innovation and change: influences of pre-disaster leadership in a post-disaster environment
TRANSCRIPT
Innovation and Change: Influences of Pre-Disaster Leadershipin a Post-Disaster Environment
Susan E. Parker, PhDDeputy University Librarian, UCLA Library
© Susan E. Parker, 2011
Introduction
Leaders of libraries are like leaders of other
organizations in their need for tools to navigate the seas
of change. Academic libraries and their parent institutions
find that the pressure to adapt and change is a constant,
and the imperative has never been greater for leaders to
meet and master the challenges of change. Successful
organizational transformation requires employees to overcome
their fear of, and resistance to, change (Kotter, 1995;
Shapiro, 2003). We need leaders whose skills include their
ability to lead and advance their libraries through change
by inspiring creativity and innovation and emphasizing
qualities like persistence and resilience (Conner, 2006).
A disaster, whether naturally caused or human made, is
the ultimate in unexpected and abrupt change for any
organization. Certain theories of organizational change
apply to crises, disaster, and disaster survivors. When a
disaster imposes its sudden and unanticipated changes, an
organization’s new circumstances force realignment of the
mental models that individuals previously applied to their
customary work environment. Accounts of disasters have
yielded a litany of informative and often moving narratives
about the steps through which leaders moved the staff of
their organization through response and recovery. The
inspiration, creativity, and drive of leaders and dedicated
staff members is at the heart of each of these success
stories, and the process of recovery incorporates learning
to change individuals’ mental models and behaviors (Shapiro,
2003).
What motivates and influences the efforts of employees
to bring back an organization after a crisis or a disaster
and retool it to operate afresh? Could a leader harness that
energy or mindset and inject it into the environment in
order to drive adaptive growth in an organization that faces
pressures to change as part of the environment of its
regular operations?
The examination of innovative responses from an
organization that has faced
disaster successfully can help to demonstrate that the
urgent nature of catastrophe offers an environment in which
mental models can expand to generate new practices,
structures, and behaviors (Alire, 2000a; Kuhn, 1970; Rogers,
1995). In order to understand what motivated library
employees to create changes through innovative responses to
a specific disaster, this study concerns itself with the
Morgan Library at Colorado State University as one example
of a library whose employees devised a number of new tools
and workflows to deal with the challenges of recovery from a
major disaster. One of the tools, RapidILL, was such a
successful innovation that it continued and evolved beyond
the period of recovery, starting in 1997, to become a
successful lending consortium today (Colorado State
University Libraries, 2011).
Morgan Library employees contributed to a book about
their experiences that was issued while the disaster
recovery was still underway. Those fresh accounts were
important to understanding what went into the library’s
recovery. The author also went to the library ten years
after the disaster occurred and asked employees themselves
to discuss what motivated their pre- and post-disaster
activities. A picture emerged of the significance of the
motivation and trust that the library’s leaders provided
well before the disaster hit. Morgan Library employees
emphatically noted that their ability to innovate in the
face of disaster and massive change was the result of the
leadership’s efforts to establish an environment where
experimentation and trial and error were safe and welcome.
Employees who trusted their leaders to provide that safe
space were among those who felt the most freedom to create
new services and tools after the flood.
Background of the Study
In order to better understand how a library organization
generates learning and innovation in times of crisis or
extreme change, it was important to study a library that had
experienced a period of intense change followed by, and
directly connected to, innovative outputs. For the purposes
of this study, the Morgan Library at Colorado State
University in Fort Collins, Colorado was an excellent
candidate.
In the aftermath of a devastating 500-year flood that
swept through Fort Collins on the night of July 28, 1997,
the Morgan Library was launched into a period of disaster
recovery that resulted in the restoration of the library and
its collections and services. The signal characteristic of
the disaster response was the dedication of the library’s
staff to
restore services and resources to the university community,
and one of the most interesting outcomes of their response
was innovation.
Flooding in the streets led to overflowing creeks. The
force of the water that surged across the campus and pushed
through the parking lot behind the library caved in the wall
on the west side of the library building’s lower level
(Lunde and Smith, 2010). The flood filled the newly
renovated basement of the Morgan Library to within six
inches of the ten-foot high ceiling. (Alire, 2000—what do
you do when it happens to you). The library’s periodical
collection was underwater: about 500,000 bound journals,
government documents, and microforms were damaged, about
half of them beyond salvage or repair, at a time before
these resources were widely available in online databases.
The water knocked out the electrical power, and without air
conditioning systems to maintain a constant temperature or
humidity, collections of books and archives throughout the
entire building were exposed to the humidity generated by
the waterlogged basement, creating a very real threat of
mold infestation (Alire, 2000 what do you do).
Library administrators were on site that very evening,
and in the following days they helped to organize and lead
the library’s response. The first order of business was to
pump the water out of the 77,000 square foot lower level of
the library and to clean up, remove, and discard the damaged
books, furniture, and computer equipment. The condition of
the books and other materials in the rest of the building
had to be assessed, and decisions had to be made about
whether they would be restored or replaced.
It was soon clear that much of the collection was lost or
damaged, and even though the books that remained were
organized into a storage facility for retrieval as needed,
that was not a substantial enough resource to support the
university’s curriculum and research needs. The students and
faculty needed books as well as periodicals and other
library services, regardless of the situation and in
addition to the library’s focus on recovery. Library staff
established temporary operations and other measures, but
while it was of some use to rely on available electronic
periodical databases and interlibrary loan, more access to a
broader set of materials was needed. In addition, the high
volume of donated books to be reviewed for disposition—along
with the effort of coordinating the replacement of the lost
periodicals—was overwhelming the library’s processing staff,
generating the need to create and manage an entirely new set
of workflows.(Smith 2000 upstairs/downstairs)
The library staff members responsible for gaining access
to resources no longer available at the Morgan Library
generated a creative response: they invented RAPID/ILL, a
service that supplemented borrowing by generating and
organizing newly established arrangements with other
libraries that were willing to expedite delivery of journal
articles to Colorado State users’ computer desktops through
electronic means (Delaney, 2000). This was a nascent
practice at the time, and it was intended as a temporary
solution to the loss of the Morgan Library’s periodicals
collection. It has since become an industry best practice,
and a growing one at that.
Theoretical Background
of the Study
This study uses the psychological construct of mental
models (Johnson-Laird, 1983). Mental models are fundamental
to cognition and reasoning. Individuals interpret the world
and events through their mental models. Organizational
psychologists use mental models in examining learning in
organizations and reasoning and sensemaking in individuals
who work in organizations (Weick, 1995).
Organizational learning theory is rooted in the mental
models concept. Argyris and Schon (1978) argue that the
single and double feedback loops that are fundamental to
learning are based in mental models. Senge’s (1990) theory
of the learning organization relies on the idea that
individuals’ mental models affect their learning and their
capacity and desire to create; when individual employees
experience learning and generate new ideas, this contributes
to the growth of the organization as a whole system.
Mental models are the unique internal representations
that portray or demonstrate an individual’s view of a
situation (Senge, 1990). Mental models are so deeply
internalized that most people create and apply them without
conscious thought. As individual people view and interpret
problems through the lens of their own mental models, they
tend to reify familiar frameworks. Within an organizational
setting, this preference for relying on the same models and
interpretations can prevent, problematize, or place
boundaries around individual imagination and the creation
or adoption of new practices.
Learning influences the structure of mental models and
opens the imagination to stimulate new responses to change
or crisis. This generates new input and new output, and it
forms a new feedback loop that takes in new learning,
emotions, and behavioral changes (Huy, 1999, 2005).
Individual learning demands the testing and restructuring of
knowledge (Argyris and Schon, 1978). Organizational learning
occurs when a single loop of information and feedback
contributes to gains in organizational progress based on
individuals’ normal expectations. Double-loop learning
contains adjustments to expectations about outcomes and
performance, based on the intake of new information and new
outcomes. Double-loop learning generates creativity.
Experimentation with new ideas and untested protocols
facilitates double-loop learning, and this enables
individuals in organizations to develop new priorities and
strategies (Argyris and Schon, 1978). They adjust and
understand the environment in terms of a new set of norms.
A crisis or an extreme event at work can be a catalyst
for many feelings among employees, including fear,
excitement, and even resistance. Emotions like this are
central to the process of organizational learning and change
(Ashkanasy and Daus, 2002). The disruption of regularized
routines and settings influences individuals’ sensemaking
efforts for contextualizing their experience within the
organization, and it triggers emotions (Weick, 1995;
Dougherty and Drumheller, 2006). Combined with pressure
applied to mental models and the effort of situational
sensemaking, these emotions can exert a heavy influence on
people’s perception of change and their ability or
willingness to act in response to it (Shapiro, 2003). In
fact, emotion itself is what binds individuals and
organizations together (Gabriel, 2000).
The realm of study involving the influence of individual
employees’ emotions upon innovation in the workplace is
relatively new and gaining in importance. Efforts to study
the importance of leaders’ emotions and employees’ emotions
are situated within the study of leadership styles, largely
described in efforts to understand and document the impact
of leaders’ behaviors and emotions on employees’ behaviors
and emotions (Gooty, et al., 2010). There are also important
efforts to critique as well as to validate the connection
between the learning individuals gain or achieve within an
organization and the growth and learning that is embedded
into the organization itself (Lipshitz and Popper, 2000;
Vince and Saleem, 2004).
Affective Events Theory (AET) proposes that emotional
experiences inform individual attitudes and judgments, and
that these in turn influence behaviors (Weiss and
Cropanzano, 1996). For example, participants in a study
described their behaviors and emotions during disaster
recovery, and the findings showed that positive emotional
affect is likely to promote engagement with problems and
problem solving, including the multiple problems and
pressures that need resolution during disaster recovery
(Grawitch, et al., 2003).
Huy’s (1999) multilevel emotional capability theory
concentrates on the connection between emotion and change,
linking cognition and action to organizational learning and
change. During a period of change or during a crisis, when
leaders and organizations deploy actions and engage
processes in tune with their employees’ reported emotions,
the environment becomes a space where individual and
organizational capacity for creativity and renewal have
expanded (Huy, 2005). If emotions motivate action based on
learning, thus facilitating change, it is desirable for
leaders to find ways to build the emotional capability of
employees to imagine, create, and adopt change—even in
advance of a disaster or a crisis (Pauen, 2006).
Leaders need tools to help them transform intense
organizational experiences into positive applications of
employees’ intentionality, creativity, and innovation.
Leadership that is attuned to employees’ feelings about
change and disaster will help them adjust their mental
models about change and also help to motivate them to assume
activities that feed their capacity to contribute to
disaster response and change efforts (Mitroff, 2005). This
type of leadership can build employees’ psychological
resilience and confidence for handling crises. It will help
to develop the organizational capacity and creativity that
is needed to anticipate and plan for disasters, identify
their warning signals, and respond to change effectively.
While it is not well understood how sudden and unplanned
change affect the ability of employees to respond with
creativity, this study uses the Morgan Library’s disaster
recovery to learn the thoughts, feelings, perceptions, and
recollections of employees who survived a workplace
disaster. This information should help us to understand how
these employees’ experiences and feelings influenced
learning, and how and why they contributed this learning
into innovative responses during the library’s recovery.
Organizational learning, innovation in organizations, and
mental models and workplace change are the subject of a wide
body of literature. The investigation of psychological and
sociological phenomena related to disaster and disaster
victims has included survivor case studies, interviews,
crisis management reviews, and post traumatic distress
studies (Barbash, 2003; Buenza and Stark, 2003; Dombrowsky,
1998; Ellis, 2002; Kirschenbaum et al., 2005). A good deal of
this literature emphasizes factual recounting of the events
in a disaster, favoring journalistic style and substance
over scholarship . Most of the knowledge base is
theoretical. It includes systems theories (Gladwell, 2002;
Shapiro, 2003), and theories about learning in organizations
(Argyris and Schon, 1978; Senge, 1996). Very little of this
literature is supported with empirical research from the
perspectives of people who have experienced extreme change
in an organizational setting. Chreim’s work (2006) is an
exception, and some dissertations are beginning to
contribute empirical research conducted with disaster
survivors or group behavior among disaster survivors
(Kennedy, 2004).
This study offers a unique qualitative psychological
examination of individuals’ perspectives about their
experience and participation in disaster-driven
organizational change. Published accounts of the Morgan
Library disaster and its aftermath come from members of the
library staff and library leaders. These are used as
triangulation to strengthen the reliability of the study. A
strong interview protocol adds to the study’s robustness. A
rigorous analytical procedural approach helped to extract
meaningful constructs from the data. Finally, narrative sets
the scene and places participants’ comments into context,
giving the reader the opportunity to experience what
happened through the eyes of the library employees who have
shared their lived experience (Creswell, 1994).
The goal of this study is to clarify how mental models,
organizational learning, and innovation work together to
create change in a specific circumstance. This requires the
use of both theoretical and applied understanding.
Organizational change combines the individual processes of
reasoning and sensemaking with visible behaviors (Argyris
and Schon, 1978; Senge, 1996). This investigation analyzes
the results of individual interviews and questionnaires with
actual participants in the Morgan Library’s disaster
recovery. The objective is to learn from them how they
responded to the event and to the changes it thrust upon
their work and their organization.
It is important to uncover meaningful survivors’ language
for discussing this and other cases of organizational
learning through periods of change. Organizations are more
vulnerable than ever to crises and disasters, and they must
be prepared to deliver effective and innovative responses.
With so much at stake, even routine changes can seem
threatening and out of control from an employee perspective
(Kotter, 1996), but extreme crises can provoke even more
intense emotions and feelings of exposure. This is an
opportunity to explore the lived experiences of employees
who successfully worked to recover and improve their
organization’s operations following a disaster. This is our
chance to hear directly from them about their emotions and
their acceptance of change. It should be possible to
understand from their descriptions of their experience how
they shifted their mental models—of change, and of
organizational culture—and how that brought about their
creation of innovations, one of which has evolved into a
worldwide interlibrary lending consortium (Colorado State
University, 2011).
Study Questions and
Methodology
This case study considers three research questions
(Parker, 2007):
1. How do employees describe their experience of
surviving, responding to, and recovering from their
organization’s disaster?
2. How does this sudden imposition of a disaster alter
employees’ mental models and their ability to accept
and respond to change?
3. What factors in the experience of responding to an
organizational disaster promote employee innovation
and learning during the disaster recovery period?
Question 1 seeks to learn about the participants’
experience in the Morgan Library
disaster and recovery. The participants’ own words are the
important data. The invitation to describe their experiences
will be as open-ended as possible in order to garner the
participants’ own vocabulary and descriptors.
Question 2 will use some of the participant-generated
descriptors to examine their responses and adaptation to
sudden change.
Question 3 will help to explore employees’ disaster
experiences and identify the relationship of experience to
learning, innovation, and change. What influenced employees’
mental models and behavior? What were their decision making
processes, and how did they change their mental models of
work in the post-disaster recovery period?
This is an instrumental case study. It relies upon
qualitative methodology. It is the best way to understand
lived experiences, and it is necessary in order to generate
the rich, thick description that is required for a valid and
reliable study (Creswell, 1998; Geertz, 1973). Review of the
disaster recovery experiences of the employees of the Morgan
Library will help to provide understanding of organizational
systems, learning organizational theory, mental models, and
theories about innovation in stressful settings (Kuhn, 1970;
Rogers, 1995; Senge, 1996; Wheatley, 1999). The only way to
obtain valid information about the experiences, thoughts,
and feelings of participants in the disaster is by asking
them directly in an interview or via a questionnaire. We
need to hear from them what motivated and inspired them to
create innovations (Chreim, 1996).
Significance of the Study
This examination of the lived disaster recovery
experiences of the employees of Morgan Library can provide a
newly rich understanding of how change influences mental
models and learning in organization. It will contribute
knowledge to the study of organizational systems and
leadership, especially theories about innovation in
stressful settings and learning in organizations (Kuhn,
1970; Rogers, 1995; Senge, 1996; Wheatley, 1999). Seeking
information directly from participant survivors is the only
way to know what they experienced and what emotions they
felt, including what motivated and inspired them to apply
innovations to their organization’s recovery (Chreim, 2006).
This study places the experience of these survivors
into the scholarly record. It joins the previously published
accounts of members of the organization (Alire, 1998, 2000a,
b, c, 2003; Bush, 2000; Carpenter, 2000; Cocheneur et al.,
2000; Delaney, 1998a, b, 2000; Lunde 1998a, b, 1999a, b;
Lunde and Smith, 2009, 2010; Lunde et al., 2000; Morthart,
1997; Schmidt, 1999; Smith, et al., 2006; Switzer, 1998;
Wessling, 2000; Wessling and Delaney, 2000, 2003). The story
of the employees who join the current study will serve as a
further example of their innovative organizational disaster
response, since not everyone who participated in the
disaster recovery has provided their recollections in
publications. While it is possible that some of the
employees who have written about the disaster also may
choose to participate in this study, it gives others who
were there for the disaster and recovery an opportunity to
contribute to the advancement of knowledge in disaster
recovery and to the psychology of learning and change in
organizations.
Definition of Terms
Disaster. A disaster is a sudden or unexpected
catastrophic event or circumstance that causes significant
human, financial, or property losses (Pearson and Clair,
1998; Simola, 2005). The disaster at the center of this
study is the flood that tore through Fort Collins, Colorado
on July 27, 1997 and ruined the collections of the Morgan
Library at Colorado State University. Examples of words that
are used in this study to represent the condition of
disaster include crisis, emergency, catastrophe, and extreme
circumstance.
Disaster recovery. Disaster recovery is a process that
includes the activities beginning with immediate response to
a disaster or crisis, and the activities that continue
following the immediate response (Wellheiser and Scott,
2002). Recovery is a relative term; not all organizations
recover from a disaster.
Disaster planning. Disaster planning is a pre-disaster
activity in organizations (Wilkinson, Lewis, and Dennis,
2010). Disaster plans can be amended to include the
information learned as a result of surviving a disaster.
Learning organization. Senge (1996) identifies a learning
organization as one that prioritizes the capture and
assessment of knowledge gained through daily work and
experience within the organization, and applying it
selectively to improve the organization and how it
functions.
Organizational systems theory. Organizational systems theory
is the study of organizations as whole systems. It has been
shaped in the work of Wheatley (1999), who sees parallels in
natural and human-made systems, and in the work of Conner
(2006), Gladwell (2002), and Shapiro (2003), who specify a
critical mass of support and individuals’ ability to absorb
change as key requirements for successful organizational
change or learning.
Mental models. Mental models are the shorthand constructs
that anindividual devises to explain how the world works
(Argyris and Schon, 1978; Senge, 1996). Mental models are
not completely accurate representations of pheomena,
experiences, or concepts. Because mental models are unique
to each individual, they are incomplete and change based on
environmental inputs and individual perceptions.
Innovation. Innovation represents the application of a
creative change. In disasters there is an opportunity for
new ideas to emerge and gain acceptance, and there is
increased willingness to risk failure in hope that
experimentation may contribute to progress or improvement.
Kuhn’s classic work introduced this idea (1970), while
Rogers (1995) contributes to the study of the adoption of
creativity in organizations, and Borghini (2005)
investigates the ways in which disruptions can promote new
processes, inventions, and viewpoints.
Assumptions and
Limitations of the Study
Assumptions
Not all organizations recover from disaster or regroup.
This case was chosen as an example of a reasonably
successful disaster recovery; other cases where recovery was
less successful or not at all successful should also be
studied to learn about the influence of mental models and
change.
Not all cases are like this one. Every organization,
and every disaster, is unique.
This study assumes that organizations are to be
understood as systems.
Strengths
The strongest aspects of design and analysis in this
study are the engagement of participant survivors and the
experience of the researcher as a manager with experience in
leading disaster planning and recovery efforts in library
organizations. The researcher also has experience in
conducting interviews and analyzing textual data. Also
strong are the triangulation capabilities built into the
case study method and supported by published accounts in
professional literature by the survivors of the disaster
under study. The interview questions allow for replication
of the study, with editing to customize specifics to any
different disaster setting and circumstances. One further
strength is the involvement of participant survivors as they
received opportunities to review their statements and to
add, subtract, or revise information.
Limitations
Qualitative research offers limited generalizability.
It gives a unique interpretation of events and theories. A
case study usually includes a small sample size (Yin, 2003).
The assumptions of this study, the method of selecting
participants, and the researcher’s bias and values are all
attributes that may enhance replication in different
settings (Creswell, 1994).
The basic facts related in individual participants’
statements, self-presentation, and recollections can be
verified, but exaggerations are difficult to detect (Yin,
2003). Recollections may have faded or altered in the ten
years since the flood. This type of reporting accuracy is
not the point of the study, but it suggests that a future
study could examine participants’ perceptions against
reality and attempt to understand the meaning of gaps
between the two.
The success of qualitative research and analysis
depends on the researcher’s insights and pattern recognition
ability (Patton, 2002). It was challenging to write the case
in such a way as to make clear the scope of the disaster
that faced the Morgan Library organization while focusing on
the primary concern of an instrumental case study: the
theories that make up the case.
This research relied on volunteers. They compose a
self-selected group. It is important to note that the
participants are primarily those who were present during the
flood recovery and who had active roles in it. Except for
one participant, the researcher did not include any other
participants who have since left the library. This study
identifies the differences between employees’ perspectives,
and between the perspectives of employees and leaders.
Literature Review:
Research Disasters
This section reviews and describes literature
concerning organizational change, learning, innovation, and
emotions as they are related to the study of disasters and
post-disaster behaviors in organizations. This includes
important sources about disaster responses in libraries.
Theories about mental models, change, organizational
learning, and affective experience in organizations will be
considered. Literature supporting the methodological
approach of this study will be discussed. Also included is
literature that presents different perspectives on disaster
research or identifies gaps or needs in disaster research.
This review of the literature demonstrates that there
is a disaster research tradition dating from the early 20th
century in several disciplines. These include sociology,
anthropology, organizational management, psychiatry, and
psychology. Sociology and anthropology focus on
understanding how disaster phenomena affect social
structures; organizationl management strives to learn from
case studies of individual events; psychiatry has emphasized
epidemiological concerns. The bulks of psychological
research on disaster has been heavily weighted toward the
examination of traumatic exposure or to reporting narratives
of individual cases. This leaves a gap in the literature
that this study tends to address, and it leaves room for
future studies to investigate the behavior of disaster
survivors whose exposure to traumatic events has not
prevented them from responding to disaster, change, and
extreme stress in ways that apply and promote learning and
enhance organizational survival.
Research on Disaster in Organizations
Disaster search is cross disciplinary, and it is a
relatively young field in which interest has begun to
increase. The world in the early 21st century has become a
more unpredictable place, especially after the September 11,
2001 attacks and the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, Hurricane
Katrina, the tsunami in Japan, worldwide recession, and
floods and cluster tornadoes in the midwest. We are
increasingly affected by environmental and technological
disasters, natural disaster related to population movements,
terrorism, war, and social and economic uncertainty
(Lalonde, 2007). These have had significant impacts on
library organizations. More researchers have become
attracted to studying the problem of disaster as it affects
individuals and organizations. Crisis and disaster are
social and organizational phenomena recognized by
sociologists, anthropologists, historians, psychologists,
and organizational management experts.
Sociology and Anthropology
Sociology and anthropology have sought to define
disaster as a phenomenon. Their methodologies attempt to
achieve an understanding of the individual and social
experiences of disaster and how this affects organizations
and social structures. Sociologists originated much early
work in disaster research, attempting to define disaster and
establish useful methodologies for studying it (Drabek,
1986; Quarantelli, 1978; Quarantelli and Dynes, 1985).
Killian (1956) produced a now classic piece that examines
significant methodological problems for disaster study.
Killian recommended 50 years ago that researchers should
develop a systematic disaster study methodology by studying
disasters in the field during or after their occurrence, and
by designing strong tools for participant selection,
anonymity protection, and triangulation of data resources.
Stallings (2002) echoes the need to use techniques that
mitigate bias and enhance reliability and validity.
Anthropology has relied upon first person reports
(Ellis, 2002), and has inspired the widespread use of
qualitative investigative methods like ethnography. These
and other methods, such as participant observation, have
been adopted by psychologists, management experts, and other
researchers. Applied anthropology contributes to knowledge
about disaster management, but anthropological disaster
research often considers occurrences in the developing parts
of the world, unlike other social sciences, which tend to
focus on Europe and the United States (Oliver-Smith, 1996).
Anthropological research defines disaster as a process
or an event that combines a population and destructive
agents (Oliver-Smith, 1996). Anthropologists study how
individuals, groups, and organizations adjust to stress. One
topical focus is the assessment of the impact of high
technology disasters in the developing world. There are
sociopsychological problems involving the vulnerability and
victimization of people developing areas, and about the
politicization of the distribution or withholding of aid to
vulnerable populations.
The impact of disaster and the cultural expression of
postdisaster stress may be studied through somatization and
folk illness, or through the construction of cultural
meanings following a disaster in which there is a search for
an explanation for tragic losses or radical change (Marsella
and Christopher, 2004). Disaster survivors emphasize their
cultural traditions and must fight the contestation of their
interpretations of suffering.
Management and Business History
Management studies have contributed case studies in
disaster research. Sometimes the purpose of a business case
study is to tell the story of an event, such as the Triangle
Shirtwaist Factory fire (Pence, et al., 2003). Sometimes
there is a stronger disciplinary thrust. Case studies and
data analysis can help us to learn something concrete about
process improvement or something bigger, such as how leaders
have directed disaster responses and recoveryin their
organizations. Investigations of disasters or human interest
stories are like that of the Malden Milles fire in Farnham
(2000), and others reviewed in Useem (1998). Additional work
includes participants observation, personal accounts, and
techniques like content and speech analysis (Seeger and
Ullman, 2001, 2003).
Psychiatric Epidemiology and Disaster Psychology
Researchers in psychiatry and psychology have engaged
primarily with the mental health aspects of public and
organizational emergencies. They investigate and measure the
effects of traumatic exposure and stress, looking for ways
to treat those who suffer negative effects from exposure to
disaster. They produce case studies. For example, a study of
how the disaster plan unfolded at St. Vincent’s Hospital in
Manhattan on September 11, 2001 reflects the post-terrorist
era concern about disaster preparedness in critical care
institutions (Kirschenbaum, et al., 2005). In another case,
well before the Columbine shootings, mental health experts
investigated the effects of a schoolhouse shooting on the
attitudes of the surviving school employees (Schwarz and
Kowalski, 1993).
The study of disaster mental health goes back to the
earliest studies of anxiety. The history of psychological
investigation of traumatic exposure began with Freud’s
identification of anxiety neurosis as a separate clinical
group diagnosed as anxiety hysteria (Brill, 1910). The study
of post traumatic stress and PTSD is also grounded in the
study of war and battle fatigue, Holocaust survivors,
survivors of school shootings, and survivors of natural and
human-made disasters.
Among the topics disaster psychiatry investigates are
psychopathology and diagnoses and the causes,
classification, and treatment of behavior, adjustment, mood,
and personality disorders (Garakani, et al., 2004; North,
2003). After studying disasters like the Oklahoma City
Federal Building bombings, North observes that coping
strategies, vulnerability, and personal resilience influence
the development of different kinds of individual
psychological responses to exposure to specific events. Some
mental health problems may occur, including PTSD, major
depression, substance abuse, anxiety disorders, and
somatization. In fact, disaster stories have been used as a
traditional teaching tools in the mental health community
(Reyes and Elhai, 2004).
Some mental health clinicians study and validate tests
designed to measure post traumatic stress, including such
self reporting tools as the Impact of Events Scale and the
Missisippi Scale (Green, 1991; Inkelas, et al., 2000).
Research is also contained in clinical psychology
dissertations, such as DeRosa’s (1995) investigation of PTSD
and suvivor’s objective experiences following an explosion
that killed 25 employees in a processing plant in a small
rural town. Disaster psychologists have tended to focus on
community response to disaster, crisis communication,
training for first responders and citizens, and critical
incident debriefing or critical incident stress management
(Gist and Lubin, 1989).
Disaster Study in Industrial/Organizational Psychology
Industrial and organizational psychology (I/O) is just
beginning to examine the post-disaster behavior of
individuals in organizations. I/O psychologists are in the
unique position of being able to understand, synthesize, and
apply what has been learned in the different fields of
disaster research. The focus of I/O investigations should be
to understand how people manage before, during, and after
unexpected events in their organizations (Weick and
Sutcliffe, 2001). Among the major themes that are central to
such study are change, crisis leadership, organizational
disaster response, the affective and learning experiences of
survivors, and disaster prevention, preparation, and
recovery. I/O psychologists serve as consultants to
organizations that are planning for disaster or in need of a
post-crisis response strategy (Knoteck, 2006). I/O
psychologists also have begun to create case studies of
organizations and disaster recovery.
Pearson and Clair (1998) have written one of the most
important assessments of the state of the study of crises
and disasters, arguing persuasively for the need to make a
legitimate place in psychological and management research
for the study of the effect of disasters and crises on
organizational systems. A psychological perspective on
organizational crisis can focus on cognitive perspectives,
emphasizing the important role that individuals play in
responding to organizational crises. Pearson and Clair
(1998) argue that management studies should improve their
empirical rigor and help to develop a crisis management
model: psychologists have an understanding of how to apply
cognitive theories about learning, mental models, and
sensemaking to uncover individuals’ perspectives and
experiences in organizational crises.
Research can provide information that is vital to
organizations’ failure or survival. In order to develop a
comprehensive model of the crisis management process, it is
necessary to view organizations as systems. Leaders can
apply strategies to influence system performance.
Several issues remain unresolved, according to Pearson
and Clair (1998). For example, there is little empirical
testing in most crisis management literature. Researchers
can measure success and failure outcomes or perform
longitudinal observations of crisis management teams.
Investigations of whether the leadership skills, strategies,
and approaches useful in crises mirror those that are needed
for routine operations.
Simola (2005) points out that organizational crisis
management has received little attention in psychological
literature, despite the existence of theoretical frameworks
in community and health psychology. Like Pearson and Clair,
Simola argues for the increased study of organizational
crisis management among psychologists, using a systems
oriented approach. In order to promote organizational health
during periods of crisis and change, stabilization and
resilience protect core values and provide the base for a
common understanding for progress and change in response to
threats and opportunities. Crisis prepared organizations
openly face the reality that change and crisis will come.
They engage inactivities that prepare them for crisis and
disaster. Among these are prevention, risk assessment, the
creation of business continuity and disaster plans, and
communication plans. The disaster plan includes procedures
for forming and communicating with the disaster team,
assessing a crisis and its magnitude, containment, and
responding to organizational constituents and stakeholders.
Simola (2005) argues that psychologists can help to
educate leadrrs and other members of organizations about the
need for crisis management preparation. I/O psychologists
can provide education and training, conduct risk assessments
and postcrisis audits, or even coach leaders and
organization members during or after a disaster. Simola
proposes qualitative research in crisis management because
of the necessary focus on individuals and their behavior.
Regardless of the methodology or discipline, an effective
combination of approaches is needed.
Theoretical Literature
Responding to the need to include crisis and disaster
management in psychological research, this study identifies
and applies theories as tools for understanding how
individuals respond in conditions of organizational stress.
The fundamental theoretical literature supporting this study
comes from research on learning and performance in
organization situations influenced by change or disaster.
Change
Two widely known models of change are most relevant to
the study of individuals in organizations. These come from
the work of Lewin (1951) and Kotter (1995). Lewin offers a
general model of the stages of change. Change is a technical
problem that can be solved with a tool or a formula. Stages
of change as people move through process, modify beliefs and
attitudes as they adjust to change or facilitate it. Lewin
proposes three stages of change. In the unfreezing stage,
the individual is aware of his or her values or beliefs. The
changing stage is a transitional period in which the
individual explores new beliefs and attitudes and may adopt
one or several. In the refreezing stage, the individual
incorporates new beliefs, values, and attitudes.
Kotter (1995) identifies and discusses eight steps for
transforming organizations. His model reveals that the
creation of change through a deliberate process is neither
simple nor rapid. The first step, creating a sense of
urgency, is the most important effort in creating a disaster
response and recovery plan for an organization. The
organization’s readiness to respond to such an occurrence
depends on the leader’s ability to identify risks and take
action to prevent them or mitigate the damage they can
cause.
Leaders often rationalize that when there is a low
probability of a disaster occurrence, their organization’s
exposure to danger from potential crises is minimal (Smits
and Ally, 2003). Failure to plan actually increases their
exposure. Leaders develop an organizational process and
capacity. Once the leader identifies the sense of urgency
for creating a plan, the members of the organization need to
identify its vulnerabilities. Eventually, the organization
will reach a tipping point where it becomes evident that
planning efforts are far less costly or difficult than
facing a disaster without preparation.
Chreim (2006) explains that employees respond to change
differently based on their experience with it. When
employees believe that change is valid or necessary, they
become more open to it. An individual’s view of change
evolves with exposure to different kinds and amounts of
change. Successful experience in weather or mastering
change, as Bandura (1997) predicts, enhances one’s belief in
his or her ability to undertake future changes with success.
This builds organizational readiness for change.
Organizations with a strong change culture also develop
characteristics that demonstrate strong resilience. Chreim
(2006) argues that this makes it essential for managers to
understand how individual interpret the introduction of
change. Managers should create readiness for change by
providing learning experiences to establish skills and self-
efficacy. Readiness should be promoted, and change framed,
as opportuities that are consistent with the values of the
organization. Resistance ot change should be met with a
review of goals and mutually agreed upon values.
Learning and Mental Models
Argyris and Schon (1978) describe single loop learning
as a response to changes in the environment. Single loop
learning is limited to sustaining organizational norms. It
facilitates the detection and correction of errors, but it
doesn’t contribute to a redesign of the system. Double loop
learning is necessary to change or modify the status quo and
to promote organizational learning. It is helpful in
increasing shared sensemaking, restructuring organizational
norms, and setting new priorities.
Senge (1996) furthers the analysis of learning in
organizations. He assimilates and advances the double loop
learning concepts of Argyris and Schon (1978) by presenting
the five dimensions of a learning organization. It is
essential to Senge’s view that organizations are understood
as systems. Change and learning in organizations comes as a
result of systems thinking. In order to promote learning in
organizations, individuals must develop personal mastery,
develop and foster shared mental models, and participate in
team learning experiences.
One approach is to apply the skills of reflection and
inquiry to uncover the mental models that people in the
organization carry about disaster planning and preparedness
(Senge, 1996). Discussion and inquiry help to test
assumptions about the need for disaster plans and what they
should include; once tested and refined, the act of building
meaning around the planning vision will include everyone in
the organization (Senge, et al., 1994). Kotter (1996)
reinforces the importance of developing a shared vision,
because it helps to create actions that lay the groundwork
for future improvement.
Self-Efficacy and Resilience
Bandura (1997) refers to self-efficacy, the
individual’s confidence that she or he perform a task with
success. Self-efficacy is needed for goal setting and life
event management. The sense of self-efficacy varies by
situation and task, but change provides opportunities to
develop self-efficacy. People need to have the experience of
successfully completing a task and seeing another person’s
successful performance of the task. People also need to
receive encouragement about completing the task. Self-
efficacy increases as the confidence of the individual
increases through this process. A strong sense of self-
efficacy is essential to building the kind of resilience
that is fundamental in coping with crisis and change.
Conner (2006) acknowledges that resilience is a means
of improving our ability to respond to and assimilate
change. Change itself creates a sense of urgency, but
individuals may interpret this as a crisis or as an
opportunity, depending on how the change disrupts or coheres
with their expectations. Conner discusses five
characteristics or attitudes that contribute to the
development of resilience: a positive outlook; a sense of
life as complex but rich with opportunity; a clear vision of
achieving one’s goals; flexibility in dealing with
uncertainty; and developing structured approaches and a
proactive stance when it comes to tackling problems.
Organizations that offer individuals the opportunity to
develop these perspectives and abilities will increase their
bench strength for achieving a positive disaster or crisis
response.
Emotions in the Workplace
Huy (1999, 2005) posits a theory of emotional
capability to describe how change influences affective
processes. For example, radical change—including crisis and
disaster—provokes emotions and can prompt a paradigm shift.
Under the influence of emotions that arise from confronting
change, individuals may experiences challenges to their
mental models and assumptions. This can, in turn, engender
feelings of uncertainty and defensiveness. If the change is
perceived to conflict with the individual’s values or
expectations, they resist it, but if the individual
perceives the change as stimulating or positive, he or she
is more open and receptive to it.
Learning occurs at this juncture of receptivity. In
combination with action, such as team activities, this
builds emotional resilience and strength, resulting in an
increase in emotional intelligence (Huy, 1999). When this
process is promoted in individuals, it can increase the
emotional capability of organizations. This, in turn,
sponsors an increase in total receptivity to change,
including radical changes brought about by disasters. Huy’s
research results in a model that supports the Affective
Events Theory (AET) of Weiss and Cropanzano (1996), who
propose that people require time to assimilate change events
and process them before they adjust. This is similar to
Lewin’s (1951) model of unfreezing, changing, and
refreezing.
The research on emotions in the workplace demonstrates
that leaders of organizations must recognize the powerful
effect of change, whether planned or unplanned, on
employees’ emotions. However, since emotions stimulate and
facilitate learning, they have a legitimate place in
planning and preparing for all kinds of change (Ashkenasy
and Daus, 2002). It is logical for leaders to choose
behaviors and rhetoric that help to enable employees to gain
a positive view of change overall, as well as specific
situational changes (Ullmer and Sellnow, 2002).
Rogers (2003) and Borghini (2005) offer explanations
about how new ideas spread. Kuhn (1970) shows how crises and
challenges to paradigmatic or rote thinking are necessary to
stimulate the creation of new ideas, knowledge, technology,
or actions. Echoing Lewin’s unfreezing phase (1951), Rogers
shows how innovation and new ideas spread from innovators
and early adopters, who resemble the incubators and
advocates in Shapiro’s (2003) tipping point theory, and the
activists and supporters who help to build Conner’s theory
of resilience (2006).
Rogers (2003) diagrams an “S” curve to show how a small
set of early adopters select a new idea or technology and
then influence an increasing number of later adopters until
the adoption is widespread. When applied to the current
study, this implies that there is a decision making process
on the behalf of individuals who introduce or adopt new
ideas, technology, and solutions. Among the stages of
diffusions are included awareness, interest, evaluation,
trial and adoption (or rejection and discontinuation). These
all describe active individual engagement and choice-making.
Rogers’s theory clearly shows that knowledge and
experimentation are necessary elements of one’s decision to
accept or reject a new product, idea, or technology.
Borghini (2005) interprets creativity in organizations
as a process in which shared sensemaking, shared cognition,
and shared mental models support progress. These shared
understandings result from the application of mental models
to interpret reality and create shared meaning about an
experience or culture. The knowledge base of the
organization is advanced as shared knowledge that is found
in mental models, norms, workflows, routines, and
organizational culture and values. Because creativity and
innovation are achieved through a shared language and
cultural currency, those who study them should use the tools
of social science disciplines, including ethnography and
other qualitative methodologies.
Research Design
This is an instrumental case study. The purpose of an
instrumental case study as a technique of qualitative
research is to examine a specific issue that the particular
case demonstrates (Creswell, 1998; Stake, 1995). Case study
has a long and storied history as a form of inquiry in
numerous disciplines, including medicine, psychology, law,
education, business, sociology, and anthropology (Creswell,
1998). The in-depth study of a case can provide help for
others who may encounter a similar situation or occurrence
(Leedy and Ormrod, 2005).
An instrumental case study focuses on gathering insight
into an issue, theory, process, or phenomenon (Stake, 1995).
The case itself is a tool to illuminate that understanding.
This distinguishes an instrumental case study from an
intrinsic case study, which is uses the study of a case in
order to learn the details of that particular case.
Instrumental case studies have made increasingly frequent
appearances in social science research during the past
decade (Barzelay, et al., 2003; Boberg, 2006, Lundholm,
2004; O’Connor, 2001).
Yin (2003) describes a case study as an empirical
inquiry in which a researcher explores the relationship
between context and phenomenon. In addition, case stud
employs different sources of evidence. For this
investigation, a single case study was chosen instead of a
multiple case study as a means of providing for the first
time an in-depth empirical inquiry into the experiences of
workers in an organization that has recovered from a
disaster. Yin refers to this as a “revelatory case” (p. 43).
The design of this case study utilizes typical tools
for qualitative case study analysis. Case studies use
multiple sources of data for triangulation as a means of
improving reliability and validity (Leedy and Ormrod, 2003).
Interviews with some participants provide one source of
data. Additional data comes from questionnaires filled out
by other participants. Other sources of information include
written and published accounts, including newspaper and
professional journal articles, presentations at professional
conferences, photographs, and unpublished documents from the
library and
the library staff. Participants and witnesses can only see
from their own vantage point, and while they are giving
their honest recollection of events, it is helpful to have
multiple additional sources to check factual statements and
distinguish these from opinion. The variety of sources from
representing different vantage points contributes to the
dimension and complexity of the case, making it possible to
provide deep understanding of it. This improves the
likelihood of drawing valid and useful conclusions from the
evidence.
The methodological triangulation of data provided in
this study is strong. The design incorporates interviews,
questionnaires, and documentary analysis of published and
unpublished records. These different sources of data should
reveal converging patterns that help to identify the most
credible explanations or findings (Leedy and Ormord, 2005;
Stake, 1995). The study permits the collection of rich,
thick description, and it calls for review by an outside
expert. This enhances the capability of the study to yield
findings that may be useful in understanding disaster
recovery and innovation in other organizations.
Deep understanding of phenomena and experience is an
aim of qualitative research (Patton, 2002). It emphasizes
the value of understanding uniquely individual cases or
contexts (Stake, 1995). In fact, Stake argues a specific
contribution of case study research lies in choosing cases
for their ability to provide transferable understanding, and
not for their typicality. For Yin (2003), this analysis is
the means by which a case demonstrates or even generates
theory.
--maybe use 48-50 in diss itself in beginning.
Selection of Participants
Purposeful sampling, or inviting those who make up the
population of employees of the Morgan Library who had direct
or indirect exposure to the library’s disaster recovery from
the 1997 flood. About 100 employees were working at the
library at the time of the interviews for this study. Seven
participated in interviews, and three additional volunteers
completed the questionnaire. There is no ideal number for a
sample in qualitative research (Patton, 2002). Small sample
size promotes credibility through triangulation of
perspectives within the participant group. Adding the
consultation of published and non-published information from
other sources further improves the study’s reliability. None
of these approaches alone would be as reliable as they are
in combination (Stake, 1995).
Sampling logic used in quantitative research demands a
statistically representative sample to avoid bias;
qualitative studies require samples that ensure the capture
of richly detailed information, sometimes from a single
source (Patton, 2002; Yin, 2003). This sample constitutes
individuals who are the sole experts and authorities on
their experience. No one else can answer the question: what
was your experience of living through this library’s
recovery from the flood of 1997?
Participants were members of the Morgan Library staff
who agreed to discuss their organizational roles and
experiences during and after the disaster in semi-
structured, individual interviews, or to tell their
experiences by responding to a written questionnaire.
Employees from all levels of responsibility and job
classification were invited to participate. The focus was on
those who still work in the organization, but who were
present during the disaster response period. This study does
not attempt to include those who were in the organization
during the recovery period, but who have since retired or
otherwise left the library.
Findings
Major Thematic Groups
Coding of the results generated six thematic areas for
analysis: change and innovation; behavior and speech of the
dean of the library and other administrators; significant
challenges and accomplishments; motivation; disagreements
with University leadership and recovery contractors; and
thoughts and activities related to disaster planning for the
future.
Change and Innovation (Research Questions 1, 2, 3)
Participants’ reports about their experiences with
change and innovation included descriptions about the
demands of their efforts in responding to disaster, and new
work they took on as a result of the disaster. These
comments included descriptions of what changed in their
jobs, what changes they implemented or participated in
implementing, and what contributed to the pressure to
improvise. Several participants remarked that the University
President’s mandate to ready the campus for the fall
semester placed added pressure on their efforts to restore
library services. Fran noted that she began to plan
alternative ways to provide services. Heather recalled
hiring additional temporary staff and working from 7 a.m.
until 10 p.m. to process requests. Meanwhile, Dana report
that “I felt that we were working under extreme pressure.”
Chris was stimulated by the challenge, noting that while
change can be painful, “it is not always bad.”
Leadership Behaviors and Speech (Research Questions, 2, 3)
The participants’ comments about the Library’s
leadership during disaster response and recovery include the
influence of the behaviors and speech of the library’s dean
as well as the behaviors and speech of other administrators
and managers in the library. Participants made a point of
describing the importance they placed on what leaders did
and said. Laura spoke about having trust and confidence in
the assistant deans and other supervisors. Heather and Fran
recalled that the library’s administrator provided a chance
for everyone to be heard. Jeremy noted that despite having
some disagreements with the dean of the library, he was
aware of and admired the way that she stood up for the
library. Claire was stimulated by the way she felt the dean
moved the library forward.
Significant Challenges and Accomplishments (Research
Questions 1, 2, 3)
Participants spoke freely about the challenges and
accomplishments they identified in working to respond to and
recover from the disaster. They described the hard work and
pressures of the first days and weeks, followed by the
creative demands of relocating library services and
operations and establishing internet connectivity. They
described the experimentation and learning that followed the
redesign and reconstitution of the library’s services in the
absence of a working book collection on campus. Laura spoke
about the project to acquire, sort, and add gift books,
which was an entirely new disaster-related operation.
Vanessa described how learning from previous work led to the
conception and implementation of innovations like the RAPID
interlibrary loan service. Participants also discussed how
they felt about responding to the demands of the library’s
disaster-related challenges.
Motivation (Research Question 2)
Participants identified a number of things that
motivated their hard work during the disaster response and
recovery period. Among these were the speech and behavior of
leaders in the library, the opportunity to apply their
unique professional knowledge and skills to problem solving,
the impact of strongly held professional or work values, and
feelings of loyalty and obligation to the students and
faculty who depend on the library. A very significant and
frequently mentioned motivator for employees of the library
at all organizational levels was their trust in, respect
for, and reliance upon other employees who worked with them.
As Fran said, “It comes down to people.”
Disagreements with University Leadership and Contractors
(Research Question 2, 3)
Comments about behaviors, speech, and decision making
at the university’s leadership level were almost uniformly
distinct and separate from comments about the influence of
the speech and behaviors of the library’s leaders. The
participants who commented most about this referred to
direct conflicts or philosophical disagreements they had
with members of the university’s leadership team and with
recovery contractors, insurance representatives, and other
officials who operated outside of the library and made
decisions about recovery activities and expenditures. Laura
was among those who were unhappy that the library staff
trained the recovery contractors’ workers, but otherwise had
no control over the quality of their work. As the
participants with the most responsibility for dealing with
the university’s leaders, Marta understandably had the most
to say about these conflicts and her efforts to obtain the
resources the library staff needed. Marta stated directly
that her discomfort with some of the decisions the
university administration expected her to support regarding
the recovery contractor’s standards and the disbursement of
insurance funds influenced her decision to resign before the
library’s recovery was complete.
Disaster Planning and Expectations for the Future (Research
Question 3)
Participants talked to some extent about their
contributions to the library’s future disaster planning, and
they commented on how they thought the library organization
had learned from its wide range of disaster recovery
activities over a number of years. Laura remembered how it
seems as though they learned “not to sweat the small stuff.”
Marta and Fran both reported that among the flood’s benefits
was an increased awareness about planning and preparation.
Heather reported that she became more comfortable with
having less control over change.
Expected Findings
The study was expected to show a shift in the mental
models of Morgan Library employees who received
organizational support for taking risks and experimenting.
Also, it was anticipated that organizational learning would
be detected in the form of new tools and service models
developed through double loop learning, or trial and error.
Another expected finding was that there would be a
relationship between employees’ affect, their perception of
leaders’ responsiveness to their emotional needs, and
successful disaster innovation activity. There was support
for all of these expectations in the comments of the
participants. These were reinforced by comments made by
other Morgan Library employees who wrote independently in
published resources.
Unexpected Findings
Among the unexpected findings was the identification of
the strength of employees’ affective bonds with members of
their work groups and how this supported the development of
learning and innovation as powerful tools applied in the
Library’s strong response to the flood. Participants who
were involved in interlibrary loan activities, especially as
RapidILL evolved, unexpectedly described very powerful
personal connections. Heather described her relationship
with her supervisor as being like a professional marriage,
and she noted her sense of loss when this supervisor later
left the library for another position. Vanessa was both
friend and coworker to Heather and her supervisor; they
worked side by side for many years. Even after leaving the
library and then returning following the flood, Vanessa
spoke of the emotions she felt when Heather became the head
of the Interlibrary Loan Department, and Vanessa herself
assumed a new position in the RapidILL office. One of the
most important discoveries was the library’s own pre-
disaster tradition of experimenting with new practices and
services, especially when technology could be applied to
enhance the end user services of the library (Delaney, 2000;
Wessling, 2000).
Revision of
Coding and Themes
An outside evaluator reviewed the findings and
discussed the coding with the researcher. The evaluator is a
professor of cultural anthropology and an expert in
ethnographic research methodology. The evaluator found the
participants’ expressions of their affective experiences to
be striking and significant. She recommended coding these in
a separate category from the others. This observation was
instrumental in making a further meaningful interpretation
of the data. It unraveled the problem of how to categorize
participants’ descriptions of their feelings, as they don’t
fit entirely within the categories or codes first
identified.
Next, the researcher compiled the participants’
comments about their affective experiences. Reviewing the
remarks in this new way, the outside evaluator observed that
they tell a compelling story about the participants’
affective connection to their colleagues. Following the
first coding assignments, these comments had been situated
primarily on categories describing leadership, challenges,
and motivation. This re-sorting shows how they form a
category separate and distinct from others. They assume a
value that is greater than the participants’ descriptions to
challenges, and they are more significant than any single
aspect of an individual’s motivation.
Following this coding reorganization, there emerged
powerful, shared, and often repeated statements of
appreciation for the efforts of everyone who worked
together. Dana reported how working together well as part of
a team inspired her. Darlene commented that everyone in the
library pulled together. Heather described a strong work
group relationship, referring to her bond with her
supervisor as like a “professional marriage.” Even though
these kinds of comments were found among all the
participants’ reports, they were strongest among the staff
who were involved in what would become RapidILL, the
library’s strongest and most enduring post-flood innovation.
This is likely because of the long-term personal and working
relationships shared among that group of employees.
This examination and discussion revealed the prominence
of the affective experience of work team members in the
emergence and development of innovations in the flood
recovery at the Morgan Library. It is evident that other
factors, including leaders’ behaviors and speech, influenced
the response of the library’s staff to change and disaster.
How people felt about working together had a profound
influence on the development and application of learning in
the Morgan Library organization. Participants described
having close working relationships with others, or they
commented positively about their appreciation for others’
work. They further indicated that these positive feelings
made them more inclined to listen to each other and try out
new ideas. Teams were already accustomed to applying
experimentation in this context of mutual regard and
connection (Delaney, 2000). Dana observed, “There was no
idea that was too far out,” and Vanessa said she was
inspired by a supervisor “who never met an idea she didn’t
like.” This kind of atmosphere encourages employees to try
different approaches and exposes them to different mental
models. It helps them to develop shared problem-solving
models, which in turn is likely to evolve into shared mental
models. There was a shift in the mental models of library
employees who received positive organizational support for
risk taking and experimenting. Perhaps this aspect of the
organizational culture is what equipped the Morgan Library
staff to handle the disaster and to introduce innovations
that responded to it.
Implications
In the Morgan Library, an atmosphere of experimentation
and innovation was already in place at the time of the flood
(Delaney, 2000; Wessling and Delaney, 2003). Even so, it was
the affective ties between employees that made the
application of new ideas central to the library’s disaster
response and recovery efforts. Strength of affective bonds
among members of work teams was vital to building the
motivation to try new things and experiment with new
services and practices. It is not so much the collective
“wisdom of teams” (Katzenbach and Smith, 1993) that
generates knowledge building under stress, but group
members’ feelings of trust in working with each other, the
longevity of the work group, and the involvement of leaders
who encourage and understand their efforts. Leaders’
responsiveness to staff emotional needs supported learning
and innovation.
A bond had developed among people in the library who
had worked together over time, especially those who had
already been involved in trying new services and models,
such as taking advantage of technology to create a paperless
interlibrary loan delivery service (Delaney, 2000). New
tools and services were created through trial and error:
double loop learning. In addition, the dean of the library
acted as a model leader on whom the librarians and staff
could rely to provide resources and information and to
listen to their feelings. The experience of successful
fulfillment in that arena led to the increased willingness
of the library’s staff and customers to accept and adopt
further electronic innovations (Wessling, 2000). This
evidence in turn fueled further investment in
experimentation by the library’s leaders and supervisors.
Prior experience with implementing changes under less
stressful conditions also provided evidence about what
library resources and functions could not be replaced easily
with technology. One of the heaviest pressures on 21st
century libraries is managing a balance between the
availability of both electronic and print resources. Some
library stakeholders want the convenience of electronic
resources, while others prefer to use printed matter,
especially in humanistic fields that have not been well
represented online. A library that develops experience in
providing resources that its users and staff want and need
is a library that will develop strong tools with which to
ride the tides of change successfully.
Implications and
Significance of the Findings
This research suggests that innovation—especially team-
driven—can be facilitated by an organization’s (or a single
leader’s) support of collaboration and experimentation.
Employees who have experienced or are aware of their
organization’s history of collaboration and experimentation
find it easier to attempt new things. This effect is
enhanced when it is accompanied by strong social and
emotional connections among employees. Learning the behavior
of developing circumstantially-based solutions promotes
assessment of existing routines.
Affective Ties, Performance, Learning, and Innovation
In relating how stock and bond traders acted to restore
trading activities after the 9/11 attacks, Beunza and Stark
(2003) describe a situation similar to that in the post-
flood Morgan Library. Traders did not wait for outsiders to
restore services. They assumed new tasks, even clerical
ones, and actively worked to find new ways to do their jobs.
They were committed to their work, but also to each other,
as group members whose social network was as important as
their technical knowledge. Their social knowledge of one
another combined with their work relationships to form the
glue of their creative response efforts. Even though
disaster plans were in place, this previous planning alone
was not enough to support restored trading. This required
the spontaneous actions of the traders. Buenza and Stark
show that by proactively reconfiguring all resources
available to them, including their work-based social
networks, the traders made the recovery itself an innovative
act.
Knowing what to do in an emergency is important. It
becomes desirable and feels more urgent to act when people
know each other personally. Kiehl (2004) shows that the
social bonds that can develop among members of work teams
contribute to the learning process by providing a crucial
emotional element. Interpersonal processes and connections
can enhance one’s willingness to adapt mental models. This
“locker room learning (Kiehl, 2004, p. 6) is a process that
occurs during everyday work activities. It makes team
members more willing to try out each others’ ideas and helps
team members opt for and subscribe to change.
In the case of the Morgan Library, many employees knew
each other well, babysat for one another’s children, and
even participated in each other’s weddings. Some had worked
in the library long enough to have held jobs first as
members and later as supervisors of the same or related work
groups. These relationships, built over time, contributed to
the development of a certain amount of shared social and
intellectual capital, including mental models, expertise,
and decision making processes, that allowed them to
anticipate each other’s responses to situations and to
emphasize and value coordination with one another (Lim and
Klein, 2006). This added up to trust, an essential
combination of character and competence (Covey, 2006). Along
with their combined technical and experiential work
expertise, many of these employees included shared values,
problem solving models, and trust—all nonverbal
understandings that bound them together. These rich
resources extended their outreach to one another and
facilitated their active engagement with recovery vendors
and consultants. For example, Lauren recalled that “We
developed new kinds of partnerships with vendors.” Heather
referred to her experience as one of “letting go.”
The participants in this study were not the only
library employees who noted how the strength of
interpersonal connections was important in the flood
response and recovery. In the chapters written for their
book (Alire, 2000a), other library staff members also
remarked that although some interpersonal relationships
among staff suffered under the stress of the disaster, the
recovery was facilitated by the stability of strong personal
relationships that employees had built with one another.
These connections, developed over time through shared
experience, “are invaluable in disaster situations,” and
“that foundation of trust and respect helps to ease the
stress of disaster decision making” (Lange, 2000, p. 355).
Feeling of being overwhelmed occurs simultaneously with excitement about the challenges and opportunities (urgency)
Experimentation and learning develops resilience and can produce positive responses to unexpected shifts and changes
Trust promotes engagement and effort
Work becomes a continuous process of creating something new for the members of the organization
Not every unit or work group in the library organization will act with the same amount of energy, creativity, flexibility and innovation
Do not expect the entire organization to move and develop asone: not all units and employees experience a uniform sense of trust, willingness to experiment, or learning speed
Organizational success in responding to threat or change canbe described with the following formula: Organizational Learning (Capacity to Innovate) =
Affective Experience of Individuals in Work Groups x Experimentation
Organizational success in responding to threat or change canbe described with the following formula:
Organizational Learning (Capacity to Innovate) =
Affective Experience of Individuals in Work Groups x Experimentation
CONCLUSION
Leadership should comprise a set of activities that include preparing the individuals in your organization to handle theunexpected. The unexpected can manifest as a natural disaster or a fiscal crisis. It may also live in and around organizations as the constant pressure of change.
So in expecting to lead: Build a culture of opportunity and reward flexibility
and experimentation Publicize and normalize experimentation Try new ideas within team and group structures that
promote relationships, collaboration, and learning
Replace bureaucratic structure as much as possible withcreative, affective structure of work groups and teams
Develop a strategic plan, a disaster plan, a business continuity plan, and work plans that specify response and recovery assignments
Share decision making Practice disaster drills Acknowledge the efforts of those who work through a
disaster
Unexpected benefits of disaster (change): As many as 95% of disaster survivors reported that they gained something positive from their involvement that they would not have experienced otherwise (McMillen, 1999).
Regarding unexpected leadership:
Unexpected circumstances demand it, but we should plan for change and uncertainty
People who already occupy leadership positions must lead during an overwhelming and unexpected event or occurrence
People who are in roles where they did not expect to take on leadership responsibilities often must step up and act as leaders in extraordinary circumstances
Unexpected leadership is . . . Advanced leadership from the library that has a significant and positive impact on the parent organization. The Library may not be the usual orexpected source for this kind of creativity, but becomes onethrough its unexpected leadership or by the example it sets. Examples: disaster response and recovery, administrative reorganizations, leadership in curriculum revision, significant assessment results, or community partnerships
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Peck on trust
Resources on trust, emotional intelligence, problem solving style, innovation, disaster, self efficiency, motivation, work teams, emotional capability, change, organizational learning, mental models.