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Know your friends and foes

Written By M. Sanjeeb Hossain | 3rd Nov 2012

Introduction

37 years ago our four national leaders, Syed Nazrul Islam, Tajuddin Ahmed, M Mansur Ali and AHMQamaruzzaman were brutally murdered within the confines of the Dhaka Central Jail, marking the events ofNovember 3, 1975, as one of the darkest blots in the history of Bangladesh.

In this article, by taking resort to accessible and reliable sources, I shall attempt an academic reconstruction ofthe factual chain of events that led to the murder of our four leaders and also shed light on the significance ofthe underlying ‘politics’ that resulted in this gruesome act. My argument throughout is simple: Theconspiratorial exercise to erase muktijuddher chetona (the guiding spirit of the Liberation War of 1971) fromthe heart of Bangladesh was planted during the war and within the shortest time possible, the vanguards ofmuktijuddher chetona were eliminated one by one – the assassination of the Father of the Nation BangabandhuSheikh Mujibur Rahman, the Jail Killings, the murders of Brigadier Khaled Musharraf, Major ATM Haider andColonel Huda, the judicial murders of Colonel Taher and summary executions of many sepoys were all part ofthe conspiratorial exercise of the anti-Liberation forces. This article argues that the ironic and unfortunateadoption of a ‘Pakistan-like’ statecraft, spanning throughout the civil and military structures, to run the affairsof liberated Bangladesh, did not in any way strengthen muktijuddher chetona and allowed the anti-Liberationforces to strike back at ease on August 15, 1975 and thereafter. These conspiracies are still continuing tilltoday – including the recent attacks on the Buddhist temples of Ramu and Ukhiya.

I believe that in order to truly appreciate the chain of events of Bangladesh’s immediate post independenceera, an anatomy of the Liberation War of 1971 is imperative. While the purpose of this article is not to do that extensively, it highlights certain dimensions of theLiberation War which I feel future researchers need to take into consideration when qualitatively evaluating ‘1971’. I argue that some of the identified enemiesof 1971 were left unaccounted for and absorbed into the state machinery after independence. Bangabandhu’s confinement inside the Pakistani prison preventedhim upon his return from comprehending that the Liberation War had virtually transformed the masses. And, since Bangladesh had emerged through a people’swar, the need of the time was to initiate the rebuilding of all state institutions from scratch in adherence to muktijuddher chetona – the driving force of the war.

A brief anatomy of 1971 and Bangabandhu’s return –

Our first point of reference is an event from early April 1971 – the late freedom fighter Colonel ShafayetJamil (subsequently, a key personality of the November 3 coup of 1975) while on his way toBrahmanbaria met Taheruddin Thakur at a place near the Sylhet highway. Thakur was a previousacquaintance of Shafayet’s from their college days and it was Shafayet who spontaneously got down fromhis jeep to inform him of their revolt against the Pakistan Army on March 27 and seek directives from theAwami League leadership. To Shafayet’s utter disbelief, Thakur who had been elected an MNA in 1970retorted, “I don’t know anything. I have nothing to do with you. Who told you to revolt? We didn’t ask you to doso … you people in uniform always complicate the situation” (Jamil, 2009, p. 37). Upon hearing this, ShafayetJamil left without continuing the conversation. It is unsurprising that Taheruddin Thakur reacted the wayhe did. Colonel Taher would briefly refer to MNAs and MPs of the likes of Thakur in his prophetic letter ofresignation addressed to Bangabandhu in September, 1972 on how they desired provincial autonomyrather than all out freedom. These were the same men who hailed Bangabandhu upon his return toBangladesh in 1972 but switched allegiance in lightening-like speed to join the Mushtaq governmentafter the Sheikh’s assassination in August 1975.

After the formation of the Mujibnagar government in mid-April 1971, Thakur would be appointed as a member of a Special Cell of the newly formed ForeignMinistry and the infamous Mahbub Alam Chashi would be appointed Foreign Secretary (Mukul, 1985). Both Thakur and Chashi would operate under theleadership of none other than Khandakar Mushtaq Ahmed, the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Mujibnagar government. During the Liberation War of 1971, theevil nexus led by Mushtaq through American diplomatic channels attempted to strike a compromise with the Pakistani Military junta and uphold the unity ofPakistan by forming a Confederation (Lifschultz, 1979; Miah, 1993). As the saying goes, old habits die hard – Mushtaq-Chashi-Thakur also formed the trio ofprinciple civilian conspirators of the assassination of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujib on August 15, 1975. Lifschultz writes, “ That morning, 15 August 1975, asMustaque arrived at the Dacca studios of Bangladesh Radio to make his first broadcast to a tense capital city, he was accompanied by two, crucially important aides,Mahbub Alam Chashi and Taheruddin Thakur” (1979, p. 101).

It is worth noting that in the autumn of 1971 Prime Minister Tajuddin Ahmed, upon discovering Mustaq’s‘Confederation conspiracy’ had him decisively sidelined for the remaining days of the war. Furthermore, Mushtaqwas denied the right to represent Bangladesh at the U.N. General Assembly in New York and was subsequentlyremoved from the post of Foreign Minister immediately following independence and assigned a minor portfolio (op.cit.). Similarly, Chashi had already been removed from service in November, 1971 (Hossain, 2012).

Unfortunately when it came to identifying ones true friends and rebuilding Bangladesh on the lines of a uniformpolicy adherent to the spirit of 1971, the Bangabandhu government faltered. The late Wajed Miah, eminent scientistand son-in-law to Sheikh Mujib offered his recollection of a meeting on January 10, 1972, the day Bangabandhureturned from Pakistani captivity. He wrote: “Afterwards Bangabandhu sat in an important discussion with Sheikh FazlulHuq Moni, Sirajul Alam Khan, Tofael Ahmed and Abdur Razzak in the dressing room located in between my bedroom andthat which belonged to my mother-in-law. I was present as well. The student leaders briefed Bangabandhu on the roles andactivities of the Ministers of the Provisional Government at Kolkata as well as leaders of the Awami League, NAP (Muzzafar),NAP (Bhashani), Communist Party during the Liberation War. They informed Bangabadhu of the ideologies and roles of theSector Commanders entrusted with different areas of the Mukti Bahini. At the very end they offered their opinions as to whatsteps Bangabadhu should take at that moment in time” (Miah, 1993, p. 121-122). I feel that the information relayed toSheikh Mujibur Rahman during this meeting is of prime importance because this was the first briefing Bangabandhureceived regarding ‘1971’. It is worth noting that Bangabandhu’s decision to gain a first-hand report on theLiberation War from the above-named was correct because they were instrumental in pushing for all-out

independence of Bangladesh during the weeks preceding Operation Searchlight on March 25, 1971. These men under the leadership of Bangabandhu SheikhMujib had formed the historic nucleus fighting for independent Bangladesh in the early 1960s. During the Liberation War they went onto form the BangladeshLiberation Force (BLF), popularly known as Mujib Bahini. Although the contents of the briefing are yet to be disclosed, it is known for sure that the relationshipbetween Sheikh Moni and Tajuddin from the days of the war was unfortunately a sour one. There is reason to suspect that the seeds of the distancing betweenBangabandhu and Tajuddin were planted during the meeting mentioned above.

Contradictions in independent Bangladesh –

In the weeks that followed, Mushtaq was granted a new life line after being incorporated into the new Bangabandhu cabinet. Although Bangabandhu woulddeclare in his historic speech of 10 January 1972 that the guiding principles of the newly independent nation would be socialism, democracy and secularism, thenew government would be quick to forget Mushtaq’s role in 1971 or the fact that in 1955 he had left the Awami League in protest (only to rejoin the party lateron) after Sheikh Mujib called for removing the word ‘Muslim’ from ‘East Pakistan Awami League’ (Miah, 1993). While socialism would find a place as one of theguiding principles of the Bangladesh Constitution of 1972, after independence, Chashi an advocate of capitalist land reform was appointed Vice-Chairman of theBangladesh Academy for Rural Development, a post he still held at the time of Bangabandhu’s assassination (Lifschultz, 1979). Therefore, what war ravagedBangladesh witnessed was the application of a contradictory policy where pro-’71 and anti-’71 forces bearing opposing political ideologies were placed togetheras equals and asked to work for the implementation of muktijuddher chetona . Although, this was the same government that identified 53 bureaucrats as‘collaborators’ and had them removed from duty very early on in 1972 (Hannan, 1997), there were other glaring instances where anti-Liberation personalitieswere appointed into important positions. One such instance is reflected in the recollections of freedom fighter Major Nasir Uddin (another key personality of theNovember 3 coup of 1975). In March 1972 Major Nasir was directed by General Osmany to organize the presence of tanks at the first Military Parade of theBangladesh Army. Describing the events upon his arrival at the local transit camp of Dhaka, Nasir writes, “What surprised me was seeing Captain Hakim as thecamps commander. Hakim was not only serving as the head of the Bangladesh Transit Camp but was also the chief of the Military Police force. This is the same CaptainHakim who had fought against us during the nine months of our Liberation War. The shells he fired had resulted in the deaths of hundreds and hundreds of refugees andfreedom fighters. After shaking hands with him I became engulfed in extreme grief and shame. I went to the bathroom to wash my hands. My inner soul wanted to revolt. I feltlike protesting at the top of my voice. What was the point of this independence where friend and foe were merged together without drawing any line in between” (Uddin,1997, p. 33).

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The late Major Shafayet Jamil faced a similar situation after independence in 1972. On his arrival at the headquarters ofthe Bangladesh Army, Shafayet met Lt. Colonel Feroze Salauddin and found him to be a close aide to Osmany. The deepirony of the matter was that Colonel Salauddin served as Pakistan Army’s principle Razakar recruiting officer up until thevery end of the Liberation War. Major Shafayet wrote: “As a war injured freedom fighter I felt overwhelmed in disgust when Isaw him at the headquarters. I did not even feel like looking at this Lt. Colonel who had once licked the boots of the Pakistan Army.A few days after I returned to Sylhet I got a telephone call from Osmany. He demanded an explanation as to why I did not saluteColonel Salauddin. Osmany threatened to court martial me for my offence. I was unmoved and replied, ‘if that is your wish thenplease do so’. For whatever reason, Osmany could not see through to his threat” (Jamil, 2009, p. 95). Colonel Salauddin wouldhave a bright military career in independent Bangladesh! He served as Military Secretary to Bangladesh’s first andsecond Presidents, Justice Abu Sayeed Chowdhury and Mahmudullah respectively (Talukdar, 2005). Colonel Salauddinwould also be part of President Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman’s staff in 1975 ( op. cit.). He would also be PresidentZiaur Rahman’s first Military Secretary (op. cit.). During Ershad’s military dictatorship Salauddin would be appointed HighCommissioner of Singapore for the period of 1983 to 1986. What an irony!

Another similar incident unfolded when it came to the appointment of the first Adjutant General of the Bangladesh Army.General Osmany had initially thought of appointing Colonel Masud as AG and Colonel Taher (Sector Commander ofSector No. 11) as his deputy. However when Taher returned to an independent Bangladesh in April 1972 followingtreatment of his blown-off leg and learned that he would have to serve under Masud who had directly collaborated withthe Pakistan Army during 1971, he strongly protested (MA Hossain, 2012). Fortunately, due to Taher’s protests and

insistence, the decision to appoint Colonel Masud did not see the light of day and Taher himself was appointed the first Adjutant General of the BangladeshArmy.

Other controversial decisions of Osmany included the appointment of Lt. Col. KM Rahman as head of the Army’s supplyunit, Air Commodore Aminul Islam as Chief of the DGFI and Lt. Al Farid and Lt. Modabber into the police forces (Uddin,1997). All the above named had collaborated directly with the Pakistan Army during 1971 (op. cit.). A.M.S. Safdar, as theleading intelligence officer of the Ayub regime in East Pakistan who would literally ‘carry the prosecutor’s briefcase into thecourt every day’ during the Agartala Trial, would be appointed to the President’s Vigilance Team, a police security unitdealing with corruption, intelligence and domestic order (Lifschultz, 1979, p. 125). In continuance of what Lifschultzclassified as ‘monumental misnomers’, Abdur Rahim – former Director of Pakistan’s Razakar forces, would be appointedSecretary to the President (op. cit.).

It is evident from the above incidents that Osmany is to be greatly blamed for the rehabilitation of anti-Liberation officersinto the newly independent Bangladesh establishment. It is suggested that these and other appointments were aconsequence of Osmany’s colonial and so-called ‘professional’ style of deciding who would be the men to hold key positionsin independent Bangladesh. It goes without saying that such decisions were severely antagonistic to the spirit of 1971.Osmany’s problematic and erroneous thought process can be identified from the very outset of the Liberation War. Taheridentified the conventional military ideas of officers like Osmany as ‘a hindrance in the natural growth of guerilla warfare ’(Lifschultz, 1979, p. 81). Taher recalled: “The existing military leadership of the Liberation War was scanty. Whatever adequately

trained solders or officers we had were concentrated in regular force units. Independent units of freedom fighters were deprived of obtaining necessary military skills andleadership. This was due to the fact that the commanders of the Liberation Forces had no concept whatsoever of a Liberation struggle. Their only concern was to raise regularmain force brigades to consolidate their own power [here, Taher is speaking in reference to the formation of the K, S and Z Forces] . They said an army of 20 divisionswould be raised in due course. Meanwhile, the natural growth of a national people’s war was obstructed. The freedom fighters were carrying out acts of heroism inside thecountry, but there was no one to inspire them. An effective farsighted leadership could have spontaneously developed inside the country, had there been no externalinterference. Had the two brigades of trained troops, one at Agartala under Khaled Mussaraf and the other at Meghalaya under Major Zia, been correctly deployed, we couldhave raised 20 divisions of peasant fighters within seven or eight months within the country. My ideas deeply annoyed Colonel Osmany. For him it was a very easy life. Hehad a safe shelter to sleep in and a great deal of time to move around inspecting sector headquarters. But it was a parody of a Liberation War. The leadership was simplyinsane. There is a great distinction between people’s war and conventional war. This was not understood by Colonel Osmany. It is not correct to attempt to raise a regularforce at an early stage of guerrilla struggle. At an appropriate time, a guerrilla force will be converted into a regular force” (Lifschultz, 1979, p. 81). Taher’s analysis isimportant because his service distinctions while in the Pakistan Army surpassed those of any other Bengali officer at that time. His thoughts on this issue deservethe attention of future researchers looking into the growth of guerilla warfare. It can be concluded on the note that had Osmany reformed and molded theBangladesh Army in light of muktijuddher chetona , it would not have become a haven of conspiracy and events like August 15 would probably not have seen thelight of day. One of the greatest tragedies is that while Bangabandhu placed great faith on General Osmany, Osmany would not return the favor and quickly takeup the position of Mustaq’s Defence Advisor after August 15, 1975.

In newly independent Bangladesh Taher’s service as an officer of the Bangladesh Army did not last long.His initiation of disciplinary proceedings against the likes of Brigadier Mir Shawkat Ali and othersconcerning their illegal acquisition of property during 1971 or his proposals and attempts of creating aself-sufficient people’s army that would work with the masses in rebuilding Bangladesh (as opposed to aconventional army inheriting colonial and anti-people traditions being a burden on a growing nationsbudget) were not at all seen in a positive light by those in power (Lifschultz, 1979). It is to be noted thatColonel Taher, Colonel Ziauddin and Major Jalil, all left-leaning army officers who had valiantly fought in1971, were all for ideological reasons forced to severe ties with the Bangladesh Army by the end of 1972.Their departure is important and ironic because it was Taher and Ziauddin who foiled the first coupattempts against the Bangabandhu government. In his historic letter of resignation addressed toBangabandhu dated September 22, 1972, Taher wrote, “[…] The prime minister wanted sincerely that Ishould go abroad for my treatment. When I was preparing to go abroad, I came to know that some officers of thearmy along with a member of the cabinet was trying to stage a coup de’etat taking the opportunity of the absence

of the Prime Minister from the country. (The Chief of the Army Staff has appraised the Prime Minister already about the conspiracy). I then thought I should postpone mytour till the return of the Prime Minister. Far from taking any action against the conspirators, the Chief of the Army Staff [Major-General KM Shafiullah] has told me torelinquish the command of 44th brigade and take the responsibility of D.D.P. [Director Defence Purchase] instead. I feel that the conspiracy is still going on and manyothers are associated with that. This type of usurpation of power goes, in general, against the hopes and aspirations of the people and it must be stopped. If no action istaken against the persons associated with the conspiracy, then the goodwill of the army will be sullied and in that case it is not possible on my part to work in the army. I tookpart in the liberation struggle not as an officer of the Pakistan army but as a freedom fighter. I think that is very prestigious for me. The interest of the people is supreme tome. I want to go back to the people after leaving the army. I shall tell the people, who were with me during liberation struggle, what ominous things are approaching them”(Mukta, 1996, p. 35-36); Similarly, Colonel Ziauddin as Commander of the 46 Brigade also quelled a mutiny of Air Force sepoys in 1972 (Uddin, 1997).th

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In 1972, Taher and Ziauddin, as Commanders of the 44 and 46 Brigades together controlled roughly 90% of the troopsof Bangladesh (Lifschultz, 1979). Major Nasir writes: “Almost every week Colonel Ziauddin would gather his brigade officers andhave lengthy discussions about the socio-political situation of the country. During those conversations Ziauddin would speak ofthings his brigade officers had never heard before. As a result within the shortest period of time, officers of the cantonment were seento be enriched with socialist thoughts. That was where Ziauddin succeeded as their commander” (Uddin, 1997, p. 38). Taher was astep ahead of Ziauddin. As Commander of the 44 Brigade at Comilla, Taher plunged into implementing socialist ideals intothe operations of his brigade. In his historic testimony before the Special Martial Law Tribunal in 1976 Taher described hisComilla experience: “On assuming command of Comilla Brigade, I asked my officers to return everything they had illegally acquiredduring and after the Liberation War. My officers complied with my orders and I had a set of officers whose consciences werecompletely clear. This is what I regarded as leadership. I always sought to appeal to what was good in men. I detested and avoidedtaking advantage of the weakness of an individual or of our nation. […] My effort at the Comilla Brigade to raise and organize anArmy on the lines of a ‘People’s army’ is well-known among different sectors of the Army. I constantly tried to develop a strong armybased on those who had fought for freedom. Our organizing principle was that of a ‘productive army’ where officers and men workedas do peasants and workers. We ploughed our own fields, grew our own food, and went to the villages to join in production. This wasthe path to self-reliance. It is with happiness that I recall that within a very short time my officers in the Comilla Brigade understoodthese principles and turned our unit into a productive force” (Lifschultz, 1979, p. 85-86).

It is sad that Taher and Ziauddin, the very first men to have resisted two conspiracies against the Bangabandhu governmentin 1972, men who had upheld and implemented the socialist ideals in the newly formed Bangladesh Army, were among the

first to have been cornered and looked upon with suspicion by the then regime. Ironically, while Taher and Ziauddin departed from the Bangladesh Army,officers of the likes of Zia, Farooq, Rashid etc. remained within the ranks, despite possession of information on the part of the Bangabandhu government that Ziawas involved in conspiracy. This is discussed in detail later on in the article.

While the government rejected Taher’s idea of building an anti-colonial and self-sufficient people’s army in alliance with the spirit of 1971, it also gave birth toanother contradiction at the very outset of independence. After victory was achieved, the estimated 1,45,000 freedom fighters who had taken part in theLiberation War were suddenly asked to surrender their arms and return to the lives they led prior to March 26, 1971 (Uddin, 1997). Scanty number freedomfighters were inducted into the newly formed Rakkhi Bahini. This created new confusions because it was perceived as a challenge to the regular Army. Therefore,a large section of freedom fighters were dissatisfied who believed they would have a role to play in the nation’s rebuilding process. One such option could havebeen the absorption of freedom fighters into the Bangladesh Army or the civil administration. Yet ironically, while on the one hand freedom fighters weresidelined, the estimated 1,100 officers and 25,000 soldiers who were repatriated from Pakistan to Bangladesh in 1973 were taken into the Bangladesh Armywith arms wide open giving birth to yet another contradiction (op. cit.). Among the repatriates would be personalities who actively opposed the Bangladesh’sstruggle for liberation. Major Nasir recalls: “Many of the repatriated officers assisted the Pakistan Army and during the Liberation War took up arms against the Bengalisof East Pakistan. While being confined in the military camps many of these persons offered their full cooperation to the Pakistanis. They even went to the extent of spreadingpropaganda against Bangladesh inside those camps” (Uddin, 1997, p. 88-89). History records that these repatriates would not hesitate to quickly switch camps afterBangabandhu’s assassination. In fact General Zia would largely depend on them in order to consolidate his power within the Army after November 7, 1975. Thesame Zia who once referred to the repatriates as “Johnny-Come-Lately” nationalists (Lifschultz, 1979, p. 56) would tilt more and more towards them. Moududwrites, “In the difficult situation after independence, Zia had to strike a balance with the repatriated officers to strengthen his own position within the army. The officerswho had not taken part in the War, had found a new ally in Zia after the killing of Mujib and removal of Moshtaque. They needed eachother in order to survive both as a classand a force in the civil-military structure of the country. When it came to the sentencing of Taher, the repatriated officers wanted him hanged – out of forty-sex senior armyofficers summoned by Zia to discuss the issue, all were in favour of this ultimate and final form of punishment” (Ahmed, 1995, p. 29-30).

There were contradictions in the implementation process of the newly formed economic policies. In 1973, Dr. Anisur Rahman of the Bangladesh PlanningCommission wrote, “On the morrow of the liberation, the Government […] had announced its intention not to accept aid from any country which had been hostile to itsliberation struggle, no matter what this policy would cost the nation. This was a very exciting decision. […] The radicals in the government did attempt a policy coup. Theradical aid policy was followed by one thousand taka ceiling on salaries which for a time stunned the high salaried class. But the right-wing regrouped fast and the ‘counter-revolution’ was swift and decisive. Powerful right-wing pressure soon changed the aid policy and the door was thrown open to any donor who would now pose as a friendirrespective of past conduct; the salary ceiling was raised to two thousand taka plus a car to be run and maintained at the public expense. All other pronouncements aboutausterity and egalitarianism were reduced to empty slogans. By now, the country has firmly entered into a course of heavy indebtedness, particularly to the very country[USA] which had wanted the destruction of Bangladesh as a nation […]” (Lifschultz, 1979, p. 40). Bangabandhu’s Finance and Planning Minister Tajuddin Ahmed alsoacknowledged the faulty economic policies of the government. On October 13, 1974 upon his arrival to Dhaka following a 37-day foreign trip, Tajuddin Ahmedstated, “The economic condition of Bangladesh has plunged into an abyss because of flawed economic policies ” (Miah, 1993, p. 192). It goes without saying that theright-wing forces Dr. Anisur Rahman spoke of were led by Khondokar Mushtaq and his clan. The resurgence of the right-wing under the Bangabandhugovernment was easy because among other things the civil administration of the newly independent Bangladesh was kept practically unchanged from the days ofPakistan. It is worth noting that Fidel Castro had advised Bangabandhu against appointing bureaucrats from the Pakistani administration into his own. He said,“Appoint the leadings figures from the community of lawyers, journalists, employees of business enterprises, scientists, doctors, engineers, economists, academics etc. intothe key positions of your government’s civil administration. They will acquire the right knowledge and experience after making mistake after mistake – but they will neverconspire. Entrust your freedom fighters with more responsibilities and trust them completely. Otherwise, you will fall.” (op. cit., p. 158-159). The right-wing reactedsharply when Tajuddin Ahmed was being self-critical of the economic policies of the day. Roughly a week following his statement, Khondokar Mushtaq told thelate Wajed Miah, “Being a member of the cabinet, Tajuddin Ahmed has no right to publicly comment against or criticize the policies of the government. Thus he has toresign from Bangabandhu’s cabinet. Mr. Tajuddin Ahmed will be compelled to resign, if he does not do so on his own initiative” (op. cit., p. 193). October 26, 1974 markedyet another sad day in the history of Bangladesh – Tajuddin Ahmed resigned from the cabinet as per the wishes of his leader Bangabandhu Sheikh MujiburRahman. What is even more ironic is that Tajuddin was also deprived of a place in the cabinet that was reconstituted on January 26, 1975 or in the Executive orCentral Committee of BAKSAL (Miah, 1993). It is almost needless to state at this point that the right-winger Khondokar Mushtaq Ahmed was incorporated in allthose bodies. Even a layman would be able to note such a contradiction. It may be argued that Bangabandhu had in an effort to improving ties with the USgovernment removed Tajuddin from his cabinet. This move signified not only an attempt to appease America but also signaled a slight shift away from the Indo-Soviet Axis that Tajuddin represented. While there could have been reasons in 1974 for Bangabandhu to pose as a non-aligned nationalist through thesedecisions, his subsequent decision to form BAKSAL seemed to be in complete inconsistency with his earlier actions. While the left-leaning Tajuddin should havebeen Sheikh Mujib’s natural choice in implementing the ideals of BAKSAL, he was completely left out of it.

The ‘killer’ majors –

It is pertinent at this point to inquire about the status of personalities of the likes of Farooq, Rashid and Zia during this period of time. An appraisal of declassifiedtelegrams accessed from the US National Archives reveals crucial information in pin-pointing when the disgruntled Majors began to conspire against theBangabandhu government. A telegram dated July 11, 1973 ( Confidential Dacca 3156) documents an unscheduled visit by Major Rashid and Major Farooq to theEconomic and Commercial Section of the US Embassy. The purpose of their visit was to request information on availabilities and prices of artillery pieces. Uponhis arrival the Majors informed the US Embassy that an Armament’s Procurement Committee had been constituted under the Chairmanship of Brigadier ZiaurRahman, the then Deputy Chief of Staff. The US official writing the telegram interestingly recalls that Major Farooq had visited the US Embassy in 1972 withsimilar requests. This brings us to ask the following questions: Is it rational to pass off the abovementioned visits as mere coincidences? Can it really be thatRashid and Farooq were members of the Armament’s Procurement Committee under Zia’s Chairmanship by mere chance and that their multiple visits to the USEmbassy in 1972 and 1973 inquiring about the availability and prices of artillery pieces had absolutely nothing to do with the conspiracy to topple Bangabandhu?The answers to both these questions are in the negative. This is because it is now known that men of the likes of Zia, Farooq and Rashid went back a long way andthe conspiratorial position of Zia was not unknown to the Bangabandhu government. On one such occasion, the freedom fighter Colonel Shawkat Ali (a coaccused in the Agartala Trial) overheard Bangabandhu saying, “ Zia is a freedom fighter, he is still immature. Since the situation of the country is not well, he getsdissatisfied with me at times and tries to conspire” (Ali, 2012, p. 69).

Similarly, there are two confirmed instances where Farooq expressed his desire to topple the Bangabandhu government. The first instance is disclosed in adeclassified telegram (Secret Dacca 2158 ) where Farooq on May 13, 1974 called in unannounced at the home of US Embassy official William F. Gresham. Farooq

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informed Grasham that the Army was very dissatisfied with the Bangladesh government and that he had come “at the instance of the highest ranking BangladeshArmy Officer” to ascertain what the attitude of the US government would be toward any takeover of the Bangladesh government. Farooq also inquired as towhether the US government would be able to see to it that there would be no foreign interference following the takeover. In response Gresham told Farooq thatthe US government would not in any way intervene in the affairs of Bangladesh and that it recognized the present government. It is of extreme importance todetermine which Army Officer Farooq was referring to. During that time, the Chief of Staff, the Deputy Chief of Staff and Chief of General Staff of theBangladesh Army were KM Shafiullah, Ziaur Rahman and Khaled Mosharraf respectively. Of the abovementioned names, we can now confirm throughdocumented sources that Zia and Khaled were fully aware of Farooq’s desire to topple Bangabandhu prior to the dark night of August 15. In Bangladesh – ALegacy of Blood, Mascarenhas documents Farooq’s meeting with Ziaur Rahman on March 20, 1975 where he sought Zia’s support and leadership in overthrowingthe Bangabandhu government. Zia’s tacit reply was, “ I am sorry I would not like to get involved in anything like this. If you want to do something you junior officers shoulddo it yourself. Leave me out of it” (Mascarenhas, 1986, p. 54). Please note, that this was the same Zia who would tell Bangabandhu in a private meeting, “ Sir, no bulletcan hit you without hitting my chest first” (Ali, 2012, p. 69). What is revealed here is the double-faced nature of Ziaur Rahman. The non-committal Zia was alsoapproached by representatives of Khondokar Mushtaq and asked for his support. Lifschultz aptly observes, “With full knowledge that a coup was in the offing, Ziaremained silent and waited for his own moment” (1979, p. 103). Around about the same time, i.e. mid March 1975 Farooq was on the verge of leading a coup on hisown. At 12 am he approached his former Lancer colleague Major Nasir for support only to be declined right away. Farooq’s plan was that he would not load thesix tanks on to the train headed for Chittagong from Komolapur. Nasir made a quick telephone call to Brigadier Khaled Musharraf (leader of the November 3coup of 1975) to inform him of the potently violent development. Subsequently Khaled spoke with Farooq for five minutes over the phone to subdue him. Nasirrecalls his conversation with Khaled after he was done talking to Farooq. Khaled told him: “He [Farooq] is crazy. He is a mental patient. Now listen to me carefully. Goto the rail station. Be with him. Make sure tanks are loaded. If you see anything otherwise, let me know. I will send military police to sort him out” (Nasir, 1997, p. 59).Despite possession of direct evidence by Zia and Khaled that Farooq was up to something sinister, Farooq remained unscathed as a Major of the BangladeshArmy. It is now accepted knowledge that Zia consciously avoided informing Bangabandhu of Farooq’s intentions. Sashanka Banerjee (2012) confirms that Zia andFarooq went back a long way. What is tragic is that Khaled did not inform Bangabandhu either because of the general feeling of resentment Army Officers felttowards the Bangabandhu regime. This is precisely why that particular attempt of Farooq’s to topple Bangabandhu was kept under tight wraps under Khaled’sinstructions (this was revealed by Major Nasir Uddin during a private discussion). Had the information been conveyed, Major Farooq would have faced nothingshort of court martial and Bangabandhu would have probably survived the night of August 15, 1975.

It is in the above premise that Bangabandhu and most of his family members were brutally murdered. Bangladesh was thrown into the hands of the very forcesthat conspired in 1971 to frustrate our struggle for independence. Furthermore, with the demise of Bangabandhu the possible reunification of the BAKSAL andthe JSD also lost its way. This may sound surprising to many historians but after the formation of BAKSAL in 1975 Sheikh Fazlul Huq Moni had secretly met withSirajul Alam Khan at the residence of Ms. Jahanara, the Assistant Editor of Banglar Bani. Fakir Abdur Razzak, a close aide to Sheikh Moni recalls: “ The mainobjective of these meetings was to bring JSD into the broad national unity that Bangabandhu had called upon. Later on I heard that Moni bhai had succeeded to convinceSirajul Alam Khan in principle, but Khan and his political colleagues had refrained at that point in time from being named members of any BAKSAL committee” (Razzak,2010, p. 43).

Although Major-General Shafiullah was forced to leave Bangladesh on a diplomatic appointment after the assassination of Bangabandhu, his deputies Zia andKhaled were retained in the Bangladesh Army. Zia was promoted to Chief of Staff while Khaled retained his important position as Chief of General Staff.Interestingly both these men were aware of Farooq’s conspiratorial attitude towards Bangabandhu and none of them came to assist Sheikh Mujib at his greatesthour of need. The late Lt. Col. Hamid and Col. Shafayet Jamil have both confirmed in their respective books Zia’s reaction upon hearing about the death ofBangabandhu: “So what, President is dead? Vice-President is there. Get your troops ready. Uphold the Constitution ” (Hamid, 1993, p. 36; Jamil, 2009, p. 103). Zia’s orderto uphold the constitution was nothing more than an empty slogan. Hamid and Shafayet Jamil also document Khaled’s actions immediately following theMushtaq-Farooq-Rashid coup. Shafayet Jamil wrote: “ Afterwards Khaled Musharraf acting as per the directions from Bangabhaban spent the whole day giving orders tovarious civil-military bodies as well as units and sub-units. At that moment the whole objective of such an exercise was to consolidate the success of the coup and strengthenthe position of the illegal Mushtaq government. These important steps in favor of the insurrectionists were implemented very successfully that day” (Jamil, 2009, p. 106).Hamid offers an important description of his meeting with Khaled Musharraf at the 46 Brigade on the morning of August 15, 1975. While Shafayet placed allthe blame on Khaled for consolidating the power and position of the killer Majors and Mushtaq, Colonel Hamid offers a slightly different picture. He wrote:“Everyone was celebrating. Colonel Shafayet Jamil was also there. There was a vibe of victory in his facial expressions. It was as if his brigade had achieved the impossible. Hegave me a powerful handshake and said, ‘See Sir, the freedom fighters have done it before, and they have done it again’. I left Shafayet and entered Khaled’s room. His wasvery busy. He signaled that I sit down on the chair. Khaled was on the phone with the Rakkhi Bahini chief of Savar. He said, ‘Come on and surrender. Come here and seeevery one is here. It is all over’. Khaled was speaking to Colonel Sabeh Uddin of the Rakkhi Bahini. Khaled smiled and shook my hand. He said, ‘Hamid bhai, what’s thesituation at the station’? I replied, ‘It seems the latest is happening here’. Khaled replied, ‘The situation is still uncertain. Anything can happen. Please prepare a stationsecurity plan at your earliest and discuss with me’. Another phone call came in. This time Khaled was on the line with the Air Force. He ordered that two fighter jets be flownover the Rakkhi Bahini at Savar as part of a ‘show of force’. At the same time he contacted the Flying Club and ordered Major Amsa Amin (now General) and Captain Munirto keep an eye on the Rakkhi Bahini at Savar with a plane from the club. Evidently Khaled was busy and I got up. He was controlling the whole situation from Shafayet’soffice. I came out of the office to meet Major Farooq in a black battle dress. There was a sten gun strapped to his shoulder. A smile of satisfaction was slapped across his face”(Hamid, 1993, p. 47). The time has come to digest the harsh fact that Khaled was ‘soft’ towards the killer Majors and on the fateful morning of August 15, he hadplayed a role that crucially went in their favor. This ‘softness’ of Khaled’s was evident during his own coup in the first week of November 1975 when he allowedthe killers of Bangabandhu safe passage out of Bangladesh on a special jet destined for Bangkok (Lenin and Dasgpta, 2001). It was deeply unfortunate that priorto Khaled’s display of mercy, the killer Majors cast a death blow to the pro-Liberation camp of Bangladesh brutally murdering our four national leaders inside theDhaka Central Jail in the early hours of November 3, 1975. As result the true followers of Bangabandhu who had not compromised with Mushtaq’s illegal regimeand at that time could have led the resistance of pro-Liberation forces, were brutally liquidated. The Rakkhi Bahini Chief Brigadier Nuruzzaman’s attempt toambush the killer Majors at Karwanbazaar for whatever reason did not see the light of day (Uddin, 1997). In the subsequent days, Taher would fail to capitalize onthe initial success of the November 7 uprising and Zia would emerge as the leader of the right-wing forces of Bangladesh. The qualitative evaluation of the coupsof November 3 and 7 are left for another day. Both events deserve attention in great detail which can not be given in this article.

Conclusion – in search of unity between democratic and progressive infused with muktijuddher chetona

On December 19, 1971, the veteran Indian politician Jayprakash Narayan wrote a historic letter to Tajuddin Ahmed, the then Prime Minister of Bangladesh. In itNarayan accorded some advice to Bangladesh which was based on the Indian experience. He wrote: “… The Indian system is outmoded, rule-bound and procedure-clogged and is more or less the same as the British had left behind when they quit India in 1947. It is my considered view that despite the competence and devotion ofindividual civil servants, the Indian administrative system sits like a curse on the chest of this country. […] I, therefore, hope your Government will be able to devise a systemwhich will be nearer to the people, in which responsibility will be clearly defined and which will move with great speed and deliver the goods. It should not be hierarchy-and-seniority bound, and once policy has been decided at the top, there should be decentralisation of execution. […] Care should be taken again, to avoid the mistake made byIndia to build a new country through Government efforts alone and through funds and plans flowing from Dacca downwards. The attempt should be made to mobilise theenergies of the entire people for national reconstruction as Gandhiji had planned to do. Men, women, and children; students and teachers; soldiers and volunteers of theMukti Bahini must all be mobilised. The people’s initiative must be given every encouragement. Self-help and cooperative endeavour must be the nation’s clarion call”(Uddin, 1997, p. 166-167). This article has tried to show how Narayan’s advices were ignored in the post independence era.

A couple of years down the road, Taher in Muktijoddhara abar joyee hobey (Freedom Fighters shall be victorious again) wrote: “ It is Bengal’s ill fate that instead ofpower being entrusted on those who logically deserved it following independence, it has been acquired by those who were in charge from the era prior to the revolution. Thesame old personnel continue to run the administration. They are seen in the arenas of business, education, culture as well. The military officer who stood beside the Pakistanisoldiers in eliminating freedom fighters is today holding a position of high rank. The police officer who caught patriotic freedom fighters and handed them over to thePakistanis is preoccupied today declaring bounties against freedom fighters names. Those bureaucrats who worked night and day to form Razakars forces is today in aposition to display sympathy towards freedom fighters by giving them jobs. The teacher who failed to respond to the nations call in her hour of need is today engaged in thefarce of educating our youth” (Mukta, 1996, p. 41-42).

Bangladesh strayed away from the path of muktijuddher chetona from the very outset of independence. The Liberation War of 1971 was a war where the unifieddemocratic and progressive forces infused with muktijuddher chetona fought a people’s war to give birth to a new country called Bangladesh, a country that wouldbe very different from Pakistan. This article has tried to show that in the years that immediately followed independence, the unity that successfully led to the

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emergence of Bangladesh did not stay in tact. The broad democratic front comprising the five main political parties of Bangladesh [Awami League, NAP(Bhashani), NAP (Muzaffar), Communist Party of Bangladesh and the Bangladesh National Congress] formed on September 9, 1971 would be dissolved afterindependence when the question of forming the government under Bangabandhu arose. Had a revolutionary national government been formed underBangabandhu, the emergence of the JSD would probably have been prevented. Thus, the ideological unity of the democratic and progressive forces within andbeyond the Awami League was compromised due to a misplacement of faith. Men of the likes of Tajuddin, Taher and many others who should have beenBangabandhu’s natural allies were kept far away from him during the most crucial of times. Rather those persons, many of whose clothes had probably never beenstained during the war emerged as Bangabandhu’s advisers.

In the days ahead, for the sake of guidance we ought to remember one thing. Our greatest achievement, i.e. the establishment of an independent State, cameabout through a broad populist unity between the democratic and progressive forces. We are on the brink of another achievement, the trial of the likes ofGhulam Azam – and this too is happening under the alliance of the 14-party which was forged in 2008. We feel that this is not a mere coincidence. The more thisunity is strengthened, the greater the chances that Bangladesh will move ahead in a positive direction. The Awami League must learn from it’s mistakes from theera of 1972-’75 just as the ‘left’ should comprehend how its immediate shift to an oppositional position after Liberation was a premature step. We need to knowour true foes – the defeated anti-liberation forces of 1971, which are still lurking around waiting for an opportunity to strike back. Also, we need to identify ourtrue friends. We can not afford to distance ourselves from each other like we did in 1972 and in the years that followed. The unity of democratic and progressiveforces infused with muktijuddher chetona was successful in 1971 and there is no doubt it shall be successful again if it takes lessons from the errors of the past.

—————————————–

M. Sanjeeb Hossain is a member of the International Crimes Strategy Forum’s (ICSF) core Legal Team. He has worked as Researcher to the Chief Prosecutor atthe International Crimes Tribunal, operating in Bangladesh.

Bibliography

1. AHMED, M. (1995) Democracy and the Challenge of Development – A Study of Politics and Military Interventions in Bangladesh. Dhaka: The University press Limited.

2. ALI, S. (2012) Banyalir Muktijuddha O Amar Kichu Kotha. Dhaka: Merit Fair Prokashon.

3. BANERJEE, S. S. (2011) India, Mujibur Rahman, Bangladesh Liberation & Pakistan (a political treatise). Narayangonj: Sanchita.

4. HAMID, M. A. (1993) Teenti Shena Obbhutthan O Kichu Na Bola Kotha. Dhaka: Mohona Prokashoni.

5. HANNAN, M. (2000) Bangladesher Chatro Andoloner Itihash. Dhaka: Agamee Prokashoni.

6. HOSSAIN, A. (2012) An Outline of the History of Bangladesh: Down to 1971 A. D. Dhaka: J. K. Press & Publication.

7. HOSSAIN, M. A. (2012) Mahan Muktijuddho O 7 November Obbduthaney Colonel Taher. Dhaka: Agamee Prakashani.

8. JAMIL, S. (2009) Ekatturer Muktijuddho: Roktakto Moddho August O Shorojontromoy November. Dhaka: Shahitto Prpkash.

9. LENIN, N. A. & GUPTA, A. D. (2001) Bangabandhu Hattyakanda: Protibader Pratham Bachhor. Dhaka: Golam Mustafa, Hakkani Publishers.

10. LIFSCHULTZ, L. (1979) Bangladesh: The Unfinished Revolution. London: Zed Press.

11. MASCARENHAS, A. (1989) Bangladesh: a legacy of blood. London: Hodder and Stoughton.

12. MIA, M. M. W. (1993) Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibke Ghire Kichu Ghotona O Bangladesh. Dhaka: The University Press Limited.

13. TAHER, MA., Muktijoddhara abar joyee hobey. In: MUKTA, Z., eds. Itihash Amakey Mukti Debey. Dhaka: Pathok Shomabesh, pp. 38 – 42.

14. MUKUL, M. R. A. (2010) Ami Bijoy Dekhechi. Dhaka: Monirul Haque, Ananya.

15. RAZZAUQE, F. A. (2010) Sheikh Fazlul Haque Moni: Annaya Rajnitir Protikriti. Dhaka: Agamee Prakashani.

16. SHAHADUZZAMAN, (2009) Kracher Kornel. Dhaka: Mowla Brothers.

17. TALUKDAR, M. (1997) Bangabhabaney Panch Bachhar (Five Years in the Bangabhaban). Dhaka: The University Press Limited.

18. UDDIN, N. (1997) Gonotontrer Biponnodharay Bangladesher Shoshosro Bahini. Dhaka: Agamee Prakashani.

1971 BANGABANDHU SHEIKH MUJIBUR RAHMAN BANGLADESH HISTORY JAIL KILLING DAY LIBERATION WAR

MUKTIJUDHER CHETONA NOVEMBER 3 1975

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17 Responses to “Know your friends and foes”

Jamal HasanSanjeeb’s article is a product of extensive research. I think it is a valuable addition to our historical work. 1972-1975 period were the years of living dangerously. A few years ago, I

wrote a smaller piece on Bangabandhu and BKSAL. I am pasting the link for further circulation: http://jhasan1971.wordpress.com/2009/06/08/bangabandhu-and-bksal-in-

perspective/

October 5th, 2013

M Sanjeeb HossainThank you Jamal Hasan.

October 24th, 2013

Golam ArshadSanjeeb: A trail in truth for Justice! Only, I wonder where is the Convergence from Division to Unison! Akaturar Chetona must not be only register for political scoring!!

November 11th, 2012

Dr. Syed ChowdhuryCol. Taher and his family showed the highest patriotism during the liberation war in 1971. It is true that most of the army officers who returned from the war were patriotic however,

the way of their thinking was different. It is also true that those officers were young during that time and strong emotion was still active in their postwar minds. Which is very natural.

Honesty, patriotism and courage of col. Taher are unquestionable. Bangladesh has awarded him with the highest honor ‘Bir Uttam’. Killing of Taher was one of the saddest chapters

in our history, like the killing of Bangabandhu and his family.

Each writer writes from his /her intellectual freedom. Nobody is unbiased. That bias-ness is the beauty of intellectual discussion. Without the bias-ness all the writings will be similar

and monotonous. Looking at the things from various angles and sharing them is the beauty and in fact that can stimulate further critical thinking and analysis.

I am pleased to see that Mr. Hossain has chosen the correct path to establish the fact as col. Taher’s son came forward to prove his father’s innocence and eventually he proved it.

Although those who know about Taher they must salute him for his courage, innocence, patriotism and dedication. I would greatly appreciate the writer for his comment that we have

to learn from our mistakes. I believe that at this moment if we can work together to build a poverty free Bangladesh that would be the right path to fulfill the dream of Bangabandhu,

our freedom fighters and col. Taher as well.

November 8th, 2012

M. Sanjeeb HossainThank you for your inspiring words. If I may offer a very humble correction. I am not Colonel Taher’s son. I am his nephew (just in case there was any confusion). Dr. Shahdeen

Malik and I worked in the Writ Petition that eventually led to the High Courts declaration of Taher’s innocence. Thank you again.

November 10th, 2012

Dr. Syed ChowdhuryThanks a lot for your correction. I am very inspired to see that you are working for the human rights and justice. Wish you more success… keep on your writing too.

November 13th, 2012

minarExcellent. Well done.

November 6th, 2012

Shafiq IslamShoddy & partisan sources, not expected from someone who studied at Oxford.

November 5th, 2012

M. Sanjeeb HossainLawrence Lifschultz, Mascarenhas, Wajed Miah – shoddy? Wow. I referred to facts throughout. If any of them are wrong, please correct me. I’d be more than glad to know the

facts I asserted in my article were wrong. I don’t know you, but perhaps I should have resorted to what Brigadier Hannan has to say about the matter? Would that have been

less shoddier and partisan to you?

November 6th, 2012

Hassan SheikhThis is the kind of journalism we need more of…less bias, more research. The part about Narayan’s letter to Taj-uddin makes me sad to see how we walked down that same dark path,

forgetting what brought us together in the first place! What Bangladesh needs is unity among those who believe in the founding values of our country…we have to reach out to each

other breaching political and religious boundaries.

November 5th, 2012

Hassan JamilThis is a very long piece of writing. The author deserves kudos for giving the time and effort to write such a long piece. However one jumps into objective analysis of the piece it is

imperative to mention the conflicts of interest the author may or may not have. Let the readers know the fact fact and judge.

The author is related to one of the characters at the center of the events of November 1975. It is very important for the readers to know that the author is the nephew of Col Taher

and son of prof Anwar Hossain, Col Taher’s brother.

This relationship very well may not be of any factor in Mr. Sanjeeb Hossain’s analysis. But if the readers know the fact, they can judge for themselves.

Let me give an example. If Golam Azam or Motiur Rahman Nizami’s son writes a historical analysis of the events of 1971, would it be fair to hide their relationship status with Golam

Azam or Nizami from the readers?

November 4th, 2012

M. Sanjeeb Hossain

Comments are closed.

Every concerned reader knows I am Colonel Taher’s nephew and Professor Anwar’s son. Dr. Shahdeen Malik and I drafted the writ petition that led to last year’s historic High

Court verdict. I wrote an elaborate article in the Bangla opinion page of bdnews24 titled “Amar Taher”. Check that out some time. It’s still there. So how have I hidden my

identity exactly? Is it because I didn’t mention I’m Taher’s nephew in the text that introduces me? Am I obliged to do that till the end of time? How infantile of you to compare

Taher-Anwar and me with Ghulam-Nizami and their sons! My association with Taher signifies nothing because you so aptly stated: “This relationship very well may not be of

any factor in Mr. Sanjeeb Hossain’s analysis.”

November 6th, 2012

KishwarWhat does it matter if the writer is Col Taher’s nephew or not? As long as the article is authentic, the research is reliable and write-up is unbiased, I don’t have any interest in

the writer’s (for that matter any writer’s) family background.

November 6th, 2012

DidarJail Killing Day is one of the darkest episodes of our nation. The nation lost few of the best of our leaders on that day. Yet after all these years, we still haven’t done anything to bring

the culprits to justice. shame on us.

November 4th, 2012

Chowdhury Ahad AlamThis is a piece that talks about our history and those who betrayed our country. A must read piece.

November 4th, 2012

BijonThis piece will infuriate a lot of people. Politicians are really strange species.

November 4th, 2012

Anwar AzimGood research piece. Huge but good.

November 4th, 2012

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