half-orchestrated, half freestyle: soft power and reporting africa in china

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Half-orchestrated, half freestyle: Soft powerand reporting Africa in ChinaShubo Li & Helge RønningPublished online: 13 Nov 2013.

To cite this article: Shubo Li & Helge Rønning (2013) Half-orchestrated, half freestyle: Soft power andreporting Africa in China, Ecquid Novi: African Journalism Studies, 34:3, 102-124

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Ecquid Novi: African Journalism Studies Volume 34 (3) 2013ISSN Print 0256-0054/Online 1942-0773 © 2013 iMasaDOI: 10.1080/02560054.2013.845591 pp 102–124

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Half-orchestrated, half freestyle: Soft power and reporting Africa in China1

Shubo Li and Helge Rønning

Abstract The discussion of soft power in China can be dated back to 1992, the year Nye's Bound to lead was translated into Chinese and published in Mainland China. Chinese scholars urged that restrictions on civil society be lifted, since China’s lack of voluntary associations and NGOs drastically hindered the development of citizen diplomacy that could serve as a critical agency in building up China’s soft power. In recent years, China’s strategic moves in building up soft power in Africa have been well documented, yet it still takes the engagement of Chinese society to eventually exercise that power. In the process of engaging the public, the media play a central role, which is what this article examines. The authors summarise various aspects of China’s involvement in Africa since the turn of the century in relation to value sharing and co-identity building, then do a textual analysis of how Chinese media present Africa to their audiences.

Keywords: China–Africa relations, inter-culture communication, journalism, media perception, news pivot, soft power

Introduction: Soft power, China–Africa relations and the media The discussion on soft power in China can be dated back to 1992, the year Joseph Nye’s Bound to lead: The changing nature of American power (Nye 1990) was translated into Chinese under the title Can the United States lead the world? (Nye 1992). Soft power, according to Nye, as opposed to hard power which is characterised by inducements and threats, keeps undesirable trends at bay by its softening capacity of attraction and seduction. It achieves strategic goals by establishing preferences, instead of using coercion. As Nye further admitted in a 2004 publication, this proposition was partly a caveat warning against a retrenchment policy intended by the bellicose Bush administration, thus emphasising the importance of soft power as an American resource for international leadership.

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103Ecquid Novi: African Journalism Studies 34(3): 102–124 © 2013 Institute for Media Analysis in South Africa

Shubo Li and Helge RønningHalf-orchestrated, half freestyle

The concept of soft power was alluring to the ear of Chinese politicians, because the terminology, in a rather neutral manner, presents liberal political values not as moral imperatives, but as pragmatic advantages for the state. Wang Hu-Ning, one of the major advisors of then president, Jiang Ze-Min, analyses the transition of power and the propensity of international soft power in his seminal article ‘Soft power: Culture as a form of national power’ (Wang 1993). To localise the concept and graft it to ‘Marxist socialist theories of Chinese characteristics’ (Xu 2010), Chinese academia distinguish American soft power, which they label as hegemonic assimilation and cultural imperialism, from Chinese soft power, which they characterise as non-aggressive but generically reflexive and benign. That said, Chinese scholars have urged that restrictions on civil society be lifted, since China’s lack of voluntary associations and NGOs have drastically hindered the development of citizen diplomacy, which might serve as a critical agency in building China’s soft power (Xu 2010).

One characteristic of soft power is that it enlists the power of society, as opposed to that of the state. Therefore, the reaction of the Chinese general public and the media is of crucial importance. This article begins by summarising various aspects of China’s involvement in Africa, followed by a textual analysis of how Chinese media ignite the imagination of Africa for their readers. In this context, Nye identifies three broad elements of what constitutes soft power, namely culture, policy approaches and political values. It is possible to view media influence as part of, or a projection of, this configuration.

All-pervasive commitment In the main, three tiers of Chinese actors are involved in Africa: central government, provincial governments and big China-based multinationals. There is a major transition in China’s African investments, from being government-driven to corporate-driven, in which private companies play an increasingly significant role. The engagement of the three tiers of actors seems to concentrate in five sectors: extractive industries, construction projects, financial services, migration and commodity outlets, farming, and telecommunications and media, albeit in some countries this order can be reversed or run in parallel.

The initial impetus behind China’s extractive industrial engagement in Africa was to secure raw materials for its own industries. Then, through the growth and international expansion of the Chinese economy and industries, investments in big construction projects followed.

This presupposed increased financial presence on the African continent, and consequently the next sector of China’s African involvement was in the area of finance. The first foothold of Chinese banks in Africa was established in 2000, in Johannesburg, by the Bank of China, which now does business in 20 African countries. Finance and industry, described as ‘the two legs that carry China going out’ (Chinese Entrepreneur 2011), have built up an interdependence between China and Africa.

After that came an interest in areas where investments were not as capital-intensive and were more varied. These choices were linked to China’s immediate needs at home,

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104 Ecquid Novi: African Journalism Studies 34(3): 102–124 © 2013 Institute for Media Analysis in South Africa

Shubo Li and Helge Rønning Half-orchestrated, half freestyle

as well as possibilities for Chinese migration and the establishment of outlets for Chinese commodities, as well as entering into farming enterprises. State-owned and private enterprises were encouraged to grasp ‘development opportunities’ in Africa (Economy and Nation Weekly 2011). According to media estimates (Business Circle 2009), the number of Chinese migrants in Africa reached 750 000 in 2009. No official statistics are currently available, because Chinese people living in Africa come from a variety of backgrounds: immigration, migrant workers, business cooperation, and marriage (Yan and Sautman 2010, 307).

Finally, with the increased competitive capacity of the Chinese telecom industry, came the fifth area of involvement: telecommunications and media. Chinese companies Sagem, Huawei and ZTE are active in equipment supply and network construction (21st Century Business Herald 2007). Chinese telecoms have the edge thanks to their low-priced products, flexible service and persistence, but most of all, to truly low-interest loans, as specified by Chinese policy and non-policy banks (Caixin 2012).

Cultural dissemination and multifaceted dialogues The turn of the century saw new trends emerging in China’s foreign affairs policies. Rebuilding its humanitarian cause, promoting economic diplomacy, cultivating cultural and citizen diplomacy, China seemed to commence its soft power programme in Africa, taking the initiative to impose its role of agenda setting in African affairs by hosting the formal Sino-African triennial conferences. Having studied the French model, China has obviously learned how to exert an influence over Africa through cultural penetration (Li 2009). Promoting Chinese culture and Chinese aid in Africa, and promoting Africa in China, are highlighted as two priorities on the action list.

In the strategy of cultural dissemination, the 21 Confucius Institutes (CIs) and four Confucius Classrooms (CCs) inaugurated in 17 African countries play a central role. The first CI was established in Africa in 2005, and by October 2010, the CIs and CCs had used up US$4 million in reaching out to over 7 170 students (Xu 2010), with a steady increase in the number of CIs at African universities. CI curricula contain more than language learning, the institutes celebrate traditional Chinese festivals, run exhibitions, offer hobby courses and give public talks. These institutes create positive Chinese experiences to thaw the hearts of Africans who are suspicious of the ‘Chinese invasion’.

Actively committed to Africa’s professional education, China has fostered channels for multifaceted dialogues. Since 2000, China has emerged as a major player in human resource cooperation with Africa, taking existing China–Africa education and training programmes to a new level (King 2009). From 2000 to 2007, 20 000 students from 52 African countries studied in China, 60 per cent on Chinese scholarships. Besides degree courses, frequent short-term training programmes and seminars remain an essential part of ‘experience exchange’ initiatives between China and Africa (Li 2006).

China’s media presence in Africa has increased in the past three years. In 2011, Xinhua News Agency added five more branches to its African headquarters and 18 existing branches. Manned by 60 journalists and 400 local staff, every month Xinhua’s

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Nairobi headquarters dispatch around 1 800 pieces of news in English, 2 000 in French, 2 200 pictures and 150 video clips, surpassing its counterparts in Associated Press, Reuters and Agence France-Presse in term of the quantity of its news releases. Furthermore, in December 2012 the biggest Chinese newspaper in English, China Daily, launched a weekly African edition, comprising 24 pages. Circulation covers countries such as Kenya, South Africa, Nigeria, Ethiopia and Tanzania. It is also available in digital format (China Daily 2013). CCTV’s Africa Channel, launched in Kenya on 10 January 2012, is no less conspicuous an omen of China’s media fl ow into Africa. Radio is an indispensable means of transmitting soft power, especially on a continent where half of the population has a 30 per cent illiteracy rate. In February 2006, China Radio International (CRI) launched its fi rst overseas FM radio station in Nairobi, with a schedule of daily programming for 19 hours in English, Kiswahili and Chinese, primarily covering China’s economic, social and cultural development (GOV.cn 2006). In 2009 it added offi ces in Lagos and Harare, broadcasting localised programmes live from the Nairobi studio which it shares with the Kenya Broadcasting Corporation (HC360.com 2009).

China’s strategic moves in building up soft power in Africa are well documented, yet it still takes Chinese society’s engagement to eventually exercise ‘soft power’. In the process of engaging the public, the media could play a central role.

Engaging the public: Chinese media’s perceptions of Africa The following analysis focuses on the Chinese press, but this may serve as a parallel to how the continent is perceived in other media as well. It is worth noting that the stages of China’s engagement in Africa (referred to above) are refl ected in the reports and attitudes analysed here.

Comparing two surveys on the average Chinese person’s perception of Africa could shed some light on the role of the media in shaping public opinion of Africa at a cognitive level. In 2006, a week before the opening of the third FOCAC meeting, China Youth’s Daily, the offi cial organ of the Communist Youth League, teamed up with Sina.com, the biggest Chinese Internet news portal, to host a survey titled ‘How much do you know about Africa?’”, to which there were 5 119 respondents (China Youth’s Daily and Sina.com.cn 2006)

Figure 1: How much do you know about Africa? Source: China Youth’s Daily and Sina.com.cn 2006

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Figure 2: From where do you get to know about Africa? (multiple choice) Source: China Youth’s Daily and Sina.com.cn (2006)

percentage

Heard today

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Figure 3: Your fi rst impression of Africa (multiple choice) Source: China Youth’s Daily and Sina.com.cn (2006)

percentage

passionate people

humankind

music and dance

AIDS

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The following can be derived from the survey: the majority of informants knew very little about Africa, and the media seem to be the pivotal connection between the Chinese public and Africa. Most people have negative perceptions of Africa, related to ‘poverty and underdevelopment’ along with AIDS, but in general they have a positive image of Africans as gifted athletes and musicians.

According to the survey, a majority of 50.2 per cent wanted to do ‘tourism’ in Africa, while 17.2 per cent were interested in ‘investment and business’, 13.5 per cent in ‘cultural exchanges’ and 12.5 per cent in ‘volunteering’. As for people’s interest in the upcoming Beijing FOCAC conference, only 37.7 per cent were ‘very concerned’ while 8.3 per cent ‘knew nothing about it’.

Three years later, on the eve of the Fourth FOCAC conference in the Egyptian resort Sharm El-Sheikh, a similar survey was launched on the website of the Global Times, a tabloid affi liated to the People’s Daily (n=5 745). The most striking change, compared to the 2006 survey, lay in the medium through which people get to know about Africa: 70 per cent of respondents acquired knowledge about Africa through news reports (three times more than in 2006), suggesting a greater density of media coverage of Africa from 2006 to 2009, which contributed to the public’s improved knowledge of the continent. Remarkably, 1.9 per cent stated they knew Africa ‘from personal experience’ – an option not listed in the 2006 survey.

Have perceptions of Africa changed? Possibly not. When asked ‘What fi rst comes to mind when Africa is mentioned?’, 53 per cent chose the option ‘laggard economy, skinny, starving children’, while ‘lions, zebras and exotic primitive landscape’ ranked second (19%), and ‘frequent warfare and Somali pirates’ third (12%).

In measuring people’s political inclinations, the 2009 survey posed more direct questions: ‘How do you view China’s current policies in Africa?’ Here, 87.7 per cent of respondents were supportive, showing an overwhelming attitude of consent, with two very minor groups choosing ‘do not support’ (5.5%) and ‘do not care’ (6.8%) respectively. These results must be considered within the context that the Global Times’ website is an online hangout for nationalists and leftists in China. In answering: ‘How do you understand the criticism from the West to China–Africa co-operation?’, 48 per cent identifi ed with the option that ‘the cause lies in that the West is worried about their own interests in Africa’, while 28 per cent agreed that the phantom of a colonial mindset lingers, and 24 per cent agreed that jealousy about a China–Africa partnership gives rise to hostility. Most believe being a ‘political supporter’ is the most important role Africa can play for China, and that China should expand economic cooperation with Africa, which they deem ‘a rising world power’ (Global Times 2009a).

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Figure 4: What is the most important role Africa plays for China? (n=5 745) Source: Global Times (2009a)

Figure 5: On which aspects should China enhance cooperation with Africa? (n=5745) Source: Global Times (2009a)

Does the survey reveal what role the Chinese media play in China’s African involvement? The Chinese mediascape is becoming increasingly diverse, proffering a broad media spectrum. Orthodox party dailies and market-driven metropolitan dailies co-exist with glossy magazines tailored to the tastes of middle-class readers. The patriotic populist press and the liberal press feature prominently on newsstands. The diversity of the media ecology is refl ected in coverage of China’s African engagement, while the party-state’s guidelines can also be observed in the main trends of the media’s reporting on China–Africa issues.

Methods To determine how Africa was covered in the Chinese press, the authors searched the Chinese web using the keyword ‘Africa’, for postings between 1 January 2002 and 30 December 2011. The sheer volume of Africa-related reporting is enormous. A single search of the People’s Daily website showed 1 119 results, the majority dealing with state visits, and the FOCAC conferences and expo. The decision was made to use Google, as its search algorithm provides the most referenced and hence most-read results based on page rank. The authors searched with the keywords ‘Africa’ and/or ‘China/Africa’ plus titles of major national presses, eliminating stories outside the fi rst three pages, or shorter than 500 words. In the end the sample consisted of 168 news stories, commentaries and editorials on Africa and China–Africa issues from a wide range of media outlets.

Figure 4: What is the most important role Africa plays for China? (n=5 745)

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Selecting ‘major national press’ from among 1 937 newspapers in China is a daunting task. The authors first included press famed for representing a variety of political voices: the Global Times (militant populist press, accentuating nationalism and patriotism), the Liberation Daily (conservative orthodox party press), the People’s Daily (orthodox party press), Reference News (run by Xinhua News Agency, the official press agency that practises professionalism and participates in global media competitions),2 the China Youth’s Daily (central governmental press with liberal standing), the Beijing Youth Daily, the Beijing News (liberal press) and the Southern Weekend (a liberal newspaper famed for its investigative journalism – in January 2013 it became known the world over for protesting against censorship). In addition, three of the five highest-circulating dailies were included: Guangzhou Daily (circulation: 1.85 million), Yangtze Evening News (1.74 million) and Qilu Evening News (1.67 million), since Reference News (3.25 million) and the People’s Daily (2.52 million) were already on the list.

Included in the search were popular weekly magazines and popular business media, as their in-depth reporting, independent interpretations of current issues, and synthesised analysis of politics and foreign affairs are often relayed and discussed on the web.

The rapid growth of Africa-related news implies that reporting on Africa and Sino-African issues has been encouraged since the first FOCAC conference, so as to bridge the gap between the general Chinese public and the far-flung continent. This is no easy task, because for readers in China, news from Africa (even China-related news) could be too remote to be relevant. Hence, creating a sense of relevance to overcome the perception of distance is, for journalists, at the heart of the process of constructing newsworthiness. Newsworthiness legitimates a story as proper news. What Schudson (1986, 88) calls a news peg is known as a news pivot (xinwen dian) among Chinese journalists. In searching for a news pivot, a Chinese journalist tries to strike a balance between imposed guidelines and readers’ interest (Wand and Chen 2004; Xu and Wang 2008). A journalist should first have a broad perspective on/insight into, and a firm grasp of, current trends in domestic and foreign policies, so as to be able to discover a representative significance in each individual case, before giving a bottom-up validation of a policy shift. Ideally, the angle should engage the target audience (Zeng 2008). A vice editor-in-chief of People’s Daily (Overseas Edition) encouraged journalists to not only use news stories which echo the latest policies, but also to forecast policies, to be confirmed by leaks from top offices (Wang 2010). Among many daily newspapers, the process of news pivot-hunting has been institutionalised in a form of ‘morning story-picking meetings’ or ‘pre-editing afternoon meetings’, where the vice editor-in-chief on duty leads the meeting. The entire newsroom is expected to attend, to discuss which story to report. Those who are quick to find a relevant news pivot are likely to have more stories ‘sold’ during the internal pitch. Having the edge is reinforced if stories are well received by the supervising Propaganda Department, or are widely republished by other media. Hence, the skill of identifying a news pivot is highly valued in the party’s papers, and is by no means underestimated in the market-driven press. Once a good news pivot has been established, it is highlighted in the headline and dominates the

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story. ‘The story can now stand on its own,’ as veteran Chinese journalists are wont to say.

In this research, a news pivot is understood as an angle a journalist uses to establish newsworthiness for the readers. From each of the stories and editorials, a news pivot was identified from details pronounced and accentuated in the headline, subhead and lead.

Seven categories of storiesThe classification of the 168 news stories rests on each story’s news pivot, as generalised from its headline, subhead and lead, and checked against words and phrases appearing frequently in the text. A gross categorisation was done by putting together news stories using similar news pivots. In each category, the authors analysed the text and shortened the news pivots from sentences into phrases that served as a common denominator for a group/subcategory of stories. Stories dealing with the same topic used different angles and established different news pivots. For example, reportage on Chinese volunteers might present civil diplomacy in Africa in one story, but describe a youth’s experience of Africa in another.

Finally seven categories and 23 subcategories of Africa-related news stories, commentaries and editorials were identified. Some will receive greater attention than others, because they provide more information about Chinese attitudes to Africa than others. Those stories that are treated in more detail also reveal a more nuanced understanding of the China–Africa relationship.

Table 1: Categories and sub-categories

Categories Sub-categories Quantity (pieces)

Bonding with Africa Civil diplomacy 14

Historical connection 4

Validating the partnership/ new world order

4

miscellaneous 2

24

Success and opportunity in Africa

Opportunity in Africa 24

Success in Africa 8

International ambitions in Africa 2

36

Development opportunity for Africa

Development mode for Africa 9

Economic benefits for Africa 13

22

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Containing international criticism Validating China’s engagement 6

Fighting Western demonisation 4

Fighting accusation of neocolonialism 4

Fighting Western hegemony 3

Fighting accusation of exploitation 2

22

Strategy analysis Challenges and risks 9

Comparative analysis 2

11

Disclosure and debate Labour relations 2

Unethical deals in/about Africa 13

Tarred image of China in Africa 2

Miscellaneous frictions 2

19

Knowing Africa Personal experience stories” 11

Exotic Africa” 10

Africa in perspective 9

35

Total 168

Category 1: Bonding with Africa

The historical connection subcategory reports on China’s long history of connections with Africa. One example is a report titled ‘Africa’s oldest map was found in the Forbidden Palace’ (Beijing Youth Daily, 22 February 2002), referring to a map of the African continent, created in China in 1389, which was on public exhibition in Cape Town. What is interesting about the report is that it focuses on the long historical relationship between African and China, and thus uses China’s history as a seafaring nation as a pivot for placing a contemporary understanding of China–Africa relations in a broader context. This interpretation fits well into a south–south relational model.

Civil diplomacy constitutes another type of bonding. Topics in this category comprise China’s aid to Africa (People’s Daily, 3 August 2011), China’s peace corps (China Youth’s Daily, 20 November 2009), the Chinese Poverty-reduction Foundation (People’s Daily, 12 November 2011), and young Chinese volunteers (China Youth’s Daily, 19 May 2011) doing good deeds in Africa. In the narrative, Africa and Africans are presented, in principle, as grateful recipients who play a passive role in China–Africa relations. It emphasises Chinese generosity, altruism and responsibility.

Validating the partnership/new world order stresses that the relationship between China and Africa is that of a strategic partnership beyond conventional/Western understanding of international order. Their official tone is evident from the story titles: ‘From brothers of hardship to strategic partners: China and Africa build up new strategic

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relationship’ (China Features, 19 September 2006); ‘FOCAC: The Bandung Spirit of the new era’ (China Newsweek, 2006a); ‘China and Africa promote the new strategic relationship via non-governmental sectors’ (Xinhua.net, 11 November 2011). It can be deduced that for some reason, putting the China–Africa partnership in perspective is either restricted to a limited number of central media agencies, or is not enthusiastically taken up by media somewhat removed from the political nexus.

Category 2: Success and opportunity in Africa

Success in Africa deals with Chinese businessmen’s success on the continent. A typical story is that of a young man from Hubei province, who started out 12 years ago selling groceries in Nairobi and ended up as the sole agent for a major Chinese television brand in Kenya. Wrapping up the story, the protagonist is quoted: ‘Don’t see Africa as a land of poverty, or a land covered by gold. Investors are more welcomed here in comparison to merchants and peddlers’ (Changjiang Times, 5 July 2007). In these stories, success refers to business success, i.e. those who found fortune in Africa through hotel-running, coffee or timber trading (Economic Reference, 6 November 2008) and vegetable farming (People’s Daily [overseas edition], 19 July 2005).

The Opportunity in Africa subcategory differs slightly from Success in Africa, as the former tends to give an optimistic slant to Africa’s future, as is manifest in their titles: ‘Angola’s economic miracle cannot be missed’ (People’s Daily, 28 August 2008); ‘Selling water could make good business’ (Business Counsellor of the Chinese Embassy in Angola, 1 March 2008); ‘Africa’s opportunities in the global crisis’ (Caixin.net, 15 September 2011). These news stories rely heavily on authoritative sources that seem to share a rosy view of Africa’s future.

Sources holding a sceptical view were usually not included and caveats were non-existent in this type of story, an exception being ‘Angola’s economic miracle cannot be missed’ (People’s Daily, 28 August 2008), where a paragraph notes that the Angolan government had a poor record in terms of transparency and corruption. The core messages of these stories are salient enough: Africa is a continent of opportunity for investors and entrepreneurs.

International ambitions in Africa deals with other rising powers’ involvement in Africa. The two articles in this sub-category deal with South Korea (Liberation Daily, 27 November 2009), and India’s plan for Africa (Global Times, 1 July 2009).

Category 3: Development opportunity for Africa

Here, positive changes that China can bring to Africa are portrayed. The low-cost development model (21st Century Business Herald, 28 May 2010); the ‘Green Revolution’ of crop production (Beijing Youth Daily, 29 August 2011) and experience in developing the manufacturing industry (Xinhua, 8 May 2011), among others, constitute the know-how China can share with Africa, and the competitive advantage to be gained, compared to that of Western donors. ‘China’s road of low-cost development is a better fit for Africa,’ states the headline of a story about Huawei’s impact on the

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African telecommunications market (21st Century Business Herald, 28 May 2010). Testimonials from experts, African politicians and international organisations are given. South Africa’s minister of trade and industry (Xinhua, 8 May 2011), an investment banker, a famed Chinese economist (China Financial Information, 31 August 2011) and the vice president of the World Bank (Xinhua, 4 September 2011) are among those who endorsed the Chinese development model’s compatibility with Africa.

Economic benefits for Africa supported this argument by providing concrete examples from diverse perspectives: benefits to Africa from Chinese investment, aid programmes and trade. Limited reports on Africans doing business or studying in China appeared in this sub-category (People’s Daily, [Overseas edition], 3 January 2008; Southern Weekend, 23 July 2008).

Category 4: Containing international criticism

Containing international criticism comprises articles defending the China–Africa friendship while opposing hostility and criticism. Such articles were run in a wide spectrum of media, including the party’s papers, market-driven papers and business papers.

The Global Times newspaper seems most engaged in fighting accusations of exploitation, fighting accusations of neo-colonialism and fighting Western hegemony. Examples are ‘African media bashing Western countries for cautioning Africans against China’ (10 November 2009) and ‘French media acridly comment on the construction of the African Union building funded by China’ (2 February 2010). The stories follow a pattern: they start with a brief recap of the accusation, followed by a refutation either directly from China or via an authoritative African source.

Under the two sub-categories validating China’s engagement and fighting Western demonisation, the market-driven press (among them, South Metropolitan Daily, Caixin and 21st Century Business) carried most articles – predominantly interviews with senior officials in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, senior executives of international NGOs, and renowned scholars in African studies. The headlines of these interviews reflect a more analytical angle and are solution-oriented, e.g., ‘Facing controversies, we need to have more campaigns of public diplomacy’ (21st Century Business Herald, 22 October 2011) and ‘Countering Western demonization with communications that African people understand’ (South Metropolitan Daily, 21 November 2011).

Category 5: Strategic analysis

Challenges and risks mainly consists of opinions and editorials, which tend to warn potential investors and industrialists against the tough African investment environment. Unlike the sub-category opportunity in Africa, these articles outline opportunities, challenges and risks. Risk management seems to be the most prevalent caveat. For instance, a Caixin article (13 June 2011) advises Chinese investors to identify risks such as political unrest, terrorism and threats to public safety. As some articles point out, Chinese investment in Africa currently lacks a support system (Caixin, 11 June

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2011), and consideration should be given to ethical and rights-based issues (Caixin, 13 June 2011; South Metropolitan Daily, 23 April 2010).

Comparative analysis vets China’s chances in Africa, compared to countries such as France (Wenhui Daily, 27 July 2007) and India (Chinese Entrepreneur, 2007).

Category 6: Disposure and debate

With the exception of the Global Times republishing an article from the Asian Times (a Hong Kong-based English daily), all stories in this category were published by liberal media: Caixin (six pieces), Southern Weekend (2), South Metropolitan Daily (2), Chinese Newsweek (2) and First Financial Times (2). The papers ran stories revealing what Chinese companies are doing in Africa. A new development since 2010 is that leading media organisations dispatch journalists to Africa for field study or feature story writing, so as to appeal to readers with ‘the real Africa’. Southern Weekend published a feature article titled ‘African development that goes beyond controversial: China’s existence in Zambia unveiled: China’s real existence in Zambia’ (8 April 2010). The sources are varied and balanced: from managers of Chinese companies, to African politicians from the opposition party, the UPND. The story was well written and nuanced, concluding that ‘[f]or ordinary Zambians, the image of China is far from perfect. Local people told us frankly that in their mind, China is associated with cheap, low-quality products and low wages.’

Under unethical deals in/about Africa are stories investigating myth and fraud. The exposure of a so-called ‘Baoding village’ (China Newsweek, 10 November 2007) and fund-raising for a dubious China–Africa Hope Foundation (Southern Weekend, 25 August 2011) are good examples of watchdog journalism. Business media such as the Caixin News Group ran the best stories in this sub-category. Caixin’s exposure of the China International Fund (CIF), and a deal brokered between China and several African countries (supported by a previously undisclosed Ministry of Commerce study with surprising conclusions), had a substantial impact on the public (Caixin, 18 October 2011). Most stories in this category are underpinned by interviews with multiple sources and painstaking research, aspiring to high-quality investigative journalism. In addition, questions were raised: ‘Cancelling Africa’s debt, whose word counts?’ (China Newsweek, 2 December 2009). The article argues that without legitimisation from the National People’s Congress, the majority’s interests are not protected from government’s unjustified distribution of funding, such as on debt relief for African countries.

As more Chinese journalists were able to observe Africa with their own eyes, they noticed that Africa’s perception of China is, in principle, worrisome. Under Tarred image of China in Africa, a reporter from East Morning Post writes: ‘China needs its own voice in the African media scene’ (2 June 2010). The reporter had noticed during his trip to Africa that all news about China was ‘second-hand’ news from Western media. He hence advocated stronger mutual understanding as a priority in China’s African strategies.

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Under miscellaneous frictions were two stories translated from the Daily Cameron and Asian Times, reporting on conflicts between Chinese representatives and local communities, such as Chinese storekeepers’ disgruntlement with local peddlers (Window of Africa, 21 July 2007), and Chinese agricultural experience encountering problems when imported to Africa (Global Times, 2 November 2011).

Category 7: Knowing Africa

Personal experience stories revealed individual impressions and reflections on the part of reporters, volunteers and NGO officers submitted from Africa, while exotic Africa-stories were predominantly published by tabloids (ten of 12 pieces). Africa in perspective provides a bird’s-eye view of Africa or particular African countries for Chinese readers.

Positive perceptions of Africa dominate the Personal experience stories sub-category, especially when comparing the Chinese social systems and degree of media freedom to African examples. A project coordinating officer of the World Bank recounted his personal experience in a series of correspondences for major newspapers. In an article titled ‘Forced demolition is unknown to African people’ (Yangcheng Evening News, 17 January 2010), he explains that unlike China, ownership of land in African countries is protected and respected, at the cost of developers. A journalist exclaimed in an article ‘Studying journalism in Africa’, after her three-day course at the University of the Witwatersrand: ‘I could not imagine that Chinese journalism schools can invite investigative journalists from around the world to China to do investigation, without registration with the government’ (Caixin, 3 November 2011).

Another genre of African stories contradicts Chinese perceptions of Africa. Exoticism, associated with Africa/African-related stories, appeared frequently in the tabloid press. Yangtze Evening News, an evening paper with the biggest circulation among its peers and widely quoted by major news websites across China, published four stories about African parasitic diseases. Three of the four cases involved Chinese workers who had just returned from Africa (Yangtze Evening News, 14 August 2010, 12 October 2010, 9 December 2010), and one reported on an African studying in China (Yangtze Evening News, 18 February 2011). Other exotic anecdotes touched on unusual customs (three pieces), natural attractions (2) in Africa, and prostitution and promiscuity (3) amongst Africans. An article widely reposted online and originally from Xinmin Evening News, the biggest evening paper in Shanghai, drew on hearsay that a Ghanaian in Beijing seduced young Chinese girls and made one abort her babies on seven occasions (30 April 2010). An article translated from a Reuters story, ‘Older white women join Kenya’s sex tourists’ (26 November 2007), appeared in the Global Times later the same day under a new title with a sensational twist: ‘Old women from rich countries enjoy sex tourism in Africa, black boys got rich easily’ (Global Times, 28 November 2007). Such sensationalist headlines cannot be viewed as negative audience imaging, since in the stories Africa might be portrayed as an exotic other, without being denigrated.

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The sub-category Africa in perspective revealed a focus on African societies, with views often borrowed from Western media or African leaders. Certain selected reporters in the capital had an opportunity to interview African leaders during state visits to China, while those without access synthesised Western media reports and information gained from the Internet. Southern Weekend’s coverage (8 August 2011) of the famine in the Horn of Africa, for example, is possibly a rehash of existing reports, without credits as to where they were originally published.

Most stories in this sub-category reflect sadness, conflict and despair, as suggested by the titles: ‘No heroes in Hotel Rwanda’ (China Newsweek, 2006b); ‘Kenya: The fragile African role model’ (China Newsweek, 21 January 2008); ‘Africa, the scar of the world’s conscience’ (Liaowang East Weekly, issue 5, 2005); ‘The desperate Horn of Africa’ (Southern Weekend, 8 August 2011); ‘South Africa: A mirror of system failure’ (South Metropolitan Daily, 8 June 2008).

Discussion In regards to how it is used instrumentally, the Chinese media system fits into the Soviet-Communist model, according to Schramm (1956, 121), despite the limited freedoms brought to the system by the process of marketisation and commercialisation of the media industry in the late 1990s. The ruling party, the CPC, has a Leninist grasp on media and mass communication. The Central Propaganda Department (CPD), the most important institution in terms of media control, has the overarching authority when it comes to managing top executives of the Ministry of Culture, General Administration of Press and Publication, People’s Daily, Xinhua News Agency and State Administration of Radio, Film and Television (Dictionary of the CPC Organization 2009). It has implemented a three-tier news review system since 1994, deploying ‘news reviewers’ to monitor news media at national, provincial and municipal levels on a daily basis. Provincial propaganda departments maintain weekly contact with the editors-in-chief of local media. As regards China–Africa issues, the Chinese press ostensibly served as the propaganda network, following cues from above, seeking stories that would echo the latest policies and strategic moves on the part of the state. Press of all types participated – some enthusiastically, some half-heartedly. Many stories under the category Bonding with Africa and Success and opportunities in Africa, Development opportunity for Africa and Containing international criticism are most likely either prescribed or inspired by the authorities. Very few dare breach existing China–Africa policies or offend state organs involved in the decision-making process. There is no challenge to the ideological grounding or to official narratives about China. This is what can be described as an orchestrated media chorus.

The Leninist model, however, falls short of prescribing the performance of the press. There is competitive exposure of alternative viewpoints between the different categories. For example, on 11 March 2011, China Youth’s Daily published a story titled ‘Hope Project marches in Africa’, reporting on the launch of the China–Africa Hope Foundation (CAHF), a charity initiated by the Association of World Outstanding Chinese Businessmen (AWOCB) and the Chinese Youth Development Fund. Five

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months later the CAHF was under siege, bombarded by lengthy muckraking stories from Southern Weekly (26 August 2011), Caixin (19 August 2011), South Metropolitan Daily (22 August 2011), who revealed that the foundation was no more than a public relations gimmick on the part of the AWOCB, which relies solely on high membership fees.

Some media push boundaries – a sign of journalistic autonomy – despite severe limitations. In the two categories Strategic analysis and Disposure and debate, which feature (in proportion) a number of soundly reasoned and investigative stories about China’s involvement in Africa, press from the liberal side of the spectrum and subscribing to a high standard of professionalism demonstrate their acute sense of curiosity and their eagerness to enter into debate. Is China’s engagement in Africa justifiable? Do Chinese companies behave in Africa? Do Chinese charity projects in Africa make a difference, or are they just hype? Those stories intend to bring to their reader the authentic Africa, and especially a realistic picture of China’s engagement in Africa. In certain stories the media fulfilled their role by being vigilant and questioning the accountability of the Chinese government and companies, and by disposing fraud and unethical deals.

In the first four categories, authenticity and diversity coexist with sheer propaganda and prescribed publicity. For example, situating the news pivot in depicting opportunities in Africa, ‘Investors rushing to Africa to bet on redwood’ (Qilu Evening Post, 13 November 2010) revealed a ‘gambling and scrambling’ version of Chinese activities in Africa, an angle unlike those prescribed by the propaganda departments.

Knowing Africa is a rather mixed category, offering an unreflective exoticism in tabloid stories about Africa/Africans, and a tendency to portray Africa as a stereotyped other, instead of a continent harbouring a wide variety of people, cultures and countries. Meanwhile, efforts by those contributors drawing on their experiencing of Africa to show the diversity and counteract myths about Africa are also noticeable. Western commercial media constitute an important source of Chinese media’s presentation of Africa, with or without credits to the original publications.

The Chinese media’s spontaneity, their diversity and their efforts at performing a watchdog function partly fall into the ‘libertarian model’ (Siebert 1956, 39–70) that contributes to what is known as ‘half free-style’ reporting on Africa. It is wise to keep in mind that those news stories and commentaries are at least tolerated by the propaganda department, and the journalists also have to bite the bullet to soften the edges of their reporting, so that the stories are eventually published.

To sum up, in its all-pervasive commitment in Africa, China has been working on the dual task of building influence and spreading a positive image of China–Africa relations, at home and abroad. China has made many manifest efforts to secure a foothold in Africa for its culture and its political values. No less important is the mission of spreading, in China, the value of cooperating with Africa. Among the propaganda tasks, defining a strategic partnership with Africa and stimulating the public’s interest in Africa, rank top of the list. In the process of engaging the public, the Chinese media dutifully follow instructions from the Central Propaganda Department, while educating the public about the importance of building up soft power internationally, and exporting

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the Chinese development model to Africa. This is, in itself, a way to mitigate grievances and buffer cries for political reform at home. In these media discourses, development, a term of central importance that emerged in all seven categories, is lauded as having ideological importance, and needing to be prioritised over democracy and universal human rights. This rather rough argument provided the press with plenty of angles: a nationalistic chanting for the rise of China, the emergence of an international united front against imperialism (as embodied by the US and NATO), and a sense of status resulting from economic achievements, as if it equals social advancement. The various angles underpinned a pan-development identity that can create common political ground with African countries.

On the other hand, the autonomy of the newsroom and aspiring to journalistic professionalism are not to be underestimated, even among the Chinese press. Press commercialisation since the mid-1990s has given rise to a legion of liberal and market-driven media. Not unaffected by the ordered hot topic of China and Africa, those media strive to develop news stories of their choice, mining African stories, digging up fraud and spotting rogues.

Making a clear-cut distinction between ‘orchestrated’ and ‘free-styled’ reporting is impossible, as there is still room to exercise the embedded autonomy of the press, even where direction is given, and where restrictions are imposed on the most courageous media and journalists, given that the norms of censorship are institutionalised in all media outlets and have become embedded in the production of news.

Chinese media seem to rely on government sources and official interpretations in the early stages of foreign coverage. This is the case, perhaps to a much greater degree, than in other countries. But when diverse social groups and forces are involved, the voices in the media begin to diverge and to develop new and independent perspectives. In general, a recurring tune can be identified from this half-orchestrated, half-freestyle media chorus, which constitutes China’s efforts to mend its ways by engaging more extensively and more thoroughly in Africa – at least to the same extent that other international actors on the African continent do. And, perhaps as a final tentative observation, it is interesting to note that many stories about Africa in the Chinese press are not so unlike the reports that one finds in the Western media about African developments.

Note1 This article is part of the results of the research project ‘The Voice of China in Africa’ (http://www.

cmi.no/research/project/?1686=voice-of-china) organised by the Christian Michelsen Institute (http://www.cmi.no/) in cooperation with the Department of Media and Communication at the University of Oslo (http://www.hf.uio.no/imk/english/) and financed by the Norwegian Research Council. (http://www.forskningsradet.no/en/Home_page/1177315753906).

2 Professionalism (zhuan ye jing shen), a term widely discussed and practised in Chinese news media, has been part of the culture, norm and values in the circle of Chinese journalists, regardless of whether they follow Western models.

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Yangtze Evening News. 2010, December 9. Man with ulcers all over the body after returning from Africa, caused by Leishmaniasis. http://www.china.com.cn/info/pet/2011-02/19/content_21957897.htm (accessed 14 June 2013).

Yangtze Evening News. 2011, February 18. Worms found in the eyes of an African student, could be spread through fruit flies. http://www.china.com.cn/info/pet/2011-02/19/content_21957897.htm (accessed 15 February 2013).

Zeng, W.Y. 2008, November 26. In searching for news pivots. China Press Journal. http://media.people.com.cn/BIG5/22114/86916/86917/8412912.html (accessed 14 June 2013).

Biographical notesShubo Li is a post-doctoral researcher at Chr. Michelsen Institute and guest researcher at the Department of Media and Communication, University of Oslo. She holds a PhD in communication from the University of Westminster, London. Email: [email protected]

Helge Rønning is professor at the Department of Media and Communication, University of Oslo and associate senior researcher at Chr. Michelsen Institute. He has published numerous articles on literary, social, political, media and cultural topics in Norwegian, Scandinavian, European and American journals and newspapers. Email: [email protected]

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half-orchestrated, half freestyle: soft power and reporting africa in china

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