indigenous professionalization: transnational social reproduction in the andes

© 2003 Editorial Board of Antipode. Published by Blackwell Publishing, 9600 Garsington Road, Oxford OX4 2DQ, UK and 350 Main Street,Malden, MA 02148, USA

Indigenous Professionalization:Transnational Social Reproduction

in the Andes

Nina LaurieDepartment of Geography, Newcastle University, Newcastle upon Tyne, UK;

[email protected]

Robert AndolinaDepartment of Political Science, Bates College, Lewiston, ME, USA;

[email protected]

and

Sarah RadcliffeDepartment of Geography, Cambridge University, Cambridge, UK;

[email protected]

Indigenous professionalization is occurring throughout Latin America at an increasing pace as newcareers open up in social development. Under what is heralded as socially inclusive neoliberalism,a “development with identity” paradigm is producing new university courses focused on indigenousissues. Influenced by discourses of social and human capital and addressing intersections of multi-culturalism and development, these courses mobilize and help shape definitions of indigeneity; theyalso create spaces where donors and indigenous activists contest and debate understandings ofdevelopment. Operating in a range of institutions, indigenous professionalization courses are ledby a small elite group of academics and practitioners who move between programs and countries.Students also move transnationally. We argue that these courses, their classrooms and theircurricula are intent on understanding intercultural situations transnationally, galvanizinginternational funding and support from bilateral and multilateral agencies as well as local and stateactors. The social reproduction of indigenous professionalization is therefore transnational, yetgrounded. At times, indigenous professionalization is socially reproduced by jumping scale; at othertimes, it works through established social and spatial hierarchies. This essay examines howindigenous professionalization is socially reproduced as a contested process through which notionsof “good” and “culturally appropriate” development are constituted and consolidated.

IntroductionThe challenge in these times of modernity and the era of globalization… is precisely to transform history.… I believe this is everyone’s task;it isn’t only [the task] of the indigenous people for the indigenouspeople, of the students for the students, or [of] academics foracademics.… In indianizing this America [en indianizar esta América],I am not referring to the fact that everyone has to put on a hat, a

poncho and let their hair grow and make a little ponytail and [thus]the problem is solved. When I say Indianize America I think that we[indigenous people] are saying that we absolutely have to overcome[discrimination] in the political, in the economic, in the cultural andin the social [worlds]. (Luis Macas,1 an indigenous leader of the Con-federación de Nacionalidades Indígenas del Ecuador [CONAIE];emphasis added).

Access to and achievement in education is one of the most widely useddevelopment indicators. In Latin America, it frequently highlightsindigenous poverty, indicating that indigenous people have the lowestlevels of education in the continent (Psacharopoulos and Patrinos1994). This essay illustrates how indigenous education plays a key rolein approaches towards both nation-building and development. Inparticular, it focuses on the contribution of indigenous professional-ization2 to these agendas. Examining indigenous professionalizationas a set of multiscalar practices, this essay examines the transnationalsocial reproduction involved in “becoming indigenous” in the Andes.Here, we understand social reproduction in terms of the shaping oflocal, national and international development policies through socialinteractions between development actors. We argue that the positionof these actors in development hierarchies and their differential accessto political space are contingent on specific representations of socialroles and relations, including those based on ethnicity. In this essay, weexamine the social reproduction of indigenous identities in relation to development agendas through transnationally constituted highereducation spaces.

In recent years, new indigenous professional careers have been forgedin political and development administration, as people are recruitedand trained for careers in governmental and nongovernmental organ-izations (NGOs) and international donor agencies and to assumeadvisory and leadership positions in indigenous organizations that areincreasingly transnational in scope. While indigenous careers exist inconventional professions and applied technical fields,3 more generalcareers as social development and environmental advisers/programmanagers are emerging as novel forms of indigenous professional-ization. Thus, although all the higher-education programs under con-sideration in this essay (see Table 1) share an “intercultural orientation,”some provide training for conventional careers (such as agronomy andteaching), whilst others are more interested in training developmenttechnocrats operating at a range of scales. Still other programs aremore motivated by the desire to open a space for critical and politicaldebate that critiques technocratic understandings of development.

These new careers reflect prevailing paradigms of social develop-ment and provide opportunities for the consolidation of indigenous

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subjectivities in development discourses. These subjectivities are par-ticularly pertinent in the “development with identity paradigm,” inwhich culture is seen as an asset to development, rather than an impedi-ment, as was previously the case in economically driven modernizationparadigms. We argue that development with identity is an adaptedneoliberal social-development policy, offering poverty-alleviationelements in combination with multicultural frameworks and respond-ing to transnational political networks around indigenous developmentconcerns. In the Andes, a combination of strong indigenous rightsmovements, recent state reforms around multiculturalism and stringentneoliberal structural adjustments have brought into stark relief thenature of transnational connections around neoliberal developmentand culture. The new social development policies forged in this con-text have also gained exemplary status for multilateral and bilateraldevelopment agencies, thus acquiring a resonance and significance thattranscends the immediate area. Molded through neoliberal paradigms,indigenous development has been co-produced by social-developmentprovision for participation, targeted programs and institutional strength-ening (Nederven Pieterse 2001). Neoliberal social development policyemphasizes the strengthening of civil society organizations, social in-clusion, recognition of social diversity (gender, ethnicity, age, cultural,economic characteristics) and participation in decision-making andproject execution. According to culturally appropriate development para-digms, cultural distinctiveness is compatible with good governancepractices and economic productivity.

Our analysis is informed by a confluence between indigenousprofessionalization and these development agendas. Specifically, we focus on how indigenous politics and multicultural neoliberalismhave created contexts for indigenous people’s professionalization. Inturn, professionalization is producing a transnational curriculum onindigenous development that informs higher education.

Education to become a professional has represented one of the few strategies for overturning discriminatory social hierarchies thatmilitate against the upward social mobility of indigenous people (de laCadena 1998, 2000). Obtaining professional status forms the basis ofindividual social ambitions and influences family and generationaleconomic strategies. Such personal and family ambitions often restupon the “whitening” effect that professional education has on socialstatus (de la Cadena 1998; Weismantel 2000) and reflect the racistgeographies of nation-building that have traditionally labeled in-digenous people as “rural” and “backward.”

Both the state and international donors set the parameters forinclusive education. Currently, international funding addresses socialinclusion at the two extremes of the formal education system, primaryeducation and higher education, while states are largely only investing

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Table 1: Higher Education Programs in Development with Identity in Ecuador and Bolivia

Place Origins Course Funding Aim of the Student Neoliberal/ Transnational Courses Profiles Governance Classroom and

Discourse Used in CurriculumPublicity/Interviews

Andina 1987 Masters in PRODEPINE Train Indigenous Human resources One full-time University, Interculturalism Interculturalism consultants and mestizoa lecturer—nationality Ecuador program started (mixed race) Aimed at the USA

Open short Train peripherycourse in local university Some One lecturer has development lecturers international Pioneering taught in Canada

students fromthe Andean Social One lecturerregion, compensation teaches in including CEIDIS (Bolivia)Bolivians Generate ability

Teaches Bolivian Teaching local developmenttransversal themes

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Table 1: Continued



FLACSO, One of a number Diploma in PRODEPINE To train Indigenous The new Director has taught Ecuador of FLACSO Indigenous people for and mestizo (pluricultural) in Spain

institutions in Affairs; about Hans Seidell them to return institutionality Latin America to become a Foundation to their Andean regional Uses Bolivian

Masters’ communities international New frameworks materials and caseBelgian students, studies to deliver afunding including Ethnodevelopment comparative course

BoliviansPositive discrimination

Strengthen local capacity

Citizenship

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Table 1: Continued



Indigenous CONAIE’s idea Three careers: CODENPE To take the Indigenous Ethnodevelopment Northern lecturers University, in 1988 indigenous law, university to students teachEcuador bilingual Northern the community Intercultural

Revitalized in intercultural universities development Northern universities 1998 education, To validate validate degrees

agroecology indigenous Indigenous Currently is only knowledge framework A series of a proposal; not universities to be yet validated Resources or developed across

capital the region

La Started in Undergraduate PRODEPINE To train people Indigenous and Sustainable GTZ has linked thisSalesiana 1994, but a programs in: for them to mestizo students development program to BolivianUniversity, background applied Catholic funds return to their ones.Ecuador in language anthropology, community Pioneering

education for local Hans Seidell Sees itself as an teachers from development, Foundation To link Equality exemplar in Latin 1991 social themselves to America

communication GTZ local Excluded sectors

CODENPE Human resources

Institutional strengthening

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Table 1: Continued



CEIDIS, New relationship Diploma in Kellogg Critical Mestizo and Develop critical International San Simón between CENDA Indigenous Foundation engagement some indigenous tools lecturers, including University, (NGO) and affairs since with students some from EcuadorCochabamba, CESU 1999 DFID/British interculturalism Generate Bolivia postgraduate Council and Bolivian Some international analytical Historical links with

school Converted to reforms as a students—from ability Ecuador via Masters in 2001 political project Latin America CENDA and

Regional and Europe Bartolmé de las consortium, with To reflect on Casas in PeruPeru, Chile, interculturalismArgentina globally Lecturers doing

postgraduate studiesin the UK, Spain,Mexico andEcuador

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Table 1: Continued



PROEI- Began in 1995; Masters in GTZ Share the Mainly indigenous; Human resources Lecturers from the BANDES, built on staff intercultural Bolivia reform some mestizo Andean region, San Simón experiences in bilingual experience Interdisciplinary Latin America, University, Puno in bilingual education Many indigenous gaze Europe and North Cochabamba, education Train international America Bolivia professionals students Academic exchange

(mainly teachers) Satellites in other working in Collaboration countries Latin communities with between American countriesindigenous indigenous to recruit languages peoples

Very high profileinternationally

a Data for this table was collected through a combination of interviews, student questionnaires and critical reading of Web sites and promotional material. In thequestionnaires students were asked to identify their ethnicity. This data comes from these sources.

in primary education in Latin America.4 While much attention hasbeen paid to primary education, little research has focused on thehigher-education sector. Internationally, in the North and the South,few attempts have been made to examine the role that transnationalpractices play in intercultural/multicultural education in specific con-texts. Nor has there been much focus on the ways in which interna-tional processes intersect with those of state nation-building agendas.One of the few exceptions to this is Katheryne Mitchell’s work on eliteHong Kong immigrant communities in Richmond, Vancouver, Canada(Mitchell 2001). Her argument is that despite the power of the HongKong diaspora in Seattle and its challenges to established “Canadian”understandings of “good education,” multicultural discourses andpractices are still contained by the neoliberal state’s adherence to dem-ocracy within a nationalist, rather than transnationalist, framework.

In this essay, we also examine the interface between state andtransnational practices by offering a contrasting example from a verydifferent context. In our analysis, the key transnational actors are notindividual migrants with high levels of financial capital, but trans-national donors with specific development agendas supported bysignificant institutional funding mechanisms. We argue that while theEcuadorian and Bolivian states have set the legislative context for pro-indigenous educational reform (with the support of internationaldonors), indigenous professionalization is currently being forgedthrough transnational practices and forms of social reproduction that,in turn, circumscribe state/indigenous-movement relationships.Diverse donor interventions target a wide range of state agencies andindigenous movements involved in professionalization in Bolivia andEcuador, with key donors such as the German Technical Assistance(GTZ) and the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) operatingprograms with a range of actors.

The convergence between indigenous and international donor inter-ests is currently being negotiated in transnational educational spacesthat provide higher education in development with identity in Ecuadorand Bolivia. We argue that these spaces are new in terms of the scale atwhich they operate, the ways they have become institutionalized, thenetworks they mobilize and the transnational curricula and personnelthey deploy. They are also new in terms of the actor-led transnationalindigenous subject they project and represent.

Below, we argue that struggles over representations of indigenouspeople and notions of culturally appropriate development in theseprograms attempt to accommodate different—and, in some cases,incompatible—political traditions of education within a (neoliberal)social-capital framework. These spaces constitute sites where trans-national definitions of “good” development are produced and contested.The essay is divided as follows. First, we analyze the relationship between


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neoliberal development paradigms and the increasing focus on enhancingthe human and social capital of indigenous groups. We analyze theindigenous subject represented in donor professionalization fundingand indigenous demands for culturally appropriate education. Second,we examine the emergence of the paradigm of interculturalism and go on to describe state reform in education in Ecuador and Bolivia,specifically examining pro-indigenous legislation in the context of the creation of pluricultural states. Finally, we highlight the specifictransnational practices underpinning the promotion of indigenousprofessionalization, examining the creation of a transnational class-room and a transnational curriculum. We question the extent to whichindigenous professionalization can be mainstreamed into existingeducation structures, arguing that indigenous professionalization con-stitutes a space that directly engages with the state while at the sametime creating and mobilizing networks that are able to bypass it.

Neoliberalism and Indigenous Education as “Capital”In recent years, education policy in Latin America has been charac-terized by the state’s emphasis on decentralization and privatization.Linked to increased school dropout rates and the further genderingand racializing of educational inequality in the Andes, theseinitiatives have been widely criticized (Laurie and Bonnett 2002;Mujer y Ajuste 1996). While such neoliberal initiatives have gonehand in hand with the promotion of multicultural laws in Ecuadorand Bolivia, the introduction of user fees has been particularlycontentious. Indigenous movements assert that the privatization ofeducation has further limited the access of indigenous people tohigher education:

The new constitution is favorable to us as, for example, collectiverights are recognized in the new constitution. However, on the otherhand, the privatization of education means that we can’t go to uni-versity. We can’t enter universities because everything has to be paidfor over and over. (Interview, Vicente Chuma, head of the women’ssection of ECUARUNARI,5 Quito, Ecuador, May 2000)

As the largest financial contributor to education and legislator ofprivatization measures, the state remains the most important edu-cation actor in Latin America. However, international donor fundingis increasingly important in certain sectors and is profoundly affectingeducation strategies for poor and indigenous groups (Cortina andStromquist 2000). Donor policy emphasizes the provision of basiceducation, suggesting that funds be diverted from secondary and highereducation to primary schooling (Puiggrós 1999). There has generallybeen little international investment in higher education since the 1950s(Cortina and Stromquist 2000). However, donor interests in social


exclusion have recently led to funds being targeted for higher-educationcourses specifically for marginalized groups. This funding is the primarysource of support for indigenous professionalization programs (seeTable 1—funding), many of which operate through hybrid developmentinstitutions that combine state and donor funding and often draw onpersonnel from indigenous movements and NGOs.6

Indigenous movements have long demanded “culturally appropriateeducation” that reflects indigenous everyday realities and practicalneeds. A key emphasis in the indigenous demand for culturally appro-priate education is the freedom to attend educational institutionswithout having to sacrifice cultural identity, as has been the case in thepast:

Indians could not go to school because they had to have money. Theyhad to change their surnames [from indigenous language names toSpanish names] and if they [boys] had ponytails in their hair they hadto cut them off and if we [girls] wore polleras (homespun skirts) we had to take off the polleras and put on skirts. (Interview, VicenteChuma)

For indigenous movements, culturally appropriate education is thatwhich recognizes indigenous values and knowledge and seeks tostrengthen existing indigenous political organization. The provision ofthis type of education equips indigenous communities to generate theirown development projects based on their knowledge of their reality,without having to rely on outside experts and technicians (interview,Vicente Chuma; interview, Elena Ipaz, FENOCIN [National Federationof Indigenous Peasant Organizations], Quito, Ecuador, May 2000).

Indigenous movements’ demands for culturally appropriate educationprioritize a severely discriminated-against people, a subject marginal-ized in terms of access to education on financial and cultural grounds,whose knowledge has been devalued and for whom formal educationhas seldom fed into wider community political and development goals.

We are trying to procure a university that can go to the community,rather than the other way round. The community, (the students)always have to come to the university. This is absolutely impossible,first because the students can’t pay their costs in the city. Second, Ibelieve that the university must engage with their reality [pisar surealidad también].… I believe that unfortunately our knowledge hasbeen left out of scientific recognition. For all the results that it hasobtained through thousands of years, in many aspects our knowledgedefinitely does not have the same scientific value [as Western know-ledge]. I think that’s precisely why we should revalue it; give it its ownvalue, its own authenticity, the scientific value it should have. It shouldnot only be cast simply as empirical knowledge. (Interview, Luis Macas,

speaking in support of the proposal for an indigenous university,Quito, Ecuador, August 2000).

Donors are increasingly interested in addressing indigenousprofessionalization as part of wider social-development goals. A focuson human capital is rapidly becoming a hallmark of current develop-ment policy (Grindle 2000; Portes and Landolt 2000). While human-capital theory is not new,7 it has taken on a new salience since thepostadjustment 1990s, as social change has failed to keep pace witheconomic reform and inequality has persisted and, in many cases,worsened. Also important in the rise in popularity of human-capital-based policies has been the recognition of the success of politicianspromoting social programs that claim to respond directly to citizendemands (Grindle 2000). Linked to a desire to replicate exemplarsand cases of success globally has been a renewed focus on educationin human-capital debates, following the positive role of education in welfare-enhancing reforms in East Asia (Grindle 2000). In thehuman-capital literature, the “socially excluded” are brought into develop-ment through education and full citizenship rights.

The networks that support the development of human capital aretermed “social capital.” The World Bank (2003b) defines social capitalas “the institutions, relationships, and norms that shape the qualityand quantity of a society’s social interventions. Increasing evidenceshows that social cohesion is critical for societies to prosper eco-nomically and for development to be sustainable. Social capital is notjust the sum of the institutions which underpin a society—it is the gluethat holds it together.” While extensively criticized (see Fine 2001,2002), the notion of social capital has been profoundly influential inthe development field, offering a means to celebrate ethnic and culturaldifference while often reducing it to fit formulaic policy frameworks.Moreover, the rise of development projects targeted at ethnicallyidentified populations coincides with—and in part owes its existenceto—a policy emphasis on the participation of ordinary citizens in thedesign of and/or decision-making about projects. Development fundsintervene in the workings of livelihoods and institutions, as well asshaping the terms of debate and imageries about the actors involvedin social change. Cultural politics thus intersect with material culture,shaping the institutions, actors and discourses in development. ForBebbington (2002:802), the concept of social capital acts as “a linguisticdevice” that enables a range of interest groups to communicate aboutthe social dimensions of development and help shape prevailing under-standings of development orthodoxy.

The role that education plays in social-capital approaches has beencritiqued by indigenous movements, development academics andthose involved in the delivery of indigenous professionalization

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courses themselves.8 Some academics involved in professionalizationcourses are wary of the role of targeted education in the context ofneoliberal reform:

Education is always seen as a way to prepare people technically, todevelop, to expand and to make their life better. There is an unstatedconnection between discourses of development and discourses ofeducation.… It’s like they [donors and governments] create a specifictype of educational system that will prepare [people] for a specific typeof development. That’s what it is. Now indigenousness has replaced thesociology and development of rural areas and the discourse of indi-genousness has caught on, it’s fashionable. It’s a little as if govern-ments like Germany and the Netherlands are following this trend inthese neoliberal times. [Yet] what is being fought over is recognitionnot redistribution [and so] it is easy to talk about education with-out speaking about development. (Interview, Bolivian interculturallecturer)

Despite critiques of the social-capital paradigm, however, the approachhas become institutionalised in key funding agencies through socialdevelopment units managing subprograms that attempt to introducethemes of ethnicity and gender transversally into other mainstreamprograms.9

Using a variety of definitions of indigeneity, the majority of higher-education programs on development with identity aim to attractindigenous students. Funders drive selection criteria and sometimesinfluence the definitions of indigeneity adopted in specific programs.For example, the Proyecto de Desarrollo de los Pueblos Indígenas yNegros del Ecuador (PRODEPINE—the Development Project forIndigenous and Black Peoples of Ecuador)10 insists that a recom-mendation from local community organizations is very important.Other donors rely on language-based definitions, accepting studentsbecause they speak one or more indigenous languages. Most definitions,however, are contested because of the assumptions they make aboutmarkers of indigeneity. Language-based definitions are often particu-larly controversial:

If I speak Spanish that doesn’t mean I’m Spanish. If I’m the son of aplantation owner and I speak Quechua that doesn’t mean I’m Quechua.So this thing about looking for people who speak indigenous languagesis forcing things too much. (Interview, teacher in an interculturalmaster’s program, Bolivia)

While the promotion of indigenous human capital and indigenousrights forms part of the social-development agenda, in practice theworking out of these rights is complex. Clashes between donor invest-ments in human capital—through the provision of scholarships to

individuals, for example—and the promotion of more general social-capital goals are often difficult to accommodate. Although acceptanceinto scholarship programs usually requires letters of recommendationfrom local indigenous organizations, there is no guarantee that indi-viduals on these programs display “social-capital criteria,” such as acollective sense of cultural identity and community solidarity.

It is necessary to do consciousness-raising with the students. [This is]an ideological task because, despite the fact that they are selected by their organizations, they do not have a social conscience, theydon’t have a commitment to the organization. The idea is to get them to do voluntary work with the organization … the idea is toraise student consciousness to promote a cultural identity becausewe have noted some weaknesses there. (Interview, Ariruma Kowii,PRODEPINE, Quito, Ecuador, March 2000)

Transnational expectations of what constitutes “professional”behavior (ie full-time, life-time commitment to one specialization) areincompatible in some ways with the ongoing work required tomaintain close involvement in the day-to-day activities of indigenousorganizations and to secure what is commonly termed “a close con-nection with the bases.” In Bolivia, for example, the implementationof pluricultural legislation placed divergent demands on communityleaders, frequently taking them away from their communities for longperiods and requiring excessive workloads over and above their ownfarming, familial and community duties. In Bolivia, the need for knowledgeabout pro-indigenous decentralization and the ability to implement itoverstretched rotational models of community organization (Blanes2000; McNeish 2001). The conflicts that resulted in these circumstancesreflect the more deeply seated contradiction inherent in developmentmodels that seek simultaneously to invest in the human capital ofindividuals while promoting the social capital of a collective.11

Despite contradictions between human- and social-capital invest-ments in indigenous professionalization and resistance on the part of indigenous individuals to a seemingly pro-indigenous agenda, thegeneral demand from indigenous movements for culturally appro-priate education has led to a variety of education initiatives. Many ofthese initiatives have found an intellectual and political home withininterculturalism, as the following section outlines.

Interculturalism: Indigenous Education and Development The promotion of multicultural education in the Andes is currentlyframed by the paradigm of interculturalism. A highly contested concept,interculturalism is defined in relation to education, culture, technology,society, forms of communication, the economy, politics, religion and

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global uniformity and local differences (COSUDE 2001). As a paradigm,interculturalism promotes a way of understanding the relationshipbetween Western and indigenous (Amerindian) practices, spaces andknowledges in Latin America (Medina 2001).

Interculturalism’s influence on education policy has been forgedthrough periodic conflicts and negotiations over the politics of human-capital development and identity formation. With respect to indigenousprofessionalization, many interest groups focusing on culturally appro-priate education—including indigenous movements, donors, NGOsand international NGOs (INGOs), the state and parents—have appro-priated the paradigm. Consequently, the term “intercultural education”often means different things to different actors. While multicultural-ism promotes “unrelated juxtapositions of knowledge about particulargroups without any apparent interconnections between them”interculturalism is more proactive, because it implies “comparisons,exchanges, cooperation and confrontation between groups” (Cushner1998:4). In practice, an intercultural approach requires the combina-tion and convergence of different points of view in order to understandcomplex issues that cannot be understood through one approach alone(Kane 2001). In the context of Andean pluriculturalism, intercultural-ism requires not only that respect be afforded in equal part to indi-genous and Hispanic cultures (and, where relevant, Afro-LatinAmericans), but also that respect be established between variousdistinct indigenous cultures. In this way, interculturalism views theindigenous subject as an actor involved in the construction of a dia-logue based on the location of indigenous people in discrete culturalspaces of mutual respect.

While indigenous issues have been studied as part of anthropologyor linguistics degrees for many years, the interculturalism paradigmhas increasingly developed a more interdisciplinary approach. Godenzzi(1996:569; translation by Laurie) suggests that interculturalism is botha strategy and a process, and that in the context of the “pluriform ofreality” of Latin-American nations, it forms part of a call for democ-ratization. The politics of interculturalism in Latin America wereforged in the 1980s, when the emergence of intercultural bilingualeducation (IBE) coincided with processes of democratization in manycountries and the growing awareness of indigenous people as socialand political actors. University courses addressing the interfacebetween development and interculturalism are emerging throughoutLatin America; they are particularly evident in countries with a largepolitically organized indigenous movement. The individual historiesof indigenous movements in the Andean region vary (Hale 1997).Ecuadorian and Bolivian organizations are considerably moreorganized and more powerful than those in Peru, where organizedindigenous politics have been virtually invisible (Degregori 1998).

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The histories and trajectories in Ecuador and Bolivia are alsoconsiderably different.12 Bolivia’s history was greatly influenced by thepeasant movement after the 1952 revolution, and until recently indi-genous demands have been largely articulated through local and nationalpeasant-indigenous federations. In Ecuador, the discourse of indigenous“nationalities” has been important in challenging state-nationalistimaginaries and in asserting the pluricultural nature of the country. Asa result, indigenous federations and confederations have become adriving political force in Ecuador, founded upon alliances betweendiverse indigenous groups, rather than on a generic peasant identity.

Although the indigenous movements in the Andes have diversehistories, they are united in their resistance to a language of minorityrights, instead basing their citizenship claims on the politics of majorities(Laurie and Bonnett 2002). Despite interculturalism’s nebulousnature, it has become an important concept in indigenous politics.13

However, notwithstanding wide support from indigenous organizationsand donors, interculturalism’s position as the dominant paradigm isnot fully consolidated. This is reflected in donor attempts to defineand fix more clearly its relevance across an increasing range of topics.14

There is also evidence that donor support for other approaches, suchas antiracism, is competing with intercultural programs in some con-texts (see Laurie and Bonnett 2002).

Thus, while interculturalism has provided a common language (seeTable 1—neoliberal/governance discourse used in publicity/interviews)in which donors, indigenous activists and educators can engage indiscussions of development, pro-indigenous curricula and educationpolicy, it is also problematic. The local and national actors involved in intercultural debates are seldom comfortable allies, and inter-culturalism remains a contested transnational policy arena. As thefollowing analysis of pro-indigenous education reform in Ecuador and Bolivia illustrates, different local and national interests are oftenreconciled only through the support of transnational actors.

State Reform and Indigenous Education The constitutional recognition of Ecuador and Bolivia as pluriculturalstates15 in the early 1990s framed an acknowledgement of the diverseeducational needs and realities of the national populations. The wide-ranging introduction of pro-indigenous and socially inclusive laws inrecent years has produced a legislative implementation gap; govern-ments have been slow to act upon the new laws they have created (VanCott 2002). While new legislation has, in theory, created opportunitiesfor the recognition of indigenous self-determination through changingland ownership, natural-resource legislation and decentralization, thestate seldom has the trained personnel necessary to put the new lawsinto practice. Many of the new ministries created across Latin America


to carry out pro-indigenous reforms currently lack the expertise neces-sary to fulfill public expectations. Some donors suggest that investmentin strengthening local leadership is needed in order to ensure thatlegislative changes are implemented in favor of poor and indigenouscommunities (interview, Hans Hoffmeyer, Danish Organization ofDevelopment Aid and Solidarity [IBIS]).

While the need for the professionalization of indigenous personnelis articulated at a local and national level by indigenous movementsand donors, the demand for professionalization is also becomingrecognized as a regional issue in the Andes.

What can be recognized is that there is a real demand for post-graduate training for indigenous professionals in the whole region. I say this, for example, because in a conference that we had in Chile the people from the north of Chile, the Chilean Aymaras andthe Mapuches, were really interested in the theme. In Bolivia it’s the same and it’s the same in Peru.… It’s also the same with theColombian indigenous people. The indigenous theme is beginning tobe debated as a regional theme. (Interview, director of the Facultadde Latin America de Ciencias Sociales [FLACSO—Faculty of LatinAmerican Social Sciences], Quito, Ecuador, May 2000)

NGOs and universities also play a role in the demand for indigenousprofessionalization. New courses are designed to meet the trainingneeds of career consultants and the next generation of academics(interview, Fernando García, FLACSO, Quito, Ecuador, May 2000).

Our study plans have in mind training [two groups]. People who canbecome teachers in the university—in fact, ex-students from here are teachers in distinct universities in Quito and the interior of thecountry.… Then there’s a group of people who can live from whatthey know under the name of consultancies and specific pieces ofwork, applied research. (Interview, director of intercultural programat Andina University, Quito, Ecuador, February 2000)

Thus, the political economic context of a (retreating) flexible state andnew forms of development institutionalization are affecting theincreased demand for development consultants.

Education reforms in the late 1980s and early 1990s adopted inter-cultural rhetoric in promoting new bilingual education laws. Ecuadorwas first to pass a program of bilingual intercultural education (DINEIB—Programa de Educación Intercultural Bilingue), in 1989; Bolivia’sEducation Reform Law, which introduced intercultural bilingual edu-cation, was not passed until 1994. Both laws, however, built on earlierexperiences of state-led initiatives as well as NGO programs. Priorto receiving state funding, many early initiatives were financed bytransnational donors. In Ecuador, the MACAC16 government’s

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indigenous-education program was financed by the GTZ in the first fewyears of its operation, before the government assumed a more directrole. The Bolivian Education Reform Law also drew on transnationallyfunded experiences of highland indigenous education, such as Quechualiteracy classes in Raqaypampa, Cochabamba, which led to curriculumreform at a local level in this area. Directed by the community inpartnership with a national NGO, CENDA, this program was funded bya diverse range of INGOs, including the Catholic Agency for OverseasDevelopment (CAFOD) and the Inter-American Foundation. Con-troversy arose when the Raqaypampa communities themselves hiredteachers to operate outside the official school system and organized aschool calendar around labor needs at harvest time. UNICEF officialssupported the Raqaypampa informal indigenous schools, promotingthe experience in the development of the Education Reform Law. Theirsupport influenced the importance that the law subsequently placed ondecentralized community and parental control over schooling. Thus,transnational donors played an important role in legitimating localexperience when it was scaled up in multicultural legislation (Regalskyand Laurie forthcoming).

Transnational involvement in Bolivian indigenous education alsoincluded the World Bank taking a leading role in the development ofBolivia’s Education Reform Law. The Bank financed foreign consult-ants to develop the proposal for the reform through a unit called theTechnical Support Team for Education Reform (ETARE). Subsequently,the implementation of the law itself was underpinned with loans from the Bank and the Inter-American Development Bank, whileUNICEF sponsored the development and production of teachingmaterials.

The Transnational Social Reproduction of IndigenousProfessionalizationSpecialist courses with an intercultural focus have developed in bothpublic and private universities in Ecuador and Bolivia, as Table 1illustrates. In Bolivia, the main postgraduate programs are located inSan Simón and at a state university in Cochabamba (the Consorcio deEducación Intercultural para el Desarrollo e Integración Surandino[CEIDIS] and the Programa de Formación en Educación InterculturalBilingue para los Países Andinos [PROEIBANDES]). Additionally,intercultural modules and courses appear in other interdisciplinarycenters and university programs. In Ecuador, postgraduate programscurrently operate in the Andina University and FLACSO, while anundergraduate program runs in La Salesiana University. The Indigen-ous University is currently in the process of being launched by CONAIE.Core funding and scholarships for programs are available from a rangeof donors, including the GTZ, COSUDE, the Kellogg Foundation,


Fundación Hans Seidell, and the World Bank through hybrid develop-ment institutions such as PRODEPINE and the Ecuadorian Councilfor Indigenous Nationalities (CODENPE).

Questions arise, however, over the extent to which indigenousdevelopment can be mainstreamed into higher-education frameworks.Recouping indigenous ways of learning, for example, is often difficultin courses based within existing university programs the curricula ofwhich do not engage with indigenous knowledge:

The challenge is that our projects, our academic programs institu-tionalize an intercultural perspective. At this moment, there is priorityattention given to the indigenous student. The indigenous studentsget almost a sort of special attention. But our curricula design are notintercultural—they are monocultural. To give it a name, they are madefrom the perception of the rationality in Western logic. (Interview,lecturer, La Salesiana University, Quito, Ecuador)

Mainstreaming can lead to discriminatory classroom practices whenmembers of the teaching staff are not familiar with indigenous con-ceptualizations.

Look, let me tell you, it’s not easy with a lot of teachers. There aretwo problems. [First] they [university faculty] have good human waysof treating [indigenous students], but they don’t understand them.Indigenous logic is a different language. [Second,] there are cases ofteachers we’ve had who treated them [indigenous students] badly;they didn’t understand them and said they were stupid [tontos]. Itisn’t that they are stupid; the stupid one is the teacher who didn’tunderstand. But yes, there are problems like that, and an overall lackof understanding. (Interview, founder, La Salesiana University, Quito,Ecuador, May 2000)

In such situations, hierarchies of knowledge are produced and dis-crimination and racism reproduced. Knowledge hierarchies are com-pounded by a frequent emphasis in university programs on academicetiquette.

The course directors have the program in their own image. Theyreally stress good writing and correct referencing. There are peoplethat have hardly written in their lives, and they have much more dif-ficulty. You notice that more and more people will resist, becauseobviously the “elite” student will do very well, in this elite academy[a este academia de acun’a]. It contrasts so much with the otherextreme and with the people in the middle [range] of the course.(Interview, lecturer in a language-led intercultural program)

Not only is the distinction between indigenous and Western know-ledge maintained by the actions and attitudes of teaching staff inestablished universities, but it is also drawn by students constructing

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a political agenda using a strategic discourse. Such a discourse offerspolitical options and resources to certain actors.

Lecturer: The students really wanted to be indigenous. And the more indigenous [they are], the more resistant[they are] to academic work.… Those who read andwrite well are not [seen by the other students as]indigenous.

Interviewer: And the students reproduced that?Lecturer: The students set it up that way. “Whiter students read

and write well, we don’t, we’re oral. We don’t write.”… “We indigenous are more oral.” (Interview,lecturer in a language-led intercultural program)

Student distinctions associating particular forms of knowledge withspecific groups of people reproduce seemingly essentialist ideas aboutthe contrast between oral and written traditions as part of a politicalplatform. The “political learning achieved by (indigenous) socialmovements” (Foweraker 1998:283) causes participants in the learningproject to reflect upon the political nature of education and use theclassroom to (re)produce different forms of indigenous politics andconstruct and contest definitions of identity and “good development.”

The Transnational Classroom: Defining “Good” DevelopmentMany postgraduate courses operate through classrooms that are trans-national in terms of student and teacher composition. These class-rooms aim to mix students from a variety of countries and indigenousnationalities to ensure an exchange of experience.

The enrichment that students experience with students from othercountries is really interesting.… Each one brings their experience to the discussion; it’s a good experience. (Interview, director ofFLACSO, Ecuador)

In some cases, the transnational classroom is formed and repro-duced through regional alliances, as the two Bolivian programs basedat San Simón University in Cochabamba illustrate. PROIEBANDESoperates out of a number of Andean countries with satellite nodes tohelp in the selection of students. The students are mainly indigenousteachers with future careers in high-level policy-making in NGOs andgovernment. There are approximately forty students split between twomaster’s programs.17 GTZ core funding established and maintains theprogram. The CEIDIS program has similar transnational origins. It was founded as part of a consortium bringing together NGOs anduniversities from Chile, Argentina, Peru and Bolivia to deliver a rangeof activities, including postgraduate training on interculturalism. In


Bolivia, the members comprise the NGO CENDA, drawing on its ex-tensive experience in popular education in Raqaypampa, and CESU(Centro de Estudios Superiores Universitarios) the postgraduateSocial Science College of the University of San Simón, which haswide experience in the delivery of specialist short courses and post-graduate degrees. The student body is smaller than that ofPROIEBANDES, with 17 students registered on the diploma coursein the first year.

The development of the transnational classroom owes much of itsimpetus to the small transnational body of an intellectual elite who teachmodules and courses. Many programs draw on a pool of internationalscholars and policy-makers. Most of this small group of scholars,practitioners and activists are known to each other and move betweenprograms and countries for short periods. Hence, teachers based in La Paz teach short modules on courses in both Cochabamba andQuito, while others move from Ecuador to Bolivia. In some cases,staff members also make more permanent moves across borders. In atleast one instance, another Bolivian institution purposely recruited anindividual based in a transnational program in Ecuador linked to oneBolivian institution because, among other things, he had an intimateknowledge of both systems. What both donors funding courses andpotential employers of the students who graduate prize about theseteachers is their ability to transfer real-life practitioner experience, aca-demic work and policy knowledge across borders. While some Northernscholars enter this circuit, most movements are made by Latin-American- (often Andean-) based teachers travelling throughout theregion. In this sense, the transnational classroom is largely based onSouth-South connections. Such movements of teaching staff and mixof students quickly generates consensus around what the trans-national classroom should provide and legitimates “accepted under-standing” of what constitutes successful development with identitypolicy-making in the region.

Transnational Curriculum Professionalization courses are characterized by the recruitment ofindigenous students and the development of what we identify astransnational curricula, coalescing around ideas of interculturalism.The curriculum is transnational because it draws on examples of pro-indigenous development from across the region to develop coursematerials.

Socialization occurs initially through various flows, let us say. One isto know certain foci that come from Bolivia and things that comefrom Peru. It seems to me that the things that come from Bolivia are not well known.… I wanted to give a course on the trajectory of

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the ethnic movements in Ecuador like in Bolivia because in Peruthey have not made ethnic demands. (Interview, lecturer, FLACSO,Ecuador)

In Bolivia, the politics of engagement with the state also shapes thedistinctiveness of professionalization programs on interculturality.Transnationally, within the region, the Bolivian legislative experienceis well regarded. Seen by many to be innovative responses to citizendemands (see Grindle 2000), the suite of reforms introduced by theSanchez de Losada government in the mid 1990s18 is an importantelement of professionalization degrees elsewhere in the Andean region.

Principally we have taken international experiences for discussionthemes.… From Bolivia we have taken the theme of participation, ofparticipative planning, [and] the law of popular participation in Bolivia,which is the innovative effort which characterizes the Bolivians withrespect to the indigenous population. (Interview, lecturer, AndinaUniversity)

The role of these types of comparisons in the transnational curriculumis to disseminate and share “best practice.” For academics, the trans-national curriculum is an opportunity to analyze comparative tendenciesin indigenous politics and its engagements with the pluricultural state.For the indigenous movement, it is also about sharing tactics andstrategies of engagement with a range of actors. The organizationalstructure of CONAIE in Ecuador is analyzed and discussed in Boliviancurricula. It is framed as an example of best practice in interculturalalliances between diverse indigenous (lowland and highland) andAfro-Ecuadorian groups. It is acclaimed for playing the role of a pro-tagonist in law-making and for promoting development with identity.The new Bolivian reform laws in education and popular participationare widely disseminated in courses in Ecuador as examples of in-novative legislation that recognize—and thus strengthen—indigenous,collective decision-making and identity. Thematic issues such as proteststrategies, water and land politics, leadership training and indigenousknowledge are treated within a comparative framework, and specificpolitical strategies are analyzed with a view to learning lessons acrossborders.

Transnational Network Practices and the StateTransnational practices associated with indigenous professionalizationframe the way in which indigenous agendas engage with stateapproaches towards pro-indigenous education. The production andreproduction of professionalization programs illustrate the ways inwhich pro-indigenous networks both engage directly with the stateand mobilize transnational connections to bypass it. These processesinvolve the contestation and validation of examples of best practice


that figure in the transnational curriculum. While the transnationalcurriculum validates the Bolivian experience of state reform outsideof Bolivia, the two main programs on interculturalism in Cochabambaitself, CEIDIS and PROEIBANDES, have taken distinct positionsvis-à-vis the reforms. From CEIDIS’s perspective, the PROIEBANDESprogram is too close to the government’s Education Reform Law.

We want to work the theme of interculturalism more as the politicalaspect of intercultural education. [We want to work on] the mostpolitical components. So from the start we [CENDA and CESUstaff] were agreed that while PROIEBANDES was a more functionalthing—more operative, let’s say—ours needed to be more analytical[and] critical [and] provide more critical tools. Overall [it needed] totrain [students] to investigate the reality, not to generate technicianswho afterwards could incorporate themselves into the EducationReform Law. (Interview, co-director of CEIDIS, Cochabamba, Bolivia,January 2000)

These different programmatic emphases point to the diversity ofindigenous politics and to the distinct positions occupied by differentgroups. They also indicate that understandings of interculturalism areevolving dynamically in academic and policy terms in response to thisdiversity. They highlight the fact that the closer relationship that hasbeen forged between pro-indigenous networks and the state throughnew education legislation is actively contested.

While wide debate over development with identity is stimulated asprofessionalization programs provide spaces for direct engagementwith specific state initiatives, support for these programs is also ableto mobilize transnational networks to bypass the state. Proponents of CONAIE’s Indigenous University seek autonomy from the stateeducation sector because they doubt that the state will fund a radicalinitiative that aims to break with the tradition of established universities.

We are dedicated to creating the Indigenous University with LuisMacas.… Here the state will never give a chance to the Indians.…What we have done is [to] create a chance with the other universities—for example, with Arizona [and two Swiss universities]. They aregoing to sponsor us. The university is going to select three careers,three academic areas; one is indigenous law, the other in bilingualintercultural education and the other is agroecology. (Interview, IsidoroQuinde, CODENPE,19 Quito, April 2000)

Although CODENPE receives funding from the Ecuadorian govern-ment and is heavily involved in supporting indigenous developmentthrough local government, its position as a hybrid development institu-tion allows it to adopt a critical stance vis-à-vis state practices, discoursesand institutions where they impinge on indigenous development.

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While the Indigenous University proposal seems to be an alter-native to supporting the public state university system with indigenousscholarships, its independence from the state is being established bydrawing on another set of transnational linkages: it is being supportedby Northern universities in order to ratify degrees and help provideuniversity teachers.

We [now] have other strategies. We are not going to wait for the legal-ization of the university [by the Ecuadorian government]. Instead, wehave said, “Let’s speak with universities, with the universities fromabroad that are our friends so that they can sponsor us through anagreement.” … That is to say, they are always going to come. A bodyof teachers will come at least for a workshop each year. It’s the samewith the University of Arizona; teachers will be here from thatuniversity. So above all, in this way it guarantees the seriousness [ofour university]. These universities will voluntarily take responsibilityto give recognition to the qualifications. It wouldn’t be possible anyother way. It’s not because they don’t trust us—they do, we have anunderstanding—but there will always be university teachers whocome from these universities present. That is to say, in that sense, weguarantee the seriousness of the university. (Interview, Luis Macas)

The alliances surrounding the proposal for an indigenous universityreflect the sometimes-positive ways in which transnational con-nections have opened up opportunities for indigenous movements tobypass the state. Outside qualifications are nearly always valued morethan national ones in the academic and development consultancy worlds(Silva 1998). Thus, it is quite possible that, by being allied with theacademic community in Europe and North America, qualificationsissued by the Indigenous University will have more “cultural” capitalthan those issued by the existing national universities.

ConclusionThis essay has highlighted how the social reproduction of indigenousprofessionalization empowers and circumscribes diverse actors en-meshed in complex networks. Development with identity framesindigenous actors, while also establishing the spaces in which thosesame actors contest the paradigm, its meanings and examples of bestpractice. The indigenous movement mobilizes a discourse of exclusionand racism and emphasizes the need to recognize indigenous know-ledge as something more than informal, unscientific, empirical andlocal. Donors, on the other hand, are most interested in leadershiptraining and investment in indigenous human and social capital tofulfill a good governance agenda. For many donors, interculturalismrepresents a way to contain the contradictions of neoliberal social in-clusion, whereas for indigenous organizations it is primarily a rallying


call to “Indianize this America.” This essay argues that questionsabout the extent to which those agendas are compatible remain at theheart of indigenous professionalization, shaping its outcomes, successstories and failures.

Our analysis has suggested that social reproduction takes place in arange of professionalization spaces, including the transnational class-room and curriculum as well as conferences and meetings. Whiletransnational networks help to maintain these spaces, adherence todifferent understandings of the politics of interculturalism by differentnetwork actors helps to challenge them. As a consequence, althoughinterculturalism has emerged as the framing paradigm for higher-education programs and education reform, its position as a politicaland policy strategy remains unconsolidated.

Transnational actors influence the climate that welcomes seeminglypro-indigenous education, and are mobilized, at times, to pressurizeor bypass the state. Yet it is ultimately state institutions that implementand manage the reforms, which, in turn, are funded and monitored inassociation with transnational actors. The state, therefore, plays a crucialrole in the transnational networks and forms of social reproductionassociated with indigenous professionalization. While transnationaldefinitions of good local and national development have a complexrelationship with locally embedded constructions of indigeneity, theexportation and contestation of “national” best practice examples ofdevelopment with identity dynamically influences what is accepted as“good” development, locally, nationally and internationally.

As many students currently undertaking professionalization pro-grams aspire to future careers as experts in development with identityin local and national government, (I)NGOs and multilaterals, state-transnational-indigenous networks have within them the potential toshape pro-indigenous reform well into the future. The success of cur-rent professionalization programs will be measured over coming yearsby the extent to which future graduating “professionals” displace thecurrent need for outside support by shaping the trajectories of trans-national academic, development policy and indigenous communitiesthemselves.

AcknowledgmentsThe authors would like to thank the many individuals and organ-izations in Bolivia and Ecuador who collaborated with this research.Special thanks are owed to Pablo Regalsky, Maria Ester Pozo, PamelaCalla, Patricia Oliart and the students at CEIDIS who helped shapethe arguments and gave unstinting support. The research was fundedby the Economic and Social Research Council (ESRC grant #L214 252023: “Now We Are All Indians? Transnational Indigenous Communitiesin Ecuador and Bolivia”) and also supported by the DFID/British

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Council gender and development link between Newcastle Universityand CESU, Cochabamba. Finally, we would like to thank the anonymousreviewers.

Endnotes1 Luis Macas is one of the main supporters of the proposal by CONAIE (Confed-eración de Nacionalidades Indígenas del Ecuador—The Confederation of IndigenousNationalities of Ecuador) for an indigenous university in Ecuador. He spoke thesewords at a plenary address during the Seminario Andino: Conflictos y Políticas Inter-culturales: Territorios y Educación, Cochabamba October 1999 (available on CD fromCEIDIS, http://www.ceidis.com). 2 “Indigenous professionalization” is defined as the development of careers that focuson indigenous issues in development, including opportunities for indigenous people totrain for professional jobs.3 There is a long history of indigenous professionalization, dating back to colonial timesand often linked to the work of religious orders. Until recently, however, the openingsin development planning for indigenous careers have been largely limited to the teach-ing profession and, to a lesser extent, minor positions in the military and the police force.4 See Aikman (2000), Cortina and Stromquist (2000) on the World Bank, the UnitedNations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) and the UnitedNations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) and Kane (2001) on Nicaragua. 5 ECUARUNARI is a Quichua word meaning the awakening of Ecuador’s Indians. Itis the title of the confederation of peoples of Quichua nationality in Ecuador. 6 See Radcliffe (2001) for a discussion of the role of hybrid development institutions inindigenous development.7 Human-capital theory became popular with economists in the 1960s, but became lessinfluential in the 1970s and 1980s (Grindle 2000).8 See debates on the World Bank Group’s PovertyNet Web pages (2003a) for andagainst the role of education in social development.9 The World Bank and the UK government’s bilateral aid organization, the Departmentfor International Developmoent (DFID), both operate active social-development units.10 PRODEPINE is a hybrid development organization funded by international donors,including the World Bank and the Ecuadorian government.11 This is not to negate the fact that indigenous leaders representing indigenouspolitical parties, which support intercultural education, also call for leadership trainingin more conventional careers based on dominant forms of knowledge, careers such aslawyers and legal experts. Rather, the argument highlights the fact that donor and stateunderstandings of human and social capital (expressed through scholarship schemes, forexample) often see their investments as a panacea for strengthening indigenousleadership.12 See Andolina (1999) for a more detailed examination of the different trajectories inthe Ecuadorian and Bolivia indigenous movements.13 This is exemplified in the quotation at the beginning of this essay, taken from a speechdelivered at an international, intercultural education conference by Ecuadorian indigen-ous leader Luis Macas.14 See, for example, COSUDE (2001), the bilateral Swiss aid agency’s annual report inBolivia. 15 See Seider (2002) for an explanation of the rise of pluriculturalism in the Andes.16 MACAC is the Quichua word for guerrero, meaning “war cry.” 17 In 2002, there were 44 students.18 These reforms include: the law of popular participation, which decentralizes powerto local communities; land reform that recognizes indigenous territory; and education


reform introducing a national curriculum based on extending bilingual, interculturaleducation.19 CODENPE is a state institution that oversees development projects for indigenouspeople and guides pro-indigenous laws through national congress. It has a committeein charge of it, with an executive director. In the past five years or so, CONAIE (themajor national indigenous confederation in the country) has had a majority of seats onthe committee, and its representatives have been executive directors.

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Nina Laurie is a senior lecturer in the Department of Geography atNewcastle University, UK. She has worked on issues of social develop-ment in Latin America for more than fifteen years, with specificinterests in gender and development, indigenous issues and socialexclusion in the Andes. She works collaboratively with colleagues atCESU, San Simón University, Bolivia and in the Postgraduate Centrein San Marcos University, Peru through DFID/British Council HigherEducation Links. She is coauthor of Geographies of New Femininity(Longman, 1999).

Robert Andolina is an assistant professor of political science at BatesCollege in Maine, USA. Previously he was a postdoctoral research

associate in geography at Cambridge and Newcastle Universities inthe UK. He works on indigenous social movement and developmentpolitics in Ecuador and Bolivia, and has publications on indigenousmovement ideology and political discourse, including “The Sovereignand Its Shadow: Constituent Assembly and Indigenous Movement inEcuador” in Journal of Latin American Studies (forthcoming) and “El Proyecto Político de la CONAIE como Lucha Anticolonial,” in EnDefensa del Pluralismo y la Igualdad: Los Derechos de los PueblosIndígenas y el Estado (edited by Ileana Almeida and Nidia Arrobo,Abya Yala, Quito, 1998).

Sarah Radcliffe is at the Department of Geography, University ofCambridge. Her research interests include spatial and sociopoliticaltransformations in the Andes, gender and feminist theory, and debatesaround development. Her books include Remaking the Nation: Place,Politics and Identity in Latin America (1996) and Viva! Women andPopular Protest in Latin America (1993).


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