Imagine La!kapura at PrambananArlo Grif!ths

Introduction

Fundamentally based onWalther Aichele’s re"nement of Poerbatjaraka’s datingof the KR to make it contemporary with the important events referred to inthe so-called #ivag$ha inscription of %&' (), among which quite possibly thefoundation of the greatest #aiva monument of Indonesia, the main purpose ofthis contribution is to propose the hypothesis that this monument was calledLa!kapura.*

+e monument I am alluding to is the one that is at the center of attentionin the contributions of Levin and Jordaan to this volume, and goes there var-iously by the name Prambanan or Loro Jonggrang. +at the latter is not theoriginal name of the monument is an evident and well-known fact, and thereis no strong reason to believe the former is an ancient name either., In fact weknow virtually none of the original names of the Central Javanese monuments

*. I am grateful to Roy Jordaan for comments on an earlier version. +e transliteration usedin this contribution adheres strictly to international norms for the transliteration of Indic scripttypes. +is means that I use v (not w) and that anusv"ra/cecak is# irrespective of its pronunci-ation. +e only additions to the internationally standard repertoire of signs are the raised circle(°) which precedes ‘independent vowels’ (namely vowels which form a separate ak$ara) and themedian dot (-) which represents vir"ma/paten. Since some (sequences of) phonemes can be speltin more than one way, there is occasionally need to work with a normalized transcription. In thiscase I use % for what is spelt % or# (phoneme /./); h for what is spelt h/& (/h/) and r' for ( (/r//).,. See Jordaan *00':0–*,. Regarding the name Prambanan, I do not share Jordaan’s opinionthat ‘‘it is not unlikely that the name derives from an old expression associated with the tem-ple’’ (p. 0), for I do not know any cases where modern temple names have been convincinglyexplained in ancient terms, and "nd Jordaan’s own proposal (p. **, note *) to derive it fromparambrahma(n) unconvincing for several reasons: the supposed phonetic development seemsunnatural; the "nal n of Sanskrit stems in an (for example, brahman) normally disappears inconcrete usage and would not be retained in any form that could have been the starting point ofa Javanese derivation; and the supposed original name is entirely untypical of the known namesof sanctuaries in ancient Southeast Asia. See my note 1 for some examples.

*21 Arlo Grif!ths

now all indiscriminately designated as Candi. One exception that comes read-ily to mind is the Abhayagirivih3ra that doubtless formed a part of the complexnow known as Candi Ratu Baka.2 In comparison with contemporary monu-ments from elsewhere in the Hindu and Buddhist world, our ignorance of theoriginal names of Central Javanese sanctuaries is an anomaly.1 +e originalname can tell us important things about the conception of a sanctuary, whichfact explains the long but consistently unpersuasive history of attempts to ex-plain such names as Borobudur and Prambanan. Any addition to the record istherefore welcome.

+e evidence in support of my hypothesis comes mainly from a group ofinscriptions which I refer to here as the ‘Kumbhayoni corpus’. One of these isan unpublished Sanskrit inscription that was discovered in *0&1 on the RatuBaka prominence.& Another is the Dawangsari inscription discovered on theRatu Baka prominence in *040, and published in an unsatisfactory manner in*0%0, which contains only the second known example of extensive epigraph-ical Old Javanese poetry a5er the #ivag$ha inscription. +e extreme rarity ofOld Javanese poetry from this period suggests that the author (or authors) ofthis Kumbhayoni corpus is (are) likely to have been familiar with the contem-porary literary monument, the KR. What I propose to do here is to read theKumbhayoni inscriptions in the light of Poerbatjaraka’s (*02,) and Aichele’s(*0'0) seminal papers on the KR, and of Andrea Acri’s new identi"cations ofpassages in the Kakawin that may be read allegorically (,6*6, this volume).'

)e Kumbhayoni corpus

+ere is a group of inscriptions from the ninth century emanating from an aris-tocrat (raka) calling himself Kumbhayoni or equivalent synonyms of that San-skrit epithet of the 78i Agastya. +ese are the Sanskrit and Old Javanese Pereng

2. See Sundberg ,662, ,661; Degroot ,66'.1. A few random examples may suf"ce: the Ta Keo at Angkor was called Hema9:!gagiri;the Phnom Bayang in southern Cambodia was called #ivapura; the famous site M3mallapu-ram/Mah3balipuram of the Pallavas in South India, was already known as M3mallapuram incontemporary inscriptions.&. See Dinas Purbakala, Laporan Tahunan *+,- (Djakarta *0',), pp. *%–0 and plate ,.'. I am presently preparing for publication a substantial selection of Central Javanese inscrip-tions, to be presented as a book which will contain also the entire Kumbhayoni corpus, and Iwish to avoid as much as possible duplication of what I will present in that book. For this rea-son, I attempt here to focus my discussion on the data relevant to the La!kapura hypothesis andthe R"m"ya.a connection, requesting the reader’s patience until my book has appeared to seethe complete epigraphical context of the passages presented in this contribution.

Imagine La%kapura at Prambanan *2&

inscription of %'2 (); the six Sanskrit inscriptions of the Ratu Baka prominenceeach recording the installation of a differently named li%ga;4 and the metricalOld Javanese inscription of Dawangsari mentioned above.% Following the ex-ample of De Casparis (*0&':,1%;., 21*–2), I choose Kumbhayoni (and not anyother of the equivalent epithets) as the designation for the corpus, since it isthis name that occurs in the context of the Old Javanese prose portion of thePereng inscription, lines %–0: rake valai# pu kumbhayoni. +e names Kala9aja,Kumbhaja, Kala9odbhava are attested only in Sanskrit verse context, and there-fore liable to have been dictated by the requirements of Sanskrit metre.0

Arguably the most important of these inscriptions, and the "rst one to havebeen published, is the bilingual Sanskrit and Old Javanese inscription (Fig. *)found in the village Pereng at the northern foot of the Ratu Baka prominence,just South of Prambanan.*6 It bears a precise date in the /aka year 4%1, con-

4. +ese have been partly published by De Casparis (*0&':,11–40), as items Xa (A: ‘K:ttiv3-sali!ga’, Museum Nasional Indonesia D *61, currently not traceable at the museum, one mayfear that it is lost), Xb (B: ‘Tryambakali!ga’, BPPP Yogyakarta BG &22), Xc (C: ‘Harali!ga’, BPPPYogyakarta 2&& / BG &,0). In his Addenda c (De Casparis *0&':21*–2), De Casparis reportedon the discovery of the three other inscriptions of this group, namely ‘#ambhuli!ga’ (D: BPPPYogyakarta &2,; photo OD/DP *0200), ‘Pin3kili!ga’ (E: BPPP Yogyakarta &2*) and a sixth in-scription most probably also related to the foundation of a li%ga whose name is lost in a lacuna(F: BPPP Yogyakarta '62 = BG 2&,). +e sequence indicated in capital letters is adopted herefrom unpublished work by Jan Wisseman Christie, while the nomenclature by li%ga names forthe "rst "ve is that proposed/implied by Damais in his valuable notes on De Casparis’ readingsand interpretations (*0'%:1'6–442 and 10'–&66), and adopted also in his list of Central Javaneseinscriptions, which excludes E–F (Damais *046:1'–1). +e inscriptions B–F are included in a,664 publication of BPPP Yogyakarta (Pusaka Aksara Yogyakarta; Alih Aksara dan Alih bahasaPrasasti Koleksi Balai Pelestarian Peninggalan Purbakala Yogyakarta), which contains numerouserrors of fact and of omission, and will therefore not be referred to in this contribution. Inkedestampages of inscriptions B–F are available at the EFEO. It is the last inscription, F, that willmainly concern us here.%. BPPP Yogyakarta 2&&; an inked estampage is available at EFEO. See Setianingsih *0%0.0. All of these variants of the epithet refer to one aspect of Agastya mythology, namely thathe was born from a Pot (kumbha or kala/a). In repeatedly using the word jaladhi ‘ocean’, theincompletely preserved stanzas <== and => of the inscription Ratu Baka F to be included in myforthcoming publication of the complete inscription may have alluded to another important as-pect of Agastya mythology, namely that he had drunk the ocean (see Sanderson ,662–61:24&,note %', mentioning the epithet P?t3bdhi ‘He who drank the ocean’, with abdhi a synonym ofjaladhi, besides presenting a hypothetical reconstruction of the name P3tañjala/P$tañjala of the"5h of the "ve Ku9ikas as *P?tañjala, which would have had the same meaning). If a referenceto the ocean-drinking myth was indeed included in Ratu Baka F, before the stone got severelydamaged, Aichele’s argument (*0'0:*16) assuming the conscious non-mentioning of this secondaspect of Agastya mythology in the KR must be reconsidered.*6. First published by A.B. Cohen Stuart and J.J. van Limburg Brouwer in *%4,. See also Kern

*2' Arlo Grif!ths

verted by Louis-Charles Damais (*0&,:22) to %'2 (). Two of the above-men-tioned li%ga inscriptions (A and B) are dated to the /aka year 44%, without fur-ther speci"cations, and their date must thus have fallen between March *6th%&' and February ,4th %&4 ().** +e remaining li%ga inscriptions lack an in-ternal date.

Only some of the li%ga inscriptions are completely preserved, while severalof them are severely fragmentary and/or weather-beaten. But to the extent thattheir contents can be known, they share with the Pereng inscription the com-mon feature of mentioning the name Kumbhayoni or equivalents thereof, anddoing so in direct association with the toponym Valai! (in various spellings,mostly dictated by the demands of Sanskrit metre). As stated above, I proposeto consider these inscriptions as corpus including also the Dawangsari inscrip-tion, although this does not share thementioned characteristic. +e reasons formy proposal can only be summarized here.

In the "rst place, all of the inscriptions give a very uniform palaeographicimpression. Secondly, the Dawangsari inscription shares not only the samephysical features, but also agrees very nearly in its dimensions with the li%ga in-

*%42 and the revised publication byCohen Stuart (*%4&) asKawiOorkondenr.>>===; readings arealso offered byPoerbatjaraka (*0,':1&–&*) and Sarkar (*04*:*4*–4); seeDeCasparis (*0&':,1%–&% and passim) and Damais (*0'1:*,*–22, *0'%:10%–&66) for discussion of many issues in theinterpretation of this inscription. In the currently predominant system of nomenclature intro-duced byDamais, which prioritizes toponyms internal to the epigraphical document in question,this is the ‘Wukiran’ inscription. I take the liberty of retaining the older nomenclature here.**. See Damais *0&,:2*. In a later publication, Damais (*046:1') narrowed down this bracketclaiming that the date of the two li%gasmust have have fallen in %&' () before that of the #ivag$hainscription, which is November *,th, %&'. He stated in his pertinent note & that the text of the#ivag$ha inscription implies by its context that it was composed a5er the li%ga inscriptions RatuBaka inscriptions A–F, but did not explain why this would be the case. As long as this point isnot really proven, the wider dating bracket earlier admittedmust be given preference. In his "nal(posthumously published) statement on the matter, Damais (*046) did not give any reference tohis earlier discussion of it (Damais *0'1:*2&), which is also quite terse, but if I have understoodit correctly depends strongly on his being in@uenced by De Casparis translations of two Sanskritcompounds, valai%gagoptr" (Ratu Baka A, stanza ===) and valai%gajetr" (B, st. ===), as meaning ‘bythe protector of V.’ and ‘by the victor of V.’ (that is as tatpuru$as), to the exclusion of the possibility,equally permissible in grammatical terms, that these compounds are rather to be interpretedas karmadh"rayas, namely as ‘by the protector [named] V.’ and ‘by the conqueror [named] V.’ .+ese latter interpretations seem to me at the present stage of my investigations of the Kumbha-yoni corpus better to suit all the available data. I am thinking especially of Pereng st. === bhaktirvalai%n"mna&, whichmust mean ‘devotion of the one named Valai!’ (see De Casparis *0&':,&2,note 14). See also Damais’ posthumously published review (*0'%:14,) of De Casparis *0&' fora fuller discussion of the same compounds, again ignoring the possibility of a karmadh"rayainterpretation, and without reference back to his own discussion of *0'1.

Imagine La%kapura at Prambanan *24

scriptions A and C.+irdly, all of the inscriptions have been found on or at thefoot of the Ratu Baka hillock, some of them (including the Dawangsari inscrip-tion) in the desa Sumberwatu, which is also home to a stone image of GaAe9a,whose dimensions have been reported to be 2.16 B 2.*6 B ,.*&m (Figs. ,a, ,b),and at whose side the Dawangsari inscription was reportedly once placed.*,Now the Dawangsari inscription is a metrical hymn of praise to GaAe9a, underthe name Vin3yaka, as he is found ‘on the mountain’ (di parvata), which thereseems to be no reason to doubt must be none other than the colossal GaAe9aimage still found on the hillock, and referred to as sa# hya# vin"ya in line **of the Pereng inscription.

Figure *: +e inscription of Pereng (photo Isidore van Kinsbergen, nr. *%,)

*,. I rely here on the information cited by Setianingsih (*0%0:*12).

Figure ,a: Arca Ganesa at Sumberwatu (photo Marijke Klokke, July ,660)

Figure ,b: Arca Ganesa at Sumberwatu (photo Marijke Klokke, July ,660)

Imagine La%kapura at Prambanan *20

I am hesitant to claim any "rst discovery concerning an inscription that hasprominently "gured in as abundant (and unwieldy) secondary literature as hasthe Pereng inscription, but I am presently not aware that interpretation of thisdeity as Vin3yaka, now strongly supported by the Dawangsari inscription, hasbeen previously proposed.*2 +e omission of the last syllable in the Pereng in-scription might seem to be a problem, but in fact the same form is found notonly elsewhere inOld Javanese epigraphy*1 but also inOld Javanese literature,*&and even beyond the Archipelago in Khmer epigraphy, where the bilingual in-scription K. **%& of Prasat Ta Muean +om in +ailand shows a correspon-dence between Vin3yaka in the Sanskrit portion and Vin3ya in the Khmer,*'and again in the Camp3 inscription C. 1 of Cho Dinh (in Phan Rang) datedto /aka **10.*4 +e frequency of the form Vin3ya suggests that we should notconsider it as an error, but as a variant of the name Vin3yaka accepted widely inancient Southeast Asia. +e fact that the Pereng and theDawangsari inscriptionshare a close association with the cult of Vin3yaka, to whose former importancein the vicinity the GaAe9a image is a magni"cent witness,*% is my fourth argu-ment.

+e "5h and last is the metrical shape of the Dawangsari inscription. Itis entirely composed in the Anu8Cubh metre, that is the most common verse-form found in Sanskrit literature. +e oldest dated epigraphical instance of theuse of this verse-form in Old Javanese language is again found in the Pereng

*2. Ignoring the long vowel ", earlier scholars (for example Sarkar *04*:*42with note 26, goingback to Poerbatjaraka *0,') have assumed a most unlikely connection with vinaya ‘(Buddhist)discipline’.*1. See the entry $a0win"ya, $a0win"yaka at OJED *&06; reference is there made to an attesta-tion of $a0vin"ya on plate < verso, l. 4, of the inscription ‘Waharu =<’ = Museum Nasional inv.nr. E. ,6, published as Kawi Oorkonden <== and in Prasasti Koleksi Museum Nasional, pp. '6–&; Ihave con"rmed the published reading by checking the rubbing of E. ,6 kept in the Kern Institute,Leiden, and its facsimile in Kawi Oorkonden.*&. See Teeuw *00%:2%6–*.*'. +is inscription is undated but may be assigned to the "rst half of the **th century (). Forits text, see ChaeamKaewklai *000:%6–*. +e published reading being debatable at many points,I have checked the EFEO estampages n. *'%, and *'%2 for the facts mentioned here.*4. +e inscription has not yet been properly published, but extracts have been presented byAymonier (*%0*:&6–,), who misread the passage in question as %ap rumah mandi rumah /r1vinaya. My reading %ap ruma& nandi ruma& /r1 vin"ya ‘built a shrine for Nandin and a shrinefor GaAe9a’ is based on inspection of the inscription (National Museum of Vietnamese History,Hanoi, B ,, *& = LSb ,**'') and EFEO estampage n. *12.*%. +e dating of the GaAe9a image can probably not be determined with any exactitude, butmay safely be presumed to agree with the dated Kumbhayoni inscriptions, and hence, in theinterpretation advocated here, with the Dawangsari inscription.

*16 Arlo Grif!ths

inscription, where the "nal stanza is an Anu8Cubh in Old Javanese language.*0No other epigraphical instances of vernacular language epigraphical composi-tions in the form of the Anu8Cubh metre are known to me from Indonesia atthis time, except the unique ‘Mañju9r?g$ha’ inscription of 40, (), also fromCentral Java, which is composed in Old Malay prose and verse.,6 In fact noother vernacular epigraphical poetry is known at all, besides that found in the#ivag$ha inscription (which contains no Anu8Cubh-stanzas), and this very rar-ity again speaks in favour of a close association of the Pereng and Dawangsariinscriptions, the one with the other, insofar as they both contain Old JavaneseAnu8Cubhs, and of course in amore general sense of these two inscriptions withthat third record of epigraphical Old Javanese poetry, the #ivag$ha inscription,which "gures prominently in Hunter’s and Acri’s contributions to this volume.All cases of epigraphical Old Javanese poetry date from a period of only twodecades, the %&6–%'6s (), and there is every reason to consider that their com-position at precisely this period, presumably contemporary with the KakawinR"m"ya.a, was no coincidence. +is was in all likelihood the birth period ofKakawin as a genre.

La%kapura as the Prambanan 2iva Sanctuary

I have just referred to the fact that the Pereng inscription, dated to /aka 4%1,which consists of three Sanskrit Dry3-stanzas, followed by ten lines of Old Ja-vanese prose, followed by two more Dry3-stanzas in Sanskrit, is concluded byone Anu8Cubh-stanza composed in Old Javanese language. +is sixth stanza, asI said, must be the oldest dated Anu8Cubh stanza in the Old Javanese language.It runs as follows:

<=. Anu8Cubh(21) tu!gaE dav/t la!ka s/°$F vulakanni,* val3 valaiElo(22)dv3E vanvaniraE dh?m3n- kumbhayoni !arannira || G ||

*0. Even a5er Krom (*0*0:*0) correctly identi"ed the last two lines of the Pereng as an OldJavanese stanza, this fact was ignored by some subsequent scholars, who took these lines as prose.For example, Damais (*0'1:*22, note 2 and apparently alsoDamais *0'%:100) still assumed theselines to be prose.,6. +is inscription has not been properly published and will also be included in my forthcom-ing publication of a selection of Central Javanese inscriptions. Sundberg (,66':*6'–0, *,&–4)has rightly criticized existing readings and the theories built thereon, but his own readings andstatements are also not entirely reliable.,*. Damais (*0'1:*22) prefers the interpretation vulakann i, with the type of consonant dou-bling that is attested also elsewhere in contemporary Old Javanese epigraphy.

Imagine La%kapura at Prambanan *1*

In hisCorpus of the Inscriptions of Java, volume =, HimansuBhusan Sarkar trans-lated this stanza as follows:

Tunggang, DavHt, Langka, SHrHF, waterfall of Val3, Valaing, Lodv3ng arethe desa-s of the wise one whose name is Kumbhayoni.

As far as I know, no scholar has ever taken special notice of the name La!kathat we "nd in the Pereng inscription among several toponyms. It "rst drewmy attention when I was trying to decipher one of the unpublished Ratu Bakainscriptions (Fig. 2).,, In the present context, I need present only one of thestanzas that I am best able to reconstruct, namely its stanza <=, which is com-posed in the long #3rdIlavikr?Jita metre.

<=. #3rdIlavikr?Jita[K K K ˘mahe](6)ndrasatkaruAay3 tu!gaE dav3(kh)yaE puraEpIrvvaE la!kapuraE sa p3ti matim3n t3mvo[la K K ˘ KK K K ˘ ˘ K ˘ K ˘ ˘ ta](7)(th3) tan nirjjhar3khyaE 9ubhaEn3kaE (v)$(tra)ri(pu)r yyath3 kala9ajo v3lai!gasaEjña[/ ca ya& ||]

Indeed, I am not the "rst to have noticed the parallels between these two stan-zas. Based on the place names cited from the Sanskrit stanza by De Casparis(*0&':21,), ‘the lo5y Dava (tu%ga# daw"khya# pura#), then La!kapura, fur-ther Nirjjhara and, "nally, Walaing’, Damais had observed the correspondencesbetween the two stanzas and presented his understanding of these correspon-dences. It is piquant in the present context to recall that he considered that

La%kapura does not require any explanation. It is just certain that this city must besituated in Java, unfortunately we do not know precisely where.,2

Since Damais could only argue on the basis of the limited elements cited by DeCasparis, it is only natural that his interpretation leaves scope for improvement,now that we have at our disposition all readable remains of the stanza. Wetherefore have to return to these correspondences before taking up the issue ofthe localization of La!kapura.

,,. As stated above (p. *2&, note 4), all of the inscriptions D, E and F, whose discovery wasreported in *0&' by De Casparis, were included in Pusaka Aksara Yogyakarta, but this pub-lication is so unreliable, especially where Sanskrit inscriptions are concerned, that its very la-cunose transliteration, which does not display the slightest trace of understanding of what isbeing transliterated let alone of its metrical form, cannot be counted as a publication of this in-scription.,2. Damais *0'%:100. Here and below, citations fromDamais are given inmy translations fromhis French.

*1, Arlo Grif!ths

Figure 2: +e inscription Ratu Baka F (Photo OD/DP *014*, LUB)

Even at "rst sight, two parallels with the quoted stanza from the Pereng inscrip-tion are evident: the consecutive Sanskrit sequences tu%ga# dav"khya# pura#and p3rvva# la%kapura# evidently correspond to the consecutive words tu%-ga# dav't la%ka in the "rst verse quarter of the Old Javanese stanza. We no-tice that one of the two correspondences (dav"khya#) is couched in the formof a compound with the structure X-"khya meaning ‘named X’.,1 Moreover,De Casparis (*0&':21*–,) had already observed a similar correspondence be-tween the Pereng inscription and another still unpublished Ratu Baka inscrip-tion, which contains the toponymmusal"khyar"$4ra, literallymeaning ‘the landnamed Pestle’.,& As De Casparis rightly observed, this is a direct translationof the toponym Halu, meaning ‘pestle’, found in the title sa# ratu °i halu ofKumbhayoni’s great-grandfather (Pereng l. 0, see Damais *0'%:100). We thus

,1. +e discrepancy between dav't (Old Javanese) and dava/dav" (Sanskrit) still is in need ofan explanation. Damais (*0'%:100, note 2) admitted this dif"culty but proposed no solution.His attempt to argue that tu%ga# in the Sanskrit ought to be considered not as an acc. sg. formof the Sanskrit adjective tu%ga- ‘lo5y’, as De Casparis took it, but rather as an untranslated OldJavanese word tu%ga% (glossed ‘to mount, ride on, sit on’ in OJED ,646), which might accordingto Damaismean ‘slope’ in the context of this toponym, relied on the assumption that dav", whichhe assumes could mean ‘long’ besides its normal meaning ‘length’ (OJED 240), is the underlyingform. It is hardly possible in the Pereng stanza to explain the "nal -t as the pronominal com-plementizer (a)t or as the morpheme t- in imperative function, so I consider Damais’ argumentrather unconvincing.,&. Ratu Baka D / #ambhuli!ga, line 0; OD/DP photo *0200.

Imagine La%kapura at Prambanan *12

have tentative grounds to hypothesize that the Kumbhayoni corpus is markedby Sanskrit-Old Javanese translations, with the Sanskrit correspondents some-timesmarked by the quasi-suf"x "khya. +is hypothesis is borne out by the restof our #3rdIlavikr?Jita stanza from Ratu Baka F, where we see one more such"khya-compound in the preserved portion of the inscription (nirjjhar"khya#).If we realize that nirjhara is a Sanskrit word for waterfall, we immediately thinkof the Old Javanese word vulakan in the Pereng inscription.,'

+e correspondences thus far have already been noticed and explained inthe manner indicated above by Damais (*0'%). We can, however, no longerretain his suggestion (Damais *0'%:&66) that

La!kapura corresponds to La5ka S'r'h […] in Javanese, whichmight designate twodifferent toponyms. +is is probably not the case.

For this interpretationwasmadewithout knowledge of the fact that the Sanskritstanza contains a separate translation of the Old Javanese s'°(&, that is s'r'h,which means ‘betel’. +e most common Sanskrit word for the same is t"mb3la,which, despite a small discrepancy, seems to correspond so closely to the lasttwo syllables preserved of line ', that I do not feel any hesitation in restoring atleast the la of a presumptive spelling variant t"mvola.,4 We thus end up withat least four topographic correspondences between the Old Javanese and theSanskrit, and can attempt a translation of the Sanskrit stanza:

And he, the wise Pot-born one who also bears the name Valai!,,% rulesthe Lo5y city called Dava (or: the city Tu!ga! Dav3), the eastern City

,'. OJED ,2,2 glosses ‘well, spring, source’, but all the quoted examples also seem to permit thetranslation ‘waterfall’, which Poerbatjaraka (*0,') and, following him, both Damais (*0'1:*22,*0'%:100–&66) and Sarkar, actually chose in the case of Pereng, st. <=.,4. I do not know any other attestations of the Sanskrit word for ‘betel’ with the o that is evidenton the stone and that I thus retain in restoring t"mvo[la]; but, in the light of the types of spellingvariations that are widespread in Sanskrit manuscripts and inscriptions, the assumption thatsuch a variant might have existed somewhere in the Sanskrit tradition does not seem altogetherfar-fetched either. Perhaps more pertinently, I may refer here to Damais’ important discussion(*0'%:1&6) of spelling variants 3/o in Old Javanese words, for example in the proper name pumanuk3 also found spelt as pu manuko.,%. Given the parallel in Pereng, st. === valai%n"mna& ‘of the one called Valai!’, and given theoccurrence of an equivalent compound ending in sa#jñaka in Ratu BakaC, st. =< (the stone quiteclearly shows kala/odbhavasa#jñaka& instead of De Casparis’ reading kala/odbhavasa#jñita&),and given "nally the unmistakable appearance of the syllables sa#jña before the lacuna startsin line 4, I have no doubt that a compound like v"lai%gasa#jña/ must be restored. As far asI can see, De Casparis’ words (*0&':21,–2) ‘At least it follows from the new discovery [that isRatu Baka F] that Walaing was the last of the four residences of king Kumbhayoni, undoubtedlyconnected with his "nal victory’ represent an erroneous interpretation. +e toponym Valai!

*11 Arlo Grif!ths

of La!ka, the […] Betel, […] and that beautiful [city] called Waterfall,and does so with the compassion of Mahendra,,0 as V$tra’s enemy (thatis, Indra) [rules] the heaven.

I have somewhat facetiously rendered the Sanskrit element pura here with thedefault translation ‘city’, although this was quite certainly not the precisely in-tended meaning. +e word pura is used here as equivalent of the Old Javanesevanua,26 a phenomenonwe also observe, for example, in the Sanskrit portion ofthe important but still not properly published inscription ‘Wanua Tengah ===’,2*which nicely illustrates in one document the same phenomenon of translationwe have just observed between two Ratu Baka inscriptions on the one hand(D, F) and the Old Javanese portions of the Pereng inscription on the other.2,Compare the Old Javanese prose portion on plate = verso:22

patiF °i pikatan sa# vanu°a t%a& pu culi#, saE (iB11) tu!gal a!in pura mvat, lekan pu glam, saE ra gunuE pu °intap,+e patihs of Pikatan: Sir Vanua T!ah, Lord Culi!; Sir Tu!gal A!in,Lord Ramvat; the lekan, Lord Glam; Sir Ra Gunu!, Lord Intap.

With the fourth of the Sanskrit stanzas that follow on the same plate, whereinstead of the expected compound maddhyapure we "nd an inversion, whichreinforces, if any such reinforcement is required, the impression that we aredealing with a direct calque upon the Old Javanese:21

is in our context applied to the ruler Kumbhayoni alias Kala9aja (see De Casparis *0&':1% andDamais *0'1:*,1 on this type of transposition of names). Contrary to what one might expectgiven the prima facie inclusion of Valai! on a par with the other toponyms in Pereng st. <=, thewords of the inscription Ratu Baka F precisely fail to put Valai! on a par with the other toponymsthat it mentions. Hence my decision to retranslate vulakanni val" valai# as I do below (p. *1&),which means Valai! itself is not among the localities being listed. +is is another small point tobe corrected in Damais’ interpretation.,0. Note that the restoration of the name Mahendra is fully hypothetical, only the last syllableactually being preserved on the stone.26. +e epigraphical data from Java eloquently support Kulke’s interpretation (*002:*4*) ofvanua in the Old Malay inscriptions of #r?vijaya as equivalent of pura or nagara.2*. +is inscription is also to be included in my forthcoming publication of a selection of Cen-tral Javanese inscriptions.2,. +is phenomenon of translation would seem to be the precursor of such correspondencesas Majapahit = Bilvatikta or Vari!in Pitu = Vari!in Sapta still found centuries later on Java.22. Translit. from the original set of plates held at BPPP Jawa Tengah (inv. nrs. ***% and ***0).21. +e inverted compound puramaddhye recurs in the same metrical position in st. > of thesame inscription.

Imagine La%kapura at Prambanan *1&

=<. Anu8Cubhpuramaddhye culi#sa(#)jña&, ramvat- tu!gala!in- tath3,glam-sa(E)(iB14)jñaF2& tath3 lekan-, °intap- saE ra gunuE punaF ||

So we have reduced the problem of the translation of Sanskrit pura in the in-scription Ratu Baka F to the observation that it must have been intended tomean the same as vanua. Rather than trying to determine the precise meaningin which that Old Javanese word was used, we will simply accept here the usualtranslation ‘village’, and return to the Pereng stanza with which we started. Justas that Old Javanese stanza helps to restore and interpret the Sanskrit stanzafrom Ratu Baka F, so also the Sanskrit helps us to re"ne our understandingof the Old Javanese. A revised, though still partly tentative, translation of thePereng stanza cited on p. *16 would then be as follows:

+e Lo5y Dav/t (or: Tu!ga! Dav/t), La!ka, Betel, the waterfall of Val3Valai!2' [and] Two Banyans (lo dv")24 are the villages of the wise onewhose name is Kumbhayoni.

Summing up the "ndings concerning the toponym La!ka(pura), we now havetwo closely related attestations of it, both of them dating from the ninth cen-

2&. Read g'lamsa#jña&m.c.2'. On the interpretation of the sequence vulakanni val" valai#, and especially the possiblemeaning of val" (possibly m.c. for vala), see the long but inconclusive note of Damais (*0'1:*22,note 2, also Damais *0'%:&66).24. It seems to me very likely that the "nal nasal before vanvanira# represents the enclitic ar-ticle (just as does the "nal nasal of vanvanira# itself), whereas all predecessors have interpretedthe name as Lodv3! (and it is recorded thus in Damais *046:4*1, although the structural clas-si"cation as ‘‘l d w/b’’ there might indicate that this author implicitly agreed with the analysisadvocated here). Moreover, as my translation makes clear, I propose to interpret the place nameas a new example of the combinations of tree-names with numbers to form toponyms that wesee in many modern place names (Sala Tiga, Duren Tiga, Mangga Dua, Kelapa Sepuluh) and inepigraphic Poh Pitu, Vari!in Pitu (Damais *046:412–1, &00–'66). OJED *61, cites two attes-tations of the spelling lo of a tree-name denoting a type of Banyan (Urostigma) from relativelyrecent texts, whereas two attestations from KR (*'.11, ,&.%2) are cited in OJED *646, but thetree-name is there spelt lva (apparently not only metri causa). As regards the second elementdv" (that is, dva—there is no metrical reason for the occurrence of a long vowel here, and thisspelling perhaps simply re@ects the fact that the vowel in question is metrically heavy by forceof the two ensuing consonants, unless it indicates use of the irrealis morpheme -a) rather thannormal Old Javanese rva, a comparable appearance of a Malay form with d for r occurs else-where in the Kumbhayoni corpus (di parvata in st. =< of the Dawangsari inscription). I am notaware of any speci"c explanations that might have been proposed for this type of toponym, anddo not wish to exclude with the chosen translation the possibility that it is to be interpreted in adifferent manner, for example as ‘Banyan-,’.

*1' Arlo Grif!ths

tury (), both appearing in direct association with the ruler Kumbhayoni, andboth hailing from the (immediate vicinity of the) Ratu Baka prominence. Oneof them is further speci"ed as the ‘eastern’ La!kapura. Moreover, Damais’Répertoire onomastique (*046:416) lists several other attestations of the sametoponym from the Central Javanese Period, suggesting that it may have been arelatively important locality.2% And furthermore, in his *0'1 article Damaisproposed to identify one of the toponyms in the Sanskrit and Old Javanesestanzas we have been discussing with a modern place name from the easternextremity of Central Java, at about %6 km distance from the Ratu Baka promi-nence.20

We may hence ask ourselves if any other of the toponyms from the Kum-bhayoni corpus can be positively identi"ed with localities still known today inthe immediate or wider vicinity of the Ratu Baka prominence. I will focus hereonly on the possibility of identifying La!kapura in that part of Central Java, and,as a subsidiary question, on what the signi"cance of the quali"cation ‘eastern’could have been.

My answer to the latter question is that it explicitly indicates the type ofgeographical transposition of South Asian toponyms onto the Southeast Asianlandscape that we know well, for instance, from the corpus of Khmer inscrip-tions,16 namely that we are dealing with the ‘localized’ Javanese counterpart ofthe more westerly La!k3 famous from V3lm?ki’s Sanskrit R"m"ya.a, but also,of course, from the Old Javanese KR, to which I now "nally turn.

Aichele (*0'0:*20–1, and again *'2–') discussed the signi"cance of theKumbhayoni corpus in relation to theKR, focusing speci"cally on the episode atthe beginning of sarga ,&, where R3ma and S?t3 @y over the Vindhya mountain

2%. I do not have the impression that anything useful can be drawn from these other attestationsfor my present purposes, so I do not give any details here. It may however be noted that at leasttwo of these attestations cite the apanage La!ka in close association with that of Halu (see above,p. *1,), and that in most cases it appears in immediate association with the toponym tañju%.20. Damais’ article deals with the toponym Valai! in a comprehensive manner. His hesitantlyproposed modern identi"cation—that seems quite plausible to me—is the desa Waleng, keca-matan Girimarto, kabupaten Wonogiri. Ninie Susanti has suggested to me that another choicemight be the desaWareng inWonosari, Daerah Istimewa Yogyakarta, but this is probably not ac-ceptable on the grounds of phonological incompatibility of modern /r/ with ancient /l/ (personalcommunication from Sander Adelaar). De Casparis (*0&':,&1–'), by contrast, identi"es Valai!with the Ratu Baka prominence itself, but decisive arguments in favour of this identi"cation arelacking and in this case there is not even the argument of modern toponymy.16. See Sanderson ,662–61:162 and following pages. From Java itself, one might add suchcases as the names of the Serayu and Progo rivers (from Sanskrit Sarayu and Pray3ga). But thephenomenon does seem to have been much rarer here.

Imagine La%kapura at Prambanan *14

and R3ma not only points out to his wife the mountain’s name, but also repeatsto her a speci"c element of Agastya mythology which Aichele interpreted asan allegorical reference to political affairs in ninth century Java. He also inter-preted the name Vindhya as allegorically denoting the Ratu Baka prominence.Parts of Aichele’s *0'0 observations will certainly have to be reformulated tothe extent that they take as their point of departure the speculative historicalnarratives offered by De Casparis (*0&') in Prasasti Indonesia II, which newepigraphical discoveries have since required to be fundamentally revised. Butthe attempt to link data from the KR with epigraphical data more directly re-@ecting the real world of the Central Javanese Period seems convincing, and canserve as inspiring model for further explorations in the toponymical domain.

Our KR contains many references to the toponym L/!k3 or L/!k3pura.1*As is clear for example from the translation of KR ,1.%4–*,' provided byHooy-kaas in his *0&% article that bears the apt title ‘+e Paradise on Earth in LH!k3’,our text at various places paints a paradisiacal picture of this L/!k3pura. More-over, in sarga %, the Kakawin contains the by now rather famous descriptionof a #aiva temple (pras"da, from Sanskrit pr"s"da) at L/!k3, which, as F.D.K.Bosch seems to have been the "rst to have noticed, is strongly reminiscent ofspeci"cally Central Javanese monumental architecture. Bosch’s idea was takenup by Poerbatjaraka as an important element in his persuasive attempt chrono-logically to situate the KR in the Central Javanese Period.1, +e possibility thatthe KR is not describing the ideal type of a Central Javanese monument, butis describing speci"cally the Loro Jonggrang complex, seems to be very closeto the surface throughout Aichele’s arguments (*0'0:*&0 and following pages)on the relationship between the #ivag$ha inscription and the KR, but, as far asI can see, everywhere remains implicit. In any case, the epigraphical attesta-tions of the toponym on and around the Ratu Baka prominence play no role inAichele’s argument.12 +ey strongly suggest that the toponym was not only anallegorical designation in theKR,11 but in fact denoted a real place in the ancient

1*. +e spelling as L/!ka/L/!kapura (with a for ") is also well attested in the text, the metre inmost cases clearly being the determining factor for which spelling was chosen.1,. See Poerbatjaraka *02,:*'* and following pages; on the text passage in question, see alsothe important philological and historical observations of Aichele (*0'0:*'6–,).12. And of course they hardly could have done so, since both Damais’ Répertoire onomastiqueand the text of Ratu Baka F that I present in this paper were still unavailable at the time, and themere two syllables la%ka in the "nal stanza of the Pereng inscription are of course liable easily toescape notice.11. As would be the case with the name Vindhya for the Ratu Baka prominence, if De Casparis’hypothesis that the plateau’s ancient name was Valai!, could be proven true. As is clear frommy note 20 above, I do not expect that it will, so the possibility that the Ratu Baka prominence

*1% Arlo Grif!ths

Central Javanese landscape. In fact Acri (,6*6:1%0–02) has tried to suggest aconnection, based on his reading of KR ,1.0&–*,' and the #ivag$ha inscrip-tion, between Vibh?8aAa in the poem and Rakai Kayuva!i, both king in La!k3,which means that, at the level of worldly realities, that toponym would have tobe situated in Central Java.

+e correspondence between the various pieces of epigraphical evidencepresented above, on the one hand, and the textual evidence from the KR, on theother, naturally lead to the hypothesis that La!ka(pura) indeed was the nameof the ancient vanua corresponding to the modern desa Karangasem where thePrambanan complex is located. Since temple-names containing the elementpura are well known both in Indonesia and elsewhere in Asia,1& it seems pos-sible to go one step further and to propose that the complex itself bore thisname.1'

was actually known in ancient times as Vindhya cannot be excluded. +e original (Sanskrit)name of the hillock was probably mentioned in st. <=== of the Ratu Baka F inscription, but hasunfortunately been lost in a lacuna.1&. See Sanderson (,662–61:16,): ‘+e pyramid-based state-temples built by the major Khmerrulers of theAngkoreanperiod at the centre of the ceremonial capitals (puram)whose foundationmarked their reignsweremostly temples of #ivas incorporating the ruler’s name installed by #aivaof"ciants’. +e practice (onwhich, see Sanderson’s note *0&) of incorporation of royal names intonames of temples seems however not to have been in vogue in ancient Indonesia.1'. To preempt one possible objection, let me point out, as did Aichele (*0'0:*&0), that thewords /ivag(ha and /iv"laya in the inaptly designated #ivag$ha inscription, if indeed connectedwith the Prambanan complex at all, may only refer to the #iva shrine within that complex and arein any case so general in meaning that they are no serious candidates as ‘names’ of any speci"c#iva shrine. If one likes, onemay speculate that the speci"c name of the #iva installed in themainPrambanan shrine was Bhadr3loka (Pereng, st. =<: vihite kala/ajan"mn" bhadr"lok"hvaye vivu-dhagehe) although this implies the identity of Kumbhayoni with the founder of the #iva shrineof the #ivag$ha inscription, an identity that several historians including myself would currentlyno longer be willing to accept (see Wisseman Christie ,66*:1*–,).

Abbreviations

AdKIT Amsterdam, Koninklijk Instituut voor de TropenBCB Bundels C. Berg, portfolios, LeidenBEFEO Bulletin de l’École française d’Extrême-OrientBK Bha44ik"vyaBKI Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en VolkenkundeBPPP Balai Pelestarian Peninggalan Purbakala (Yogyakarta)Br Brandes Collection, Jakarta / Van der Tuuk Collection, Leiden Univer-

sity LibraryCB Collection Berg, Leiden University LibraryDW De/awar.ana, or N"garak6t"gamaEFEO École française d’Extrême-OrientHKS Hooykaas-Ketut Sangka Collection, Balinese Manuscript ProjectHSR Hikayat S7ri RamaIAIC International Academy of Indian CultureIIAS International Institute for Asian Studies, LeidenK Kirtya Collection, SingarajaKBNW Kawi-Balineesch-Nederlandsch woordenboek, see Tuuk, H.N. Van der

*%0'–*0*,.KITLV Koninklijk Instituut voor Taal-, Land- en VolkenkundeKR Kakawin R"m"ya.aLOr Leiden Oriental (Codex Orientalis), Leiden University LibraryLUB Leiden University LibraryMS ManuscriptMW Monier-Williams Sanskrit-English Dictionary, see Monier-Williams

*%00NAK National Archives KathmanduNGMPP Nepal-German Manuscript Preservation ProjectOD Oudheidkundige DienstOJED Old Javanese-English Dictionary, see Zoetmulder *0%,Ragh Raghuva#/aTBG Tijdschri8 voor Indische Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde, uitgegeven door

het Bataviaasch Genootschap van Kunsten en WetenschappenUtK Uttarak".0aVR V3lm?ki’s R"m"ya.a

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Press.

V E R H A N D E L I N G E NVAN HET KONINKLIJK INSTITUUTVOOR TAAL-, LAND- EN VOLKENKUNDE

,14

From La!k3 Eastwards+e R3m3yaAa in the Literatureand Visual Arts of Indonesia

Edited by

Andrea AcriHelen CreeseArlo Grif"ths

KITLV PressLeiden,6**

Published by:KITLV PressKoninklijk Instituut voor Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde(Royal Netherlands Institute of Southeast Asian and Caribbean Studies)PO Box 0&*&,266 RA Leiden+e Netherlandswebsite: www.kitlv.nle-mail: kitlvpress@kitlv.nl

KITLV is an institute of the Royal Netherlands Academy of Arts and Sciences(KNAW)

Typeset by Andrea Acri in ‘Adobe Minion Pro’ using X ELATEX

Cover: Creja Ontwerpen, Leiderdorp

Cover photo: R3m3yaAa relief at CaAJi #iva, PrambananPhoto by Andrea Acri (,662)

ISBN 978-90-6718-384-0

KITLVPress applies theCreativeCommonsAttribution-NonCommercialNoDe-rivs 2.6 Unported License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-ncnd/2.6)to books, published in or a5er January ,6**.

Authors retain ownership of the copyright for their articles, but they permitanyone unrestricted use and distribution within the terms of this license.

Printed in the Netherlands

CONTENTS

About the authors <==Introduction >=

P(NO =OP) J(<(QRSR K(T(U=Q (Q) OVR K(T(U=Q RWXWY(Z(

Hymns of Praise in Kakawins+e R"m"ya.a and Other Examples

Stuart Robson 1

Poetic Conventions as Opposed to Conventional Poetry?A Place for kavisamaya-"di in Comparative K3vya/Kakawin Studies

Wesley Michel 11

Figures of Repetition (yamaka) in the Bha44ik"vya, the Raghuva#/a,the #iwag:ha Inscription and the Kakawin R"m"ya.a

)omas Hunter 25

More on Birds, Ascetics and Kings in Central JavaKakavin R"m"ya.a, ,1.***–**& and ,&.*0–,,

Andrea Acri 53

R"m"ya.a Traditions in BaliHelen Creese 93

+e Old Javanese Kapiparwa and a Recent Balinese PaintingAdrian Vickers 119

<= Contents

P(NO ==TVR RWXWY(Z( (O C(Z[= PN(X\(Q(Q (Q) C(Z[= P(Q(O(N(Q

Imagine La!kapura at PrambananArlo Grif!ths 133

+e Grand Finale+e Uttarak".0a of the Loro Jonggrang Temple Complex

Cecelia Levin 149

+e Causeway Episode of the Prambanan R"m"ya.a ReexaminedRoy Jordaan 179

Hanuman, the Flying Monkey+e Symbolism of the R"m"ya.a Reliefs at the Main Temple of CaAJi Panataran

Lydia Kieven 209

Abbreviations 233

Bibliography 235

Index 253