historicizing the historical avant-garde

36
Historicizing the Historical Avant-Garde Benedikt Hjartarson (Manuscript of an article published in a Danish translation by Tania Ørum and Claus Bratt Østergaard under the title “At historisere den historiske avantgarde”, in: En tradition af opbrud. Avantgardernes tradition og politik, ed. by Tania Ørum, Charlotte Engberg and Marianne Ping Huang. Hellerup: Spring, 2005, pp. 4461). The somewhat tautological title “Historicizing the Historical Avant-Garde” refers to the aim of the following discussion, to present a critical revision of theories that have shaped our understanding of the historical avant-garde and its successors within the field of art and literature in the 20 th century. The main question will be, in which respect the European avant-garde movements that emerged in the early 20 th century have in fact been grasped as historical and to what extent central categories of the aesthetics of those movements have been described as historical constructs. A further question to be posed is, to which extent the theories of the avant-garde discussed need to be critically revised as products of their own historical and epistemological moment. Of central importance for this discussion is Peter Bürgers Theorie der Avantgarde, which not only had a paradigmatic function in coining the concept of the historical avant-garde, but also as Dietrich Scheunemann has noted for almost three decades “has shaped our understanding of these movements and has provided the frame for the discussion of its innovations and manifestations” (2000: 7). The following discussion will concentrate on the concept of “everyday life” which has become central in recent theories of the historical avant-garde, partly through a further development of Bürgers theory but more often through a critical analysis of

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Historicizing the Historical Avant-Garde

Benedikt Hjartarson

(Manuscript of an article published in a Danish translation by Tania Ørum

and Claus Bratt Østergaard under the title “At historisere den historiske

avantgarde”, in: En tradition af opbrud. Avantgardernes tradition og politik,

ed. by Tania Ørum, Charlotte Engberg and Marianne Ping Huang. Hellerup:

Spring, 2005, pp. 44–61).

The somewhat tautological title “Historicizing the Historical

Avant-Garde” refers to the aim of the following discussion, to

present a critical revision of theories that have shaped our

understanding of the historical avant-garde and its successors

within the field of art and literature in the 20th

century. The main

question will be, in which respect the European avant-garde

movements that emerged in the early 20th

century have in fact

been grasped as historical and to what extent central categories

of the aesthetics of those movements have been described as

historical constructs. A further question to be posed is, to which

extent the theories of the avant-garde discussed need to be

critically revised as products of their own historical and

epistemological moment. Of central importance for this

discussion is Peter Bürger’s Theorie der Avantgarde, which not

only had a paradigmatic function in coining the concept of the

historical avant-garde, but also – as Dietrich Scheunemann has

noted – for almost three decades “has shaped our understanding

of these movements and has provided the frame for the

discussion of its innovations and manifestations” (2000: 7). The

following discussion will concentrate on the concept of

“everyday life” which has become central in recent theories of

the historical avant-garde, partly through a further development

of Bürger’s theory but more often through a critical analysis of

2

his approach. The growing interest in aspects of everyday life

has led many theoreticians to distance themselves from Bürger’s

theory and search for theoretical and methodological founda-

tions in theories of everyday life standing closer to the practices

of the historical avant-garde itself. This does not at least refer to

the writings of Henri Lefèbvre, whose critique of everyday life

poses other crucial questions concerning the historicity of the

historical avant-garde.

Everydayness and Praxis of Life

The importance of Bürger’s fixing of the project of the historical

avant-garde as the intention to “reintegrate art into the praxis of

life” (1984: 22)1 has been underlined in numerous recent works

emphasizing the importance of “everyday life” for avant-garde

aesthetics. Richard Murphy describes the historical avant-

garde’s attack on the institution of art as the attempt to drive

aesthetic experience “back into the real world, where it can play

its part in the transformation of everyday life” (1999: 11) and

Ben Highmore maintains that his analysis of the avant-garde

deals with “[l]ife praxis or more simply everyday life” (2000:

247), whereas Wolfgang Asholt and Walter Fähnders stress this

relationship somewhat more cautiously and speak of the avant-

garde’s “radical demand of a reintegration of art into (everyday)

life”.2 When describing the project of the avant-garde in terms

of a reintegration of art into everyday life, it should be noted that

the concept of the “everyday” only holds a marginal status in

Bürger’s work. The most important reason for this exclusion

may undoubtedly be found in the negative connotations the term

had gained in modern German philosophy, not least through

Heidegger’s influential definition of “everydayness”, or Alltäg-

lichkeit, in Sein und Zeit. In Heidegger’s work, the term “stands

for that way of existing in which Dasein maintains itself ‘every

1 “Kunst in Lebenspraxis zurückzuführen” (Bürger 1974: 29).

2 “[D]eren radikale Forderung der Rückführung von Kunst in (Alltags-)-

Leben” (Asholt and Fähnders 2000: 11). This and other translations of quota-

tions in this essay are my own, unless otherwise noted (BH).

3

day’” (1962: 422), thus describing the inauthentic forms of life

the German philosopher associates with Dasein. More important

for Bürger’s understanding of the term is the definition of

“everydayness” handed down by the discourse of marxism and

critical theory. The marxist definition of the term was coined by

Georg Lukács as early as 1911, in Metaphysik der Tragödie, in

which it is used to designate the “trivial life of the human being

[…] indistinguishable from the world of objects” which is the

opposite of an “‘authentic life’ thanks to which this being

accedes to himself through the work of art, or even better, turns

himself into a work of art” (Trebitsch 1991: xvii). A character-

istic example of the extrapolation of this notion of everydayness

in critical theory may be found among other in Adorno’s

description of Heinrich Heine’s poems as “prompt mediators

between art and an everydayness devoid of meaning.”3 Every-

dayness comes to describe the factuality of the meaningless and

reified modes of existence in social modernity.

In Prosa der Moderne, Bürger discusses Lukács’ notion of

“everydayness” and “ordinary life” as opposed to the idea of an

authentic life. He furthermore presents an extensive analysis of

the function of everydayness in modernist aesthetics, describing

it as “a central motive by exactly those authors of modernity

interested in formal experiments”.4 For Bürger, the emergence

of everydayness as a central aesthetic category can be traced

back to Heine’s integration of “fragments of reality”5 and the

“language of the everyday”6 into modern poetry, Flaubert’s

experiments to represent “everyday triviality”7 and Baudelaire’s

attempt to bridge “the gap between everyday experience and the

aesthetic norm”8 of classicism by “discovering the marvellous in

3 “[P]rompte Mittler zwischen der Kunst und der sinnverlassenen Alltäglich-

keit“ (Adorno 1974: 96). 4 “[E]in zentrales Motiv gerade der an Formexperimenten interessierten

Autoren der Moderne” (Bürger 1988: 28). 5 “Realitätsfragment” (Bürger 1988: 85).

6 “[D]ie Sprache des Alltags” (Bürger 1988: 81).

7 “[D]ie alltägliche Belanglosigkeit” (Bürger 1988: 277).

8 “Die Kluft zwischen Alltagserfahrung und ästhetischer Norm” (Bürger

1988: 106).

4

the everyday”.9 Bürger consequently discusses how the interest

of modernism in everydayness is further expressed among

others in Proust’s “defamiliarizing treatment of the everyday”10

and in Musil’s confrontation of “the banality of the everyday”11

with metaphysical thinking. Finally, Bürger sees the culmination

of the “poeticization of the everyday”,12

characteristic of

modernism, in Joyce’s Ulysses and its attempt to “recount the

contingency of everyday existence”13

by making it into the

structural principle of the literary text. In Bürger’s writings,

“everydayness” thus constitutes an analytical category meant to

describe formal characteristics and the technique of the literary

text. It refers to the methods used in the fictional text to

represent the factually existing conditions of everyday life in

social modernity.

In Theorie der Avantgarde Bürger does not describe the

project of the avant-garde as the intention to reunite art and

“everyday life”, but as the programmatic attempt to sublate art

in the “praxis of life”. Bürger’s concept of “life praxis” must be

clearly distinguished from the emphatic conception of everyday

life that has come to dominate descriptions of the avant-garde in

more recent theories. In Bürger’s writings, “everydayness”

designates the reified modes of existence in modern society,

whereas Lebenspraxis constitutes a social category that refers to

a mode of acting within that society and to the social function of

art.14

In this sense, he describes the revolt of aestheticism as the

9 “[D]as Wunderbare im Alltag zu entdecken” (Bürger 1988: 113).

10 “[V]erfremdende[r] Umgang mit dem Alltag” (Bürger 1988: 298).

11 “[D]ie Banalität des Alltags” (Bürger 1988: 430).

12 “[P]oetisierung des Alltags” (Bürger 1988: 320).

13 “[D]ie Kontingenz alltäglichen Daseins zu erzählen” (Bürger 1988: 324).

14 A striking example of a reductive interpretation of Bürger’s theory of the

avant-garde, in which its project is defined in terms of an attempt to dissolve

the boundary between art and everyday life, can be found in Richard

Murphy’s interpretation of Gottfried Benn’s poem “Schöne Jugend”, in

which he demonstrates how a fragment of everyday reality is integrated into

the text (1999: 61). The interpretation most obviously corresponds to

Bürger’s analysis of everydayness as a formal category of literary modern-

5

negation of a “praxis of life” dominated by the “means-ends

rationality of the bourgeois everyday”,15

whereas he maintains

that the avant-garde shares this revolt but intends to “organize a

new life praxis from a basis in art” (1984: 49).16

When de-

scribing the paradoxes of modernism in the conclusion of Prosa

der Moderne, Bürger again picks up the concept of a “praxis of

life”, hardly to be found in his discussion of modernism, in order

to describe “the attack of the historical avant-garde movements

on the institution of art”,17

thus clearly distinguishing their

project from the modernist conception of “everydayness” as a

formal category of the literary text. From Bürger’s perspective,

the modernist notion of “everydayness” is dependent on the

autonomy of the aesthetic. In order to integrate the everyday into

its own formal structure, the modernist text needs to cut itself

off from the everyday reality it seeks to represent. The

emergence of “everydayness” as a central aesthetic category is,

for Bürger, a product of the idea of the “purity of the aesthetic”

lying at the core of literary modernism, whereas the avant-garde

negates the reified modes of the everyday and aims at the

“transformation of the praxis of life”.18

Although it is necessary to distinguish between the categories

of “everydayness” and “praxis of life“ in Bürger’s writings, this

distinction should not be regarded as absolute. In works

published after Theorie der Avantgarde this distinction often

ism, but it has nothing to do with the avant-garde’s attempt to reintegrate art

into the praxis of life in Bürger’s terms. 15

“[D]ie zweckrational geordnete [Lebenspraxis] des bürgerlichen Alltags”

(Bürger 1974: 67). 16

“Die Avantgardisten intendieren […] von der Kunst aus eine neue Lebens-

praxis zu organisieren” (Bürger 1974: 67). 17

“Da aber weder die Politisierung noch die Sakralisierung das Dilemma zu

lösen vermag, erfolgt im Kontext der Erschütterung der abendländischen

Kultur durch den Ersten Weltkrieg der Angriff der historischen Avantgarde-

bewegungen auf die Institution Kunst. Die in ihr gebannten Potentiale sollten

entlassen werden in die Lebenspraxis.” (Bürger 1988: 451–452). 18

“Während die Moderne das autonome Kunstwerk zu ihrem Zentrum hat

und auf der Reinheit des Ästhetischen beharrt, geht es der Avantgarde

letztlich um eine Veränderung der Lebenspraxis […]” (1995: 23).

6

seems to be blurred. In Bürger’s later remarks on the

relationship between the historical avant-garde and the neo-

avant-garde, in which he has reconsidered the exclusively

negative perspective on the neo-avant-garde presented in his

earlier work, he sporadically describes the project of the

historical avant-garde as “the sublation of the boundary between

art and an everyday praxis of life”19

and even declares that the

aim of its project was “nothing less than to revolutionize the

whole of everyday life.”20

This does not only bear witness to a

more differentiated perspective on the interrelatedness of “life

praxis” and “everydayness” in Bürger’s later writings. It also

indicates, that the absence of the term of the “everyday” in his

earlier theory of the avant-garde has a programmatic aspect. By

describing the avant-garde’s attempt to reunite art and life in

terms of a “praxis of life” and not “everyday life” Bürger

distances his text from theories of “the everyday” which had

come to play a central role in cultural and social critique in the

post-war era. This refers primarily to the French context, in

which the publication of the two first volumes of Henri

Lefèbvre’s Critique de la vie quotidienne in 1947 and 1962

opened the field for numerous theories of the everyday which

found their most exemplary expression in the writings of Michel

de Certeau (1994). It is relevant, that Bürger never mentions

Lefèbvre’s theory in Theorie der Avantgarde, although the

French philosopher’s analysis of the historical avant-garde

movements in many respect comes very close to Bürger’s own

theory.21

As the following discussion will show, however,

Lefèbvre’s analysis also presents a radical critique of the project

19

“[D]ie Grenze zwischen Kunst und alltäglicher Lebenspraxis aufzuheben“

(Bürger 1987: 199). 20

“Das Ziel war kein geringeres als eine Revolutionierung des gesamten

Alltagslebens.“ (Bürger 2005). 21

Bürger’s neglect of Lefèbvre’s theory of everyday life seems to be less

exceptional than characteristic of the reception of Lefèbvre’s work in

Germany. In one of the first extensive works on Lefèbvre’s theory of

everyday life published in Germany, Thomas Kleinspehn pointed out in

1975, that Critique de la vie quotidienne “had only been occasionally

received” and had not shaped the discussion in a decisive way (1975: 125).

7

of the historical avant-garde on the basis of a theory of everyday

life that is fundamentally at odds with Bürger’s theory and sheds

a critical light on the methodological premises of his approach.

Even more important is the role Lefèbvre’s theory played for the

emerging neo-avant-garde in France. It is not least through

Lefèbvre’s writings that the notion of “everyday life” comes to

function as an ideological watchword in the project of the neo-

avant-garde, which finds its programmatic expression in the

situationist attempt of “conscious alterations in everyday life”

(Debord 2002). By excluding the concept of the everyday

Bürger definitively distances his theory from the aesthetic

practices of the neo-avant-garde, which he describes in purely

negative terms as an inauthentic repetition of the historical

avant-garde. The exclusion of the concept of the everyday from

Bürger’s text also aims at distancing his theory from the

discourse of the historical avant-garde itself. Whereas “life” and

“the everyday” constitute an important category in the writings

of the historical avant-garde, Lebenspraxis is an analytical

category which corresponds to the methodological premises of

Bürger’s “critical hermeneutics”. Finally, it should be noted that

it is above everything else the category of social praxis which is

of importance to Bürger’s determination of the historical avant-

garde’s attempt to reintegrate aesthetic practices into life. The

concept of Lebenspraxis plays an important role in distancing

his theory from the metaphysical connotations related with the

terms “life” and “everyday life”. This is one of the most

problematic aspects of Bürger’s theory, because in the writings

of the historical avant-garde “life” represents primarily an

ontological and not a social category.

The Concept of Life and the Historical Avant-Garde

The authors of the historical avant-garde preferably describe the

projects of their movements as the bringing or begetting of a

new life. The imagery used to describe this process shows, that

it transgresses the boundaries of a purely metaphoric expression.

8

Richard Huelsenbeck describes dada for example as a pure

“creative action” and claims that “dada gave birth to the

numbness and pace of this time through its own head”,22

and

Ezra Pound defines the human brain as “a sort of great clot of

genital fluid held in suspense or reserve”, declaring that the

penetration of vorticism “into the great passive vulva of

London” was “a sensation analogous to the male feeling in

copulation” (1957: vii-viii). The formulations hardly describe

the aesthetic practices of the avant-garde as a social project of

“rejecting the world and its means-ends rationality”23

through

“the organization of a new life praxis from a basis in art” in

terms of Bürger’s theory (1984: 49).24

They rather articulate a

radical idealist conception of the powers of thought considered

as a magical or mystical origin of a new order of life. The

irrational understanding of the aesthetic imagination as a vital

and virile energy capable of regenerating the human spirit,

which is expressed in both texts, is characteristic of the rhetoric

of the historical avant-garde. It furthermore reveals that its

project is deeply rooted in anti-determinist theories, broadly

circulated within different scientific fields in European

intellectual discourse in the late 19th

and early 20th

century,

which stress the creative energy of human thought and its

dynamic role in the process of history or evolution.

The ideological basis of such logocentric ideas is primarily to

be found in theories developed within the context of a

philosophy of life and occultism. The conclusion of Filippo

Tommaso Marinetti’s preface to Mafarka le Futuriste, published

in 1911, gives a significant insight into the historical avant-

garde’s conception of the creative energy of the human mind:

In the name of human Pride, which we adore, I declare to you that the

time is near when men with huge cheeks and a chin made of steel will, in

22

“Dada ist die schöpferische Aktion in sich selbst. Dada hat die Erstarrung

und das Tempo dieser Zeit aus seinem Kopf geboren.” (Huelsenbeck 1980:

107). 23

“Ablehnung der zweckrational geordneten Welt” (Bürger 1973: 67). 24

“[V]on der Kunst aus eine neue Lebenspraxis zu organisieren” (Bürger

1974: 67).

9

a prodigious way and through the effort of their exorbitant will alone,

give birth to giants of infallible deeds… I declare to you that the spirit of

man is an untrained ovary… We will be the first to fertilize it!25

The metaphor of the male spirit taking over the procreative role

of the female body and giving birth to the man of the future is

symptomatic of the historical avant-garde’s understanding of its

aesthetic praxis as the unfolding of the fertilizing and virile

energies of the human spirit. The metaphor also gives a clear

picture of Marinetti’s definition of futurism as a “spiritual

hygiene”. In his critique of anarchism, in Le Futurisme, the

fertilization of the human spirit is unmistakably represented as

an operation on the human brain, which transgresses the limits

of a political program:

The anarchists give themselves satisfied […] with attacking the political,

juridical and economic branches of the social tree. We want much more;

we want to tear out and burn its deepest roots: those which are planted

into the human brain itself.26

In a rhetorical gesture characteristic of the historical avant-

garde, Marinetti degrades the idea of a political revolution to “a

minimal program” which can find its total unfolding only in a

“spiritual revolution”. He furthermore stresses the necessity of

surpassing the instrumental rationality inherent to the political

idea of social revolution by creating a new aesthetic subjectivity,

which he sees embodied in the symbol of a new futurist brain

giving birth to a new era. Consequently, he stresses the irrational

character of the futurist project and describes it as a new religion

25

“Au nom de l’Orgueil humain que nous adorons, je vous annonce que

l’heure est proche où des hommes aux tempes larges et au menton d’acier

enfanteront prodigieusement, d’un seul effort de leur volonté exorbitée, des

géants aux gestes infaillibles… Je vous annonce que l’esprit de l’homme est

un ovaire inexercé… C’est nous qui le fécondons pour la première

fois!” (Marinetti 1984: 17). 26

“Les anarchistes se contentent […] d’attaquer les branches politiques,

juridiques et économiques de l’arbre social. Nous voulons bien davantage;

nous voulons arracher et brûler ses plus profondes racines: celles qui sont

plantées dans le cerveau même de l’homme.” (Marinetti 1911: 54).

10

of “the omnipotent spirit of will which must be externalized to

change the world”.27

The description points to the key function

of the “manifesto” in this project, the traditional function of the

genre being to express or “externalize” the speaker’s will. In

Marinetti’s writings this traditional function is radicalized from

an aesthetic perspective. The genre no longer serves as a

medium to express one’s will. It becomes a complex and

irrational speech performance which aims at the transformation

of the human spirit, as can be seen from Marinetti’s description

of the birth of the new multiplied man: “On the day when man

will be able to externalize his will and make it into a huge

invisible arm, Dream and Desire, which are empty words today,

will master and reign over space and time” (1991: 99).28

The

futurist project is conceived of as an operation on the human

brain by the “huge invisible arm” of the will, the manifestos of

the movement functioning as the driving force of this project.

Marinetti’s description is symptomatic of the historical avant-

garde’s irrational conception of its own project as the begetting

of a new life through a radical process of spiritual purification,

described in terms of a transformation of the brain. To cite three

characteristic formulations, the Russian futurists describe their

activities as “tilling the human brain like ploughmen” (Khlebni-

kov et al. 1988: 103), Antonin Artaud defines the “surreal spirit”

as the “only one capable of enrooting us”29

by “turning over,

stirring up thought with the ploughshares of fear, with the blade

of an unbending doggedness”,30

whereas Tristan Tzara defines

27

“Divinité et continuité individuelle de l’esprit volontaire et tout-puissant

qu’il faut extérioriser, pour modifier le monde!… Voilà la seule religion!…”

(Marinetti 1984: 170). 28

“Le jour où il sera possible à l’homme d’extérioriser sa volonté de sorte

qu’elle se prolonge hors de lui comme un immense bras invisible, le Rêve et

le Désir, qui sont aujourd’hui de vains mots, règneront souverainement sur

l’espace et sur le temps domptés.” (Marinetti 1911: 74). 29

“[L]e surréel esprit […] le seul qui vaille de nous déraciner.” (Artaud 1968:

215). 30

“[A]vec des socs d’angoisse, avec le tranchant d’une obstination acharnée,

nous retournons, nous dénivelons la pensée.” (Artaud 1968: 214).

11

dada, somewhat more ironically, as “a formula for cerebral

acrobatics”31

and “a soap for cleaning the brain”.32

When discussing his ideas about the externalization of will,

Marinetti claims that it is “easy to understand these seemingly

paradoxical hypotheses by studying the phenomena of external-

ized will that continually reveal themselves at spiritualist

séances” (1991: 99).33

He not only alludes to the writings and

practices of contemporary occult authors like Charles Prot, Jules

Bois or Enrico Annibale Butti, integrating them into the

aesthetic project of futurism by radicalizing their prophetic and

magical elements, as Giovanni Lista (1980) has pointed out. The

picture of an omnipotent will shaping the world by mystical

means refers to one of the basic ideas of occult thought since its

emergence in the early modern era, expressed among others in

the writings of Paracelsus, that the original procreative act was

the pure creation of pre-lapsarian human or male imagination.

Even the metaphor of the “ovary” of the male brain, which

seems to belong to the hyperbolic rhetoric of the avant-garde,

turns out to be an allusion to the occultist idea of the male

imagination giving birth to man. In a text from 1683 the female

occultist Antoinette Bourignon claims:

there was in [Adam’s] belly a vessel where little eggs were born, and

another vessel full of liquid which rendered the eggs fertile […] and this

fertilised egg passed some time afterwards from this canal, outside the

man, in the form of an egg, and came a little afterwards, to hatch a perfect

man.34

Marinetti’s writings demonstrate that in the discourse of the

historical avant-garde, the concept of life represents a complex

idea which can not be satisfactorily described in terms of a

31

„[U]ne formule d’acrobatie cérébrale“ (Tzara 1975: 600). 32

„[S]avon à laver le cerveau“ (Tzara 1975: 600). 33

“Il est facile d’évaluer ces différentes hypothèses apparament paradoxales

en étudiant les phénomènes de volonté extériorisée qui s’opèrent continuelle-

ment dans les salles spirites” (Marinetti 1911: 75). 34

A. Bourignon. La Vie de Damlle

Antoinette Bourignon, écrite par elle-

même. Amsterdam, 1683 (cited in Gibbons 2001: 65–66).

12

social praxis. The importance of occultist theories also points to

a characteristic trait of the historical avant-garde’s notion of the

everyday. As B. J. Gibbons has noted in a trenchant description

of the occultist conception of life: “The occultists occupied a

relatively extreme position in this regard, believing that there are

two radically different selves, the empirical self of everyday life,

and a transcendent self grounded in the divine being” (Gibbons

2001: 100). The occult background of Marinetti’s definition

indicates that futurism represents an attempt to open up a new

space beyond the sphere of the everyday, meant to serve as the

basis for a new form of life. The rhetoric of his writings clearly

expresses a radical utopianism inherent to the project of the

historical avant-garde. Its aesthetic practices may certainly be

characterized by the attempt to integrate fragments of everyday

life into the work of art and bring art out into the public sphere.

The core of its praxis, however, lies in the attempt to open up a

mystical dimension beyond the space of everyday life, in which

a new aesthetic subjectivity unfolds itself in a dynamic process.

Whereas futurism is traditionally interpreted as the penetration

of an autonomous sphere of art by the technologized forms of

modern everyday life, it should be noted that Marinetti also

describes it as a response to “the urgent necessity of totally

freeing the Italian soul of the past and everyday mediocrity”.35

Equally, an analysis of surrealism should not only concentrate

on its treatment of everyday subjects but also consider the

programmatic concluding passage of Breton’s first manifesto, in

which he alludes to Rimbaud by claiming that “Existence is

elsewhere” (1969: 47),36

thus fixing surrealism as the search for

a sphere beyond the everyday, its space serving merely as a

springboard into the world of the marvellous.

The attempt of the historical avant-garde to give birth to a

new life in a sphere beyond the everyday finds its clearest

expression in the notion of the “fourth dimension”, a term,

originally stemming from geometry, which was widely distrib-

35

“[L]a nécessité urgente de désengager l’âme italienne tout entière du passé

et du médiocrisme quotidien” (cited in Lista 1995: 129). 36

“L’existence est ailleurs” (Breton 1988: 346).

13

uted in intellectual discourse in Europe in the late 19th

and early

20th

centuries. In its popularized versions it was related to

utopian and revolutionary aims, as well as radical mystic and

occult ideas, and as such it came to play an important role for

the historical avant-garde movements. In 1913 Alexej Kruche-

nykh describes Russian cubo-futurism, for example, as the

attempt to open up a “fourth unit” through “higher intuition”,

thus emphasizing both the close association between the idea of

a higher dimension and the aesthetic imagination, and the

historical role of art which “marches in the avant-garde of

psychic evolution” (1988: 70). Kruchenykh explicitly refers to

one of the most important works of Russian occultism, Petr D.

Ouspensky’s Tertium organum from 1911. For Ouspensky the

idea of the fourth dimension is related with the evolution of a

new “cosmic consciousness” (1998: 331) which creates “a space

of higher dimension” (1998: 263). He furthermore emphasizes

the key function of the aesthetic imagination in this creative

process: “[T]he artist must be a clairvoyant: he must see that

which others do not see; he must be a magician” (1998: 162).

Ouspensky’s representation of the modern artist as a clairvoyant

opening the way into another system of logic through a “poeti-

cal understanding of the world” (1998: 161) bears witness to a

close affinity with the traditional function of the metaphor of the

avant-garde in the discourse of aesthetic modernity, most symp-

tomatically expressed in Rimbaud’s “Lettres dites du Voyant”.

Kruchenykh’s text is symptomatic of a dualistic conception

of space related with the concept of the “fourth dimension” in

the discourse of the historical avant-garde, in which it becomes

the symbolic expression of a primal state of mind holding “the

key to the origin of thought and to the spiritual rejuvenation of

human life in a utopian future” (Rabinovitch 2004: 95–96).

Discussing cubism, Apollinaire defines the “fourth dimension”,

in Les Peintres cubistes, as a “utopian expression”37

which

painters had “been led to by intuition”.38

Somewhat more

37

“Expression utopique”(Apollinaire 1965: 52). 38

“Les peintres ont été amenés tout naturellement et, pour ainsi dire, par

intuition, à se préoccuper de nouvelles mesures possibles que dans le langage

14

radically, Umberto Boccioni maintains, in Pittura scultura

futuriste from 1914, that the Italian futurists are “approach[ing]

the concept of a fourth dimension” in its “dynamic continuity”

(cited in Henderson 1983: 100–111) and Mikhail Matyushin

refers to Russian futurism in 1913 by describing the future as a

time “when the conquered phantoms of three-dimensional space,

of the illusory, drop-shaped time, and of the coward causality …

will reveal before everybody what they really have been all the

time – the annoying bars of a cage in which the human spirit is

imprisoned” (cited in Markov 1968: 125). Finally, Theo van

Doesburg describes dada as the creation of “‘the point of

indifference’, a point beyond man’s understanding of time and

space” through the mobilization of “the optical and dimensional

static viewpoint which keeps us imprisoned in our (three-

dimensional) illusions” (cited in Henderson 1983: 328). Van

Doesburg’s text not only echoes the paradigmatic description of

the avant-garde’s dream of a total break with the past in

Marinetti’s first manifesto, in which the futurist had declared

that “Time and space died yesterday” and that the futurists

“already live in the absolute” (1991: 49).39

Van Doesburg’s

description also represents a variation on the occultist notion of

a “fourth dimension [opening] absolutely new horizons” and

“complet[ing] our comprehension of the world” as “one reaches

the country of the fourth dimension” and “is freed forever from

the notions of space and time”, to cite Gaston de Pawlowski’s

popular Voyage au pays de la quatrième dimension from 1912

(cited in Henderson 1983: 53). In the discourse of the historical

avant-garde, the idea of a “higher” fourth dimension is picked

up and radicalized from an aesthetic perspective. It serves to fix

its project as the mystical creation of a sphere beyond the limits

of the everyday. The historical avant-garde represents less a

programmatic attempt to abolish the autonomy of art, than the

spatialization of the idea of aesthetic autonomy, its redefinition

des ateliers modernes on désignait toutes ensembles et brièvement par le

terme de quatrième dimension.” (Apollinaire 1965: 51–52). 39

“Le Temps et l’Espace sont morts hier. Nous vivons déjà dans l’absolu

[…]” (Marinetti 1973: 87).

15

as a utopian space opened up by the transgressive performances

of the avant-garde itself.

Henri Lefèbvre: Toward a Critique of Everyday Life

In his critique of Peter Bürger’s theory, Ben Highmore has

maintained that a more useful theoretical model for describing

the historical avant-garde’s conception of everyday life may be

found in the writings of Henri Lefèbvre. Highmore rightly

remarks that “Bürger joins the ranks of philosophers and

theorists for whom the everyday is singularly and negatively

associated with the inauthentic”, and consequently draws the

conclusion that Bürger’s theory “provides a one-dimensional (an

undialectical) account of modern life” (2000: 248), whereas

Lefèbvre’s critique “provides the dialectical approach necessary

for attending to the ambiguities of everyday life” (2000: 250).

The main reason lies, for Highmore, in Lefèbvre’s direct

relations to surrealism, his critique of everyday life thus being

developed directly out of the aesthetic project of the historical

avant-garde itself. When using Lefèbvre’s theory to gain insight

into the avant-garde’s notion of the everyday, however, it needs

to be located more precisely in its historical context. Highmore’s

claim, that Lefèbvre’s theory emerged “partly out of a response

to some of the inadequacies he sees in surrealism” (250) clearly

needs to be seen as an understatement. The radical tone which

characterizes Lefèbvre’s critique of surrealism in the first

volume of Critique de la vie quotidienne, in which the French

philosopher presented his ideas on everyday life in a systematic

way for the first time in 1947, speaks another language. He not

only defines surrealism as a “simple-minded Hegelianism”, but

also maintains that its idea of a “spiritual revolution” ended up

“as nothing more than a lot of superstitious nonsense”

(1991:113). Critique de la vie quotidienne represents Lefèbvre’s

radical break with the surrealist project and his own early

16

activities associated with the idea of a “spiritual revolution” and

a new aesthetic and philosophical “mysticism”.40

At the heart of Lefèbvre’s critique of surrealism lies the

concept of the everyday. He defines the movement as the

descendant of a tradition of aesthetic modernity that emerges in

the late 19th

century and finds its most exemplary expression in

the writings of Charles Baudelaire. He refers to the search for

“the marvellous in the familiar” which aims at establishing “the

unity of the world […] in the narrow, abstract form of the

symbol hidden behind the thing” (1991: 106). Lefèbvre

criticizes surrealism for its dualistic notion of everyday space

and relates its project with a late romantic conception of

aesthetic autonomy, which aims at an aesthetic confrontation

with the everyday in order to “tear through it” and reveal or

liberate “the living spirit”, the “strange, mysterious and bizarre”

enshrouded within it (1991: 107). Lefèbvre regards surrealism as

the latest expression of an immanent tendency of aesthetic

modernity to “belittle the real in favour of the magical and the

marvellous” (110), and describes it as a “sustained attack on

everyday life” (105). His critique aims at revealing the

contradictions of surrealism, which embodied a “search of the

marvellous, an imminent world of images and love” that were

“all mingled in a confusion from which lucid analysis was

permanently absent” (112). For Lefèbvre, the aesthetic ideology

of surrealism does not aim at a critical analysis of the everyday,

but merely regards it as a symbolic space from which the viewer

can “spring forth” into a space of aesthetic appearance “from

within the familiar” (110). His Critique de la vie quotidienne

presents a critical method for analyzing the everyday which

aims at surpassing the aesthetic project of surrealism. The

everyday shall no longer serve as a projecting surface for

40

These activities culminated in the publication of “La Révolution d’abord et

toujours” in 1925, a collective manifesto of the surrealist movement, the

Belgian avant-garde group “Correspondance”, Clarté and the periodical

Philosophies, which was founded by Lefèbvre and other revolutionary

intellectuals in 1924 and was intended to offer a forum for discussions on

modern art and a radical philosophical humanism.

17

aesthetic fantasies or an opening into another mystic dimension

or surreality, but is to be critically analysed in its own historicity

and materiality. By describing his critique as the “rehabilitation

of everyday life” and claiming that “[m]an must be everyday, or

he will not be at all” (1991: 127), Lefèbvre is not relating his

theory with the historical avant-garde’s attempt to “reintegrate

art into the praxis of life” or referring to the surrealist project of

recovering “an everyday (a marvellous everyday) that must be

rescued from everyday life (the repressive everyday of modern

bourgeois life)”, as Ben Highmore maintains (2000: 252). By

claiming that “[i]f a higher life, the life of the ‘spirit’, was to be

attained in ‘another life’ – some mystic and magical hidden

world – it would be the end of mankind, the proof and

proclamation of his failure” (199: 127) Lefèbvre is explicitly

distancing his critique from the dualistic conception of everyday

space inherent to surrealist aesthetics.

Lefèbvre’s Critique de la vie quotidienne expresses a

discursive shift related with the emergence of a new conception

of everyday life, which he was to develop further in his writings

and which became a central notion in the social and cultural

critique of French intellectuals in the 1960s and early 1970s.

“The everyday”, le quotidien, comes to represent a place of

refuge within late capitalist society, the trace of an authentic

form of life which “the overwhelming means of modern

technique are not able to control”.41

When Lefèbvre describes

his critique in 1968 as a return to lived experience aiming at the

“transfiguration of everyday life” and presents it with the slogan

“Let everyday life become a work of art!” (1984: 204), it should

not be forgotten that the slogan is articulated in a different

historical context already shaped by the aesthetic practices of the

French neo-avant-garde and the various discourses on everyday

life that emerged in France in the late 1960s. By emphasizing

that “‘creation’ will no longer be restricted to works of art but

will signify a self-conscious activity, self-conceiving,

reproducing its own terms, adapting these terms and its own

41

“[…] que les moyens énormes de la technique moderne ne parviennent pas

à maîtriser” (Lefèbvre 1970: 91).

18

reality (body, desire, time, space), being its own creation” (204)

Lefèbvre again explicitly underlines the rupture of his theory

with the aesthetic ideology of the historical avant-garde. His

description of the creation of everyday life as “a work of art”

(204) does not “echo[] the credos of avant-gardism”, as Ben

Highmore claims (2000: 250). It explicitly negates the historical

avant-garde’s idealistic conception of the birth of a new life

through a process of cerebral purification, in which poetic

language is regarded as “a second nature” and “superimposed on

the perceptible, social nature” as in “surrealism […] expression-

ism, futurism, cubism etc.” (Lefèbvre 1984: 125–126).

The importance of Lefèbvre’s theory lies less in its continuity

than in its discontinuity with the project of the historical avant-

garde. This is all the more important, since the critical notion of

everyday life which can be seen emerging in Lefèbvre’s writings

has played a crucial role in shaping the dominant theoretical

discourse on everyday life since the late 1960s. The importance

of Lefèbvre’s critique and related theories is rightly described in

Ben Highmore’s remarks, that “[i]t is not until we reach the

work of Lefebvre and de Certeau that something like ‘the every-

day’ as a specific problematic emerges”, whereas in the works

of Simmel, Benjamin and the historical avant-garde “‘the

everyday’ begins to emerge as a critical concept and as an

imaginative fiction for approaching social life” (2002: 32).

Highmore’s remarks refer to a fundamental methodological

problem of an historical analysis of the concept of everyday life.

Yet, it oversees that a critical notion of everyday life in the early

20th

century is only perceivable within a theoretical paradigm in

which the everyday has already been articulated and made

describable as “a specific problematic”. The project of recon-

structing the meaning of “life” and “the everyday” in the

aesthetic ideology of the historical avant-garde confronts the

historian with the double task of simultaneously describing the

discourses related with these notions in the period to be analysed

and distancing his approach from later theoretical constructs.42

42

Highmore’s analysis of the project of the English avant-garde group “Mass

Observation” deserves special attention in this context. The movement’s

19

A close reading of Lefèbvre’s critique shows, that its program-

matic aim to transform everyday life into a “work of art”, which

seems to associate it with the historical avant-garde’s attempt to

reintegrate art into the “praxis of life”, rather proclaims the end

or the “failure” of its project. In this context it is important to

stress the common points of Lefèbvre’s critique and Bürger’s

theory. Both attack surrealism for defining its project in meta-

physical terms: Lefèbvre by negating its condemnation of “the

abject reality of the inter-war years along with human reality

itself” (1991: 112), Bürger by criticizing the surrealists for “ex-

pressing their protest against bourgeois society at a level where

it becomes protest against sociality as such” (1984: 66).43

Both

relate a critical analysis of social praxis with the attempt to re-

integrate aesthetics into life, and both stress the necessity of

distancing such an analysis from the aesthetic ideology of the

historical avant-garde itself. These affinities are of special

interest for the attempt to locate both of these theories in their

historical context by linking them to the emergence of a critical

notion of everyday life and the aesthetic practices of the neo-

avant-garde.

Reconstructing the Historical Avant-Garde: Guy Debord and the

Situationist International

The relevance of Lefèbvre’s theory for an historical analysis of

avant-garde practices in Europe in the 20th

century lie in his

direct connections with both the historical avant-garde and the

French neo-avant-garde. This refers primarily to the role his

theory played in the emergence of situationism and the dialogue

“science of everyday life” shows obvious traces of a critical notion of the

everyday and thus seems to mark a discursive shift within the history of the

European avant-garde in the late 1930s, a programmatic break with the

utopianism inherent to its aesthetic ideology and the emergence of a critical

notion of the “everyday” in which it “has taken centre-stage and […] become

the explicit ‘object’ of inquiry” (2002: 112). 43

“[…] ihren Protest gegen die bürgerliche Gesellschaft auf einer Ebene

anzubringen, wo dieser in Protest gegen Vergesellschaftung überhaupt

umschlägt.” (Bürger 1974: 90).

20

which takes place between Lefèbvre and the situationists from

the late 1950s into the late 1960s. With the emergence of

situationism, Lefèbvre’s theory comes to serve as a basis for

aesthetic practices of exploring the everyday which mark a

radical rupture with the historical avant-garde. An historical

analysis of Lefèbvre’s critique not only offers the possibility to

situate his own theory in the context of different aesthetic

concepts of avant-garde in the 20th

century, but also to rethink

the relationship of the neo-avant-garde with the historical avant-

garde by considering the ideological and discursive displace-

ments expressed in his writings.

Lefèbvre’s connection with the situationists is shaped by

complex reciprocal impulses that can be traced back to the

founding of Cobra in the late 1940s. As scholars have pointed

out, Constant’s manifesto for an architecture of situations

published in 1948 is “explicitly inspired by Critique of Everyday

Life” (Trebitsch 1991: xxvii), whereas Lefèbvre himself “admit-

ted to being inspired by Constant’s work of the early fifties” and

confessed to “a sort of unfinished love affair with the

situationists” (Sadler 1998: 44). The period from the late 1950s

into the late 1960s can be described as the phase of an unbroken

dialogue in which Lefèbvre’s critique of the everyday is

stimulated by situationist ideas and the situationists determine

key elements of their project on the basis of Lefèbvre’s writings,

the most intensive cooperation finding place in the “Research

Group on Everyday Life” founded by Lefèbvre at the University

of Strasbourg in the early 1960s (see Trebitsch 1991: xxvii).

Yet, when stressing the common theoretical aspects of

Lefèbvre’s critique and the situationist project, it should be

noted that the relationship was a controversial one, as can be

seen most clearly from the debate on Lefèbvre’s concept of the

“moment” in the early 1960s. On the one hand, as David Harvey

has pointed out, Lefèbvre’s doctrine of the moment “fore-

shadowed and to some degree paralleled the ideas of the

situationist movement” (1991: 429). On the other hand it later

became the subject of numerous attacks by the situationists,

which denounced Lefèbvre’s theory as metaphysical and

21

teleological, describing it as a “passive stance of experiencing

‘moments’ when they happened to arise” which failed to

“appreciate the revolutionary potential of their own tactic of

creating situations” (Harvey 1991: 429). The primary emphasis

which is put on the links connecting the situationist project and

Lefèbvre’s theory in the following discussion, ensues from the

aim to describe the discursive context leading to the emergence

of the Situationist International, as characteristic of the neo-

avant-garde of the post-war era.

A close affinity can be seen between Lefèbvre’s description

of late capitalist society as a “bureaucratic society of controlled

consumption” (1984: 60) dominated by the “terrorism” (106) of

publicity which controls everyday life in its totality, and Guy

Debord’s critique of “the society of the spectacle”. For the self-

appointed “leader” of the situationist movement, every society

dominated by “modern modes of production presents itself as an

immense accumulation of spectacles” where everything “which

was directly lived has faded into representation”.44

By

describing the praxis of his movement as a critique of the

predominance of the spectacle in a society where “everyday life

is literally colonized” (cited in Trebitsch 1991: xxviii) Debord

refers directly to Lefèbvre’s writings and underlines the central

role of the everyday for the situationist project. In “Thèses sur la

révolution culturelle”, published in 1958, he furthermore

declares that situationism aims at “the immediate participation

in a passionate abundance of life”45

and defines its project as “an

experimental method for constructing everyday life”.46

For

Debord, situationism constitutes a “radical critique in acts of

prevailing everyday life” (2002: 240) aiming at the “surpassing

of culture and politics in the traditional sense, that is, to a higher

44

“Toute la vie des sociétés dans lesquelles règnent les conditions modernes

de production s’annonce comme une immense accumulation de spectacles.

Tout ce qui était directement vécu s’est éloigné dans une représentation.”

(Debord 1992: 15). 45

“Le but des situationnistes est la participation immédiate à une abondance

passionnelle de la vie […]” (Debord 1997a: 20). 46

“[M]éthode de construction expérimentale de la vie quotidienne.” (Debord

1997a: 20).

22

level of intervention in life” (2002: 240).47

It marks the

emergence of an aesthetic avant-garde which defines its project

as a programmatic and conscious transformation of “everyday

life”. Debord defines situationism in terms of an historical and

materialistic project, describing it as an attack on the

reproduction of reified “moments of real life”48

in which the

lived experience of the everyday is deprived of its historicity

and recedes into “the spectacle’s false memory of the

unmemorable”.49

Consequently, he points out the direct relation-

ship between the false memory of the spectacle and the

traditional function of autonomous art by claiming that the

spectacle “has the function to let all traces of history within

culture be forgotten”50

by “constructing […] a complex neo-

artistic environment”.51

Situationism thus constitutes both an

attack against the dualistic conception of space predominant in

late capitalist society, “in which the real world is replaced by a

selection of images which exist above it”,52

and against the

institutionalized function of art within that society. Finally,

Debord explicitly distances the situationist project from

surrealism by criticizing the latter for its complicity in creating

symbols and visions that reinforce the domination of the

spectacle, which he describes as “the perfect incarnation of

ideology” and the “enslavement and negation of real life”.53

By

describing real life in terms of lived experience, Debord’s text

47

“En revanche la critique radicale, et en actes, de la vie quotidienne donnée

peut conduire à un dépassement de la culture et de la politique au sens

traditionnel, c’est à dire à un niveau supérieur d’intervention sur la vie.”

(Debord 1997b: 220) 48

“[M]oment de la vie réelle” (Debord 1992: 153). 49

“[L]a fausse mémoire spectaculaire du non-mémorable” (Debord 1992:

156). 50

“[L]e spectacle […] a la fonction de faire oublier l’histoire dans la

culture” (Debord 1992: 186). 51

“[À] recomposer […] un milieu néo-artistique complexe” (Debord 1992:

187). 52

“[O]ù le monde sensible se trouve remplacé par une sélection d’images qui

existe au-dessus de lui” (Debord 1992: 36). 53

“Le spectacle est l’idéologie par excellence […] l’asservissement et la

négation de la vie réelle.” (Debord 1992: 205).

23

performs a radical rupture with the mystical notion of “real life”

expressed in the paradigmatic concluding passage of Breton’s

first manifesto, which is based on the belief that “existence is

elsewhere”.

Debord’s definition of situationism as the conscious trans-

formation of everyday life by aesthetic means and a critique of

the institutional status of autonomous art shows interesting

affinities with Bürger’s Theorie der Avantgarde. As Asholt and

Fähnders have pointed out (1997: 1), many of the central aspects

of Bürger’s theory had been formulated in similar terms in

Debord’s La Société du Spectacle as early as 1967. The German

scholars refer primarily to Bürger’s description of the failure of

the historical avant-garde in this context, thus pointing out an

intertextual link which needs to be looked upon more closely. In

La Société du Spectacle Debord goes a step further than Bürger

and describes the failure of the avant-garde as an immanent and

programmatic element of its project:

In the epoch of its dissolution, as a negative movement aiming at

surpassing art in a historical society where history is not yet lived, art is

simultaneously an art of change and the pure expression of impossible

change. The more grandiose its demand, the farther beyond lies its true

realization. This art is inevitably avant-garde, and it is not. Its avant-

garde is its disappearance.54

From Debord’s point of view, the avant-gardeness of the

historical avant-garde lies in its deliberately paradoxical

intention to realize an unrealizable utopian project. In the

following passage he defines dada as the attempt to “suppress

art without realizing it” and surrealism as the attempt to “realize

art without suppressing it”.55

He consequently elevates situation-

54

“L’art à son époque de dissolution, en tant que mouvement négatif qui

poursuit le dépassement de l’art dans une société historique où l’histoire n’est

pas encore vécue, est à la fois un art du changement et l’expression pure du

changement impossible. Plus son exigence est grandiose, plus sa véritable

réalisation est au delà de lui. Cet art est forcément d’avant-garde, et il n’est

pas. Son avant-garde est sa disparition.” (Debord 1992: 185). 55

“Le dadaïsme a voulu supprimer l’art sans le réaliser; et le surréalisme a

voulu réaliser l’art sans le supprimer.” (Debord 1992: 186).

24

ism to a synthesis of both projects and defines it as the

“surpassing of art”,56

thus describing it in dialectical terms as

Aufhebung, which shows the proximity of his text to Bürger’s

theory of the avant-garde’s intended sublation of art in the

praxis of life. These affinities do less indicate a direct inter-

textual connection, in the narrow sense of that term, than point

to the common discursive context of their writings, both works

being based on a dialectical conception of history enrooted in

marxist and neo-marxist social theory. More importantly,

Debord’s description of a utopian project aware of its own

doomed failure articulates a radically new notion of an aesthetic

avant-garde which he projects into the past by describing it as

characteristic of the historical avant-garde. Debord’s text

belongs to a different epistemological moment, the ideological

position it represents is not expressly formulated in the writings

of the historical avant-garde and can not be grasped as part of its

programmatic intentions. His writings are symptomatic of a

fundamental ideological rupture in the history of the European

avant-garde in the 20th

century, the emergence of a new avant-

garde turning away from the utopian project of opening up a

new space or era and defining its aesthetic practices in terms of

a transformation of everyday life.

A symptomatic expression of this anti-utopian turn can be

found in the situationist theory of “drifting” (dérive). Drifting is

not “a modern day form of flânerie”, as Ben Highmore has

maintained (2002: 141), but a technique meant to surpass the

aestheticism inherent to this modernist notion. Highmore justly

remarks that “drifting” marks the transition from an “implicit

critique of modern everyday life” toward an “explicit social

critique” (141). Yet, he overlooks that this transition is

intimately related with the emergence of a critical notion of

everyday life. The importance of the everyday for the “flâneur”

needs to be critically regarded from an historical perspective, it

is the product of a discourse on the everyday that emerges in the

second half of the 20th

century. Debord describes “drifting” as “a

technique of rapid passage through the varied ambiences” of the

56

“[D]épassement de l’art” (Debord 1992: 186).

25

modern city and stresses that “the concept […] is inseparable

from the recognition of effects of psychogeographical nature

and a playful-constructive behaviour which makes it the total

opposite of classical notions of the voyage and the stroll”.57

Debord thus distances the notion of drifting from the figure of

the “flâneur” who walks around the city in order to discern the

mythology of modernity and convey a “sense for the marvels of

the everyday”.58

Whereas “flânerie” aims at projecting new

aesthetic visions of the everyday, “drifting” constitutes a

transgressive social praxis performed within this space. It is

performed by a group of individuals starting off at the same time

and simply letting themselves drift through the urban landscape:

In drifting one or more persons, during a longer or a shorter period of

time, give up their usual motives for moving around and acting, their

work, their own relations and leisure activities, in order to let themselves

be drawn by the stimulations of the terrain and its corresponding

encounters.59

The most important difference compared to the notion of

“flânerie” is the definition of drifting as an aim in itself.

“Drifting” can certainly be related with different kinds of artistic

production, as is impressively documented in the “psycho-

geographic” descriptions and maps of the situationists, yet these

are by-products and not its programmatic aim. By describing

“drifting” as a strategy to undermine the urban structure, Debord

explicitly distances it from the surrealist aesthetics of “flânerie”,

57

“La dérive se présente comme une technique du passage hâtif à travers des

ambiances variées. Le concept de dérive est indissolublement lié à la

reconnaissance d’effets de nature psychogéographique, et à l’affirmation

d’un comportement ludique-constructif, ce qui l’oppose en tous points aux

notions classiques de voyage et de promenade.” (Debord 1997c: 51). 58

“[L]e sentiment du merveilleux quotidien” (Aragon 1953: 16). 59

“Une ou plusieurs personnes se livrant à la dérive renoncent, pour une

durée plus ou moins longue, aux raisons de se déplacer et d’agir qu’elles se

connaissent généralement, aux relations, aux travaux et aux loisirs qui leur

sont propres, pour se laisser aller aux sollicitations du terrain et des

rencontres qui y correspondent.” (Debord 1997c: 51).

26

which he describes as an “obviously depressing”60

method of

wandering doomed to “dismal failure”61

because it raises the

category of chance to an aesthetic principle. “Drifting” does not

aim at opening the way into another dimension by means of

aesthetic illumination, it is a social praxis performed within

everyday space.

In terms of Bürger’s theory, drifting can be interpreted as a

subversive reaction against the institutionalization of the

historical avant-garde. It also seems to fit Bürger’s later

descriptions of the neo-avant-garde, in which he has partially

revised the exclusively negative view presented in Theorie der

Avantgarde and pointed to the critical impetus of its project,

although he seems to connect it almost exclusively with Joseph

Beuys. Whereas Bürger’s critique of the neo-avant-garde has

mostly remained rather uncomprosing,62

he describes Beuys’

aesthetics practices in positive terms, as the attempt to

simultaneously claim “the autonomy of art and continuously

transgress its boundaries toward a project of social

transformation, although he is aware that it can not be

realized”.63

The anti-utopianism of the avant-garde, the con-

sciousness of the inescapable failure of its own project, which

Debord projects onto the historical avant-garde, is described by

Bürger as an ideological shift. He stresses the necessity of

analyzing how the neo-avant-garde responds to changed social

conditions in which avant-garde practices have been integrated

60

“[É]videmment déprimante” (Debord 1997c: 52). 61

“[É]chec morne” (Debord 1997c: 52). 62

In an essay published in Danish, Bürger again persists in his harsh critique

of the neo-avant-garde. Yet, he emphasizes that his critique is primarily

aimed at more recent theories of the neo-avant-garde, most explicitly worked

out in the writings of Hal Foster and Benjamin Buchloh, which he accuses of

“over-canonizing” the neo-avant-garde, thus degrading the historical avant-

garde to a “mere precursor” of the “real avant-garde” (Bürger 2005). 63

“Dementsprechend nimmt Beuys einerseits die Sonderstellung des

Künstlers, die der Autonomiestatus der Kunst diesem gewährt, für sich in

Anspruch und überschreitet ihn andererseits ständig in Richtung auf ein

gesellschaftsveränderndes Projekt, über dessen Nichtrealisierbarkeit er sich

im klaren ist.” (Bürger 1995: 24).

27

into the institution of art. In Theorie der Avantgarde, Bürger had

claimed that the “false sublation of autonomy” (1984: 54)64

through the aestheticization of the everyday in the culture

industry inevitably made the neo-avant-garde’s “gesture of

protest […] become inauthentic” (1984: 53).65

In his later

writings he has rather stressed the necessity of describing the

methods used by the neo-avant-garde to criticize or negate the

institutional conditions of art in late capitalism. From this

perspective, “drifting” would seem to represent an attempt to

escape the mechanisms of institutionalization that dominate

aesthetic production in late capitalism by systematically with-

drawing the aesthetic product demanded by the culture industry.

An historical approach to Theorie der Avantgarde reveals the

limits of such a harmonizing reinterpretation of the neo-avant-

garde on the basis of Bürger’s later writings. As the reflections

on situationism presented above have shown, the idea of the

failure of the historical avant-garde belongs to the discourse of a

neo-avant-garde for which the inescapable failure of an aesthetic

avant-garde constitutes a programmatic part of its own project.

Bürger’s theory is, in other words, related to a notion of avant-

garde which emerges in the late 1960s and which is epistemo-

logically other to the historical avant-garde. At a closer look, the

conception of avant-garde on which Bürger’s theory is based,

turns out be the product of a discursive shift that can be

described as the emergence of a critical notion of everyday life

and finds its exemplary expression in situationism and the

writings of Henri Lefèbvre. This shift is related with a new

perspective on the historical avant-garde. Its aesthetic ideology

has become transparent and its programm is grasped as the

utopian project of creating visions of a new space in which the

idea of aesthetic autonomy is not dissolved but redefined in

spatial terms. This indicates, that the central function which

social reality and praxis occupies in Bürger’s work can only be

articulated within the aesthetic paradigm of the neo-avant-garde

64

“[F]alsche[] Aufhebung der Autonomie” (Bürger 1974: 73). 65

“[V]erfällt die Protestgeste der Neoavantgarde der Inauthentizität” (Bürger

1974: 71).

28

which his theory rejects. His theory of the epigonality of the

neo-avant-garde is based on the projection of its aesthetic praxis

into the past, where it is used as a model to define the project of

the historical avant-garde. In other words: the reason why

Bürger sees in the aesthetic practices of the neo-avant-garde

mere repetition, is that he defines the neo-avant-garde as the

repetition of itself. Reconstructed in its historical context,

Bürger’s theory is still able to give a significant insight into the

project of the neo-avant-garde. As a theoretical model meant to

describe the project of the historical avant-garde it has become

obsolete. At the beginning of a new century, Bürger’s theory

finally seems to have shared the fate that itself awarded to the

European avant-garde movements in the early 20th

century: It

has become historical.

When the historicity of Bürger’s work is stressed, it should be

noted that his theoretical approach is based on a strong

consciousness of its own historicity, which is often neglected by

his critics. In a postscript to the second edition of Theorie der

Avantgarde Bürger characteristically defends the decision to

republish the text unchanged, by referring to the importance of its

historical context and maintaining that it primarily “reflects a

historical constellation of problems that emerged after the events

of May 1968 and the failure of the student movement in the early

seventies” (1984: 95).66

Where Bürger’s theory has most ob-

viously failed, however, is in its attempt to “see through its own

historicity”,67

which is based on the theoretical premises of

Bürger’s “critical hermeneutics” and its dogmatic belief in the

objectivity of its own analytic method, which is intended to offer

the possibility not only to decipher the authentic intention of the

historical avant-garde but also to distance itself from its own

historical standpoint. A symptomatic example of the persisting

impulse of this hermeneutic flaw in the theoretical discourse on

the avant-garde can be found, somewhat unexpectedly, in Hal

66

“[W]eil es einem historischen Problemhorizont entspricht, wie er sich nach

dem Ende der Mai-Ereignisse von 1968 und dem Scheitern der Studenten-

bewegung Anfang der 70er Jahre abzeichnete.” (Bürger 1974: 134). 67

“[I]hre eigen Geschichtlichkeit durch[zu]schauen” (Bürger 1974: 20).

29

Foster’s writings. In his critique of Bürger’s theory, Foster

stresses the importance of the historical context of the neo-avant-

garde for Bürger’s historical model and claims that “the institu-

tion of art is grasped as such not with the historical avant-garde

but with the neo-avant-garde” (1996: 20). He concludes that the

neo-avant-garde did not “cancel the project of the historical

avant-garde”, as Bürger had maintained, but rather “compre-

hend[s] it for the first time” (1996: 15). By grasping the neo-

avant-garde’s interpretation of the historical avant-garde as the

objective comprehension of its project, Foster’s approach lapses

into the same hermeneutical flaw as Bürger’s. Foster does not

reject the adequacy of Bürger’s description of the historical

avant-garde as a programmatic attack on the institution of art. He

merely determines the deciphering of its project in its authenticity

as the achievement of the neo-avant-garde, thus degrading

Bürger’s theory to its mere repetition. Foster’s approach con-

sequently overlooks that if the neo-avant-garde marks the

emergence of the institution of art as a specific problematic of

aesthetic praxis, then the model of the historical avant-garde as a

cultural agent attacking this institution is an ideological construct

of the neo-avant-garde. Both Foster and Bürger thus remain

trapped within a theoretical paradigm that interprets the

relationship of the historical avant-garde and the neo-avant-garde

exclusively in terms of continuity: Foster by arguing within the

rhetorical framework of a neo-avant-garde legitimizing its own

activities by referring to predecessors in the early 20th

century,

Bürger by defining the neo-avant-garde as mere repetition. The

theoretical position outlined in the discussion above, on the

contrary, stresses the importance of approaching the historical

avant-garde in its historical alterity and writing the history of the

European avant-garde in the 20th

century in terms of its

discontinuities. It emphasizes the necessity of analyzing how the

aesthetic practices of the historical avant-garde have been

redefined and re-functionalized in the course of the 20th century.

It pleads for an extensive description of the discourse of the

historical avant-garde as well as a critical revision of later

aesthetic and theoretical discourses on the avant-garde, in order

30

to locate both in their respective historical context. Finally, it

seeks to remain loyal to the principle formulated in Bürger’s

theory of critical hermeneutics over 30 years ago, by attempting

to reflect its own historical standpoint. Yet, it needs to remain

conscious of the impossibility of this venture. Even when the

historian endeavours to give an accurate description of the

discourse of the historical avant-garde, he can merely fabricate

yet another historical paradigm.

31

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