours than men even when they have full-t ime j obs. Some families and their aging

relat ives may benefit f rom housing programs, zoning codes and community service supports

that make it easier to live as an intergenerat ional household, or can offer sheltered housing

closer to the family s home. However, society needs to f ind more equitable ways of sharing

eldercare between men and women, between the family, the community and the state (Joseph

and Hallman, 1998).

Finally, if and when home care is no longer feasible for an elderly person, inst itut ional

care (a patchwork of public and private provision) comes into the picture. Rates of

inst itut ionalizat ion have fallen in the past two decades, but the likelihood of such a move st ill

rises dramatically past age 85 (Statistics Canada, 2002c). Long-term care residences need to be

easily accessible to seniors children and grandchildren but are not always located in

resident ial suburbs or at t ransportat ion hubs. Canada s immigrant and ethnocultural minority

populat ions also make up an increasing share of the elderly, especially in maj or cit ies where

immigrat ion is increasingly concent rated, and almost 25 per cent of the elderly do not speak

either off icial language. Since a long term care inst itut ion is supposed to become an elderly

person s f inal home in a psychological sense (Hallman, 1999) this also raises the dilemma of

how service providers and caregivers can adapt the running of these collect ive households to

the diversity of cultural norms that now exist in Canadian society about aging and caregiving

(Moore and Rosenberg 2001).

28

Conclusion

For long, students of large cit ies have noted their social heterogeneity. During the twent ieth

century, the locus of Canadian society moved from the resource frontier to metropolitan places

and spaces. This t raj ectory was accompanied by profound demographic, economic and social

shif ts, producing at mid-century, in a count ry very much open to the world, a level of welfare

and democrat ic inst itut ions that provided a context for desires of self realisat ion to f lourish in

large segments of Canadian society. Through complex processes that we evoke in this paper,

this combinat ion of social tendencies and individual liberat ion from t radit ional norms has

produced an unprecedented diversif icat ion of lifestyles and living arrangements. This new

diversity is first and foremost visible in the largest cities but is by no means restricted to these.

In the Vert ical Mosaic, a classic of Canadian social science, John Porter (1965) argued that

Canada could be as ethnically diverse as one could imagine (the mosaic), as long as ethnic

aff il iat ion was not an impediment to equality of opportunity in the society at large, which was

itself strongly class-based (the verticality). To be sure, he also noted that ethnicity was not the

only ident ity-based form of aff il iat ion that counted. Forty years after Porter, other st rong

forms of dif ferent iat ion, including the ones explored in this paper cent red on gender, sexuality

and life stages, and conducive to new forms of living arrangements and lifestyles, interact with

class and ethnicity to produce new layers of social complexity in Canadian cities. Yet this new

complexity could also be bringing new impediments to equality of opportunity in the society at

large. For example, we have shown that an income gap is forming between dual-career

(professional/managerial) couples and other dual- or, even more so, single-income households.

We have also suggested that , although poverty amongst the elderly has been great ly reduced

during the last twenty years, a number of factors, including living alone, housing affordabilit y

and access to health care, may produce new forms of polarizat ion among the elderly

populat ion. Processes producing disparit ies in the access to resources and rights may change

from one decade to the next but result ing unequal dist ribut ion pat terns, in too many respects,

seem to endure.

29

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