goring-morris, a. n. and a. belfer-cohen 2014. the neolithic in the southern levant: yet another...

MANEN C., PERRIN T., GUILAINE J. (eds) 2014 – La transition néolithique en Méditerranée. The Neolithic transition in the Mediterranean. Errance – AEP, 464 p.

La Méditerranée constitue un espace privilégié pour étudier la mutation qui fit basculer les anciennes sociétés de chasseurs-‐collecteurs dans la sphère des producteurs de nourriture, agriculteurs et éleveurs néolithiques, car fut à la fois un foyer de transition entre ces deux états et, parallèlement, un espace de diffusion de l’économie nouvelle : deux mécanismes clés pour comprendre le processus d’émergence du monde paysan. C’est d’abord sur les terres de la Méditerranée orientale et sur ses prolongements, depuis le Levant Sud jusqu’à à la Haute Mésopotamie et au Zagros, que des communautés ont progressivement modifié leur organisation sociale, leur cadre symbolique, leur mode de vie pour devenir des sociétés sédentaires et productrices, inaugurant ainsi une ère nouvelle, annonciatrice des temps historiques. Puis ce nouveau système s’est propagé en Méditerranée, favorisant ainsi la conversion à l’économie agricole et pastorale de l’Europe et d’une partie de l’Asie et de l’Afrique. Les mécanismes de cette diffusion furent complexes, entrainant de

fréquentes recompositions culturelles et donnant lieu à processus adaptatifs commandés par le double jeu des contraintes environnementales et de la créativité humaine. Cet ouvrage constitue la publication d’un colloque international organisé en avril 2011 au Muséum de Toulouse. Il réunit vingt-‐six contributions qui dressent le panorama de la recherche actuelle en trois principaux domaines géographiques : le Proche-‐Orient, les îles de la Méditerranée orientale et la Méditerranée occidentale. The Mediterranean represents an ideal space for studying the transition from the last hunters-‐gatherers to the first farmers. It was both a primal place of transition between these two steps and a space of diffusion of the new economy, two key mechanisms for understanding the process of the emergence of farming. It was first in the eastern Mediterranean, from the southern Levant to upper Mesopotamia and the Zagros, that some communities progressively modified their social organization, their symbolic framework, their way of life to become sedentary and food-‐producing societies, thus opening a new era that set the pattern for historical times. Latter on, this new economic system progressively expanded, promoting the farming economy in Europe and in some part of Asia and Africa. The mechanisms of this diffusion were complex and they produced frequent cultural transformations and adaptive processes, both determined by environmental constraints and by human creativity. This book constitutes the proceedings of an international conference held in April 2011 in the Museum of Toulouse. It gathers twenty-‐six papers offering an overview of the current research in three main geographical areas: the Near-‐East, the eastern Mediterranean islands and the western Mediterranean.

http://www.librairie-‐epona.fr/la-‐transition-‐neolithique-‐en-‐mediterranee.html

SOMMAIRE

TransiTions en MédiTerranée - ou CoMMenT des Chasseurs devinrenT aGriCulTeurs

Jean Guilaine ....................................................................................................................................................... 9 Un colloque pour en débattre

la MuTaTion ProChe - OrienTale - The near - easT ChanGe

Frédéric abbès .................................................................................................................................................................... 13 Bal’as : un autre scénario de la néolithisation du Proche-Orient

The Bal’as Mountains: a different scenario of the Near Eastern neolithization

danielle stordeur ............................................................................................................................................................. 27 Jerf el Ahmar entre 9500 et 8700 cal. BC. Un village des débuts de l’agriculture. Une société complexe

Jerf el Ahmar between 9500 and 8700 cal. BC. A village at the outset of farming. A complex society

GeorGe Willcox ................................................................................................................................................................. 47 Les premiers indices de la culture des céréales au Proche-Orient

The beginnings of cereal cultivation in the Near East

adrian niGel GorinG-Morris, anna belFer-cohen .......................................................................................................... 59 The Neolithic in the southern Levant: yet another ‘unique’ phenomenon…

Le Néolithique dans le sud du Levant : un autre phénomène « singulier »…

MehMet Özdoğan ............................................................................................................................................................... 74 The Quest for New Criteria in Defining the Emergence and the Dispersal of Neolithic Way of Life

À la recherche de nouveaux critères pour définir l’émergence et la diffusion du mode de vie néolithique

éric coqueuGniot ............................................................................................................................................................... 91 Dja‘de (Syrie) et les représentations symboliques au IXe millénaire cal. BC

Dja’de (Syria) and the symbolic representations during the 9th millennium cal. BC

Miquel Molist ..................................................................................................................................................109 Le processus de consolidation de la néolithisation au Proche-Orient : Apports de l’étude du site de Tell Halula

(vallée de l’Euphrate, Syrie) The process of consolidation of the neolithization in the Near East: evidence from the site of Tell Halula (Euphrates valley, Syria)

la diffusion Par ChyPre, l’ÉGée eT l’adriaTique - The diffusion by CyPrus, eaGean and adriaTiC

Jean-denis ViGne ...............................................................................................................................................125 Nouveaux éclairages chypriotes sur les débuts de la domestication des animaux et sur la néolithisation au Proche-Orient

New insights from Cyprus on the beginning of animal domestication and on the neolithisation in the Near East

Katerina trantalidou .......................................................................................................................................141 L’exploitation des ressources animales pendant le 9e millénaire en Égée et le statut ambigu des suidés

Trends in faunal taxonomic representation during the 9th millennium in the Aegean and the ambiguous status of suids

aMelie scheu, ruth bollonGino, Jean-denis ViGne, anne tresset, norbert benecKe, JoachiM burGer ................165 The spread of domesticated cattle in the Neolithic transition

La diffusion du bœuf domestique durant la transition néolithique

niKos eFstratiou ...............................................................................................................................................173 “MICROHISTORIES” of transition in the Aegean islands. The cases of Cyprus and Crete

« MICRO-HISTOIRES » de la transition dans les îles Égéennes. Les cas de Chypre et de la Crète

adaMantios saMpson .........................................................................................................................................193 The Mesolithic of the Aegean basin

Le Mésolithique du bassin Égéén

Jean-François berGer, GaryFalia Metallinou, Jean Guilaine ........................................................................................ 213 Vers une révision de la transition méso-néolithique sur le site de Sidari (Corfou, Grèce).

Nouvelles données géoarchéologiques et radiocarbone, évaluation des processus post-dépositionnels Reconsidering the mesolithic-neolithic transition at the site of Sidari (Corfu, Greece). New geoarchaeological and radiocarbon data, evaluation of the post-depositional processes

stašo Forenbaher, preston Miracle .............................................................................................................................. 233 Transition to Farming in the Adriatic: a View from the Eastern Shore

La transition vers l’agriculture et l’élevage en Adriatique: une vue des côtes orientales

renata GriFoni creMonesi, GioVanna radi ..................................................................................................................... 243 Du Mésolithique au Néolithique ancien en Italie centrale et méridionale

From the Mesolithic to the Early Neolithic in central and southern Italy

la néoliThisaTion de l’ouesT MédiTerranéen - The WesTern MediTerranean neoliThizaTion

thoMas perrin, didier binder ......................................................................................................................................... 271 Le Mésolithique à trapèzes et la néolithisation de l’Europe sud-occidentale Late Mesolithic trapeze assemblages and the Neolithization of the South-Western Europe

Joseph cesari, patrice courtaud, FrancK leandri, thoMas perrin, claire Manen ................................................... 283 Le site de Campu Stefanu (Sollacaro, Corse-du-Sud) : une occupation du Mésolithique et du Néolithique ancien

dans le contexte corso-sarde Campu Stefanu (Sollacaro, Sourthern Corsica) : a Mesolithic and Early Neolithic settlement in the Corso-sardinian context

carlo luGliè ....................................................................................................................................................307 The Su Carroppu rockshelter within the process of neolithization of Sardinia L’abri sous roche de Su Carroppu et le processus de néolithisation de la Sardaigne

pilar utrilla, raFael doMinGo ..........................................................................................................................327 La transition Mésolithique-Néolithique dans la vallée de l’Èbre The Mesolithic-Neolithic transition in the Ebro valley

carMen olaria..................................................................................................................................................359 The Mesolithic collective burial of Cingle del Mas Nou (Ares del Maestre, Castellón, Spain) L’inhumation collective mésolithique du Cingle del Mas Nou (Ares del Maestre, Castellón, Espagne)

JaVier Fernández-lópez de pablo .......................................................................................................................371 Art traditions, cultural interactions and symbolic contexts during the Neolithic transition in the Eastern Iberian Peninsula Traditions artistiques, interactions culturelles et contextes symboliques de la transition néolithique dans la région

méditerranéenne espagnole

claire Manen ...................................................................................................................................................405 Dynamiques spatio-temporelles et culturelles de la néolithisation ouest-méditerranéenne Spatial, chronological and cultural dynamics of the neolithization in the western Mediterranean

Joan bernabeu aubán, bernat Martí oliVer .....................................................................................................419 The First Agricultural Groups in the Iberian Peninsula Les premiers groupes agropastoraux de la péninsule Ibérique

Marie lacan, François-xaVier ricaut, bertrand ludes, éric crubézy, Jean Guilaine ..........................................439 La néolithisation de l’Europe : apports de l’ADN ancien The neolithization of Europe: evidence from ancient DNA

siMone Mulazzani .............................................................................................................................................453 Le site de SHM-1 (Tunisie) entre le VIIe et le VIe mill. cal. BC. Prémices d’une transition du Capsien supérieur vers le Néolithique The site of SHM-1 (Tunisia) between the 7th and the 6th mill. cal. BC. Evidence of Upper Capsian – Neolithic transition

liste des auteurs ..............................................................................................................................................463

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THE NEOLITHIC IN THE SOUTHERN LEVANT YET ANOTHER ‘UNIQUE’ PHENOMENON…

LE NÉOLITHIQUE DANS LE SUD DU LEVANT UN AUTRE PHÉNOMÈNE « SINGULIER »…

adrian niGel GorinG-Morris, anna belfer-Cohen

The Aceramic Neolithic (PPN) in the Near East corresponds to revolutionary transformations in the human condition, setting the stage for later developments prior to the emergence of urban life. Theoretical constructs to explicate these processes vary from climatic determinism, through human vitalism, to demographic and social triggers, co-evolutionary symbiotic human-plant relationships, linguistic, psychological and multi-factor models. Yet, such models frequently preceded the hard data available. In recent decades the situation has improved markedly with numerous field projects conducted throughout the Near East including the southern Levant, an area characterised by a mosaic of ecological zones often located in close proximity to one another. The nature and intensity of climatic change during the course of the terminal Pleistocene and early Holocene throughout the region and their effects on socio-cultural developments including shifts in settlement patterns remains ambiguous.

Locally, the period witnessed significant demographic growth. It is possible that in part this reflects changes in lifeways and population movements, when small settled PPNA village communities were established, subsisting initially on cultivation and foraging, and then on agriculture and herding in large ‘megasite’ villages during the course of the PPNB; and finally on dispersed agro-pastoralism during the Late Neolithic. Yet, in order to understand the nature of transformations associated with ‘Neolithisation’ processes, it is crucial to note that many seminal ideological and other developments first commenced earlier during the course of the Epipalaeolithic Natufian. Furthermore, in addition to plant and animal domestication, these Neolithisation processes also involved such technological innovations as the management of fire, water and plastic materials, as well as the intensification of ritual and social interactions. Still, it is important to note that these ‘first time’ processes were neither linear nor directed. Wide-ranging cultural interaction spheres emerged throughout the Near East, of which the southern Levant formed but one component of broader systems. Subsistence shifted unevenly in time and space

to domesticates, with foraging commonly still being important in some areas. Indeed, in recent years debates arose concerning the presence of polycentric developments as opposed to a single centre for plant and animal domestication within the Near East. The ‘desert and the sown’ dichotomy, already present earlier, continued, whether in the marginal zones of eastern Transjordan or in the Negev and Sinai.

The innate social tensions deriving from the emergence of larger sedentary communities were further exacerbated by discrepancies in the accumulation of material, social and ritual wealth within and between communities. Prestige and other items were exchanged, often over considerable distances, and there is some evidence for the emergence of incipient craft specialisation. Certain localities may have served as hubs for redistribution networks. Mechanisms for dissipating resulting ‘scalar’ stress involved the emergence and intensification of increasing social and ritual complexity. This is reflected in the proliferation of communal cultic installations and paraphernalia, whether in dedicated areas of settlements or as separate localities. This is also expressed in the variability of mortuary practices during the course of the PPN, ranging from single articulated burials to multiple secondary burials, the latter seemingly more common later in the period. While post-mortem skull removal, often interpreted as some form of ancestor veneration, was common it was by no means ubiquitous, having been initiated already during the Natufian. The role and intensity of inter-personal and even inter-community violence remains unclear. Furthermore, the effects of long-term sedentism and the introduction of domestic animals into villages raise issues concerning the emergence of contagious, including zoonotic diseases.

The presentation summarises the results of various recent investigations within the southern Levant during the course of the Aceramic Neolithic (PPNA and PPNB), and examine their significance concerning the nature and tempo of Neolithisation processes in the broader context of the Near East.

ABSTRACT

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AdriAn nigel goring-Morris AnnA Belfer-Cohen

The NeoliThic iN The souTherN levaNT: yeT aNoTher ‘uNique’ pheNomeNoN…

Le Néolithique acéramique (PPN) au Proche-Orient correspond à des transformations révolutionnaires de la condition humaine qui préparent le terrain en vue de développements ultérieurs précédant l’apparition des premières villes. Les constructions théoriques mises en œuvre pour expliquer ces processus varient du déterminisme climatique, en passant par le vitalisme humain aux causes démographiques et sociales, aux relations symbiotiques entre hommes et plantes accompagnant l’évolution et aux modèles linguistiques, psychologiques et multifactoriels. Cependant, de tels modèles ont souvent été construits avant de disposer de données réelles.

Au cours de ces dernières décennies, la situation s’est significativement améliorée grâce à de nombreuses recherches conduites un peu partout au Proche-Orient, incluant aussi le Levant sud, une région caractérisée par une mosaïque de zones écologiques souvent proches les unes des autres. La nature et l’intensité des changements climatiques à la fin du Pléistocène et au début de l’Holocène dans cette région ainsi que leurs effets sur le développement socio-économique y compris les changements dans les structures de l’occupation du territoire restent ambigus.

Dans certains endroits, cette période est caractérisée par une croissance démographique significative. Il est possible que cela reflète en partie des changements dans les façons de vivre et des mouvements de population, lorsque des petites communautés villageoises sont fondées au PPNA vivant d’agriculture de chasse et de cueillette, ensuite évoluant vers de vastes villages basés sur l’agriculture et l’élevage au cours du PPNB et finalement se dispersant avec la pratique du pastoralisme au PPNB récent. Afin de comprendre la nature des transformations associées aux processus de néolithisation, il est important de noter que l’origine d’un grand nombre de développements décisifs, idéologiques et autres, remonte à une date antérieure, au Natoufien épipaléolithique. En outre, en plus de la domestication des plantes et des animaux, ces processus de néolithisation ont aussi amené des innovations technologiques, telle la gestion du feu, de l’eau et des matériaux malléables, ainsi que l’intensification des interactions rituelles et sociales. Il est aussi important de remarquer que ces toutes premières transformations n’ont été ni linéaires ni dirigées. Des sphères d’interaction culturelles à large échelle ont émergé à travers le Proche-Orient, le Levant sud abritant seulement

une des composantes au sein d’un système plus large. Les stratégies de subsistance évoluent différemment dans le temps et dans l’espace vers l’agriculture et l’élevage, la chasse et la collecte demeurant importantes dans certaines zones. En effet, ces dernières années, des débats ont été engagés quant à l’existence de multiples foyers par opposition à un seul centre de domestication des plantes et des animaux au Proche-Orient. La dichotomie entre le désert aride et la terre fertile (« the desert and the sown »), déjà présente antérieurement, se prolonge, aussi bien dans les zones marginales de l’est de la Transjordanie que dans le Néguev et le Sinai.

Des tensions sociales inhérentes, dérivant de l’émergence de grandes communautés sédentaires, ont été exacerbées par les divergences dans l’accumulation des richesses matérielles, sociales et rituelles à l’intérieur et entre les communautés. Des objets de prestige et d’autres ont été échangés, souvent sur des distances considérables et il existe quelques preuves pour l’émergence de la spécialisation artisanale. Certaines localités ont servi de centres au sein des réseaux de redistribution. Des mécanismes d’apaisement des tensions engendrées par des stress sociaux sont à l’origine de l’émergence et de l’intensification d’une complexité sociale et rituelle croissante. Cela est visible dans la prolifération des bâtiments communautaires et accessoires liés au culte, soit dans des zones particulières au sein des sites d’habitat soit dans des lieux séparés. La variabilité des pratiques funéraires au cours du PPN exprime aussi cet état de fait, allant de simples sépultures individuelles aux sépultures secondaires multiples, ces dernières semblent plus communes à la fin de la période. Si le prélèvement post mortem du crâne, souvent interprété comme une sorte de vénération de l’ancêtre, était courant, il n’était dans aucun cas novateur étant donné qu’il avait été initié déjà au Natoufien. Le rôle et l’intensité de la violence entre personnes et même entre communautés restent peu précis. De la même manière, les effets sur le long terme de la sédentarité et l’introduction des animaux domestiques dans des villages soulèvent des questions concernant l’émergence des maladies contagieuses, y compris les zoonoses.

Cette contribution résume les résultats de différentes recherches récentes menées sur le terrain dans des sites du Néolithique acéramique (PPNA et PPNB) du Levant sud, et examine leur importance concernant la nature et le rythme des processus de néolithisation dans le contexte proche-oriental plus large.

RÉSUMÉ

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La mutation proche-orientaLe the near-east change

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Le NéoLithique daNs Le sud du LevaNt : uN autre phéNomèNe « siNguLier »…

Research on “The Neolithic Revolution”, a term that was considered analogous to the “transition to agricultural subsistence” in the Near East was initially driven by theoretical constructs which preceded actual fieldwork in the region (e.g. see summary in Childe, 1953). Exploration of “Neolithization” processes entailed the assumption that there was but a single trajectory of the manner in which fully fledged farming and herding developed within the ‘Fertile Crescent’. Additionally, based on the vagaries of the history of research, it was taken as a given that the geographical location of such developments was in the southern Levant, and that they only subsequently disseminated northwards (fig. 1). The local Neolithic archaeological record was conceived as representing the standard by which Neolithization stages and transformations should be judged. Thus the south Levantine record initially became the yardstick for dealing with Neolithic developments elsewhere in the Near East. Following research during the late 1950’s at Jericho and Jarmo this was reflected in the Braidwood-Kenyon debate concerning the earliest appearance of settled farming societies (e.g. Braidwood, 1957; Kenyon, 1957a).

Field research since the 1980s elsewhere in the Near East has resulted in the heretofore south Levantine so-called ‘primacy’ - to use Watkins’ (2008) phrase - shifting to the northern Levant, and especially the middle Euphrates – upper Tigris region. Still, research remained anchored to the basic paradigm of a single ‘centre’ of origins, followed by subsequent dispersions. With the recent rapid accumulation of archaeological data throughout the Near East (including Cyprus), the complexity, diversity and uneven pace of Neolithisation processes are highlighted. It is obvious that there was no ‘blueprint’ to follow whenever a group/society seemed to be on the route to become fully-fledged agriculturalists. Moreover, it transpires that the latter was not a coherent concept; indeed, groups practicing incipient cultivation and domestication were unaware that they were on a trajectory to becoming agriculturalists. Clearly we are facing, from the very beginnings of the shift from foraging to village societies, longue durée processes that incorporated complex webs of interactions pertaining to people, particular environmental conditions, climatic shifts, as well as technological and social innovations. The focus of the process shifted back and forth between the northern and southern

Levant, differing with regards various realms, from technological innovations to ritual behaviours. One may consider the whole of the Fertile Crescent as a hub where, in different locations, at different points of time, ideas developed and innovations spread, at diverse paces, in different manners.

In light of the above, we believe that the time is ripe to reassess the nature of developments in the southern Levant with respect to that elsewhere in the Fertile Crescent. We shall first present a brief overview of the basic data available for the Early Neolithic. We prefer to use the terms ‘Early Neolithic’ and ‘Late Neolithic’ when referring to what is usually termed ‘Pre-Pottery Neolithic’ and ‘Pottery Neolithic’, respectively (Belfer-Cohen and Goring-Morris, in press), since ceramics and pottery have been consistently reported within ‘Pre-Pottery’ Neolithic contexts (e.g. Biton, 2010; Freichman, 2006). The ‘Early Neolithic’ encompasses the PPNA (ca. 9600 - 8750 cal. BC) represented by the ‘Khiamian’ and the ‘Sultanian’ entities, and the PPNB (ca. 8750 - 6900 cal. BC). The ‘Late Neolithic’ comprises the ‘Yarmukian’ and ‘Lodian/Jericho IX’ entities (ca. 6900 - 5500 cal. BC).

The archaeological record of the southern Levant will be described according to developments in settlement patterns, architecture, material culture, and symbolic behaviour, being fully aware that such distinctions are often arbitrary. Discussion of each of these realms will include comparisons with findings from other regions, as well as a thorough exposé of the chronological framework; this is crucial for understanding the dynamics of local sequences and their relative positions within the wider framework of Neolithisation processes throughout the greater Levant.

Geographically, we consider the ‘southern Levant’ to include areas south of a line between Beirut and Damascus (fig.1). In addressing developments during the Neolithic in the southern Levant, it is vital to relate to those already initialised during the semi-sedentary Late Epipalaeolithic Natufian (ca. 13000 - 9500 cal. BC), since many aspects of local developments can be traced directly back to that entity. Mostly we shall concentrate on the earlier stages of the Neolithic. Since we view what has traditionally been considered the beginning of the ‘Late Neolithic’ as demonstrating direct continuity, we shall also relate to it whenever relevant (for further discussion see Goring-Morris and Belfer-Cohen, in press).

INTRODUCTION

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Fig. 1: Topographic map of the Fertile Crescent (the northern and southern Levant are delineated by a ‘line’ extending from Beirut to Damascus).

Carte topographique du croissant fertile (la limite entre le Levant nord et le Levant sud se situe sur la ligne reliant Beyrouth à Damas).

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The Late Epipalaeolithic Natufian complex is characterized by marked variability in settlement and mobility patterns within the Mediterranean zone as well as at the arid margins, reflecting complex webs of interaction (Belfer-Cohen and Goring-Morris, 2013; Goring-Morris and Belfer-Cohen, 2013). The picture changes during the PPNA with settlement patterns focusing especially upon lowland settings, mainly within the Rift Valley north and south of the Dead Sea, and more modest occupations along the western margins of the central mountain range (fig. 2). The arid zone was almost completely abandoned at this time, perhaps corresponding to the cumulative effects of the Younger Dryas. The rather spotty data available from surveys indicates that major settlements were spaced at intervals of about 20km along the edges of the Jordan Rift, commonly on or adjacent to active alluvial fans, close to water sources and potentially cultivable land.

A hierarchy of PPNA site sizes is documented, with the largest, such as Jericho and Netiv Hagdud extending over ca. 25 dunams 1, though most sites were clearly much smaller (Kuijt, 1994). There are indications that the largest settlements, possibly with populations in the low hundreds, functioned as regional nodes interacting with smaller sites: this is illustrated by the variable quantities of imported obsidian between the sites, irrespective of the recovery techniques employed (Bar-Yosef, 2001). In addition, smaller, presumably seasonal occupations are found in adjacent upland areas to the west and east, e.g. Iraq ed-Dubb, Ein Suhun and Yad Shmoneh (Kuijt et al., 1992; Nadel et al., 2000; pers. obs.). We believe it likely that the larger sites were basically sedentary communities, although parts of the population may have engaged in seasonal transhumance to exploit areas farther away. Yet it transpires that in some sites the general nature and scale of the settlement continued in the mode of ‘Natufian-type’ hamlets, e.g. the site of Nahal Oren (Stekelis and Yisraely, 1963).

The larger settlements have significantly greater accumulations of waste than previously, a new phenomenon in the Near East. Indeed, for the first time occupation sediments often are mainly of an anthropogenic nature and include significant quantities of ash as well as construction debris. These latter result in the rapid accumulation of levels to form ‘tells’, again, a new phenomenon, previously known very rarely, e.g. the aggregation sites of Early/Middle Epipalaeolithic Kharaneh IV and Jilat 6 (Garrard, 1998; Garrard and Byrd, 1992). These attest to intensive construction and pyrotechnical activities, portraying a stable and structured mode of habitation within PPNA sites, a trend that continues thereafter.

Subsequent PPNB settlement patterns differ considerably and, to date, no site displays direct continuity from the PPNA. Indeed, it is still difficult to characterize the nature of Early PPNB settlement patterns in the southern Levant. The arid margins began to be repopulated at this time, but by mobile foragers, in an ‘Epipalaeolithic’ mode.

During the Middle PPNB, in addition to large settlements being founded within the Rift valley, such as Beisamoun, Tel Eli,

1 Although the size of Netiv Hagdud was originally reported as 15 dunams, subsequent trenching around the edge of the site indicates it was at least 20 dunams in size (Bar-Yosef and Gopher, pers. comms.)

Munhata and Jericho, there was increasing occupation of the eastern highlands of Transjordan (fig.3). A linear north-south settlement pattern is displayed there, along what would later be known as the ‘Kings highway’, stretching from the Damascus basin southwards to southern Edom. Many sites are located within the major wadi systems dissecting this axis. Though most Middle PPNB sites were initially modest in size, they, e.g. Abu Suwwan, ‘Ain Ghazal, Wadi Shueib, Khirbet Hammam, and other newly founded sites rapidly expanded during the Late and Final PPNB; these represent the so-called ‘mega-site’ phenomenon of large village communities up to 12 hectares in size, e.g. Aswad, Ramad, ‘Ain Ghazal, es-Sifiya and Basta (Rollefson et al., 1992; Simmons, 2007; Stordeur et al., 2010; Mahasneh and Bienert, 2000; and references therein). Site numbers and sizes increased dramatically. Other settlements in the area were of more modest proportions during the Middle and/or Late PPNB, such as Wadi Ghwair I, Shaqaret Msiad, Beidha, and ‘Ain Jammam (Byrd, 2005; Kinzel et al., 2011; Simmons and Najjar, 2006; Waheeb and Fino, 1997). Small sites in the eastern steppes may have served as seasonal outposts for the mega-sites, e.g. Wadi Abu Tulayha and Jilat 26 (Fujii, 2010; Garrard et al., 1994).

West of the Rift valley, in the Galilee, Samaria and Judea, settlements were generally more modestly sized than in and east of the Rift Valley. Sites were located in lowland, alluvial settings, e.g. Yiftahel, Mishmar Ha’Emeq and Ard el-Samra (Barzilai et al., 2011; Getzov et al., 2009; Khalaily et al., 2008). In the coastal plain south of the Carmel, sizeable settlements only appear during the Final PPNB, e.g. Atlit Yam and Ashqelon (Garfinkel and Dag dir., 2008; Galili et al., 20042). Middle and Late PPNB occupation of the Negev and Sinai is marked by the continued presence of seasonally mobile foraging bands exploiting upland and lowland areas.

Most PPNB sites in the Mediterranean zone are located either within major wadis or at the margins of large alluvial valleys, such as would have provided nearby fields with replenishable soils and access to perennial water sources. Clearly, there were additional considerations in founding sites, not present during preceding periods. Population densities and property rights to fertile land would have played a major role during the PPNB. Although the notion that the wall and tower at PPNA Jericho were part of a defence system was proven to be incorrect (Bar-Yosef, 1986; Barkai and Liran, 2008; Naveh, 2003; Ronen and Adler, 2001), one cannot ignore the unusual setting of Late/Final PPNB Baja on a ledge hidden within a narrow canyon, impeding access to all and sundry. The excavator has suggested that the inhabitants took advantage of a natural defensive setting against hostile neighbours (Gebel, 2004). However, given the sparse evidence for conflict or destruction levels in settlements, another explanation may relate to a psychological defensive ’state of mind’ (Ronen and Adler, 2001). The reoccurring reference to possible inter-personal and inter-group violence during the Neolithic gains popularity in the literature and is worth further detailed and in-depth exploration (see papers in Rollefson and Gebel dir., 2010).

2 The possibility of earlier submerged PPNB on the coast should not be discounted.

SETTLEMENT PATTERNS

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Fig. 2: Map of PPNA sites in the Near East (size of squares approximates relative sizes of sites).

Carte des sites du PPNA au Proche-Orient (la taille des carrés correspond à la taille relative des sites).

As noted above, and notwithstanding the relatively sudden appearance of ceramics in large quantities, we view the early Pottery Neolithic ‘Yarmukian’ and ‘Lodian’ (=’Jericho IX’) cultural entities as the culmination of PPNB village society developments (Garfinkel, 1999; Gopher, 1995; Goring-Morris and Belfer-Cohen, in press). Yarmukian sites tend to cluster in valleys adjacent to the central Jordan valley, while the ‘Lodian’ has a more southerly distribution in and west of the Rift valley, with some sites displaying ‘intermediate’ material culture characteristics. It appears that there was a degree of chronological overlap and that, generally, the Yarmukian emerged somewhat earlier (Garfinkel, 1993; Gopher, 1995). The Yarmukian settlement at Sha’ar HaGolan was of a different order of magnitude in comparison to other Yarmukian and Lodian sites (Garfinkel and Ben Shlomo, 2009).

Pastoralism in the arid margins emerged towards the end of the PPNB, seemingly appearing first in the northeast (the el-Kowm basin?) and thence spreading southwards in Transjordan by way of the Black desert and Azraq basin (Cauvin, 2000; Garrard, 1999; Martin, 1999; Rollefson, 2008; Rollefson et al., 2002; Stordeur, 1989) to the Hisme (Henry, 2005) and thence across the Rift valley to the Negev and Sinai (Bar-Yosef, 1985; Bar-Yosef and Khazanov dir., 1992; Goring-Morris, 1993; Rosen, 2008). Of particular interest is the nature of relationships between the settled communities and nearby outposts deeper in the arid zone – or, the ‘desert and the sown’ (Fujii, 2010; Köhler-Rollefson, 1992). To date there is little, if any evidence for contacts with the Nile valley prior to the Late Neolithic, with its appearance in the Fayum (Goring-Morris, 1993; Shirai, 2011).

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Residential architecture is considered as a basic characteristic feature of a ‘community’. Yet the issue of precisely what denotes residential architecture and how to identify its fundamental unit is contentious; this relates to the nature of the social structure operating at any point in time – whether the set social divisions are by nuclear or extended families, as well as other possible combinations, involving age and gender classes, or other partitions (see Flannery, 1972 and 2002). Two polar concepts have emerged in examining early architectural developments within the Levant; one approach espouses a unilinear trajectory from small, circular, to large, quadrilateral architectural units, considered as residential (nuclear or extended family) dwellings (e.g., Ben-Shlomo and

Garfinkel, 2009). The other argues that all architecture prior to the PPNB is ‘non-residential’, i.e. it does not represent shelter and space for the daily activities of a ‘household’, the latter concept appearing only later (e.g. Asouti, 2006; Finlayson et al., 2011). We believe that the available architectural evidence is actually more nuanced than either of the above. One cannot ignore the variability observed in floor sizes of structures, or the co-existence in various sites of structures differing in style and contents (Goring-Morris and Belfer-Cohen, 2003, 2008). In recent years more structured examinations of the syntax of architectural developments within the region are apparent (e.g. Bafna and Shah, 2007; Byrd, 1994, 2000; Byrd and Banning, 1988; Kent, 1990). What we interpret as ‘nuclear family’ based

ARCHITECTURE

Fig. 3: Map of PPNB sites in the Near East (size of squares approximates relative sizes of sites).

Carte des sites du PPNB au Proche-Orient (la taille des carrés correspond à la taille relative des sites).

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residential units in some sites correspond to ethnographic analogies (notwithstanding the inherent problems of such comparisons); they contain similar arrays of associated site furniture, seemingly pertaining to daily subsistence activities, e.g. cup-marked slabs (Casselberry, 1974; Naroll, 1962; Shelach, 2006). Such patterning already appeared during the late Epipalaeolithic Harifian (ca. 10500 - 9600 cal. BC), as well as during the PPNA (Goring-Morris, 1991; Rosenberg, 2008).

The presumed residential architectural units of the PPNA display considerable continuity from the preceding Natufian entity, in particular as regards the circular shape of the structures (Valla, 2008). Still, it is important to note that within this basic concept considerable variability is notable. For, during the formative Early Natufian (ca. 13000 -11000 cal. BC) large-scale circular structures varying in size from 7-15m diameter are common in the Mediterranean zone. By the Late/Final Natufian (ca. 11000 - 9600 cal. BC) they rarely exceed 4-5 m in diameter. The presence in the Early Natufian of structures with internal floor spaces on the order of 40-150 m² is especially important as it has significant ramifications with regards developments in symbolic realms (and see below).

During the PPNA residential structures were usually semi-subterranean, circular or oval in plan, and ranging in size from ca. 6-20m² in diameter 3. Dependent upon specific geographical setting they were built on stone footings, sometimes topped by ‘wattle and daub’ or modelled using mud (‘tauf’) (Gilgal I, Iraq ed-Dubb) and later by actual mud-bricks (Netiv Hagdud, Jericho), with pisé de terre floors. The appearance of the sun-dried mud-brick can be considered as either a local invention 4, or as an element introduced from elsewhere, where, as claimed by K. Kenyon (Kenyon, 1957a and 1957b), stone raw material was scarce. Still the present evidence would appear to indicate that sun-dried mud-brick first appears in the southern Levant. Indeed, mud-bricks have not been reported from the northern Levant during the PPNA, the appearance of moulded bricks being first attested at Çafer Hüyük in the Middle PPNB (Stordeur, 2010).

Another architectural element to consider is the custom-built storage space or the granary. Small-scale silos are documented at Netiv Hagdud, while at Dhra and perhaps at Jericho larger-scale granaries are present (Bar-Yosef and Gopher dir., 1997; Kenyon, 1981; Kuijt and Finlayson, 2009).

Scanty, yet valid evidence indicates that there were public spaces (built or open) used by groups already during the Epipalaeolithic in aggregation sites, e.g. at Late Natufian Rosh Horesha (Marks and Larson, 1977). This may presage the concept of the ‘plaza’ known from the Tigris area 5. It is during PPNA that we can observe, for the first time, clearly communal efforts in the construction and use of durable non-domestic architecture. This

3 Examples include Jericho, Gilgal I, Netiv Hagdud, Iraq ed-Dubb, ZAD 2, Nahal Oren and Hatoula (Bar-Yosef et al. dir., 2010; Bar-Yosef and Gopher dir., 1997; Kuijt and Goodale, 2009; Edwards and House, 2007; Kenyon, 1981; Lechevallier and Ronen, 1994; Stekelis and Yisraely, 1963).

4 AndseetheuseofpisédeterreinNatufiansitessuchasWadiHammeh27and Hayonim Terrace (Edwards, 1991; Henry et al., 1981).

5 e.g. Hallan Çemi, Nemrik, and Çayönu (Kozlowski, 2006; Özdogan and Özdogan, 1990; Rosenberg and Redding, 2000).

pertains to the famous wall and tower of Jericho (Kenyon, 1981), which at the time was considered to denote the foundation of the first city-state in the Fertile Crescent, as well as to the recently published large kiva-like structure from the site of Wadi Faynan 16 (Finlayson et al., 2011), more or less coeval with similar structures reported from the northern Levant 6. Though there is debate concerning the man-power invested in the construction of the Jericho tower and wall, there is no doubt that it would have involved considerable communal efforts (Edwards, 1989; Shelach et al., 2011 7).

The transition to the PPNB marks a major shift in architecture concepts, at least within the Mediterranean zone locally: quadrilateral architecture appears by at least the Middle PPNB 8. Several basic arrangements for residential structures can be identified. These include:

- the cell plan around a central courtyard, as at Basta (Gebel et al. dir., 2006);

- the pier (or corridor) house, as at Beidha, ‘Ain Ghazal, Jericho, and Yiftahel (Byrd and Banning, 1988; Braun, 1997; Byrd, 2005; Kenyon, 1981; Rollefson, 1997 and 2000);

- more agglutinative (‘pueblo’-like) plans, as at ‘Ain Jammam, Baja and Wadi Ghwair (Simons and Najjar, 2006; Waheeb and Fino, 1997; Gebel et al. dir., 2006).

Two and sometimes more stories appear, as at Beidha, ‘Ain Ghazal, and Baja (Gebel, 2006; Kinzel, 2004).

Building activities involved solely mud-brick, as at Aswad (Stordeur, 2010) admixtures of stone foundations and mud-brick superstructures, as at ‘Ain Ghazal, Beisamoun and Munhata, or solely of dressed stone, as at Tell Qarassa, Ghwair I, Basta, Baja and Beidha depending upon the specific location (Byrd, 2005; Gebel et al. dir., 2006; Ibáñez et al., 2010; Kinzel, 2004; Lechevallier, 1978; Perrot, 1993; Rollefson et al., 1992; Simmons and Najjar, 2006). In some instances channels underlie houses, as at Basta and es-Siffiya, apparently to facilitate drainage wit-hin the built environment, and as a means of preventing rising damp (Gebel et al. dir., 2006; Mahasneh, 2004).

PPNB structures had more durable lime-plaster floors that facilitated house cleaning. This would have addressed the growing problems of garbage accumulation as well as issues of hygiene, which would have played a major role in the quality of communal living from the beginnings of sedentism (see Goring-Morris and Belfer-Cohen, 2010a; Hardy-Smith and Edwards, 2004).

Distinctive and unique PPNB structures relate to either the corporate and/or ritual domains, often as designated areas at the edges of settlements, e.g. Aswad, Atlit Yam, Beidha, Ain Ghazal and Nahal Oren (Galili et al., 2004; Kirkbride, 1968; Noy et al., 1973; Rollefson, 2000; Stordeur and Khawam, 2008). Sites primarily dedicated to non-mundane activities include

6 i.e. at Jerf-el Ahmar, Mureybet and Tell ‘Abr 3 (Stordeur et al., 2000; Yartah, 2005).

7 The effort required to build the perimeter wall was calculated by Dorrell as about a week’s worth of work for 200 people; a recalculation based on an estimate of0.5m³perpersonperdayyieldsafigureof10,400workdaysorabout104workdays for 100 people (Bar-Yosef, 1986).

8 The initial shift from circular to quadrilateral architecture is observed in Early PPNB levels at Tell Qarassa (Ibáñez et al., 2010 ; Balbo et al. 2013) and Motza (Khalaily, Bar-Yosef et al., 2007). It is of interest that at Aswad circular plans appear to be dominant through to at least the Middle PPNB (Stordeur et al., 2010).

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The profound changes evident in nearly every aspect of human existence during the Neolithic were accompanied by a plethora of technological innovations. They pertain not only to plant and animal domestication but also to what can be termed as the domestication of ‘fire’, ‘water’, and the ‘built environment’.

PPNA chipped stone tools initially display considerable technological variability but general typological standardisation. The innovations observed in the lithic repertoire pertain mainly to projectile points and bifacial tools (Barkai, 2005; Gopher, 1994); these were already known from the preceding Natufian. The same can be said of the sickle blades that also became a permanent component of Neolithic assemblages (Bar-Yosef, 1998; Edwards, 2007a; Rosen, 1997). With the transition to the Early PPNB a more standardized means of blank production was introduced (from the northern Levant [Abbès, 1994]) in the form of the bidirectional ‘naviform’ core technology – the quintessential characteristic of the PPNB world. This technology continues in use through the earlier part of the Late Neolithic (Barzilai, 2010; Quintero, 2011). Naviform blade blanks were used to manufacture standardized tool forms such as sickle blades, projectile points, perforators, burins and chamfered items. The naviform concept is a fairly simple (and elegant) technology; sometimes production was carried out by skilled craftsmen, e.g. the Motza cache (Khalaily, Marder et al., 2007), and there is evidence for some long distance exchange of raw materials and final products (Barzilai, 2010). In terms of bifacial tools, a development from tranchet to more efficient polished axes occurs, whether on flint, limestone or basalt (Barkai, 2005; Yamada, 2000).

Obsidian already appears in minute quantities towards the end of the Natufian (Delerue, 2007). Although larger quantities are found during the Early Neolithic, it appears primarily within symbolic contexts in much the same manner as other colourful (and often exotic) minerals (Bar-Yosef Mayer and Porat, 2008). Prior to the Late Neolithic obsidian derives exclusively from Cappadocian sources and some sites served as central nodes for its distribution (e.g. PPNA Jericho). It is of interest to note that the only standardized tools made on obsidian in the southern Levant are Helwan points, perhaps hinting at the nature of local interactions during the course of the PPNB, as at Motza, Kfar HaHoresh and Nahal Lavan 109 (Burian et al., 1999).

Many of the larger groundstone tools seemingly relate to cultivation, in the sense that the main items are food processing utensils, very similar to those known in extant populations for

processing plant materials, especially seeds (e.g. Hillman, 1984; Kraybill, 1977). They display a shift away from the deep mortars and pestles (for pounding) characteristic of the Natufian, to the shallow cup marks of the PPNA and on to the querns and upper handstones (for grinding) of the PPNB and Late Neolithic (Belfer-Cohen and Hovers, 2005; Rowan and Ebeling dir., 2008; Wright, 2000; and references therein). An interesting observation is the presence of stepped ‘saddle’ or ‘trough’ querns only in PPNB sites within the Jordan valley; this may correlate with the types of plants cultivated (Goring-Morris and Belfer-Cohen, in press). Raw materials include limestone, basalt, and sandstone. The use of large platters first occurs during the PPNA and continues into the PPNB (Rosenberg 2008); they may have symbolic connotations (for service during feasting?), and are sometimes found associated with burials (Goring-Morris, 2005). It should be remembered that groundstone tools were also used for processing materials other than foods, such as pigments, plaster and bone (Wright, 2000).

Lime plaster production and use first appears during the Middle Epipalaeolithic (for hafting microliths), and in symbolic contexts, amongst others, in architectural features during the Natufian (Kingery et al., 1988; Perrot, 1966). During the PPNB it is used on a much larger scale, whether in architectural or symbolic contexts such as skull modelling, statues and as beads (Bar-Yosef and Alon, 1988; Garfinkel, 1988; Garfinkel and Dag dir., 2008; Goren and Goring-Morris, 2008; Goren at al., 2001). The cauterising properties of lime should be considered also with regards hygiene. In addition lime-plastered surfaces facilitated house cleaning, to the chagrin of archaeologists...; and we should not dismiss the connotations associated with its bright white colour (‘purity’ in later contexts). Undoubtedly, some of these properties came together in the lime-plastered surfaces present at Kfar HaHoresh.

Other facets of pyrotechnology include the intentional modification of ochre as well as the production of burnt clay objects (figurines and beads) and even ceramics prior to the Late (Pottery) Neolithic (Biton, 2010; Freichman, 2006; Goren and Biton, 2010; Zackheim, 1997).

The relatively sudden appearance and dominance of ceramics in the material culture remains is the most visible attribute for separating Early Neolithic (i.e., the ‘Pre-Pottery’) from Late Neolithic (i.e., ‘Pottery Neolithic’). However, the situation is probably much more nuanced than appearances suggest, since it is likely that ceramics represent an addition to and replacement

MATERIAL CULTURE

the cult and mortuary centre of Kfar HaHoresh and the ritual paraphernalia repository at Nahal Hemar cave (Bar-Yosef and Alon, 1988; Goring-Morris, 2005; Goring-Morris et al., 2008). The small circular Late PPNB structures at ‘Ain Ghazal (Rollefson, 2000) could represent ‘sweat lodges’ (Belfer-Cohen and Goring-Morris, 2005).

Systematic water management is first documented as wells in Cyprus during the PPNA and PPNB. In the southern Levant they appear at Final PPNB Atlit Yam and Yarmukian Sha’ar HaGolan (Gebel and Fujii dir., 2010 and references therein). Other water management systems are documented

at Middle/Late PPNB Wadi Abu Tulayha, in the al-Jafr basin, and later during the Late Neolithic at Waida for the irrigation of field systems (Fujii, 2010; Kuijt et al., 2007). The importance of wells lies not only in terms of the domestication of water, ‘bringing water to the settlement,’ but also with regards hygienic considerations – with animal domestication the physical separation of water sources for human as opposed to animal use would have been of paramount importance to the well-being of the community, as protection from potential zoonoses (Karlen, 1995; Miller, 1982; and see also Goring-Morris and Belfer-Cohen, 2010a).

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The Neolithic mindset was formed through adherence to the deep-seated traditions of the preceding hunter-gatherer societies and the introduction of new perceptions stemming from the on-going transformations in various spheres of existence. This affected the manner in which people perceived their society, its place within the surrounding environment and themselves within it. Distinctions between symbolic and mundane realms were not clear-cut, as opposed to later periods, when symbolic-cum-ritual behaviours became standardized and canonization of practice evolved.

In several sites distinct cult areas were located at the edges of settlements, e.g. ‘Ain Ghazal, Aswad, Atlit Yam, Jericho and Mishmar Ha’emeq (Barzilai et al., 2011; Galili et al., 2004; Kenyon, 1981; Stordeur and Khawam, 2008; Rollefson, 2000). Some sites may have functioned as dedicated cult and mortuary localities. For example, Kfar HaHoresh has been hypothesised as representing a local cult and funerary centre serving neighbouring communities, while Nahal Hemar seems to have functioned as a remote repository for ritual artefacts; both sites are located in secluded settings (Bar-Yosef and Alon, 1988; Belfer-Cohen and Goring-Morris, 2007; Goring-Morris et al., 2008). Special sites for mortuary/ritual practices already appear during the late Epipalaeolithic (Goring-Morris and Belfer-Cohen, 2010b; Munro and Grosman, 2010).

Tracing actual rituals in the Neolithic is a ‘murky business’; still, one can infer the custom of feasting through secondary evidence such as bone concentrations of large animals slaughtered at the same time, in particular locations and

specific associations. Illustrative cases are Early PPNB feasting events at Kfar HaHoresh and Motza (Goring-Morris and Horwitz, 2007; and see also Goring-Morris and Belfer-Cohen, 2011; Khalaily, Bar-Yosef et al., 2007). One may also mention the presence of large stone platters, the sizes of which have been interpreted as receptacles for quantities of food (Rosenberg, 2008; Wright, 2000 and references therein). Indeed, feasting was an archaic tradition, which can be traced back to the Natufian (e.g. Munro and Grosman, 2010) and even earlier as observed at Early Epipalaeolithic Kharaneh IV (Goring-Morris and Belfer-Cohen, 2011; Martin et al., 2010; Richter et al., 2010). Studies on feasting in general (see references and discussion in Hayden and Villeneuve, 2011) and those dealing specifically with the Near East during Neolithic times (Twiss dir., 2007 and Twiss, 2008) establish feasting as a common and repetitive phenomenon.

The PPNB ‘Nahal Hemar knife’ is an illustrative example of a chipped flint artefact type, seemingly of a mundane character, the specific association of which indicates it was used within a ritual context. These artefacts are found only (and in large numbers) at the eponymous site associated with other ritual paraphernalia. Given the presence of a string tied tightly around the bilateral basal notches of one ‘knife’ and the inconclusive results of use-wear analysis, it seems unlikely that they were hafted, to be used for cutting or slicing (Bar-Yosef, 2011). Its actual function is difficult to guess and in a fancy frame of mind one can suggest that perhaps they were used as musical chimes attached to ceremonial items of clothing.

SYMBOLIC BEHAVIOUR

of the basketry that is so rarely preserved in the archaeological record. Indeed, it is of interest to note that the decorations on early Neolithic Yarmukian pottery resemble basketry patterns (Garfinkel, 1993). Bone tools used for fabrication of basketry are known from the Natufian (Belfer-Cohen, 1988; Campana, 1989; Le Dosseur, 2008), indicating indirectly that basketry was already a major component of the material repertoire. Such tools continue to appear during the Neolithic, as well as rare wooden items of similar function (Schick et al., 1995). Unfortunately, basketry, matting and woven articles are rarely preserved, except under exceptional conditions, such as those in the Judean desert or in the form of impressions of mats, i.e. Jericho. At Gilgal, Netiv Hagdud and Nahal Hemar actual remains of baskets were recovered, and there is a very rare instance of textiles at Nahal Hemar (Schick, 1988, 1997, 2010; Schick et al., 1995).

Asphalt, deriving from the Dead Sea or, rarely, from distant sources, was used for hafting and for lining baskets, as well as a pigment, from at least the beginning of the Neolithic (Nissenbaum and Connan, 1999). A unique occurrence is the production of a paste from bone collagen modelled as a knife handle at PPNB Nahal Hemar (Nissenbaum, 1997).

Incised ‘tokens’ occur in the Early Neolithic, but it was only during the Late Neolithic that seals begin to appear in larger quantities (Edwards, 2007b; Eirikh-Rose, 2004; Schmandt-Besserat, 1999). Such distinctive stone and pottery ‘seals’ denote the emergence of the ‘individual’ as part of Neolithisation processes.

Other material remains incorporate items similar to those recovered in earlier periods, such as marine molluscs (from the Red Sea and the Mediterranean), as well as freshwater species (Bar-Yosef Mayer, 2005), being used as beads. The impressive quantities of powdered minerals, such as malachite, amazonite, turquoise, manganese and ochre indicate the popular use of pigments, which is also a common practice under ritual and / or communal circumstances. Notable is the appearance of green minerals, mostly for the shaping of beads, given various interpretations tying it in with Neolithization processes and the rising importance of plant cultivation (Bar-Yosef Mayer and Porat, 2008; Wright and Garrard, 2003). During the Early Neolithic individualised pendants and beads were common, often of colourful, exotic materials (e.g. Critchley, 2007; Fabiano et al., 2004). These indicate communication and exchange networks with far-flung regions (Bar-Yosef Mayer, 2010). It was only during the Late Neolithic that beads began to be mass-produced.

A unique category that makes its first appearance during the PPNB are sandstone rings (actually bracelets) manufactured in southern Transjordanian sites such as Baja and Basta; they are also found in small numbers further north and west, perhaps produced elsewhere (Gebel, 2010; Wright and Garrard, 2003). Soft chalky stone and rarely clay were used during the Early Neolithic for the production of figurines and various items (e.g., Hershman and Belfer-Cohen, 2010) to be replaced later on by the massive use of burnt clay.

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Here we intend to bring up issues that were not covered in detail in the above overview or those that merit additional emphasis. For example, we shall not delve here into recent debates concerning the nature, location(s) and precise timing of shifts to agriculture in the Near East (e.g. Abbo et al., 2010; Asouti and Fuller, 2011; Fuller et al., 2011). Suffice it to note that currently the prevailing approach accepts that the shift to plant domestication was a long-term, non-directed process. Another issue to consider is that of the much debated cultural ‘bottlenecks’, whether between the Natufian and the PPNA (accepting the validity of a ‘Khiamian’ entity) or between the PPNA and the PPNB (the ‘Early PPNB’, which differs between the southern and northern Levant), both short ‘bridging’ events, demonstrating elements of changes and continuity.

In the southern Levant evaluation and interpretation of the initial Neolithisation processes are greatly influenced by the detailed archaeological record of the immediately preceding, cultural entities. This contrasts with the situation in the northern Levant, where the archaeological record of events predating the Early Neolithic is scanty (and see critique in Watkins, 2008).

Opinions vary as regards the scope and intensity of plant manipulation during the Natufian; the implicit evidence available for incipient cultivation (quantities of groundstone tools, sickle blades, increasing sedentism, etc.) can be well accommodated within the behaviours recognized in recent hunter-gatherers societies (and see Keeley, 1995 for a detailed discussion). We believe that this renders the insistence for a clear-cut demarcation between agricultural and non-agricultural practices, ignoring relative degrees of plant manipulation, a barren argument. It is quite apparent that with the appearance of the Natufian there is both a dramatic intensification of previously recognized behaviours, as well as a plethora of inter-related technological and social innovations. This sets the background for subsequent developments during the Early Neolithic, which incorporate elements of those practices, reflected in long-lasting traditions involving ‘deep memory’ 9. The gradual accruement (yet by no means incremental or linear) of the implications inherent in the ‘domestication’ processes pertaining to the various realms of human existence at that stage, also incorporated radical and significant changes in the scale and nature of social interactions. These affected personal relations between individuals, the community, and between communities (and see discussion in Belfer-Cohen and Goring-Morris, 2012).

As Natufian groups became more sedentary in the Mediterranean zone, settlements were primarily located at ecotones, maximising the exploitation of foraging areas within more restricted territories. By the PPNB choice localities for villages were situated in well-watered settings on or close to alluvial fans and terraces for fields, where soils would be naturally replenished, as there is no evidence for intentional fertilization prior to the Late Neolithic (Bogaard and Isaakidou, 2010). Though hunting continued to be psychologically

9 e.g. post-mortem skull removal (Kuijt, 2008 and references therein); see also thesimilaritiesinritualactivitiesobservedintheNatufiansiteofHilazonTachtitCave and those observed in the PPNB site of Kfar HaHoresh (Goring-Morris, 2000 and 2005; Grosman and Munro, 2007; Grosman et al., 2008).

important, hunting grounds would commonly have been subsidiary considerations in such decisions. In addition, from the Natufian onwards, special sites were founded in remote, boundary settings, in the form of cemetery/cult sites. Here, the concept of ‘ownership’ at kin and community levels would have developed, in terms of rights to material culture items, fields, and the landscape. Though actual settlement territories would have progressively shrunk, webs of interactions would have multiplied, as the range and intensity of exchange of information and goods increased.

Not only can we observe in the Early Neolithic the intensification and standardization in building activities, ‘domesticating’, so-to-speak, the natural environment. There was secondary ‘domestication’ also of natural elements such as ‘fire’ and ‘water’. At the same time one can observe both the increasing manipulation of raw materials (e.g., clay, coloured minerals) and innovative combinations of raw materials and technologies known previously (e.g. the reed and plaster Ain Ghazal statues, painted and decorated bone Nahal Hemar figurines). Indeed, accrued knowledge of aspects of such technologies - the naviform bidirectional lithic technology being a distinctive example 10 - likely contributed to ‘proto’-craft specialization, evidenced most clearly for the first time during the Early Neolithic (Barzilai, 2010).

The technological and social innovations described above are apparent in mundane and in sacred settings, differentiation between the domains usually being relative and contextual (e.g. Goring-Morris and Belfer-Cohen, 2001). The same can be said as regards private and public activities (e.g. Byrd, 1994).

Exchange of goods and ideas within and between different regions of the greater Levant became more obvious through time, culminating in the PPNB koine. Certain innovations appear to have spread southwards (and westwards), as, for example, the shift from circular to quadrilateral architectural principles 11. There are differences both in the character and the tempo of the components and transformations comprising the Neolitisation processes between the southern and northern Levant. These stem from different environmental circumstances, as well as from the different historical trajectories of the various life-histories of the groups inhabiting both regions 12.

We should acknowledge this, while at the same time recognizing the fact that there were constant, on-going connections criss-crossing the whole of the Fertile Crescent that differed in direction, intensity, scope and impact. Accepting and realizing that this was representative of the situation, rather than looking for rigid directions of trajectories as regards origins and development of the Neolithic worldview/gestalt, is the first and most basic condition to begin to disentangle the complexity that is the Neolithisation process in the Levant.

10 Indisputably deriving from the northern Levant.

11 Rectangular architecture appears at ‘Ain Ghazal during the early stages of the Middle PPNB, while at the coeval southern site of Beidha the shift is observed at a later stage.

12 A minor example: in the northern Levant obsidian was a raw material of choice for a wide array of mundane tool types, whereas in the southern Levant it was hardly ever used for daily tools but rather as pendants and the like.

DISCUSSION

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