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FOCUS ON TERRORISM

FOCUS ON TERRORISM

VOLUME 14

JOSHUA B. MORGAN EDITOR

New York


Copyright © 2016 by Nova Science Publishers, Inc. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means: electronic, electrostatic, magnetic, tape, mechanical photocopying, recording or otherwise without the written permission of the Publisher. We have partnered with Copyright Clearance Center to make it easy for you to obtain permissions to reuse content from this publication. Simply navigate to this publication’s page on Nova’s website and locate the “Get Permission” button below the title description. This button is linked directly to the title’s permission page on copyright.com. Alternatively, you can visit copyright.com and search by title, ISBN, or ISSN. For further questions about using the service on copyright.com, please contact: Copyright Clearance Center Phone: +1-(978) 750-8400 Fax: +1-(978) 750-4470 E-mail: [email protected].

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Published by Nova Science Publishers, Inc. † New York


CONTENTS

Preface vii

Chapter 1 The Rational Terrorist 1 Cind Du Bois

Chapter 2 Ten Theses on the Spirit of Terrorism 13 Goetz Egloff

Chapter 3 This Is WAR! Tom Metzger, White Aryan Resistance, and the Lone Wolf Legacy 29 George Michael

Chapter 4 From Mental Epidemics to Terrorism Pandemic: Synergetic Bio-Psycho-Socio-Spiritual Methodology of Public Conscience Protection 63 Pavel I. Sidorov

Chapter 5 The Suspect Interview in Counter-Terrorism Investigations 87 David Lowe

Chapter 6 Terrorism Led Investigation: Modern Tourism Is Terrorism by Other Means 105 Maximiliano E. Korstanje

Bibliography 119

Index 143


PREFACE Terrorism, sadly, seems here to stay and to stay with a vengeance. It turns out that the

United States was not prepared for it and now must play catch-up. In doing so, even an agreement on how to define terrorism is in doubt and what to do about it seems beyond comprehension at the moment. This book discusses various topics, starting with the rational choice model. The following chapter enunciates ten theses that not only take a look at global terrorism but might serve as issues that might have to be taken heed of in societal politics. Chapter Three examines the political career of Tom Metzger, an activist who did much to radicalize the far-right. Chapter Four describes the evolution of the epidemic process from mental to social and then to asocial epidemics of crime and terrorism. Chapter Five examines the conduct of UK Special Branch Counter-Terrorism Unit (CTU) officers conduct in suspect interviews. The last chapter explores the historical roots of modern tourism and worker unions to see the point of connection between both.

Chapter 1 - The majority of the studies on terrorist behaviour use the rational choice model as their basic conceptual framework. The appropriateness of this model to describe terrorist behaviour is however increasingly been questioned. An overview of the most recent studies on the subject indicates that this literature is conceptually fragmented with different studies departing from different definitions of both rationality and terrorism. This off course hampers the formation of a common viewpoint and consensus on the topic. Putting the different studies in the same perspective by using the same definitions and interpretations of the concepts, actually leads us to conclude that consensus between scholars is not that far away and that the majority still believes in the relevance of the rational choice model. Moreover, if the authors do not (implicitly) assume that selfishness is a characteristic of a rational individual and the authors allow for altruistic and even for axiological motives, even suicidal behaviour can be explained for by rational choice models. The authors denominate the more sophisticated models as ‘endogenizations of the environment.’ By integrating the social and/or political environment into the preferences of the individual terrorist, these models adjust/augment the rational choice model with more behavioural assumptions. These models often take the standard rational choice model as their starting point but adjust the model to account for more behavioural assumptions. The authors argue that using ‘Behavioural Economics’ as the all-encompassing, integrative framework is a very promising way ahead for future research on (counter-) terrorism.

Chapter 2 - In political issues, there is an inclination to conceptualizing man in terms of behavioral theories due to both the western and the eastern heritage of the Cold War era. As


Joshua B. Morgan viii

not only psychoanalysis is able to show, behavioral categories alone cannot serve as a backdrop for a rationale of societal phenomena. Instead, taking into account of irrational dynamics is necessary to make sense of human reasoning and acting. In order to understand the spirit of terrorism, an integrative approach of psychological, sociological and anthropological concepts is necessary. Terrorism in a globalized world will prevail in the forthcoming decades unless the vacuum of personal sense-making in neoliberal western societies is filled.

This paper will enunciate ten theses that not only take a look on global terrorism but might serve as issues that might have to be taken heed of in societal politics. Societal structure as a grid of objective reality may act as an agent of hidden repression and with that of shrouded violence that will have an effect on people. In any political action in the long run violent actions will evoke violence. So, a step back to a reasonable assessment of social pathology phenomena is to widen the view of violence and terrorism.

Chapter 3 - This article examines the political career of Tom Metzger, an activist who did much to radicalize the American extreme right. His political odyssey included stints in the John Birch Society, the tax rebellion movement, Second Amendment organizations, the Knights of the Ku Klux Klan, and the Christian Identity movement. Eventually, he wearied of all of these projects and promoted a “third way” variant of National Socialism. To that end, in 1983, he founded an organization that came to be known as White Aryan Resistance or WAR. By adeptly using a variety of media, he disseminated propaganda to a large audience and greatly influenced the discourse of the American extreme right during the 1980s. But his high profile occasioned serious opposition, leading to a civil suit in which he was held vicariously responsible for the death of an Ethiopian immigrant. As a consequence, his organization was nearly liquidated. Nevertheless, his activism continues to this day, as he has become a strident advocate of the lone wolf approach to political violence.

Chapter 4 - Mental epidemics (ME) are a new phenomenon of integrative mental medicine. ME are contagious polymodal and polymorphic mental disorders and conditions. The grounds for mental epidemiology are regulatory and permanent anomie and permissiveness of singular and recessionary reality. The following mechanisms of mental epidemics are distinguished: deformation of conscience and identity, resonance and induction, of anonymousness and uncontrollability, of generalization and expanded reproduction and mindsight. As to proposed operational classification of mental epidemics, the last can be: dependent and induced, somatoform and psychosomatic, schizophrenic and affective. The evolution of the epidemic process from mental to social and then to asocial epidemics of crime and terrorism is described. The principles of adaptive protection of public health and public conscience from mental epidemics were grounded basing on the synergetic bio-psycho-socio-spiritual methodology of mental medicine as a new paradigm of integrative medicine.

Chapter 5 - This chapter examines the conduct of UK Special Branch Counter-Terrorism Unit (CTU) officers’ conduct in suspect interviews. Empirical research with CTU officers was carried out. The research methods consisted of listening to taped copies of suspect interviews conducted by CTU officers and focus groups with those officers. Analysing the primary data from the research, comparison is drawn with previous research into interviewing terrorist suspects. This research is unique as previous research on the suspect interviews are from interviews predominantly conducted by military and national security personnel on terrorist suspects. From extensive searches, this research appears to be the first to contain


Preface ix

primary data from police officers carrying out suspect interviews in counter-terrorism investigations. The analysis examines the relationship with legal representatives, the use of informal interviews with suspects and the CTU officers’ treatment and conduct towards terrorism suspects. As previous work on interviewing terrorist suspects refers to the use of torture inflicted by interviewing officers, when examining interviewing officer conduct in this study, all actions by the officers are considered, particularly to see if behaviour likely to degrade the suspect is used.


In: Focus on Terrorism. Volume 14 ISBN: 978-1-63484-352-2 Editor: Joshua B. Morgan © 2016 Nova Science Publishers, Inc.

Chapter 1

THE RATIONAL TERRORIST

Cind Du Bois∗ Professor in Economics, Department of Economics,

Management and Leadership, Royal Military Academy Brussels, Belgium

ABSTRACT

The majority of the studies on terrorist behaviour use the rational choice model as their basic conceptual framework. The appropriateness of this model to describe terrorist behaviour is however increasingly been questioned. An overview of the most recent studies on the subject indicates that this literature is conceptually fragmented with different studies departing from different definitions of both rationality and terrorism. This off course hampers the formation of a common viewpoint and consensus on the topic. Putting the different studies in the same perspective by using the same definitions and interpretations of the concepts, actually leads us to conclude that consensus between scholars is not that far away and that the majority still believes in the relevance of the rational choice model. Moreover, if we do not (implicitly) assume that selfishness is a characteristic of a rational individual and we allow for altruistic and even for axiological motives, even suicidal behaviour can be explained for by rational choice models. We denominate the more sophisticated models as ‘endogenizations of the environment.’ By integrating the social and/or political environment into the preferences of the individual terrorist, these models adjust/augment the rational choice model with more behavioural assumptions. These models often take the standard rational choice model as their starting point but adjust the model to account for more behavioural assumptions. We argue that using ‘Behavioural Economics’ as the all-encompassing, integrative framework is a very promising way ahead for future research on (counter-) terrorism.

∗ [email protected].


Cind Du Bois 2

INTRODUCTION The majority of the studies on terrorist behaviour use the rational choice model as their

basic conceptual framework. The appropriateness of this model to describe terrorist behaviour is however increasingly been questioned. One of the empirical facts challenging the model’s suitability is the observation that the majority of the (suicide) terrorists come from relatively wealthy families and have an above average education level (Krueger & Maleckova, 2003 ; Berrebi, 2009).

These findings seem to contradict with predictions from the rational choice model which would forecast the opposite relationship since (suicide) terrorist attacks impose a higher opportunity cost for relatively richer and more educated individuals. Are terrorists rational? If the assumption of rationality is not viable, counterterrorism strategies based on the framework will not be effective. Hence, the question whether terrorists can or can not be assumed to act as rational individuals is not only meaningful from a conceptual point of view but has also important policy implications. If terrorists are rational, effective counterterrorism strategies should exist in raising costs (e.g., punishment), decreasing benefits (e.g., no conciliation strategy), and/or increasing opportunity costs (Schneider, Brück & Meierrieks, 2015). If terrorists are not rational, deterrence will have a smaller change on success and maybe also conciliatory actions will not be effective. As Maikovich (2005, p. 394) points out in that case “fighting violence with violence will not halt the recruitment and fostering of future terrorists and terrorist organizations, but will actually fuel it.”

This paper provides an overview of the literature at hand and suggests a more subtle answer to the question. Our observation is that the literature is conceptually fragmented with different studies departing from different definitions of both rationality and terrorism, which already hampers the formation of a common viewpoint and consensus on the topic. Hence, in our first paragraph we try to put the different studies in the same perspective by using the same definitions and interpretations of the concepts. Based on the seminal paper of Caplan (2006) and Van Um (2011) we will analyse the different studies based on their definition of terrorism, their interpretation of rationality as well as their level of analysis. This exercise leads us to conclude that consensus between scholars is not that far away and that the majority still believes in the relevance of the rational choice model, at least with respect to the behaviour of the passive and active members of the terrorist group as well as for the leaders. With respect to the behaviour of the suicidal terrorist, scholars do not always share the same opinion. If however, we do not (implicitly) assume that selfishness is a characteristic of a rational individual and we allow for altruistic and even for axiological motives, even suicidal behaviour can be explained for by rational choice models. Alternative models allowing for other than political objectives and selfish motivations are discussed in the second paragraph. In our third paragraph we discuss even more sophisticated models suggested in the literature which can be identified as ‘endogenizations of the environment.’ By integrating the social and/or political environment into the preferences of the individual terrorist, these models adjust/augment the rational choice model with more behavioural assumptions. Other authors have already emphasised the importance of contextual effects for understanding terrorism (McCartan et al. 2008; Benmelech et al. 2015). We therefore argue that, while often not explicitly stated, the majority of these alternative models canal be categorised as behavioural economics models. They take the standard rational choice model as their starting point but


The Rational Terrorist 3

adjust the model to account for more behavioural assumptions. We argue that using ‘Behavioural Economics’ as the all-encompassing, integrative framework is a very promising way ahead for future research on (counter-) terrorism. As too many studies point out some relevance of the rationality framework for understanding terrorist behaviour, it seems impossible and unwise to discard the model completely. We thus argue that the rational model needs to be supplemented with more behavioural assumptions to account for specific irrational actions such as suicide attacks.

RATIONALITY: WHAT AND WHO? Before one can even start to answer the question ‘Are terrorists rational?,’ one needs a

clear definition of what is understood by both the concept of rationality and the term terrorism. An overview of the literature suggests that both concepts have different interpretations. First we will discuss the different levels of rationality, ranging from instrumentally rational (very strong definition of rationality) to bounded rational (weaker version of rationality) to irrational (Van Um, 2011). While an agreement on the content of the rationality-concept would already provide a common ground, one also needs to agree on the characteristics to define a terrorist. Also with respect to this notion, one can find different interpretations. Are terrorists a homogenous group of people or do we need to differentiate between the behaviour and hence, the rationality of e.g., the leaders of a terrorist organization, sympathizers (active and passive) of the group, and the actual suicide attackers? Figure 1 summarises the different interpretations and levels of rationality and involvement in the terrorist group.

Figure 1.

In his influential paper on terrorist rationality, Caplan (2006) distinguishes between three different classes of terrorists depending on the degree of active involvement in terrorist activity. In the most passive form, an individual only sympathises with the cause of the terrorist group without engaging in any action. A next step is to become an active terrorist who belongs to the organization and actively defends its cause. In the most extreme case, one can turn into a suicidal terrorist who is prepared to die for the cause. Especially the last category of terrorists poses a challenge for rational choice theory. How can one reconcile rationality and the act of killing yourself and hence forsaking every form of future consumption? As we will suggest in the next paragraph, the key here is to consider a larger set of objectives which surpass the notion of selfishness which is, next to rationality, an important characteristic of a homo economics but is all too often misinterpreted as a characteristic of rationality (Sen, 1987). With respect to rationality, most scholars seem however to agree on the uniqueness of suicide terrorism “that set it apart from conventional


Cind Du Bois 4

terrorism, thereby warranting its study as a separate class of terrorist events” (Santifort-Jordan & Sandler, 2014, p. 983). Hence, most scholars label suicidal terrorists as irrational, violating all of the axioms of instrumental rationality. As previously mentioned, assuming broader objectives and augmenting the utility function of the terrorist, can however even ‘rationalize’ the behaviour of a suicide terrorist. Hence in Figure 1 we situate the suicide terrorist between irrational and bounded rational.

Passive sympathizers are located on the other extreme of the continuum and resemble most closely the idea of an instrumentally rational individual. An instrumentally rational individual is believed to have transitive preferences, to engage in a cost-benefit analysis for all options available and to choose the action with the highest expected utility. Since sympathisers/passive supporters do not engage themselves in terrorist activities, their choice to support the group can easily be interpreted as a rational choice. Often, the option not to support the group’s cause is more dangerous. Since the risk of getting caught and hence the costs of sympathizing with the terrorist group increases with the rate of active involvement in the group, the active sympathizer is located more to the right (i.e., less rational) in Figure 1. Figure 1 also posits the leaders of the organization on the most ‘rational’ side of the continuum. The most important argument for the instrument rationality of the leader of a terrorist organization is given by Springzak (2000). He argues that suicide bombers are the least expensive mean to target the terrorists’ audience. In this line of reasoning, opting for suicide attacks instead of other means is a rational choice.

When individuals do not weigh all available options and/or when they do not have or use all the information, they are said to be bounded rational. In contrast with instrumental rationality, this concept allows people to consistently make incomplete and sometimes suboptimal decisions. Bounded rational people make their decisions based on the satisfying principle. Often a complete cost-benefit analysis of all available options demands too much time and effort such that bounded rational people are satisfied with a certain level of utility (Van Um, 2011). In Figure 1 active terrorists are labelled more in the direction of bounded rational. Here we follow Caplan’s argumentation stating that these terrorists can hardly be believed to have rational expectations. While history provides a lot of counterevidence for the victory of Al Qaida, thousands of people believe in the cause and expect their religion to dominate the world. On the other hand, since the number of members that actually are called to perform a suicide attack is very small relative to the total number of group members, the risk for the individual active member to actually die for the cause is small. One could then argue that the active member of a terrorist organization is rather safe and that it is not an irrational decision to become an active member (Caplan, 2006).

While Figure 1 visualises the continuum in different interpretations of rationality, as well as the influence of the position of the terrorist in the group on this level of rationality, Miller (2013) argues that one should also differentiate between the level of the decision, i.e., the individual or the group level. He puts forward the idea that while individual decisions may be rational on their own, these decisions may still lead to inconsistent an even irrational behaviour at the group level of the organisation. Since the decision making process in a terrorist organization is complex, the final decisions and attacks are not always the result of a rational process. Terrorist attacks are usually the product of different individual decisions, providing no guarantee on the rationality of the product, even if the individual objectives do not compete with each other. Therefore, Miller suggests that in order to be able to ‘assess’ the



degree of rationality, one should take into account information on all levels of the decision making process, i.e., on both the individual as well as the group level.

Hence, to conclude this first paragraph we suggest that instead of rejecting the rational choice model completely, it may be necessary to distinguish between different levels of rationality as well as between different levels of decision making in the organisation. Moreover, following Miller (2013) we believe that one should also distinguish between the rationality of the individual and of the group decision.

SELFISHNESS AND OTHER OBJECTIVES Before we tackle the issue of self-interest, we want to address another source of

confusion in the literature which relates to the alleged objectives of terrorists. Are terrorists necessarily politically motivated or can economic and/or social motivations also lead to terrorist behaviour? More and more, scholars seem to cast doubt on the priority of political motivations. Although terrorists often have political goals (e.g., forming an independent state), other objectives can also rationalize their actions. Sometimes causing economical damage may actually contribute to their political goals (e.g., by forcing foreign troops to withdraw thereby facilitating the political goal) and the economical damage is used as a means. This is argued in the so-called occupation thesis on suicide terrorism (Moghadam, 2006). Some terrorists may actually be primarily motivated by economic objectives. These economic objectives could as well be in the form of causing economic damage as in the form of pursuing financial objectives (Van Um, 2011). Moreover, as çavdar (2012) notes, it is often difficult and not wise to separate means and ends completely since they can also interact. Giving the example of the Turkish Justice and Development Party (JDP), he suggests that sometimes groups transform and become more moderate due to means-end interaction. If we do not allow preferences to change (stable preferences), we might incorrectly interpret this ideological change as a means instead of an end. Another alternative motivation often suggested in the literature relates to social objectives. Some scholars argue that individuals decide to join a terrorist group and decide to engage in terrorist activity due to a desire of group belonging and cohesion. When discussing the rational model, Abrahms (2008)1 explicitly states that the model is often incorrect due to a misspecification of incentives. While falsifying the model based on 7 tendencies of terrorist organizations, his main conclusion is that a model of terrorist behaviour should (also) include social motivations next to political ones. Based on the natural systems literature, Abrahms (2008) suggests a model where the primary motivation of terrorists is to experience social solidarity and not to obtain some political goals. Chenoweth et al. (2009) attenuate this critique by suggesting that maybe the individual ‘foot soldier’ might indeed be motivated by the social solidarity while political motivations can still drive the organization’s leaders. We can again refer to Figure 1 where we nuance the idea/model of a terrorist organization as a unitary decision making body.

With respect to the behaviour of the suicidal terrorist, integrating social objectives in the utility function has proven to be a fruitful way to reconcile the rational choice model with empirical evidence. In a study on extremist behaviour, Wintrobe (2006) divides terrorists into followers and leaders. By including the utility of the latter in the utility function of the former 1 Abrahms (2008) refers to the strategic model, incorporating political objectives into the rational choice model.


Cind Du Bois 6

group, he formalizes the effect of the desire of belonging to a group on the behaviour of the terrorist. In his model a person will become a follower of an extreme organization if this person beliefs in the goals of the organization. The major insight of the model is that followers do not necessarily need to believe in the effect of their own individual actions (which will be small and not significant due to the magnitude of the organization) but that they are willing to share the extreme beliefs of the organization in exchange for solidarity of the group. In Wintrobe’s model, the terrorist trades autonomy for solidarity. A suicide attack is then a corner solution whereby the terrorist devotes all his resources to terrorism with a zero consumption of other goods (zero autonomy). Also other authors argue for the inclusion of group belongingness in the utility function of the terrorist, e.g., Gupta (2005) and Pittel and Rübbelke (2006). The latter authors develop an impure public good model based on the aspect of solidarity or feeling of belonging. Next to contributing to the public good of the organisation, the individual terrorist also derives utility from terrorist activity through the increase in the sense of belongingness to a group. Also Shimizu’s (2011) model is based on the assumption that terrorists gain utility from group cohesion. The difference with the two other models is that Shimizu models the solidarity as a club good from which every member gains utility. Moreover, he also enters the in-group reputation as an important utility driver in the function. As social cohesion in the group increases, so does the marginal utility of reputation in the group for the individual terrorist. By modelling the decision to commit a (suicide) terrorist attack as a decision that purely depends on the preferences of the individual while being unrelated to the budgetary constraints, all these models succeed in reconciling rational theory with the empirical fact that most terrorists are relatively wealthy and highly educated.

So, while the models discussed in this paragraph integrate the utility of the leader in the utility function of the follower, they do not disregard the rationality model completely. They only suggest another motivation for their behaviour. Moreover, by incorporating the need for belongingness and solidarity into the utility function of the follower, they do not even question the selfishness of this act. So, these models also confirm the second defining characteristic of a Homo Economicus with the terrorist, i.e., selfishness. The individual suicide terrorist still performs an attack out of self interest, i.e., because he wants to belong to the group and because he outweighs the benefits of this group belongingness to the costs of sacrificing his life. While selfishness is, next to rationality, another characteristic of the homo economicus, both features are often used interchangeably, while in fact they are not. As Amartya Sen (1987, p. 16) points out, “universal selfishness as actuality may well be false but universal selfishness as a requirement of rationality is patently absurd.” Also in studies on terrorism, the assumption of selfishness is put into question. Sacrificing one’s own life can only be rational if the future consumption of future generations is worth more to you than your own consumption. This means that the terrorist must not only have social objectives but that he, in some way or another, derives utility from altruism and that this utility already affects present decisions. Azam (2005) proposes to model (suicide) bombing as a form of intergenerational investment. In this formal model, the utility function of the terrorist consists of both his own consumption as well as the consumption of a public good (e.g., freedom or national independence) by the next generation. While the opportunity cost of a more educated person to engage in terrorist activity is higher, Azam reconciles the model with the stylized fact that more educated people tend to become terrorists in two ways. The first argument is a so-called formation effect stating that educated people have an enlarged world view and are



more sensitive to this world’s future. The second cause is a selection effect indicating that people with more education have a lower time preference. If someone is prepared to give up many years of his life for education, then this person is also more likely to be more altruistic to future generations. A large-scaled empirical study on suicide terrorism of Santifort-Jordan and Sandler (2014) finds that the level of education has a different effect on the number of suicide terrorist attacks, depending whether the attacks are domestic or transnational. Only for domestic attacks, the study indeed supports a positive relationship between education level and number of attacks, supporting the intergenerational public good argument of Azam. In line with the empirical findings that poverty does not seem to increase the probability of creating terrorists, Azam’s model does not favour unconditional aid as a counterterrorism strategy. On the contrary, Azam believes that the most promising counterterrorism technique exists in increasing the impact of current terrorist attacks on the future value of the public good. An example he gives is to invest largely in tourism, making it costly to perform terrorist attacks since these will chase away the tourists and their money. Also Munger (2006) concludes that ‘if participation in terrorist organizations is primarily an in-kind payment for access to club goods, then policies that reduce the marginal value of such club goods will be most effective.’

Tosini (2009) emphasises on the role of culture in the formation of (suicide) terrorists. He argues that while suicidal terrorist attacks can be the consequence of selfish behaviour, e.g., the status one receives after the attack, and/or by altruistic motivations, e.g., in terms of (financial) benefits to the attacker’s family or compatriots, the role of cultural and symbolic elements to justify the martyrdom of these suicide attackers can not be ignored. He refers to this commitment to certain values which will always be superior as axiological rationality. Since religion is an important component of culture, martyrdom and self-sacrifice to find the eternal afterlife can also be interpreted as a form of axiological rationality. By framing terrorist attacks as sacred missions, martyrdom operations can still be rational despite the sacrifice of one’s own life (Hafez, 2006).

BEHAVIOURAL MODELS What all of the models discussed in this paragraph have in common is that they do not

disregard the rational model. On the contrary, they often argue in favour of the model but they expand the model with more refined objectives such as altruism and even culture or religion. This is exactly what behavioural economics is about. As Wilkinson & Claus (2012, p. 3) state “Behavioural economics increases the explanatory power of economics by providing it with more realistic psychological foundations.” More recent models of terrorist behaviour than also tend to follow this line of reasoning, i.e., they try to ‘enrich’ the rational model with more psychologically founded assumptions on behaviour. Pittel and Rübbelke (2012) for example use BE-insights to model not only the decision to become a terrorist but also to model the subsequent decision whether or not to actually carry out an attack. The decision to defect can be a time consistent decision if the terrorist already plans not to carry out the attack at the moment he announces to attack. If the decision in time consistent, it can be explained by rational choice theory. When the terrorist on the other hand did plan to carry out an attack but later changed his mind, this behaviour is time inconsistent and can hence not be explained


Cind Du Bois 8

by rationality since this typically implies exponential discounting. By assuming (quasi-)hyperbolic discounting, events in the future are discounted at a lower rate, thereby providing a rational for the terrorist changing his mind and explaining the empirical evidence that a lot of terrorists seem to defect in the very last minute. So by using insights from BE, Pittel & Rübbelke (2012) can explain why the decision to defeat can be time inconsistent. In order to prevent these time-inconsistent decisions, the authors suggest to reduce cognitive dissonance as well as to deal with mortality salience. While the latter refers to an increased awareness of death which strengthens the belief in the own view of the world and hence the urge to protect this world view, the latter refers to the fact that becoming a terrorist and carrying out a suicide attack poses both costs and benefits to the terrorist which hinders a clear cut decision. Already in 2005, Maikovich used arguments based on the cognitive dissonance theory to explain why individuals become terrorists. While for some terrorists their aggressive nature and taste for violence is congenital and/or genetically disposed, this is not the case for all terrorists. Some of them initially disapprove violence and only gradually become a violent perpetrator. For this latter group, this graduated process starts with the need and the desire to belong to a group and to be able to identify oneself with other members of the group. It is only after a certain time period in which they are able to reduce the cognitive dissonance between not wanting to turn to violence on the one hand and seeing violence as a means to achieve their socio-political goals on the other hand, that recruits are transformed into real terrorists. According to this model, the ability to reduce this dissonance is the most distinguishing factor between terrorist supporters and the actual violent perpetrator. To increase this level of cognitive dissonance, Maikovich (2005) discusses 5 possible mechanisms frequently used by terrorists and/or their organisations. The most frequently used mechanism is the so-called ‘just world bias.’ Terrorists devalue their victims and argue that their pain is deserved because what they or their governments did. Holding a view of the world as being ‘in war,’ justifies the violence as a form of self-defence. Another effective mechanism to reduce dissonance is to add consonant cognitions by surrounding oneself by only people who are believers too. By building a wide social network around the terrorists, the organisation tries to reduce the dissonance. Leaders of terrorist organisations also often emphasize their dreams over reality in order to legitimate the use of violence. Since the external reality is usually dissonant to the use of violence, leaders try to emphasise on their dreams. The fourth and fifth mechanism largely relate to the hierarchical structure of most terrorist organizations. This hierarchical structure allows the diffusion of responsibility as well as moral disengagement. Since there is always a higher ranked leader in the organisation, terrorists turn more easily to violence since they do not have to take responsibility and they only follow orders. For individuals in the middle of the hierarchy the fact that they do not have to perpetrate the violent acts themselves, moral disengagement is an additional mechanism for cognitive dissonance.

CONCLUSION As Caplan notes, if terrorists would be completely irrational, (suicide) terrorist attacks

would be a lot more common. On the other hand, if every terrorist would be completely rational, the world would witness no attacks at all (Caplan, 2006). Hence, while the rational choice model is relevant to describe terrorist behaviour the assumptions of the model need to



be relaxed. In this paper we presented an overview of recent modifications of the rational model as suggested in the literature. As too many studies point out some relevance of the rationality framework for understanding terrorist behaviour, it seems impossible and unwise to discard this model completely. We do believe that the rational model needs to be supplemented with more behavioural assumptions to account for specific actions such as suicide attacks which can not be explained as rational self-interested decisions. In line with the most recent research on the topic, we hence argue that using ‘Behavioural Economics’ as the all-encompassing, integrative framework is a very promising way ahead for future research on (counter-) terrorism. In this way, empirical evidence which seemingly contradicts the rationality and/or selfishness assumption can be interpreted as opportunities to enrich the model. To our knowledge, studies explicitly using BE insights are however scarce. Phillips (2012) and Phillips & Pohl (2014) do explicitly use prospect theory as a conceptual framework for their study on the choice of attacks methods by terrorists. Although these authors focus on ‘lone wolf’ terrorists instead of the behaviour of terrorist groups and their members, their study indicates the opportunities a more behavioural model of terrorist decision making could provide. Since the development of prospect theory by Kahneman and Tversky (1979, 1992), the theory is viewed as the best available model to describe decision making under risk. Hence, the model has already successfully been applied in a number of fields ranging from the study of consumer behaviour to labour supply decisions to even the study on international conflicts (Barberis, 2012). Given the high level of risk in which the individual terrorist needs to make his decisions (to participate, to defect, to attack, …), the limited use of prospect theory in this field is somewhat surprising. One of the key differences between the rational model and prospect theory relates to the utility function. As an alternative to the rational utility function, Kahneman and Tversky suggest that people make their decisions based on a value function. This value function has 3 typical characteristics which distinguish it from the utility function. The first characteristic relates to the fact that the value function assigns a value to a decision which is always dependent on a reference point. This is a very important difference with the standard utility function since outcomes of actions ‘below’ that reference point are interpreted as losses and outcomes above the reference point are interpreted as gains. While this reference point can be the present socio-economic situation of the terrorist, it can also be e.g., the promised life afterwards. In the former case, aid would be an effective counterterrorism strategy but not in the latter case. If 72 virgins are the reference point for the Islamic martyr, every other action which does not provides this afterlife is viewed as a loss. Hence, counterterrorism strategies based on aid will have a small probability on success. The second difference is that the value function is concave for gains and convex for losses implying risk aversity for gains (as in the standard utility function) but risk loving for losses. Translated to terrorist behaviour, this means that the terrorist seeks risk in order to avoid losses. If the terrorist fears that future society will make him or his family worse off, he will engage in risky actions to try to avoid this. Since the standard utility function is completely concave, it always assumes risk aversion which makes it difficult to explain risky decisions such as supporting a terrorist group. The third difference relates to the curvature of the function where the value function is steeper for losses than for gains. The effect on behaviour is that losses are valued more than the equivalent gains. The probability of losing something has more effect than the probability of receiving exactly the same thing. Since terrorists often believe that they are in a situation of “loss” where they want to obtain something (e.g., territorial independence), this loss aversion


Cind Du Bois 10

can be assumed to have a significant influence on their behaviour. These few examples already indicate the potential of prospect theory with respect to the description of terrorist behaviour. Hence, we believe that future studies should follow this line of reasoning.

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Barberis, N.C. (2012), 30 years of prospect theory in economics: review and assessment, NBER working paper N18621, 34pp.

Benmelech,E., Klor,E.F., Berrebi,C. (2015), Counter-suicide-terrorism: evidence from house demolitions, Journal of Politics, 77(1), 27-43.

Berrebi, C. (2009), The economics of terrorism and counterterrorism: what matters and is rational-choice theory helpful? In Davis, D.K. and Gragin, K. (eds.), Social science for counterterrorism: putting the pieces together, Santa Monica: RAND, pp. 151-208.

Caplan, B. (2006), Terrorism: the relevance of the rational choice model, Public Choice, 128, 91-107.

Çavdar, G. (2012), Islamist rationality: an assessment of the rational choice approach, Politics and Religion, 5, 584-608.

Chenoweth, E., Miller, E., McClellan, E. & Frisch, H. (2009), What makes terrorists tick, International Security, 33(4), 180-202.

Dugan, L. & Chenoweth (2012), Moving beyond deterrence: the effectiveness of raising the expected utility of abstaining from terrorism in Israel, American Sociological Review, 77(4), 597-624.

Gupta,D.K. (2005), Toward an integrated behavioural framework for analyzing terrorism: individual motivations to group dynamics, Democracy and Security, 1(1), 5-31.

Hafez, M.M. (2006), Rationality, Culture and Structure in the making of suicide bombers: a preliminary theoretical synthesis and illustrative case study, Studies in Conflict and Terrorism, 29(2), 165-185.

Kahneman, D. & Tversky, A. (1979), Prospect theory: an analysis of decision under risk, Econometrica, 47, 263-292.

Tversky, A. & Kahneman, D. (1992), Advances in prospect theory: Cumulative representation of uncertainty, Journal of Risk and uncertainty, 5(4), 297-323.

Krueger, A. B. & Maleckova, J. (2003), Education, Poverty And Terrorism: Is There A Causal Connection?, Journal of Economic Perspectives, 17(4), 119-144.

Maikovich,A.K. (2005), A new understanding of terrorism using cognitive dissonance principles, Journal for the Theory of Social Behaviour, 35(4), 373-397.

McCartan, L.M., Masselli, A., Rey, M. and Rusnak, D. (2008), The logic of terrorist target choice: an examination of Chechen rebel bombings from 1997-2003, Studies in Conflict & Terrorism, 31, 60-79.

Moghadam, A. (2006), Suicide terrorism, occupation, and the globalization of Martyrdom: a critique of dying to win, Studies in Conflict and Terrorism, 29(8), 707-729.



Munger, M. (2006), Preference modification versus inventive manipulation as tools of terrorist recruitment: The role of culture, Public Choice, 128, 131-146.

Phillips, P. (2012), Prospect theory, lone wolf terrorism and the investigative process, SSRN paper, 23pp.

Phillips, P. & Pohl, G. (2014), Prospect theory and terrorist choice, Journal of Applied Economics, 17(1), 139-160.

Pittel, K. and D.T.G., Rübbelke (2006), What directs a terrorist? Defence and Peace Economics, 17(4), 311-328.

Pittel, K. and Rübbelke, D.T.G. (2012), Decision processes of a suicide bomber – the economics and psychology of attacking and defecting, Defence and Peace Economics, 23(3), 251-272.

Santifort-Jordan, C. & Sandler, T. (2014), An empirical study of suicide terrorism: a global analysis, Southern Economic Journal, 80(4), 981-1001.

Schneider, F., Brück, T. and Meierrieks, D. (2015), The economics of counterterrorism: a survey, Journal of Economic Surveys, vol. 29(1), 131-157.

Shimizu, H. (2011), Social cohesion and self-sacrificing behaviour, Public Choice, 427-440. Sen, A. (1987), On ethics and economics. Oxford: Basil Blackwell. Tosini, D. (2009), A sociological understanding of suicide attacks, Theory, Culture & Society,

26(4), 67-96. Van Um, E. (2011), Discussing concepts of terrorist rationality: implications for

counterterrorism policy, Defence and Peace Economics, 22(2), 161-179. Wilkinson, N. & Klaes, W. (2012), An introduction to Behavioral Economics, Hampshire:

Palgrave Macmillan, 574pp. Wintrobe, R. (2006), Extremism, suicide terror, and authoritarianism, Public Choice, 128,

169-195.



Chapter 2

TEN THESES ON THE SPIRIT OF TERRORISM

Goetz Egloff∗ Coeditor, Yearbook of Psychohistorical Research, Heidelberg, Germany

Practice for Psychoanalysis, Mannheim, affil, University of Heidelberg, Heidelberg, Germany

ABSTRACT

In political issues, there is an inclination to conceptualizing man in terms of behavioral theories due to both the western and the eastern heritage of the Cold War era. As not only psychoanalysis is able to show, behavioral categories alone cannot serve as a backdrop for a rationale of societal phenomena. Instead, taking into account of irrational dynamics is necessary to make sense of human reasoning and acting. In order to understand the spirit of terrorism, an integrative approach of psychological, sociological and anthropological concepts is necessary. Terrorism in a globalized world will prevail in the forthcoming decades unless the vacuum of personal sense-making in neoliberal western societies is filled.

This paper will enunciate ten theses that not only take a look on global terrorism but might serve as issues that might have to be taken heed of in societal politics. Societal structure as a grid of objective reality may act as an agent of hidden repression and with that of shrouded violence that will have an effect on people. In any political action in the long run violent actions will evoke violence. So, a step back to a reasonable assessment of social pathology phenomena is to widen the view of violence and terrorism.

Keywords: terrorism, political psychoanalysis, violence, politics, media

∗ Corresponding author. Tel.: +49 62140040687; fax: +49 62140040687. E-mail address: [email protected]

heidelberg.de ; [email protected].


Goetz Egloff 14

1. INTRODUCTION Violence has been a ubiquitous phenomenon ever since mankind has existed. Sofsky

(Sofsky 1996) emphasizes that no state has ever been built by convention or contract, corresponding with Marx´s description of violence as a midwife to any society that is pregnant with another. Violent behavioral modes in different cultural surroundings can be connected to the evolution of mentalities, as mentalities have not only developed differently but in supposedly different stages (Nyssen and Janus 1997; Janus 2008; Janus 2013). Societal restraints in the shape of employing of societal order and structure have been established in civilized societies in order to tame human nature and enable personal freedom. Elias (Elias 1997) has elaborated on this extensively, depicting the structural genetic development in western societies. Civilization processes can be referred to as transformational processes of human relations (Schloss 2009). These, of course, seem to always carry rational and irrational aspects as well. The current motion of progress in western European societies, if ever, seems to be severely compromised by phenomena beyond rationale, terrorism being just one yet extreme of them. In today´s western European neoliberal doctrine a dead end of self-restraint and anomie simultaneously seems to be at hand; an ominous vacuum of sense-making in people serves as a catalyst for societal phenomena unheard of; an obscure transformation is taking place of human issues into commodified consumption in interpersonal relations (Illouz 2013), in the finance regimen of floating signifiers (Vogl 2010), even in capitalist economy itself (Wagenknecht 2011), permeating and transforming culture throughout (Egloff 2010). Global terrorism is at least the reverse side of this motion, maybe even its front side. The question of what is actually terror and what is not, is not as obviously to be answered as it may seem (Wille 2004). The point is, violence can take on different shapes, and the shadings of it can be subtle and shrouded.

2. EVERYDAY VIOLENCE Violence, in Heitmeyer´s definition, occurs as a result of social processes, of the

interactions of structural conditions and individual acting (Heitmeyer 1994). Reemtsma emphasizes the omnipresence of violence, dividing it into bodily assault – (dis)locating (lozierend), in the sense of an attempt of eliminating an object – into raptive assault (raptiv), in the sense of appropriating an object – and into autotelic assault (autotelisch), in the sense of destroying an object (Reemtsma 2010, 89-97). Autotelic assault seems to be the most difficult concept to come to terms with. Contrastingly, violence psychoanalytically viewed in aspects of defusion (Triebentmischung) of drives and instincts, has aggressive energy operate separately from libidinous energy (Freud 1923), a state of potential impulse breakthrough, or anomie. Politics, in Reemtsma´s view, is obliged to the task of producing normalcy, again and again. Yet, normalcy is historically constructed, negotiated, and structured. The aspect of structural violence (Galtung 1964, 95-119) is to be taken into account, otherwise violence reasoning does not seem to tally; the imprinting of structure on people seems to be neglected, as is in many of contemporary assessments. Žižek puts the framework accordingly; thus enabling a view of violence in a micro- and a macro-perspective (Žižek 2008). There are two main kinds of violence to be differentiated: subjective violence is to be viewed differently


Ten Theses on the Spirit of Terrorism 15

from objective violence, the first committed by individuals and groups; this comes close to the common notion of violence. The latter, objective violence, quite similar to the concept of structural violence, is the given context of everyday life; it is the structural grid of objective reality in which people exist. Whereas subjective violence is obvious, clearly visible, and shows in acts of crime and terror (Schmid 2011, 76; cp. Žižek 2008), objective violence “resides in the contours of the background which generates such outbursts and consists of the often catastrophic consequences of the smooth functioning of our economic and political systems”(loc. cit.). From this very viewpoint, the seemingly smooth functioning of society itself bears the deadly conditions of its own existence.

Objective violence in today´s western European shape is determined by capitalist neoliberalism, with a high degree of personal freedom going along with the potential fragmentation of the subject. Multiple factors such as group dynamics, mass media, and regressive retroactive needs follow a logic that led Deleuze to coin the term Society of Control (Deleuze 1993, 254-262) in anticipating the very reverse side of the contemporary motion of neoliberalism. Over-identification with mainstream behavior, rejection of differences and anticipatory obedience seems to be its outgrowth, maybe inherent core parts of it. This phenomenon is certainly fueled by mass media norms, once subtly mediated, once mediated open and frankly (Egloff 2001; Egloff 2010). In this perspective, quite rigid attitudes and commandments, outspoken or not, go along with the so-called postmodern neoliberal concept of society (cp. Egloff and Gioeni 2013). Moreover, in Parsons´s view, any societal structural grid can be more repressive, that is violent, than the subjects that make for it; this being a topos that is easily neglected in methodological individualism (Rosa, Strecker and Kottmann 2007) and that neuroscience is not capable of giving image of (Egloff 2011, 322-328).

Whereas individual, that is subjective, violence is to be recognized in an individual perspective – not necessarily but possibly in medical imaging in neuroscience (Lueck, Strueber and Roth 2005) – outbursts of subjective violence may follow a logic that can be derived from objective violent structures. This might explain e.g., the seeming unobtrusiveness of war criminal Adolf Eichmann whom Arendt, in Eichmann in Jerusalem (Arendt 1963), attested to be an incarnation of mediocrity, of average and banality; an assessment that caused outrage in a wide range of contemporaries. Given there were no pathological findings in Eichmann´s brain structure, it would still be easy to recognize him as an agent of objective violence. Arendt did not find him to be a sociopath; clinically spoken he probably would not be (Eagleton 2010). Most probably, he must be referred to as a normopath, which might be defined as a person having over-internalized the so-called rules and ways of his then-surroundings and having over-adapted to the quasi-cultural conditions he grew up in and which he himself constructed to be his personal reality; i.e., construction as actively and passively happening process of psychic imprinting that is interactive, retroactive, and is generated in superstructure of individual, social and societal factors.

Different kinds of society will promote different kinds of subjective and objective violence. The current western European neoliberal trend toward a weakening of the state entails, contrary to the wordings of most political leaders, rather a weakening of the individual than a strengthening of them, since the weakened state in western Europe hinders people take part in a framework to act in such as infrastructure, education, social security etc. Pfaller argues that instead the state is turned into a repressive force against people which at the same time are told this is in their very own best interest. By that, forms of the civil public


Goetz Egloff 16

(zivile Oeffentlichkeit) are being destroyed (Pfaller 2013, 4; cp. Pfaller 2008; cp. Pfaller 2011). This diagnosis can serve as a description of a societal motion actually expressive of objective violence.

3. MEDIA, A NOT SO SILENT PARTNER In mass media society, phenomena of phantomization and virtual disembodiment, as

Fuchs has shown (Fuchs 2014, 152-173), have come to heavily imprint everyday life. Phantomization and disembodiment are not just metaphors of societal acceleration but are expressive of, and having retroactive effect on, human experiencing. The subject is being virtualized (Egloff 2010). Whereas the Society of the Spectacle, as coined by Guy Debord, still differentiated subject from object, the current societal motion toward a Society of Virtuality goes beyond subject-object-differentiation. As Baelo Allué argues, the public in mass media has become the performance itself. The Society of the Spectacle has been dismissed in favor of a Society of Virtuality, “the first still left room for a critical consciousness and demystification, in the latter we are no longer spectators, but actors in a performance” (Baudrillard 1996, 27; cp. Baelo Allué 2011, 88). Being actors, at first glance, might seem more inviting and interesting than being spectators; yet being actors cannot serve as a hyperonym to being subjected or objected, as sometimes suggested (Siljanovska 2014, 352-359). In terms of subject-object-differentiation in capitalist neoliberalism superstructure, the term actor tends to the object position as it implies an imperative of acting. Assumed it is taken as an emancipatory position, being actors may carry a somewhat forward motion, though.

Especially crucial in current media is the obvious disruption in messages imposing bans and demanding self-restraint while at the same time propelling consumerism to vertiginous heights. A more and more rigid stance of public bans (and their actual enforcement in some countries) bears a momentum of excess of self-righteousness. Accordingly Pfaller, following Epicurus, views intemperance within the temperate or, the undistinguished, as testifying to the excess of temperance. Temperance is not to be indulged in lest it should not become excess (Pfaller 2013, 2-3; cp. Pfaller 2008; cp. Pfaller 2011).

Even more crucial is the media as inherent partner of global terrorism. Since terrorists, as Baudrillard puts it, “exploit the ´real time´ of images, their instantaneous world-wide transmission. (…) the images at the same time as they exalt the event, they also take it hostage. (…) The image consumes the event, in the sense that it absorbs it and offers it for consumption” (Baudrillard 2002, 21). Terrorism, in this perspective, is sold to the people via the media which, by definition, are always part of the terror shown. Without media, the New York twin towers victims in the 9/11 attack would not have been anything else but actually victims – given the attack would have happened anyway. Still, it appeals not only to a regressive motion in the individual but will trigger discontent with the mediated message – rather than with deadly reality itself. Again, the former object in terms of subject-object-differentiation is transformed into some consumer position. In terms of globalization aspects, the fact that regionalization or localization trends occur, as Siljanovska has shown (Siljanovska 2014, 352-359), is by no means in opposition to the consumer position. From this viewpoint, the problem, as to the media at least, is not that local groups watch local TV;



the problem is that they watch anyway, and it is not so much what they watch. The superstructure of simultaneousness of image and reality in the media is highly problematic since “(…) the surest way to obscure reality is to copy it constantly and everywhere (…)” (Fuchs 2014, 165), tentatively leading to more simulation, permeating culture throughout.

In terms of Baudrillard, in a world of simulation there is no escape from the perfect crime that consists of an unconditional realization of the world by the actualization of all data, the transformation of all our acts and all events into pure information: “(…) the cloning of reality and the extermination of the real by its double” (Baudrillard 1996, 25; cp. Baelo Allué 2011, 90). The real cannot be duplicated, though, Badiou remarks in following Lacan (Badiou 2007). So, the real and its representation are at stake here. Authenticity seems to be the quintessential issue of postmodernity (Jameson 1996, 373-383; Jameson 2001; Eagleton 1996, 385-398). Violence must also be seen in this very societal context which is beyond individual and mere social issues in the narrow sense of the word. In Badiou´s concept of the Passion for the Real (Badiou 2007; Žižek 2002), the use of violence is an attempt at realizing representation. Since the real is never representable, this leads to an obsession with representation as it is undecidable whether the real is real or not (Schmid 2011, 81-82). The Passion for the Real, as Baudrillard puts it, is the nostalgic passion for the lost or disappearing object (Baudrillard 2002, 58). This topos seems essential to global terrorism.

4. POLITICS OF THE REAL From a psychoanalytic perspective, early birth, early pre- and perinatal experiencing

(Rank 1998; DeMause 2000; Egloff 2010, 164-166), and early infant-mother-relation (Cierpka 2012; Djordjevic and Egloff 2011; Egloff 2012, 497-511) are anthropological determinants of mankind.

According to Lacan, the desire of the subject for the early object is constitutive for the sphere of the Imaginary. On man´s way into the sphere of the Symbolic, language employs psychic structure. Yet, the other, here conceived as lost object, or, object petit a (Fink 1997), will remain a non-descript objectal or medial object. Baudrillard´s concept of the lost, or disappearing, object now hints at a disruption on an individual level as well as on a societal level. In terms of Lacan, if the lost object is lost, violence, destruction, and anomie will fill the gap. Even with the lost object present, the Lacanian Real will bear a certain amount of horror; supposed the lost object is lost, this will probably entail utmost terror. Thus, apart from anthropology, historicity of violent acting is equally worthwhile to consider: the lost, or disappearing, object has to be reemployed in order to enable a balancing of personal freedom and self-restraint.

In terms of politics one might say that a step back to the basics is necessary in order to assess what is to be dealt with. Neurodiplomacy (Spitzer 2014, 675-680) will not do; it is a way too narrow vision of brain physiology leading to nothing but brain physiology since brain is not psyche, and brain is not relations (Fuchs 2008). However, psychodiplomacy will be helpful (Volkan 1999; DeMause 2005), in case it is grounded on a reasonable multi-disciplinary basis, including e.g., psychogeography (Juengst 2000; Juengst 2004). In terms of alienation, which in Habermas is conceived as colonization of worldly life by systems, systems interfere with personal self-realization. Viewed in terms of modernizing processes,


Goetz Egloff 18

monetarization and bureaucratization tend to intrude into the private sphere of people, damaging the reproduction of worldly life, that is of resources of sense-making, of solidarity, and of personality itself.

Habermas´s rationale of generating of social pathology phenomena, like personal loss of sense-making, anomie, and psychopathology (Habermas 1981) follows Max Weber´s concept of loss of freedom by cultural techniques of rationalization. Yet, the loss of personal sense-making in Habermas´s view is not coercible. This, of course, seemingly rational concept can be viewed as an installment of the concept of reemploying of contents into the sphere of the Imaginary. Worldly life is fueled by the Imaginary as basic point of departure of mankind. It can turn into the hypocenter of terror, supposed that exploitation instead of mustering of appropriate living conditions takes place. Honneth´s concept of morale of recognition (Honneth 1992), in aiming at preventing of violations of human integrity (loc. cit.; cp. Brumlik 1992, 292ff.; cp. Honneth and Fraser 2003), also focuses on the supposedly generating of disorders of society (Honneth 2013) coming from this hypocenter, just like Sennett depicts how in societal issues the corrosion of character will find deposit (Sennett 1998).

5. THESES While violence prevention through socio-emotional learning in children will be helpful

through focusing on intersubjective appropriating of objective reality and can best promote any introspective motion (Cierpka 2002), observable skills and competencies tend to serve a positivistic view of man.

What you see is not always what you get. Of course, actual child rearing practices play a significant role in imprinting children´s psyche (DeMause 1974), and DeMause is right when he requires a UN-Marshall-plan to establishing parental education centers led by resident educators (DeMause 2005, 43). Lately also in foreign relations publications the connection between child rearing practices, mentality, and collective behavior has been taken into account (Fuchs 2012, 1-55). It has to be augmented by the effects of technologies on objective reality, so that societal processes of disintegration (Heitmeyer 1994; Moeller-Leimkuehler and Bogerts 2013, 1345-1358) can at least be faced on an educational and on a political level. Yet, technocracy in any state is to be taken cautiously (Spurny 2014; 235-243); it always tends to ignore the interests of individuals. In order to induce quite a balance between creativity and normativity, getting rid of implanted norms (Kuechenhoff 2014, 37-39), that is questioning unquestioned imperatives, will be a future societal task. Following Badiou who urges that we recognize terrorist attackers as distilled version of our own essence (Schmid 2011, 79) a good deal of skepticism ought to be employed as to any agendas. Then again, Mitscherlich in the 1960s wrote on heavy pushbacks from the state and the public on putting up playgrounds in public places of German towns and cities, something that has definitely been realized in the following decades (Mitscherlich 1975, 432). Of course, it is not predictable whether the spirit of terrorism might subside through realizing of one or another of the theses given below (out of which eight were recently introduced in a paper on forensics: Egloff 2014).



Again, these are identifying issues to be seen as anthropological basics in historical context. Reemploying of the, in Baudrillard´s terms, lost, or disappearing, object (that would be authenticity lost in Badiou´s concept, the lost object lost in terms of Lacan) seems the pivotal question to be examined in the following issues. Society might prosper from the following in case of establishing a cultural consent in people toward these issues that eventually may lead to a dispiriting of terrorism.

5.1. The Issue of Childbirth Aside from the recent emerging of new knowledge concerning prenatal factors of human

development such as fetal programming (Schlembach and Lang 2008, 225-230), it has to be clear that issues such as childbirth, prenatal and perinatal experiencing have generally been neglected. Moreover, childbirth has more or less been idealized or demonized in any society. It certainly is a violent event, permeating bodily limits. Since childbirth still belongs to mankind and is not even circumventable by caesarian section, the Leboyer birth mode (Leboyer 2011) and its derivatives are to be seen as essential to any culture. Considerable reduction of violent experiencing is the goal here, not, as Leboyer´s book title suggests, the extermination of violence. The lost object might reappear in the shape of essence. If ever, essence is in early sensomotoric bodily experiencing, be it pre-, peri-, or postnatal.

5.2. The Issue of Infant and Early Childhood Education Violence prevention in infant and early childhood education can be conducted via highly

structured curricula for parents (Raffai 1997, 457-466; Gregor and Cierpka 2004) and pre-school children. Curricula are to focus on the mediation by constant objects, on pro-social competencies, and especially on emotional education, i.e., teach about feelings and how to deal with them. Educators and relational objects are to be constant. Promoting of socio-emotional competencies in parents is highly important (Janus 2008; 25-38), the earlier the better; the same for children in elementary schools (Schick and Cierpka 2004, 54-66), possibly modified in late elementary rather than in secondary education, if so. The lost object might reappear in the shape of doubt. Doubt is the pivotal motion in human thinking, evolving from interactional experiencing.

5.3. The Issue of Religion A secularized society will make sure that it will not interfere with the individual beliefs

of its citizens. Laicism – liberal or conservative – or, at least, neutrality (cp. Andresen, Brumlik and Koch 2010) of the state is a basic requirement. Religion will be private and is to be subordinated to stately framework. Especially monotheistic religions will have to reflect on their cultural heritage critically. What appears as western un-religiosity might be viewed as sport of cultural sacrality: sacred objects are substituted by holinesses of progress, economy, and the like (Bertau 2005, 493). So, religion is to be overwritten by humanist values. The lost object might reappear in the shape of existence. Existence can be experienced in religious,


Goetz Egloff 20

i.e., psychoanalytically speaking, objectal or medial experiencing. Role models and paragons will help.

5.4. The Issue of Humanism as Constitutional Agenda Humanism means a motion toward the human being. The human being is to be

understood as animal rationale. The Enlightenment motion of Liberté, Egalité, Fraternité has not been exhausted but is still in its starting point of being realized. Elias´ notion of civilizing processes may not necessarily be compromised, even by looking at Hassan´s concept of characteristics of modernity and postmodernity (Hassan 1987; cp. Egloff 2013, 160-165; cp. Egloff 2013, 725-728). In a cultural historical perspective, any employing of humanist values might be a blighted task today; yet, as societies sort of invent themselves anew each day, it is not idle. The lost object might reappear in the shape of Grande Histoire, a wide narrative of being and reasoning.

5.5. The Issue of State The state will have to be structured in libertarian manner, instead of e.g., caesarian

socialism. A libertarian approach can be viewed in aspects of individuality-recognizing socialist direction that has partially, at least in broad outline, been realized in some countries, to name but a few: in France seemingly the most in mentality, in the USA certainly in primary and secondary education, in some eastern European countries in self-concept. In Camus (hence its heritage in France and Spain), an approach of libertarian anarchist socialism is to be favored instead of any totalitarianism (Camus 1951).

Camus´s Solar Philosophy (R. Barthes) might render parties inappropriate due to mostly serving oligarchy, as Jaspers noticed, too (Jaspers 1966; cp. Dahn 2013, 89ff.); mostly necessary in politics will be the replacement of the quantitative elite (A. Renz) by a qualitative one. This might be supported through reemploying of councils (Dahn 2013, 103ff.). The lost object might reappear in the shape of Petite Histoire, a somewhat more narrow or, regional, narrative of being and reasoning.

5.6. The Issue of Sexuality Sexuality practiced is a violent event, permeating bodily limits. It belongs to the sphere of

the Real in terms of Lacan. In any concept of sexuality and psyche in interaction, i.e., psychosexual development (Erikson 1997), it is obvious that it follows its own logic of individual development within a specific bio-psycho-social context, as has been exemplified (cp. Egloff and Gioeni 2013). The point is, as Illouz (Illouz 2013) has interpreted, the commodity of relations within the neoliberal loss of structures: it is mirrored in fantasies of order and of structure with a violent overwriting. Probably biological sex and social gender are to be differentiated more strictly in order to avoid enmeshment in personal and collective interests. The lost object might reappear in the shape of jouissance, a deep experiencing of man as a sexual being.



5.7. The Issue of Military Service Military service is to be taken as sport of males. As long as females give birth, they

should not be eligible for military service in active combat role. That would be taking gender for sex. Social alterations within the army through females should not be as great a deal as to send women to combat. The lost object might reappear in the shape of dystopia. Dystopia as a place of horror is necessary as an external place to put, or project on, evil; yet it simultaneously has to be revealed as being some kind of personal privy which belongs to society itself.

5.8. The Issue of the Media The binary logic of the computer sphere is largely to be banned from everyday life. It is a

regressive logic, that is, in Piaget´s terms, more of a concrete operational stage of cognitive development that is children´s logic. The individual is to be advised to refrain from consuming of virtually mediated contents wherever possible. Purchasing goods via the internet is no good an idea; consumers´ profiles should not make it outside the personal sphere. Medial image should not dominate culture. The lost object might reappear in the shape of representation. Representation, maybe the very crucial issue at the turn of the millennium, might be the easiest and the hardest part of tasks to be encountered.

5.9. The Issue of Economy Raw materials are to be public goods, and not for speculation. Property is to be

reasonably differentiated and divided into public property, into state property, and into private property. Money is to be viewed as a means of exchange and as expressive of social relations, never as a thing. In consumer capitalism, fetish should not be fueled by money, as fetish is to be viewed, in psychoanalytic terms, as a bisexual object (Oberlehner 2011). The idea is, fetish, if ever, belongs where it stems from: in sexuality, that is in human relations. Commodification in consumption has been depicted distinctively, again to name but a few, in finance (Wagenknecht 2011), in interpersonal relations (Illouz 2013), and in culture; the finance regimen of floating signifiers without transcendental signifieds (Vogl 2010) applying not only to money but permeating and transforming culture itself (Egloff 2010). The lost object might reappear in the shape of imagination. Having lost imagination is probably heavily poisoning worldly life.

5.10. The Issue of Self-Realization Maximum of freedom with a minimum of violation of societal needs is largely the idea

here. Self-realization may take place in professions, arts, sports, and, of course, in family relations. It is highly individual. Professions dealing with living beings, of course, should be encouraged and, of course, be well-paid, as should in life-associated branches like food


Goetz Egloff 22

production. A vice versa distribution of the status quo is to be employed in order to realize societal value establishing and in order to avoid paying of smart-money as compensational wages for personal suffering at jobs. The animal rationale also tends to occasional self-exploitation. Instead, freedom and restraint have to be individually and societally balanced. The lost object might reappear in the shape of bond, which is mostly linked to the search for the lost object, or, to essence, which is mostly linked to early bodily experiencing.

CONCLUSION Since the world has moved further toward a single world order (Baudrillard 2002, 9),

Baudrillard sees singularity as the only means in order to overcome universality (Baudrillard 2002, 73). As convulsions and shadings seem to regularly go along with any kind of development and motion (Egloff 2012, 358-360), it is doubtful if any global approach will reach the issue at stake: if overcoming universality should be the crucial issue, as Baudrillard suggests, again, a good deal of skepticism as to any agendas ought to be employed. Given he might cherish an idea too gnostic (Smith 2004, 1-37), there are even more tasks to immerse in. From a psychoanalytic perspective, the eligibility of mankind for establishing of culture is not to be assessed too high, i.e., transforming of human egoism into altruism by way of internal self-improvement seems unlikely to happen properly. Thus, according to Brumlik, any drive theory founded approach toward sociality is problematic; actions judged good can emerge out of noble and ignoble motifs as well (Brumlik 2006, 7-22). Yet, new anthropology-based concepts in politics have emerged lately (cp. Schulz-Nieswandt et al. 2006). At any rate, political psychoanalysis should not be exhausted yet (cp. Lohmann and Pfeiffer 2013, 423ff.). Again, homogenization itself is highly problematic. Moreover, even if the goal were in becoming actors rather than subjects (Siljanovska 2014, 352-359), it is to be taken into account what if actors, in a virtualized society, were destroyed subjects rather than developed subjects? A step back to a different perspective might help: Vygotsky´s socio-cultural theory of development of higher order functions and learning of, and by, art (Gajdamaschko 2005, 13-22) takes into account the sphere of the Imaginary.

The searching for object petit a might be represented in aspects of imagination in education which might promote replenishment. At the same time, any mass educational effort will have to consider the inherent ambivalence in people. This implies an anthropological concept in some certain historical context in which people are entitled to “keep in mind (…) the fact that the Other, like Evil, is unimaginable. It all comes from the impossibility of conceiving of the Other – friend or enemy – in its radical otherness, in its irreconcilable foreignness” (Baudrillard 2002, 49). Baudrillard´s emphatic insisting on that otherness can certainly be taken as an appeal to man of reconsidering themselves.

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Chapter 3

THIS IS WAR! TOM METZGER, WHITE ARYAN RESISTANCE, AND THE LONE WOLF LEGACY

George Michael Westfield State University, Massachusetts, US

ABSTRACT

This article examines the political career of Tom Metzger, an activist who did much to radicalize the American extreme right. His political odyssey included stints in the John Birch Society, the tax rebellion movement, Second Amendment organizations, the Knights of the Ku Klux Klan, and the Christian Identity movement. Eventually, he wearied of all of these projects and promoted a “third way” variant of National Socialism. To that end, in 1983, he founded an organization that came to be known as White Aryan Resistance or WAR. By adeptly using a variety of media, he disseminated propaganda to a large audience and greatly influenced the discourse of the American extreme right during the 1980s. But his high profile occasioned serious opposition, leading to a civil suit in which he was held vicariously responsible for the death of an Ethiopian immigrant. As a consequence, his organization was nearly liquidated. Nevertheless, his activism continues to this day, as he has become a strident advocate of the lone wolf approach to political violence. The last several years have witnessed an alarming number of terrorist attacks carried out

by lone individuals, or very small groups, both in the United States and abroad [1]. For instance, an attack in November 2009 by Major Nidal Hasan at Fort Hood, Texas, killed thirteen people and left thirty more wounded. Nearly four years later, two brothers who sympathized with the global jihad—Tamerlan and Dzhokar Tsarnaev—carried out the Boston Marathon bombing which killed three persons including an eight-year-old boy. In France, in January 2015, two masked gunmen who identified with al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula forced their way into the offices of Charlie Hebdo and executed eleven people. More recently, in July 2015, Muhammad Youssef Abdulazeez, a naturalized American citizen of Palestinian descent, opened fired on two military facilities in Chattanooga, Tennessee, killing five U.S. servicemen. For obvious reasons, radical Islamists have gained much notoriety


George Michael 30

stemming from these and other terrorist attacks. However, other extremist movements have given rise to self-radicalized terrorists as well. This was tragically illustrated on June 17, 2015, when Dylann Roof allegedly open fired with a handgun in a church in Charleston, South Carolina, killing nine African-Americans and injuring one more. Shortly before his attack, Roof posted an online manifesto which was replete with White nationalist and extreme right themes [2].

According to a 2014 study conducted by the noted CNN terrorism analyst Peter Bergen, since 9/11, right-wing extremists have been responsible for more deaths in the United States than Islamists motivated by al Qaeda’s ideology [3]. Largely dormant during the 2000s, the extreme right was galvanized by the election of the nation’s first Black president Barack Obama in 2008 [4]. But even prior to this epic event, the movement had adopted a revolutionary orientation over the past few decades. Perhaps more than any figure, Tom Metzger was in the forefront of this transformation. Skillfully employing an array of different media, he managed to disseminate the message of revolutionary White nationalism to a large audience. In doing so, he significantly influenced the discourse of the extreme right which transitioned from patriotism to racial revolution. Moreover, he has long been a strident advocate of the lone wolf approach to political violence—an idea that has gained great currency not only in the extreme right, but in a number of other extremist subcultures as well.

This essay examines the political career of Tom Metzger and the organization he founded—White Aryan Resistance—or WAR. First, his early life is examined and how it influenced his political trajectory. Next, his early political projects are discussed. Following that, the radicalization of the extreme right, which told hold in the 1980s, is covered along with Metzger’s influence thereon. WAR was in the forefront of the extreme right’s exploitation of the media—including television and the Internet—and is reviewed as well. Although Metzger’s achieved significant notoriety, it came at a high price as evidenced by his legal troubles which are covered in the next section. Despite these setbacks, Metzger and his organization survived and continued to be a strong voice for the leaderless resistance approach to terrorism. As such, his influence continues to endure to this day.

THE EARLY LIFE OF TOM METZGER The early life experiences of Tom Metzger did not seem to presage his future radicalism.

His childhood was seemingly ordinary, but not without vicissitude. His lineage can be traced to German ancestors who arrived in America in the early 18th century [5]. As a young woman, his mother, Willodean Marie Richter, worked as a waitress at a restaurant where she met Thomas Linton. Soon thereafter, they married in Chicago, but their marriage did not last long and Linton went off to California [6]. Returning to her native Indiana while pregnant, Willodean bore her only son when she was just eighteen-years old. Thomas Byron Linton was born on April 8, 1938, at the McDonald Hospital in Warsaw, Indiana. Willodean soon met another man named Cloice Earl Metzger and remarried [7].

Raised as an only child by strict Lutheran parents, Willodean’s son was enrolled in school as “Thomas Linton Metzger” [8]. While he was in grade school, the family moved to Florida near Tampa, but later returned to Indiana. When he was 13 years old, he set up a transmitter, strung up an antenna, and created this own radio station. As he recalled, ham


This Is WAR! 31

radio became his life [9]. Growing up, Tom Metzger recalled his childhood as happy and normal as he liked cars, rock ‘n’ roll music, and dating girls.

From an early age, Metzger evinced intellectual rebelliousness and a passion for adventure [10]. After graduating from high school in 1956, he boarded a Greyhound bus bound for Fort Leonard Wood, Missouri, and joined the army. As he recalled, he wanted to learn a vocation and see the world [11]. In the army, he was trained as a microwave technician. Soon thereafter, he was stationed to an army base in Germany where his job was to relay military communications from Europe to the United States [12]. The experience he gained in the military with communications technology would later be put to use in his career in radical politics. Metzger recalled that his service in the army was this was the first time in his life that he interacted in a significant way with racial minorities which caused him to realize that they “didn’t conform to [his] idea of what society is all about.” As a youth, he never recalled his parents making racist remarks. According to his memory, there was no single event or experience that put him on a course of racism [13].

After his three-year enlistment ended, Metzger returned home in 1959, and found a job at a television repair shop called Rocket TV, but he soon tired of Indiana, so he and some friends packed their bags and moved to Los Angeles. Not long thereafter, he found a job installing car stereos at Chip’s Auto Radio in Culver across the street from Metro Goldwyn Meyer studios [14]. While in California, he met Kathleen Murphy, whom he described as a pretty, blonde-haired girl from a conservative Catholic family [15]. After marrying Kathleen, he converted to Catholicism. In Catholicism, he found a creed that offered a solid foundation and a sense of conservatism to his life [16]. In 1968, they settled in Fallbrook, a suburb of San Diego. The couple remained happily married for many years and had three daughters and one son.

For his next job, Metzger landed a position at Douglas Aircraft which put him contact with some of the company’s top engineers [17]. He proudly recalled the five years he worked with the company, pointing out that he was on the team that put the first man on the moon [18]. Through this position, he would have his first significant involvement in politics. During this time, the company started a club called the “Sell America Committee” which showed anti-communist films and occasionally brought in conservative guest speakers [19]. These meetings piqued his interest in conservative politics. As a result, in 1964, he became involved in Barry Goldwater’s presidential campaign, handing out literature and boosting the Arizona candidate [20].

While he was working for Douglas Aircraft, the International Association of Machinists had recently organized the Santa Monica plant. For his part, Metzger looked askance at the union-organizing in his shop. He flung himself into opposition so conspicuously and energetically that he was even offered a position that paid $30,000 a year to work as a union manager. Metzger turned down the offer which was a considerable salary at the time in 1964 [21]. Refusing to pay union dues, he left his position at Douglas on principle [22]. He soon found work as a television repairman and opened up his own shop. As the decade wore on, Metzger found himself increasingly drawn to conservative politics. After a long period of tranquility, American society became more turbulent. He saw the riots that convulsed Watts in 1968 as harbinger of more unrest to follow. Still, he recalled not initially seeing the situation in racial terms [23]. Nevertheless, he sought out vehicles for conservative activism.


George Michael 32

EARLY POLITICAL ACTIVISM While working for the Goldwater campaign, Metzger became acquainted with the John

Birch Society. He joined, becoming a chapter leader, and held meetings in his home [24]. The John Birch Society was founded in 1958, when a successful candy manufacturer, Robert H. W. Welch, Jr., convoked a meeting with like-minded friends in Indianapolis, Indiana, to create an organization to counter communist subversion that they saw throughout the U.S. government [25]. The group was named after John Birch, a young fundamentalist Baptist preacher and intelligence officer who served in China during World War II [26]. Welch developed a tight-knit and disciplined organization, which at its peak in the mid-1960s, reached a membership of approximately 50,000-60,000 members—an astronomical figure by far right standards [27].

After joining the John Birch Society, Metzger began a personal study of Communism and its links to the international banking system. As he recalled, this was the first instance in which he saw references to Jewish names and groups such as the Rothschilds [28]. Still, he confined his activism to respectable conservative causes. For instance, in 1966, he volunteered to work for Ronald Reagan’s gubernatorial bid in California, though he never met him personally [29]. However, he quickly became disillusioned with Reagan as governor. Although Reagan was a staunch anti-communist, Metzger found him too liberal on social issues. For Metzger, the last straw was when Governor Reagan responded to a U.S. Supreme Court ruling to enforce school busing by stating that he was prepared to use military force if necessary to comply with the mandate [30]. Increasingly, Metzger became concerned about the race issue. As a consequence, he supported George Wallace’s 1968 candidacy for the presidency. Still, at the time, Metzger did not consider himself to be a genuine racist [31].

From 1964 to 1972, Metzger was active in the John Birch Society, but over time, he came to believe that the organization was not committed enough to confront the pressing issues that were facing the country. What is more, his increasingly anti-capitalist leanings alienated him from the group [32]. Still, the organization was an important gateway for him. Through some John Birch Society associates, he heard about a group called the National States Rights Party which was led by a staunch civil rights opponent, Jesse B. Stoner. He was also exposed to the tax protestor movement. He became disenchanted with the Vietnam War which he saw as a conspiracy to bankrupt the United States. Therefore, he officially became a tax rebel refusing to pay state or federal income taxes from 1972 to 1976. Eventually, he relented, and paid his back taxes to the IRS [33]. After his tax rebellion was over, he joined the National Association to Keep and Bear Arms. He also supported the American Independent Party (the vehicle for George Wallace’s presidential campaigns) in California as well. But Metzger became dismayed that these conservative groups seemed to be unconcerned about working people. Unsatisfied, Metzger looked for more radical vehicles for his political activism.

Slowly, Metzger drifted into organized racism. William Potter Gale, a founder of the Posse Comitatus—a strident anti-tax movement—claimed to have converted Metzger on the race issue [34]. Gale was also a follower of Christian Identity, a creed which has its origins in nineteenth Century England’s “British Israelism.” According to its theology, the various peoples of Northwestern Europe were the true descendants of the ten lost tribes of Israel. Originally, the British version was philo-Semitic in character, seeking to identify as kindred people with Jews. In the early twentieth century, however, this sect found its way to America


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and metamorphosed into “Christian Identity.” There are several variations in beliefs and not all are anti-Semitic [35]. Many variants of this religion do, however, demonize Jews and reject their ancestral claim to the Israel of biblical times [36]. Around 1971, Metzger became friends with Reverend Bertrand Comparet and converted to Christian Identity [37]. He even became an ordained minister in James Warner’s New Christian Crusade Church in 1974 [38]. Around this same time, he affiliated with Robert DePugh’s Minutemen as well [39].

In the mid-1970s, the telegenic David Duke brought renewed spotlight on the Ku Klux Klan and the broader racialist movement in the United States. Duke sought to re-invent the group from its crude image of a gathering of racist rednecks to a mainstream civil rights organization that worked for the group interests of White Americans. Around 1975, Metzger became acquainted with David Duke and joined the California chapter of his group [40]. Duke even brought Metzger to Louisiana to manage his 1975 candidacy for a state senate seat in Baton Rouge [41].

The bond between Duke and Metzger deepened in late 1976 following an incident in November of that year when fourteen Black marines broke into what they thought was a Klan meeting at Camp Pendleton in California. The Black marines stabbed six White enlisted men and one died from the wounds that he sustained [42]. Racial tensions had flared on base after it transpired that a Klan chapter was operating there (though the victims of the attack were not affiliated with the Klan). Together, Duke and Metzger demanded to meet the base commander, who refused their request. Instead, Duke reached out to the news media. Leading a march in front of Camp Pendleton, they were met by counter-protestors including members of the Marxist Progressive Labor Party. At the event, Duke was assaulted from behind, being hit on the side of the head with a large wooden board. Metzger jumped on the assailant which touched off a brawl between the two protesting groups. The incident made national headlines and was a top news story on all major television networks [43].

So impressed by the zeal of his new associate, Duke appointed Metzger as his Grand Dragon for the state of California [44]. One of their more notable projects on which they collaborated was a Klan Border Watch, which was inaugurated in 1977 [45]. Supposedly, the patrol stretched from Brownsville, Texas, to San Diego, California. Its principal purpose was to stem the tide of illegal immigrants into the United States. Duke told reporters that his Klan border watch was staffed with between 500-1,000 Klansmen. Although this figure was probably wildly exaggerated, the media had reported it as it was the gospel truth [46]. For Duke and his supporters, the episode proved to be a public relations success [47]. Amazingly, some local officials of the Immigration and Naturalization Service said that they would welcome the help from anyone, including the Klan [48].

As a close confidant, Metzger claimed to have been in almost daily contact with Duke during the fall of 1978. However, he soon began to have misgivings about the character of Duke. He recalled one incident on November 24, 1978, when at a Klan rally in which police responded to gunfire in the nearby area, Duke urged his fellow Klansmen to throw their Klan ID cards into a bonfire. This caused Metzger to question his leadership qualities. Duke’s womanizing with the wives of his supporters made Metzger uneasy as well. He began to see Duke as an opportunist who was unfit to lead the racialist movement. The last straw occurred in August 1979 when Klan leaders and members met in a meeting hall. In front of a crowd of three hundred, Duke got up on stage wearing a bathing suit whereupon he began discussing the importance of physical fitness. When he finished his speech, he began lifting weights on stage. After this incident, Metzger thought, “This is it,” and decided to part with Duke [49].


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Soon thereafter, he sent a letter to Duke tendering his resignation citing “moral differences.” He rechristened Duke’s California Klan chapter as the “California Knights of the Ku Klux Klan [50].” From that moment on, Metzger decided that for the rest of his career as a racial activist, he would answer to no one but himself [51].

On that note, on numerous occasions Metzger ran for political office. First, in 1978, he ran for San Diego County Supervisor but received very few votes. In 1980, however, he actually won the Democratic primary for Congress (in the Republican-dominated 45th congressional district), garnering 32,344 or 34 percent of the votes cast. He attributed his victory to the “workingman’s vote [52].” But soon after his success, a bipartisan coalition emerged against him. On June 5, all members of the county’s Democratic Committee announced their endorsement of the Republican incumbent candidate, Clair Burgener. The next day, Senator Alan Cranston joined other Democrats in opposing Metzger. The National Organization of Women adopted a resolution opposing his candidacy. Even then U.S. President Jimmy Carter announced that he would not endorse his fellow Democrat, Metzger [53]. In the general election, Metzger lost resoundingly, receiving 46,383 votes to Burgener’s 292,039, the most ever received theretofore by a U.S. Congressman [54].

Around 1980, Metzger decided to dissolve the California Klan and form a new group called the White American Political Association, but he still pursued conventional politics [55]. In a bid for a Democratic nomination for the U.S. Senate in 1982, he secured 73,987 votes state-wide but fell far short necessary for the nomination [56]. After the campaign, he came to believe that he had become too dependent on the public to attain political power. Rather than reach out to the broad masses, he adopted a new strategy which sought out a select number of highly-committed followers.

WHITE ARYAN RESISTANCE On April 17, 1983, Metzger called his last meeting of the White American Political

Association and announced that from that point on, the group would be known as White American Resistance. As the name suggested, the group adopted a more “anti-system” stance [57]. By 1984, he claimed to have had a membership between 5,000 and 10,000. But more and more, he saw his allegiance first and foremost to his race, rather than any national territory. Reflecting that sentiment, on September 9, 1984, he changed the name again to White Aryan Resistance (WAR) signifying his personal disaffection with the U.S. government which he believed no longer represented the interests of White people [58].

Despite the seemingly unsophisticated ideology of WAR, Metzger has codified the “positions” of the organization which have been periodically updated over the years. On the topic of “Military Warfare,” Metzger asserted that there had been no war in modern history “that promoted the general welfare of the White race.” Invoking General Smedley maxim—“war is a racket”—Metzger saw war as a destructive force that has undermined White gene pool. Furthermore, as he put it, “War breeds phoney (sic) patriotism of a non-nation nation.” For these reasons, Metzger has consistently opposed U.S.-led wars [59].

Metzger’s views on “Government” are decidedly libertarian as he sees the state as an instrument of oppression. Instead, he prefers smaller governments that would be more responsive to their citizens. On the issue of “Lawmakers,” Metzger castigated the political


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class and advanced a system that would cut taxes in order to reduce legislation. Given his prior history as a tax protestor, Metzger maintained that “Any program or method that circumvents taxes is a White revolutionary act.” Tax avoidance, even by WAR’s racial enemies was condoned insofar as it would ultimately “weaken the Beast.”

For Metzger, the nation and state should be racially-based, as expressed in his position “America First or Race First?” In it, he counseled his followers their principal loyalty should be to their race, rather than their country. Invoking the example of the Soviet Union which had dissolved into fifteen independent states at the end of 1991, Metzger argued that Whites and other groups had a right to racial self-determination in North America. Therefore, there was nothing inherently sacrosanct about national borders insofar as they have been revised throughout history.

On the “Environment,” Metzger sought to recapture this issue for the extreme right, arguing that concern for the planet should not be sole province of the political left. In that sense, his position is reminiscent Walther Darré, who became head of the SS Race and Settlement Office during the Third Reich. Darré idealized the notion of “blood and soil,” arguing that ethnicities were based not only on biological descent, but territory as well [60].

On the surface, WAR’s position on gender relations sounds progressive. On “Women” Metzger conceded that there were important biological differences between the sexes, but maintained that each gender had vital roles to play in a healthy society. His daughter Lynn even organized an offshoot group called the Aryan Women’s League [61]. According to Metzger’s historiography, traditional Aryan societies had held women in high esteem. In consonance with this view, women have often been depicted in WAR’s tabloid as brave racial warriors [62]. However, the introduction of Judaism and Christianity into Europe “perpetuated the worst stereo types (sic) of women.” As a consequence of these alien negative influences “many capable women [went] into the arms of the extreme left which includes lesbianism and race mixing.” He warned that “Middle Eastern and Asiatic based roadblocks had undermined male/female unity in White societies.” Thus the future society that Metzger envisaged would not be tied “to myths of Asiatic cult religions.” On that note, WAR’s position on “Religion” is highly critical of the Abrahamic tradition (that is, Judaism, Christianity, and Islam). Metzger impugned the historicity of the Jesus figure, noting that similar religious myths had been promoted by older civilizations. In sum, he argues that Christianity has been very destructive of the White race and should be resisted.

On “Immigration,” Metzger warned of the millions of undocumented aliens from Latin America and the threat they could pose to the social fabric of America. Consequently, he has taken even conservative politicians to task for not taking greater action to curb immigration [63]. Given its relatively small size, Metzger does not see the issue of “Homosexuals” as a serious threat to White racial survival. As he notes, closet gays have existed for thousands of years without much impact. Hence, his position is to limit the collective influence of gays “and keep the closet door shut.” In his estimation, the racialist movement has “far more important needs than to be looking under everyone’s beds.” Despite this seemingly laisses-faire attitude, cartoons in his tabloid newspaper often depicted gays as pathetic, emaciated men afflicted with AIDS. But for the most part, Metzger thought that gays were a side issue. Finally, on “Abortion,” his position is predictable: For White women, he decries it as genocide. But for non-Whites he finds abortion and sterilization as suitable [64].

Although primarily a biological determinist, Metzger integrated a class analysis into his ideology of racial separatism [65]. Decrying “monopoly capitalism,” he has described WAR


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as a “working class movement [66].” He counts among his idols Eugene Debs (the late union organizer and presidential candidate of the Socialist Party of America) and Jack London (a late American author and social activist who championed the working class) [67]. His revolutionary outlook owes much to the Bolshevik leader Vladimir Lenin. Over time, Metzger became disillusioned with conservative politics and began to assume a number of left-leaning positions. Adopting a more anti-conservative approach, by 1983, he began recruiting leftists into his organization, the most notable of whom was Wyatt Kaldenberg, an ex-Trotskyite [68].

Not unlike progressives in the 1980s, Metzger decried U.S. intervention in Central America and advocated self-determination for all people [69]. Sounding like a neo-Marxist, he identified multinational corporations as the primary enemy, not only of Whites, but all people around the world [70]. Reaching out to the Green movement, Metzger sought to appropriate the environmental issue for the white nationalist cause in an editorial titled “Earth First is Militant Racism [71].” For Metzger, the cold war was a sham that wasted the wealth of the nation [72]. In an interview with the journalist James Ridgeway, he explained his disillusionment with the anti-Soviet rhetoric of hawkish cold warriors:

I hear these guys saying let’s nuke the Russians and things like that, and nuclear

power is great and all this kind of stuff. And I started thinking. I said gee, you know, nuclear war is not good for the White race, and if there is nuclear war between the Soviet Union and the U.S., it will destroy the entire northern hemisphere which is the ancestral homeland of the Caucasian people. So what the hell am I doing saying whoopee let’s nuke the Russians?

And then when I look on satellite TV and see the Russians and I see the majority of the people in European Russia are as White as anybody here, I say what the hell is this? It was illogical [73]. Although characterized as a “neo-Nazi,” Metzger has long promoted a “third way” or

“third positionist” variant of National Socialism that is highly critical of capitalism. To be sure, Metzger is an admirer of Adolf Hitler, but over time, he came to identify with the left-leaning Nazi dissidents, Otto and Gregor Strasser. According to his analysis, suppressing the left-wing of the NSDAP had been a mistake. Moreover, Metzger argued that overturning the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact—a non-aggression pact signed between the Soviet Union and Germany—had been a colossal strategic disaster insofar as it led to a catastrophic war between two nations in which millions of their people were killed [74]. For these reasons, Metzger does not shy away from criticizing of Hitler and the Third Reich. This makes him somewhat of a “deviationist,” which has alienated him from some American National Socialists whose veneration of Hitler and the Third Reich is akin to a religious cult [75]. Nonetheless, Metzger sees the legacy of the Third Reach as inhibiting the racialist movement’s efforts to achieve international unity as he explained in an interview with this author:

There are things in National Socialism that I think are preferable to capitalism and

communism. But the race issue was sort of a mixed-up situation over there. A lot of it was German nationalism that was spoken of as racism. Much of the attitude toward the Slavic people and the whole people of Europe and Eastern Europe was very negative.


This Is WAR! 37

Unfortunately, the war took on a sort of Germanic type of thing where 20 million Russians died and I would say probably 19 million of them I would consider White. Fratricidal wars, no matter who starts them, could be stopped. So I fault both sides for something like that. And any kind of fratricidal war where White people are killing White people I’m totally against…

World War II is at the heart of the problem today because before the war racial separatism was very strong in this country. Eugenic programs were very strong and all kinds of things that I thought were basically good for the race have now been attached to Nazi Germany and called evil. And people say, “We shouldn’t do this or that because the Nazis did it.”

It is very difficult for people in a country like Russia that had 20 million killed to turn around and say “well we embrace you now.” And the Germans also, the many times they have been shafted by England and so forth. And the English being bombed by the Luftwaffe. So it takes a long time to heal.

But I believe—and I’ve been really attacked for this—that if they [the Nazis] would have internalized and kept the revolution going in Germany and not allowed it to expand beyond the borders, the world would be a much better place today. The [political] left in Germany had a lot of good ideas. They were buffered in between extreme monopoly capitalism and Marxism. Both the Strasser brothers and Hitler had good points [76]. But Hitler tended to move toward the industrialists and made a deal with them. And when that happened, the original idea of National Socialism, I believe, went out the window [77]. Although he could certainly be construed as anti-Semitic, Metzger’s position on Jews is

still nuanced. In general, he sees many Jews as predatory capitalists; however, he implicates White elites in what he sees as the worst aspects of capitalism as well. As he once explained, “You cannot blame Jews for everything in this country. You can’t say the Jews run everything, there are not enough of them.” Furthermore he adds that “if the Jews do have this disproportionate power, it’s because your leaders have given it to them. And for that reason your number one enemy is of your own household.” Nevertheless, he sees Jews as playing a leading role in the “hyper-mercantilism” of the global economy [78]. Although not technically a “Holocaust denier,” Metzger believes many Jews died in the war, but doubts the accepted figure of six million. Moreover, he points out that millions of others died in the war as well [79].

For Metzger, the racial struggle is mainly a civil war in the White race between what he sees as race traitors and White nationalists. For Metzger, White traitors are the primary enemy. As he once put it, he would “hang ten Anglo-Saxons to every Jew. There are more White traitors to this country than there are Jews. I want everybody to understand that [80].” Metzger defines race traitors broadly to include not only patently anti-racist activists, but more important, conservatives who are more concerned with “the bottom line,” rather than the welfare of the White race.

A pervasive sense of alienation in the extreme right accelerated in the 1980s, notwithstanding the conservative administration of President Ronald Reagan. Although Reagan took a hardline foreign policy position against the Soviet Union, he did not roll back racial preference programs such as affirmative action. Despite his stated concern about massive immigration into the country, he signed a sweeping amnesty bill in 1986 which granted legal status to millions of undocumented aliens [81]. Increasingly, the extreme right saw Reagan as sell-out who did not have the best interests of Whites at heart. Instead, he was


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mostly concerned with fighting communists and protecting the interests of affluent Americans. For his part, Metzger credited himself as being the first American racialist leader to publicly renounce Ronald Reagan. In 1983, the extreme right would take a radical turn as exemplified by the campaign of the Order.

THE CAMPAIGN OF THE ORDER AND THE RADICALIZATION OF THE AMERICAN EXTREME RIGHT

Arguably, the event that sparked the radicalization of the extreme right occurred on

February 13, 1983, when an affiliate of the Posse Comitatus and radical tax protestor, Gordon Kahl became embroiled in a confrontation with federal authorities in Medina, North Dakota. A group of lawmen sought to serve Kahl a warrant for tax violations. Distrustful of authorities, Kahl refused to be served and a shootout ensued in which two marshals died and four other people were wounded, including Kahl’s son Yorie. Amazingly, Kahl, a 63-year old farmer and World War II veteran, single-handedly caused the authorities to retreat. For months, he evaded authorities, but they finally caught up with him but on June 3, 1983, in Lawrence County Arkansas. Still defiant, Kahl managed to mortally wound a local sheriff who also happened to fire a fatal shot, which struck Kahl in the head. Not realizing that Kahl was dead, FBI agents attempted to force him outside of his bunker dwelling by pouring fuel down the chimney. The structure went up in flames and sparked rumors that Kahl had been summarily executed. According to this interpretation of events, his corpse and that of the slain sheriff’s were incinerated to cover up the truth [82]. As a result of his defiance and fiery death, Kahl entered the extreme right’s pantheon of martyrs. His death also became the catalyst and a call to arms for an underground right-wing terrorist group.

In the summer of 1983, an annual Aryan Nations Congress was convened at the organization’s compound in Hayden Lake, Idaho. At that meeting, a young charismatic member of the National Alliance (a neo-Nazi organization that at the time was based in Arlington, Virginia)—Robert Jay Mathews—hatched an idea of creating an underground resistance group to avenge the death of Kahl. Highly persuasive, he ultimately recruited nearly 50 members into his clandestine terrorist group, “the Order [83].”

Mathews drew much inspiration for the formation of his group from a novel, The Turner Diaries, written by his ideological mentor Dr. William L. Pierce, (under the pseudonym Andrew Macdonald) the chairman of the National Alliance. Written in the form of a novel, the story detailed the exploits of “the organization” in its war against “they system” in a not-so-distant America convulsed by a race war [84]. So enamored of the book, Mathews made the novel required reading for all members [85]. Abandoning all hope of the efficacy of legal political action, Mathews endeavored to build a clandestine resistance group, which would go on a crime spree and a terrorist campaign that gained nation-wide notoriety and included counterfeiting, armored car heists, bank robberies, and four homicides [86]. In a subculture in which terrorists often resembled more the gang that couldn’t shoot straight than professional terrorists, the exploits of the Order were in a word, electrifying. One armored car heist took in a whopping $3.6 million—which at that time in 1984 set the record for the highest amount of money ever stolen in such a robbery.


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Mathews gave the highest priority to attacking targets that he believed were responsible for imperiling the White race including the U.S. government and other institutions. He instructed Order members to avoid petty conflicts with racial minorities, as that would only distract the group from its primary mission. A list of prominent enemies marked for assassination was compiled, which included the leader of the Southern Poverty Law Center, Morris Dees, the former Secretary of State, Henry Kissinger, banker, David Rockefeller, television producer Norman Lear, and international financier, Baron Elie de Rothschild [87]. These high-valued targets notwithstanding, the Order settled for a Denver-based Jewish disc jockey, Alan Berg, as its first target of assassination. An acerbic talk radio host, Berg frequently berated right-wing callers on his radio program. On the evening of June 18, 1984, he was struck twelve times by an automatic weapon as he stepped out of his Volkswagen in the driveway of his home and died on the spot [88].

To be expected, the Order’s exploits soon caught the attention of authorities and the FBI identified the group as the most serious domestic terrorist threat in the country [89]. Ultimately, a counterfeiting operation led to the group’s demise. One recruit, Tom Martinez, though not an official member, agreed to become an informant for the FBI after his arrest for passing counterfeit money that the Order had printed. He set up two of his colleagues including Mathews in a sting operation at a hotel. A shootout ensued, but amazingly, Mathews escaped after wounding an FBI agent. He remained undaunted and issued a “Declaration of War” against the United States government, which he sent to several newspapers. After an extensive search, authorities caught up with Mathews at Whidbey Island in Washington State. Refusing to be taken alive, Mathews resisted in a standoff that lasted two days and single-handedly engaged in several shootouts with SWAT teams. Finally, the authorities lost their patience and on December 8, 1984, dropped white phosphorous illumination flares onto the roof of the house in which Mathews had barricaded himself. This set off a fire that engulfed the structure and Mathews perished in dramatic fashion. A concerted effort by federal, state, and local law enforcement agencies eventually crushed the Order and many of its members are now serving lengthy prison sentences.

Tactically, the Order did not really achieve much, yet it was significant insofar as it marked a change in the orientation of the extreme right. The U.S. government was now seen as the enemy and the racialist movement began to take on a more revolutionary posture. No longer did it seek to preserve the status quo. Rather, it sought the overthrow of the U.S. government, which it reasoned was now under the heel of ZOG (Zionist Occupation Government).

On an instrumental and strategic level, the Order distributed much of its stolen money to “above ground” racialist organizations around the country. It was hoped that the stolen money could be used as “mortar” to cement the fragmented elements of the racialist right [90]. For example, Robert Jay Mathews disbursed $200,000 to Glen Miller for his White Patriot Patriots Party that was active in North Carolina during the 1980s [91]. It was strongly suspected that Mathews also gave Dr. William L. Pierce a substantial amount of money. If this is the case, then it enabled Pierce to establish his National Alliance on a solid footing and relocate to West Virginia [92].

The Order was also alleged to have donated $250,000 to Tom Metzger and WAR. The person who originally made this claim, Order member Bruce Pierce, was supposedly under extreme pressure by the FBI, but later recanted the allegation [93]. The Southern Poverty Law Center also alleged that some of the stolen money went to Metzger [94]. For his part, Metzger


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denied receiving any money from the group. Furthermore, the FBI never discovered evidence to support the allegation [95]. Nevertheless, Metzger was highly-respected by Mathews and other members of the Order [96]. In 1983, Order member David Lane took control of the Colorado “headquarters” of Metzger’s White American Political Association [97]. Other members, including Randy Pierce and Frank Silva, had a close relationship with Metzger as well [98]. Demonstrative of his high regard with the Order, when Mathews drew up a list of “civil administrators” consisting of racist leaders that would take charge of the government after his revolution, he designated Metzger—codenamed “Bear”—as responsible for the West Coast [99].

The Order’s campaign caught many in the extreme right by surprise. Some criticized their exploits as ineffectual and quixotic, while others lionized them as exemplary “Aryan warriors.” After the Order’s demise, Metzger quickly sought to revive it as a myth [100]. Since 1984, his tabloid newspaper has published the names and prison mailing addresses of surviving Order members and other “Aryan POWs” so that readers can provide material and moral support to them and their families [101]. His public support for the Order notwithstanding, at times he has sought to downplay his personal involvement with the group, once commenting, “I’ve always had informal associations with any group in the country that is pro-White and racialist. We don’t sit in judgment of any other group. [Each] does what it feels best, and that’s the way we leave it [102].” Still, he has never repudiated the Order’s campaign or the violence it spawned. Appearing on the Montel Williams talk show, Metzger proclaimed that the Order’s declaration of war had never been rescinded [103].

The Order’s campaign was illustrative of a revolutionary trend in the extreme right, which increasingly viewed the U.S. government as an enemy, not an institution to which they owed loyalty. This theme was reinforced by Metzger ever since. Through his outreach to the media, he became the most recognized face of “organized hate” in America.

SPOKESMAN OF THE EXTREME RIGHT By the late 1980s, Metzger appeared to be the most visible racialist leader in the country.

As his stature increased in the extreme right subculture, Metzger sought to influence its direction and ideology. Racial separatism, in particular, has been a constant motif of WAR. In a map Metzger drew up which was discussed at the 1986 Aryan Nations Congress, he proposed a White bastion that would include the domain of Washington, Oregon, Idaho, Montana, Wyoming, Nevada, California, large chunks of Utah and Arizona, British Columbia, Alberta, and a bit of the Alaskan panhandle. The rump state of the United States, or ZOG, would include the states of Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New Jersey, and small parts of New York, Pennsylvania, and Maryland. Most of the area in between would cede to the Nation of Islam for a black separatist homeland [104].

Despite his racism, Metzger has sought alliances with Black separatists such as the Nation of Islam. Both WAR and the Nation of Islam share a common desire for racial separation. In some ways, the platform of the Nation of Islam is very similar to those of so-called White nationalist Third Positionists. Both envisage the ideal nation to be a corporate community administered by a strong state. All strata of society are expected to cooperate harmoniously for the good of the collectivity. Regardless of class or gender, all members of


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the racial community are encouraged to work together to create an organic new order [105]. In early September 1985, just days before Louis Farrakhan announced his plan to visit Los Angeles and address a crowd at the Inglewood Forum, the editor of the Nation of Islam’s Final Call newspaper called Metzger requesting information on the area’s Jewish activists, such as the Jewish Defense League, for fear that they might attempt to stop or disrupt the event. Metzger complied, and the editor, Abdul Wali Muhammed invited him and his associates to attend the speech. Metzger accepted, and in a symbolic gesture of support, made a donation of $100. When the public address system announced “And from the White American Resistance group, one hundred dollars,” the Black audience of 14,000 applauded and cheered [106]. Continuing his outreach to Black separatists, in June of 1993, he addressed a rally of 200 members of the New Black Panther Party in Milwaukee, Wisconsin [107].

Although he was ordained as a Christian Identity minister, by 1980, Metzger determined that the creed was historically unsubstantiated [108]. After conducting his own research, which included reading Thomas Payne’s Age of Reason and Bertrand Russell’s Why I’m Not a Christian, Metzger became an atheist. He concluded there would be no divine deity to magically save the White race; instead, he and his fellow activists would have to do it for themselves [109]. For that reason, he condemns priest craft and religions that interfere in any way with Aryan survival or advancement. As he sees it, Whites must deal with the reality of the world in which they live. To that end, he demands evidence “of those who attempt to control us with unsubstantiated stories from the Middle East [110].” Rather than look for spiritual guidance in ancient texts, Metzger exclaims, “Our race is our religion.”

Based on this worldview, it is not surprising that the Church of the Creator sought to find common cause with Metzger. Despite its sectarian Protestant sounding title, the Church of the Creator advanced a “religious” creed which eschewed all supernatural deities and instead venerated the White race. Founded in 1973 by Ben Klassen, the organization implicated Christianity as part of a Jewish plot to destroy the White race. It was argued that the universalistic and pacifistic principles of Christianity had worked against the racial solidarity of Whites [111].

Despite some philosophical differences, Metzger’s indefatigable activism impressed Klassen and he courted him to take over the reins of Church of the Creator around 1986 [112]. Furthermore, he admired his ability to get on many talk shows and passionately advocate for the White racialist cause. The fact that he was 20 years younger than Klassen would make him a physically good candidate to be the “great promoter” that he long sought. Shortly after appearing as a guest on Metzger’s Race and Reason cable television program (more on this below) in December 1984, Klassen sent him a letter urging him to form a Church of the Creator group in Fallbrook, California. As he explained, Metzger could operate both his WAR organization and the Church of the Creator contemporaneously in that Klassen saw nothing incompatible between the two entities. Inasmuch as Metzger, a former Identity minister, abandoned Christianity and was zealous advocate of White racialism, Klassen saw in him a suitable representative of the Creativity Creed. Metzger’s son, John, actually became an ordained minister of the Church of the Creator at the age of 16. Eventually, however, Klassen soured on the idea of Tom Metzger as his replacement insofar as the latter seemed interested only in absorbing the Church of the Creator into WAR [113].

Over time, Metzger came to see religion as a secondary issue. He has no problem if Odinists (racialist neo-pagans) and Christian Identity followers identify with WAR, but he seeks to downplay sectarian differences that might cause dissension in the White nationalist


George Michael 42

movement [114]. Instead, activists should embrace a purely biological and racial vision of the future [115]. The message he sought to promote would be simple and comprehensible to the widest possible audience: Whites should organize for their own interests and one day establish a separate racial republic. To that end, he spearheaded the extreme right’s multi-media efforts to disseminate its propaganda to the American public.

THE RISE OF WHITE POWER MEDIA The first major vehicle Metzger used to publicize his cause was a tabloid newspaper titled

WAR: Revolutionary Newspaper of Working Class Whites. Launched in 1983, Metzger modeled the paper on the yellow journalism and sensationalism of organs like the New York Post which include “big, gutsy headlines, lots of photos, [and] short articles [116].” WAR became one of the most provocative underground publications in the racialist movement, unabashedly advocating “resistance” against the system. Wyatt Kaldenberg became its managing editor [117]. The tabloid contains vulgar racist cartoon that would make the anti-Semitic caricatures in Julius Streicher’s Der Stürmer look mild in comparison. Although seemingly low-brow, Metzger defended the impact of the cartoons noting that “Nothing that WAR prints inflames our critics like these cartoons. Yes, they are simplistic and radical. They go to the root and they are full of brutal truth. Moderates cannot stand unrefined truth [118].” By 1984, he claimed that circulation of WAR had reached four thousand.

As Metzger recalled, sometime in the early 1980s, he read a newspaper article about public access requirements that were built into franchise regulations for newly emerging cable television networks. Quickly seizing an opportunity to exploit, he and his son John, along with some of their followers, began using an Orange County cable company Group W’s studio on the campus of California State University at Fullerton to produce a television interview show. Initially, it was called Race, but shortly thereafter renamed Race and Reason and released for cable access programming beginning in 1983 [119]. As Metzger conceded, the program’s overall content was “admittedly racist and seditious.” On the show, Metzger served as a moderator to a who’s who of the radical right at the time. Typically, his crew produced two shows a month and encouraged supporters to contact local cable providers to air the program on public access channels. At its peak, the program was broadcast in roughly sixty cities nationwide [120].

The new medium of the Internet caught the attention of Metzger as well. He was one of the first extreme right activists to take advantage of the new computer technology. In February 1984, he introduced Aryan Liberty Net, which by 1989 he claimed, linked neo-Nazis and skinheads nationwide [121]. In March of 1990, he continued to spread his racialist messages by launching the WAR fax system [122]. A web site followed and by 1996, according to WAR, it was receiving nearly a quarter of a million visits each month [123].

By the early 1980s, David Duke had dropped out of the media limelight which created a void insofar as there was no real visible figure to represent the racialist movement. But by the mid-1980s, with his adept use of various media, Metzger emerged to become the most visible representative of the extreme right. The growing popularity of sensationalist talk shows provided the vehicle for his notoriety.


This Is WAR! 43

Often with his son John, Metzger appeared on several major network talk shows, such as Geraldo, Oprah, the Whoopi Goldberg Show, and the Morton Downey Show. One particular program for which WAR gained great infamy was the Geraldo program broadcast live on November 3, 1988. Titled “Young Hate Mongers,” there was a physical confrontation between Roy Innis of the Congress of Racial Equality and John Metzger after the latter referred to the former as an “Uncle Tom.” Innis choked Metzger after which a melee ensued. A WAR affiliate, Wyatt Kaldenberg, sprang from the audience and broke the host, Geraldo Rivera’s nose. The episode received hight ratings—it held the record for the single most-watched daytime TV talk show ever—and generated enormous media publicity. Tom Brokaw even broadcast a two-minute clip of the raucous on NBC Nightly News [124].

Although the Metzgers gained much media exposure, they generally did not have much success in gaining sympathetic treatment in the forums in which they appeared inasmuch as the social backgrounds and political leanings of the employees of network television stations are almost always hostile to the views of radical right activists [125]. For his part, Tom Metzger admitted that his relationship with the media was one of mutual exploitation: “They use us to get ratings, and we use then to get our message to the public [126].” The success of his media outreach efforts were not lost on other White nationalists who soon began similar efforts. Metzger demonstrated that it was indeed possible to break the “quarantine” or “silent treatment” of extreme right activists by the mainstream media [127].

With his bombastic rhetoric, Metzger drew into his camp those activists who were angry and wanted to fight rather than talk [128]. In particular, WAR reached out to the fledging skinhead movement which reached America in the early 1980s. As the criminologist Mark S. Hamm explained, without Metzger’s influence, “the American neo-Nazi skinheads would never have become more than scattered, short-lived groups led by disturbed individuals [129].” Although their numbers were estimated to have only reached a few thousand in the United States, the emergence of the skinheads in the extreme right was significant for a number of reasons [130]. First, it injected an element of youth into a movement that was aging. Through their music, the skinheads spread their message not only throughout a portion of the White nationalist subculture, but also to rebellious youths who would otherwise not be interested in extremist politics. In this sense, their music has served as a recruiting mechanism. Second, and related to that, the skinheads had a radicalizing effect on the rest of the movement. They tended to eschew the more conservative approaches and preferred more direct action. Third, this often led to violence as skinheads were often involved in confrontations with minorities, law enforcement, and rival anti-racist skinhead gangs [131].

Metzger saw the skinheads as the vanguard of the racial revolution, more to the point, as the potential foot soldiers in the White nationalist movement, not unlike the role played by the brown-shirted SA men in Germany during Hitler’s Machtergreifung. To that end, in 1988, Metzger sponsored the first “Aryan Fest” with White power bands in northeastern Oklahoma. This event marked the first in a string of “Reich ‘n Roll” concerts. Metzger went so far as to advertise one such gathering as an “Aryan Woodstock [132]. Although he sought to harness their visceral energy, Metzger also counseled skinheads to get an education and develop careers. By doing so, they could rise to positions of influence and respectability which would enable them to give back resources to the racialist movement [133]. Furthermore, he stressed the importance of having movement sympathizers embedded in major institutions [134]. On the one hand, efforts to reach out to skinheads served to vitalize WAR. On the other hand, it


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occasioned much opposition, ultimately, ensnaring the organization in a civil suit with the Southern Poverty Law Center.

LEGAL TROUBLES Tom Metzger’s high media profile would come at a great price, for he would become a

lightning rod for the attention of the government and private monitoring groups [135]. Previously, the FBI had kept close tabs on them [136]. More important, however, have been the efforts of private monitoring groups. With some assistance from the Anti-Defamation League, the Southern Poverty Law Center initiated a civil suit against the Metzgers in 1990.

The Southern Poverty Law Center was founded in Montgomery, Alabama, in 1971 by two attorneys, Morris S. Dees, Jr. and Joseph J. Levin. In its early history, the organization gave high priority to eradicating the death penalty from the American criminal justice system. But in 1979, Dees made a decision to shift the focus of the Center’s activities by creating the Klanwatch Project. Part of its mission would be to serve as a clearinghouse for information on the Ku Klux Klan as well as other extremist right-wing groups [137]. He would add a litigation component to these efforts by bringing civil suits against extremist groups that could be held liable for their transgressions [138]. Such a novel legal maneuver would also generate valuable publicity for his organization as well.

The Southern Poverty Center gained much acclaim in 1987, when Dees won a civil suit against the United Klans of America and two of its members responsible for the 1981 slaying of an African-American teenager, Michael McDonald. At issue in the trial was the liability of the Klan group for the acts of its members. Although there was no evidence to indicate that the United Klans of America’s leadership had sanctioned the homicide, Dees had demonstrated that it was a violence-prone organization. The Anti-Defamation League supplied some evidentiary information to support the Southern Poverty Law Center’s efforts, including a copy of a 1979 edition of the United Klans of America’s organ, The Fiery Cross, which carried a racist cartoon on its cover that depicted the lynching of a Black man. Dees argued that this amounted to incitement to murder. The jury agreed and awarded a $7 million judgment to the victim’s mother. The United Klans of America was forced to relinquish its assets to Mrs. Beulah Donald and consequently, the organization was dissolved [139]. The case established an important precedent which would be used against other extremist groups in the future.

With some assistance from the Anti-Defamation League, in 1990, the Southern Poverty Law Center brought suit against Tom Metzger, his son John, and their organization, WAR. The suit arose out of the 1988 assault and death of a young Ethiopian immigrant, Mulageta Seraw who, along with two friends, was attacked by three skinheads from a gang known as East Side White Pride in Portland, Oregon. According to courtroom transcripts, the incident began when members of East Side White Pride—Kenneth Mieske, Steven Strasser, and Kyle Brewster—stood on a corner where they saw Seraw and his friends. The three skinheads hopped in their car and drove down a block whereupon they blocked the car of three Ethiopians. After exchanging angry words, a scuffle ensued. Mieske moved up behind Seraw and repeatedly struck him in the back of the head with a baseball bat, while Strasser and Brewster kicked all three of the Black men. In May of 1989, Mieske pleaded guilty to murder,


This Is WAR! 45

admitting that he was motivated by racism, and given a life sentence. His accomplices—Strasser and Brewster—were convicted of first-degree manslaughter and received sentences up to twenty years in length [140].

The skinheads responsible had never met either one of the Metzgers; however, they occasionally consorted with Daniel Mazella, a loose associate of the Metzgers.’ Although Mazella was neither directly involved in nor present at the assault, the suit contended that WAR was vicariously liable for Seraw’s death. Mazella proved to be adept at reaching out to skinheads on the street, which could potentially serve WAR’s strategy of drawing the young rebels into his movement [141]. In California, Mazella was a prominent skinhead leader with a knack for publicity [142]. Still, linking Mazella to the murder was not straightforward, for he had been in Portland for less than six weeks when Seraw was killed. Furthermore, members of East Side White Pride did not seem to like Mazella very much [143]. Be that as it may, Dees argued that WAR had sent the skinheads David Mazella, Michael Barrett, and Michael Gagnon to Portland to recruit members of East Side White Pride into the Aryan Youth Movement. At one time, Mazella was the vice-president of White Student Union-Aryan Youth Movement [144]. Dees argued that it amounted to youth recruitment arm of WAR [145]. But according to Tom Metzger, the organization had already been disbanded at the time of Seraw’s murder [146]. Crucial to linking WAR and Mazella to the East Side Skins was a letter to the skinheads signed by Metzger in which he stated in part “Soon you will meet Dave Mazella, our national vice president, who will be in Portland to teach you how we operate and to help you understand more about WAR [147].”

Despite his young age, Mazella began to acquire a substantial criminal record, but at one point, he had a change of heart and renounced his racist views. He contacted the Anti-Defamation League’s Los Angeles Regional Office and confided to representatives that he had previously cased the building on several occasions and contemplated blowing it up [148]. Soon thereafter, he began working with the Southern Poverty Law Center as well.

Engedaw Bernhanu, the uncle of the deceased victim (Mulageta Seraw), initiated a civil suit against the Metzgers. According to the suit, Mazella and Barrett had spoken at meeting that Brewster, Mieske, Strasser, and other members of East Side White Pride had attended [149]. Dees argued that the Metzgers’ were responsible for the conduct of their associate Mazella who had allegedly influenced the racist beliefs of the skinheads involved in the assault. According to heart of the complaint—Berhanu v. Metzger—the skinheads involved in the fatal altercation were linked to WAR through David Mazella. The suit contended that Mazella had urged skinheads in the Portland area to commit violence against Blacks and other minorities.

As expected, the trial took place in a very charged atmosphere. Just a few weeks before, there was a bombing at the San Diego federal court house by a man who claimed to be a WAR supporter [150]. There was a massive police presence at the trial with even a SWAT unit stationed on nearby roofs carrying automatic weapons. The Metzgers sought out the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU), for assistance, but the Portland branch declined to assist them. With little cash, the Metzgers were forced to defend themselves, which in retrospect, was a major strategic error as they made numerous procedural mistakes during the trial [151]. In court, Metzger sought to distance himself from the murder. According to the Metzgers, prior to the killing, they did not know any of the perpetrators personally [152]. But in one of the most damning pieces of evidence, Dees played a tape of one of WAR’s “Aryan Update” telephone recordings in which Tom Metzger lauded the killers for doing a “civic


George Michael 46

duty [153].” In his memoir of the case— Hate on Trial: The Case Against America’s Most Dangerous Neo-Nazi—Dees presented it as a compelling moral drama [154]. In the end, a jury agreed with Dees, and in 1990 Seraw’s family was awarded $12.5 million in damages [155].

Some liberal advocacy groups had misgivings about the verdict [156]. Ironically, a Jewish civil liberties attorney from Chicago—Michael Null—sought to have the decision overturned, but was unsuccessful. Michael Simon, an attorney for the ACLU, opined that the effect of holding an organization liable for the unauthorized acts of their representatives would have a “chilling effect” on political activity [157]. Some civil libertarians had serious concerns with Dees’ innovative use of civil suits to target political groups for a number of reasons. First, the rules of evidence are much looser in civil as opposed to criminal cases; in the latter, there are more restrictions on what is admissible in a trial. Second, the plaintiff need only demonstrate a preponderance of evidence in civil cases rather than the guilt beyond a reasonable doubt standard of criminal cases. Finally, unlike criminal cases, defendants are not guaranteed legal counsel if they cannot afford to pay for it. As a result, civil suits are in large part a contest favoring the side with the most resources. What is more, insofar as dissident and extremist groups are usually poorly-financed and unpopular with much of the general public, it is all the easier to prevail over them in civil suits, or as one former Southern Poverty Law Center intern commented “is kind of like shooting fish in a barrel [158].” Ray Jenkins, a writer for The Baltimore Sun, criticized Morris Dees for “convert[ing] the civil law, whose basic purpose is to settle disputes between individuals, into an arm of the criminal law [159].” Laird Wilcox, a left-wing libertarian and a keen observer of extremist politics noted:

Had this doctrine that organizations are responsible for the acts of their members

been established as a legal precedent in the 1960s, it would have decimated the early civil rights movement and would have bankrupt the NAACP and CORE... Even the labor movement and the anti-war movement could have been crippled by lawsuits arising from the violent acts of some of their participants. Suppose a Black activist group was hit with a $7 million judgment because one of its members killed someone in the Watts riots? This sounds far-fetched, but had the Dees precedent existed then it could have happened [160]. Not surprisingly, Tom Metzger saw Dees’ motivation as always financial. In the two

years after the trial, the Metzger case was at the heart of the Southern Poverty Law Center’s fundraising appeals. Contributions during this period amounted to roughly $20 million [161]. According to Metzger, Dees epitomizes “the lowest level a White man can sink [162].” The Southern Poverty Law Center counters its critics that its aim is not so much to make money for its clients from damage awards, but rather to bankrupt the organizations and individuals responsible for crimes and effectively put them out of business [163].

Still more legal problems would follow for Metzger. The next year, he found himself in criminal court for an incident that occurred all the way back on December, 3, 1983, when he, Richard Butler of the Aryan Nations, and about a dozen assorted Klansmen, neo-Nazis, and other racial activists attended a cross burning in the neighborhood of Kagel Canyon in the San Fernando Valley. Failing to secure a proper permit for the burning prior to the event, police responded with a massive show of force. As a police helicopter hovered above the congregation, thirty-to-forty officers raided the gathering and arrested the participants. For


This Is WAR! 47

years, the Los Angeles attorney’s office sought to press charges. Finally, after a lengthy trial, which became somewhat of an embarrassment for the office, in August of 1991, Metzger was found guilty of “misdemeanor unlawful assembly [164].” On December 2, 1991, he was sentenced to six months in jail and directed to perform three-hundred hours of community service [165]. After the sentencing, Metzger told reporters that he intended to do work in a Black community where he would “tell them about the Jews [166]…” To make matters worse, in February 1992, his loyal wife of many years, succumbed to lung cancer and died at the age of fifty [167].

Although Metzger predicted that a guilty verdict in the Portland civil suit would make him a “martyr” in the eyes of his fellow racists, in the trial’s aftermath, his reputation was badly tarnished [168]. For it later transpired that he had worked out a deal with the Southern Poverty Law Center to make payments on the judgment against him and his son John. According to the arrangement, the Southern Poverty Law Center was permitted to garnish 40 percent of future funds that Metzger earned [169]. A San Diego attorney working for Dees, James McElroy, obtained a court order which allowed a receiver to open the mail coming to WAR’s post office box and remove checks [170]. In 1995, Dr. Ed Fields, a long-time racial activist, alerted the racialist movement to this security risk in an article in his newspaper, The Truth at Last, titled “Metzger’s Secret Deal with Morris Dees [171].” Likewise, Harold Covington, a leading neo-Nazi, warned people in the movement that their correspondence with WAR was now subject to review by Morris Dees and the Southern Poverty Law Center. He went so far as to call Dees the de facto publisher of the WAR newspaper [172]. As Jeffrey Kaplan, an academic who had conducted extensive research on the American extreme right, noted, everyone in the racialist movement was faced with the question: “If a figure of the stature of Tom Metzger can be brought down and forced to cooperate with the movement’s most implacable foes, who then is safe? And who in the movement can be trusted [173]?” Despite these setbacks, Metzger remained defiant. After the verdict was announced in the civil case he exclaimed to the press:

The movement will not be stopped in the puny town of Portland! We’re too deep!

We’re embedded now! Don’t you understand? We’re in your colleges, we’re in your armies, we’re in your police forces, we’re in your technical areas! Where do you think a lot of these skinheads disappeared to? They grew their hair out. Went to college. They’ve got the program We planted the seeds [174]. For Metzger, the verdict was the last straw—his complete break with the system. His

advocacy for revolution became more strident, not tempered. Just hours after the verdict had been announced, Metzger released a recorded message on WAR’s telephone hotline: “we will put blood on the streets like you’ve never seen and advocate more violence than both World Wars put together…We have a new set of targets to play with. So if you’re White and work for the system, watch your step. Whether you be a system cop, a controlled judge, or a crooked lawyer, your ass is grass [175].” In light of the repression against him and other racial activists, Metzger counseled his followers that a major reformulation of revolutionary strategy and tactics was necessary.


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THE LONE WOLF STRATEGY As the 1990s approached, Metzger determined that that it was tactically futile to try to

reach out to the broad masses; instead, he counseled in an editorial that “All public programs of passing information must be designed to strike a chord in the 1% who are in the public, but not part of the herd [176].” For Metzger, the great bulk of the American White population is brain dead. He resents that most White people are against him and do not appreciate all of the efforts that he has made on their behalf [177]. For that reason, racial activists should refrain from public demonstrations because they failed to mobilize a significant number of sympathizers on the street; rather, they are often outnumbered by hostile counterdemonstrators [178]. Instead, Metzger advanced a revolutionary framework in which an above ground movement of activists should support the underground fighters. To be viable, the latter should cut their ties with their families and friends and totally commit themselves to the revolutionary cause [179]. Ironically, he saw radical Islamists as exemplars of this approach. Writing in 1994, Metzger praised the perpetrators of the first World Trade Center attack in an editorial in WAR:

The New York World Trade Center operation was a class act for sending a message,

which those involved in the plot wished to convey. Most do not understand the importance of such a center to the New World Order and their amazing money machine. A handful of Arab Semites did more damage in one operation than the entire right-wing has accomplished in decades. Misguided young Aryans throw away their lives on absolute suicide operations. Men and women do decades for having machine guns and grenades they will never throw, while a few so-called inferior rag-heads cause world-wide Iron Heel panic with one operation. Had these people been a bit more sophisticated, the entire center would have collapsed in a pile of New Order rubble [180]. But there were significant differences between the global jihadist and White nationalist

movements. Whereas the former had painstakingly built an infrastructure of support over the years, the latter was weak and ineffectual. Therefore, Metzger came to champion the “leaderless resistance” approach to effect his revolutionary goals. One of the lessons drawn from the campaign of the Order was that when a terrorist organization grew in size it would eventually fall prey to infiltration and eventually be crushed [181]. Thus leaderless resistance in which individuals or very small cohesive groups engage in violence without any connection to any official movement, leader, or network of support would be the most viable for the extreme right which did not enjoy significant grass roots support among the populace [182].

First popularized by Louis Beam in an essay in the early 1980s, leaderless resistance proposed that the traditional hierarchical organizational structure was untenable under current conditions insofar as the U.S. government was too powerful and would not permit any potentially serious opposition. He reasoned that in a technologically advanced society, such as contemporary America, the government, through means such as electronic surveillance could penetrate the structure and reveal its chain of command. From there, the organization can be effectively neutralized from within by infiltrators and agents provocateurs. His essay was disseminated through computer networks of which Beam was a pioneer in exploiting during the 1980s. Beam argued that it became the responsibility of the individual to acquire the


This Is WAR! 49

necessary skills and information to carry out what needed to be done. Members would take action when and where they see fit. Organs of information, such as newspapers, leaflets, and now the Internet, would enable each person to keep informed of events [183].

Applying Beam’s reasoning, WAR eschewed formal membership and became more of a state-of-mind organization. Affiliates took no secret oaths or carried membership cards; instead, they self-identified with the precepts of the organization [184]. In 1995, an event occurred that would send shock waves throughout the extreme right subculture and force some soul-searching on the appropriateness of terrorism.

On April 19, 1995, the Arthur P. Murrah Federal Building in Oklahoma City was bombed leaving at least 168 dead and many others wounded. At the time, this attack was the most lethal act of domestic terrorism ever perpetrated on American soil. The subsequent investigation implicated Timothy McVeigh as the chief culprit for the attack, though he was believed to have had some accomplices as well, including Terry Nichols and Michael Fortier.

Although McVeigh may not have had any formal affiliation with extremist groups, there is evidence to suggest that he was a denizen of the subterranean world of the extreme right. What appears to have put him on his terrorist trajectory was the way in which the federal government handled the 1993 siege of the Branch Davidian compound in Waco, Texas, that culminated in a fiery conclusion that left 76 members of the cult dead. He was also angered by the government’s siege at Ruby Ridge, Idaho, at which federal agents shot and killed Randy Weaver’s wife Vicki and their son Samuel in August of 1992. According to his own account, McVeigh had chosen the Murrah federal building in particular because he wanted to punish the ATF (Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives) and the FBI, both of which were involved in these two incidents [185]. McVeigh was also enamored of the aforementioned Turner Diaries and distributed it among his Army buddies and even went so far as to sell the book at gun shows at a loss [186]. However, the anti-gun control theme, not the racism, is what seems to have resonated with McVeigh.

It is interesting to note how the radical right responded to the Oklahoma City bombing. Although McVeigh was usually depicted as a fellow-traveler of the Militia movement, representatives thereof did not defend him or his actions. Just the opposite was true, as Militia leaders often blamed the attack on a government conspiracy. According to this narrative, the U.S. government deliberately orchestrated the attack and tried to implicate the militias so that it would create a crisis atmosphere in which it could pass new anti-terrorist legislation and conduct a witch hunt against patriotic Americans [187]. By contrast, the racialist right seemed much less likely to ascribe the attack to some larger conspiracy involving the government or unknown others. Most leaders did not condone the attack, but more so because of its lack of strategic value rather than out of a sense of moral revulsion. For his part, Metzger was fulsome in his praise of McVeigh as expressed in a WAR editorial:

WAR will break with most other Race Separatist groups on this issue and take the

unpopular position at the moment. WAR will not try to deflect the sword by blaming an Iron Heel [the U.S. Government] conspiracy to destroy the Iron Heel Federal building in Oklahoma City. WAR will not sidestep The Turner Diaries issue even when its own author tends to side-step his handy work (sic). WAR will not criticize or pick apart the actions of Timothy McVeigh …Timothy McVeigh has gone farther than any Aryan thus far in striking back at the beast [188].


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In an interview with this author, Metzger clarified his position:

…I believe that Timothy McVeigh’s symbolic act in Oklahoma City was a legitimate legal target. It’s unfortunate that the government saw fit and was arrogant enough to put child daycare centers in these government installations because in any kind of civil upheaval in every country, government buildings can become targets. And so in studying Timothy McVeigh and his way of thinking, I see that he came back from Iraq disillusioned that we were killing hundreds of thousands of people over there virtually for nothing and burying them alive in trenches and everything. His mind began to change about the American government the same as mine had changed [189]. Even the horrific terrorists attacks visited upon America on September 11, 2001, did not

temper Metzger’s revolutionary rhetoric. Instead, he expressed admiration for the valor and audacity of Islamic militants and opined that they could serve as role models for right-wing terrorists as well: “This operation took some long-term planning, and, throughout the entire time, these soldiers were aware that their lives would be sacrificed for their cause. If an Aryan warrior wants an example of ‘Victory or Valhalla’ look no further [190].”

Reflecting his revolutionary orientation, Metzger changed the name of the WAR tabloid to The Insurgent in the 2000s [191]. Despite his advocacy for revolution, Metzger has managed to stay out of legal troubles since the early 1990s. One of his long-time associates, Dennis Mahon, however, has been less fortunate [192]. In June 2009, he and his twin brother Daniel were arrested in connection with sending a package containing a pipe bomb to Don Logan, the Diversity Director in Scottsdale, Arizona. Arriving on February 26, 2004, the bomb blast injured Logan, a secretary, and another worker [193]. In a careless move that must assuredly have embarrassed Metzger (who has consistently counseled for stealth when engaging in any illicit activities), five months before the package bomb was sent, a man identifying himself as “Dennis Mahon of White Aryan Resistance,” called the city’s diversity office and left a threatening message. The caller’s number was later confirmed to be Dennis Mahon’s [194]. In May 2012, Dennis Mahon was convicted and received a 40-year prison sentence, while his brother Daniel was acquitted [195].

The same day of the Mahons’ arrests, ATF agents searched the home of Metzger, but he was not charged with any crimes [196]. Although he remains a free man, gone are the heady days of the late 1980s when he was a frequent guest on television talk shows advocating for the White racialist cause. Still, his influence has greatly shaped the revolutionary orientation of the extreme right which has shown some signs of revitalization in recent years [197].

CONCLUSION: THE LEGACY OF TOM METZGER AND WAR

In 2009, Metzger returned to his native Indiana settling in the town of Warsaw to live in

his mother’s home after she died [198]. Despite his stated disdain for conventional politics, in 2010, he once again sought public office, this time for a congressional seat as an Independent write-in candidate in Warsaw, Indiana. He hoped to tap into the anti-government sentiment expressed by the Tea Party movement. In an interview with a Fort Wayne news station, he


This Is WAR! 51

stated that if elected, he would “go to Washington and have a fistfight every day [199].” Despite his efforts, Metzger received only 10 votes or roughly .01% of the total [200].

Metzger predicted that the racialist struggle of the future would be complicated: “It will be a war of both high-tech and low-tech; it will be very much an information war, a mind control war, and perhaps the dirtiest war ever held in the West. Every recognizable racial group will have its own axe to grind, as will the Mestizos, the Blacks, the Asians, and all the hybrid races in between [201].” According to Metzger’s analysis, the racial revolution in America will most likely be sparked by riots in depressed Black and Latino inner cities. If White revolutionaries can capitalize on this unrest, they could build an Aryan homeland. Metzger envisages an Aryan homeland based on socialist precepts including free medical and health care, economic justice, and ecologically sustainable production [202]. Although White resistance seems sporadic and ineffectual, Metzger maintained that it will eventually take hold, as he invoked the 100th Monkey theory as a harbinger to come [203].

The exhortatory tone of Metzger’s rhetoric would presage the message of strategists from other extremist subcultures to follow. Interestingly, the leaderless resistance approach would later be championed by the global jihadist movement. Its principle advocate, Abu Musab al-Suri, advised “individual action” as the most viable strategy in the post-9/11 environment in which surveillance and government repression are pervasive against jihadists in many parts of the world. Released in 2005, his 1,600–page on-line tome, A Global Islamic Resistance Call, seeks to provoke a global Islamic uprising led by autonomous cells and individual jihadists. Not unlike Tom Metzger and Louis Beam, al-Suri saw the traditional hierarchical model of the terrorist group as outdated because if authorities could capture one member, then it could put the whole organization at risk. Taking into account these factors, al-Suri proposed a “jihad of individual terrorism” in which self-contained cells implement their own terrorist template to start their own jihad. What is critical is a shared ideology that serves to create a feeling of common cause and unity of purpose [204]. What unites them is not a formal organization, but rather, “a program of beliefs, a system of action, a common name, and a common goal [205].” In recent years, his strategy has gained popularity among radical Islamists. For instance, in 2010, an al Qaeda-affiliated group based in Yemen launched an English-language on-line magazine titled Inspire, which contained a foreword by Osama bin Laden in which he encouraged “individual jihad” against Americans and westerners. It was in this periodical that Tamerlan Tsarnaev, one of the perpetrators of the Boston Marathon bombing, learned how to fabricate the explosive device used in the attack [206].

Not unlike left-wing theoreticians such as Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels who sought to unite the workers of the world, Metzger sought to unite “Aryans” wherever they may reside [207]. On that note, a group in Sweden copied WAR’s name billing itself as VAM (Vitt Arikst Motstand) [208]. According to Leonard Zeskind, Metzger exemplified the “vanguardist” camp of the extreme right in the sense that it favored violent revolution as the only viable solution for achieving their aims of a homogeneous White society in America [209]. Never one to avoid controversy, Metzger posted Dylann Roof’s manifesto in toto on his website, Resist.com. In an interview, Metzger conceded that he “agreed with most of what [Roof] said,” but did not condone the attack [210]. The legacy of Tom Metzger can be summarized as follows. He served as an important bridge in the racialist movement between the retreat of David Duke as a mediagenic Klan leader in the late 1970s and the rise of a more revolutionary subculture that emerged in the mid-1980s. More than any other figure, Metzger was the public face of this movement, appearing on a number of television talk shows. What


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is more, he spearheaded the extreme right’s foray in cyberspace which would later be picked up by entities such as Stormfront [211]. Finally, and perhaps most important, Metzger greatly contributed to the popularity of the leaderless resistance approach. Although there is no evidence to suggest that Metzger’s message has directly influenced any specific lone wolf attack in recent years, he nevertheless has long been one of the concept’s leading proponents and gave it great currency. Consequently, his influence could shape the contours of political violence in the years to come.

REFERENCES

[1] For more on the lone wolf trend, see George Michael, Lone Wolf Terror and the Rise of Leaderless Resistance. (Nashville, TN: Vanderbilt University Press, 2012), Jeffrey D. Simon, Lone Wolf Terrorism: Understanding the Growing Threat, (Amherst, NY: Prometheus Books, 2013), Ramon Spaaj, Understanding Wolf Terrorism: Global Patterns, Motivations and Prevention. (New York: Springer, 2012), Southern Poverty Law Center, Age of the Lone Wolf: A Study of the Rise of Lone Wolf and Leaderless Resistance Terrorism. (Southern Poverty Law Center, Montgomery, AL, http://www.splcenter.org/sites/default/files/downloads/publication/lone_wolf_special_report_0.pdf and Naina Bajekal, “The Rise of the Lone Wolf, Time, October 23, 2014, http://time.com/3533581/canada-ottawa-shooting-lone-wolf-terrorism/.

[2] Brendan O’Connor, “Here is What Appears to be Dylann Roof’s Racist Manifesto,” Gawker, June 20, 2015, http://gawker.com/here-is-what-appears-to-be-dylann-roofs-racist-manifest-1712767241.

[3] Peter Bergen and David Sterman, “U.S. right wing extremists more deadly than jihadists,” CNN Opinion, April 15, 2014, http://www.cnn.com/2014/04/14/ opinion/bergen-sterman-kansas-shooting/.

[4] Heidi Beirich and Mark Potok, “Silver Lining,” Intelligence Report, (Fall 2008), No. 131.

[5] Jack Carter, In the Eye of the Storm: The True Story of Tom Metzger. (Self-published, 1992), p. 16.

[6] Elinor Langer, A Hundred Little Hitlers: The Death of a Black Man, the Trial of a White Racist, and the Rise of the Neo-Nazi Movement in America. (New York: Picador, 2004), p. 101.

[7] Carter, In the Eye of the Storm, p. 17. [8] Tom Metzger was not officially adopted by Cloice Metzger until 1963 shortly after he

became a married man. Langer, A Hundred Little Hitlers, p. 102. [9] Carter, In the Eye of the Storm, pp. 30-31. [10] Langer, A Hundred Little Hitlers, p. 103. [11] Carter, In the Eye of the Storm, p. 34. [12] Carter, In the Eye of the Storm, p. 38. [13] Vincent Coppola, Dragons of God: A Journey through Far-Right America. (Atlanta:

Longstreet Press Inc., 1996), p. 78. [14] Carter, In the Eye of the Storm, pp. 44-46. [15] Carter, In the Eye of the Storm, p. 47.


This Is WAR! 53

[16] Carter, In the Eye of the Storm, p. 48. [17] Carter, In the Eye of the Storm, p. 46. [18] Coppola, Dragons of God, p. 77. [19] Carter, In the Eye of the Storm, p. 49. [20] Carter, In the Eye of the Storm, pp. 50-51. [21] Carter, In the Eye of the Storm, p. 110. [22] Carter, In the Eye of the Storm, p. 50. [23] Carter, In the Eye of the Storm, p. 53. [24] Carter, In the Eye of the Storm, pp. 53-55. [25] John George and Laird Wilcox, Nazis, Communists, Klansmen, and Others on the

Fringe. (Buffalo, NY: Prometheus Books, 1992), p. 214. [26] Birch was both a missionary and an intelligence officer in China during the war. At

war’s end he stumbled upon a Communist force with which he became embroiled in a heated argument. Eventually, the Communist troops executed him. Welch considered Birch to be the first casualty in the Western world’s war with Communism and thus named his organization after him. For more on the life of John Birch see Welch’s hagiographic book: Robert Welch, The Life of John Birch. (Chicago: Henry Regnery Company 1954).

[27] In addition to this figure, George and Wilcox estimate that perhaps as many as 250,000 Americans had once been John Birch Society members, most for only a few years. George and Wilcox, Nazis, Communists, Klansmen and Others on the Fringe, p. 220.

[28] Carter, In the Eye of the Storm, p. 56. [29] Carter, In the Eye of the Storm, p. 57. [30] Carter, In the Eye of the Storm, p. 58. [31] Carter, In the Eye of the Storm, p. 61. [32] Coppola, Dragons of God, p. 79. [33] Tyler, Bridges, The Rise of David Duke. (Jackson, MS: University of Mississippi Press,

1994), p. 41. [34] Cheri Seymour, Committee of the States: Inside the Radical Right. (Mariposa, CA:

Camden Place Communications, Inc., 1991), p. 82. [35] The late Herbert Armstrong’s Church of Christ, which publishes the periodical The

Plain Truth, is one prominent exception. Others include the Church of Israel, and the National Message Ministry.

[36] For more on the Christian Identity sect see Michael Barkun, Religion and The Racist Right: The Origins of the Christian Identity Movement. (Chapel Hill, North Carolina: The University of North Carolina Press, 1994) and Jeffrey Kaplan, Radical Religion in America: Millenarian Movements from the Far Right to the Children of Noah. (Syracuse, New York: Syracuse University Press, 1997).

[37] Carter, In the Eye of the Storm, p. 70. [38] Martin Durham, White Rage: The extreme right and American politics. (London & New

York: Routledge, 2007), p. 68. [39] Frank L. DeSilva, Bruder Schweigen: The Legacy of Defiance. (self-published, 2012),

p. 15. The Minutemen was founded in 1960 by a John Birch Society member, Robert Bolivar De Pugh, in Missouri. It was a stridently anti-Communist group that ironically modeled its organizational structure on a cell system reminiscent of the Communist revolutionary models of Lenin and Mao. Eventually, the organization drew


George Michael 54

considerable attention from government authorities including then Attorney General Robert Kennedy. Consequently the organization was quickly infiltrated and effectively neutralized, but not before some of its members were implicated in a number of violent episodes. For more on the Minutemen, see Harry J. Jones, Jr., The Minutemen. (Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1968) and George and Wilcox, Nazis, Communists, Klansmen, and Others on the Fringe, pp. 274-298.

[40] Barkun, Religion and The Racist Right, p. 210. [41] Bridges, The Rise of David Duke, p. 55. [42] Patsy Sims, The Klan, Second Edition. (Lexington, KY: The University Press of

Kentucky, 1996), p. 190. [43] Michael Zatarain, David Duke: Evolution of a Klansman. (Gretna, LA: Pelican

Publishing Company, 1990), pp. 228-229. [44] Carter, In the Eye of the Storm, p. 73. [45] Michael Novick, White Lies White Power: The Fight Against White Supremacy and

Reactionary Violence. (Monroe, ME: Common Courage Press, 1995), p. 168. [46] Bridges, The Rise of David Duke, p. 67. [47] Zatarain, David Duke: Evolution of a Klansman, pp. 243-247. [48] Zatarain, David Duke: Evolution of a Klansman, pp. 243-247. [49] Carter, In the Eye of the Storm, p. 109-118. [50] Langer, A Hundred Little Hitlers, p. 141. [51] Carter, In the Eye of the Storm, p. 120. [52] Carter, In the Eye of the Storm, p. 133. [53] Carter, In the Eye of the Storm, p. 134. [54] Carter, In the Eye of the Storm, p. 152. [55] Carter, In the Eye of the Storm, p. 128. [56] Carter, In the Eye of the Storm, p. 158. [57] Carter, In the Eye of the Storm, p. 160. [58] Jessie Daniels, White Lies: Race, Class, Gender, and Sexuality in White Supremacist

Discourse. (New York & London: Routledge, 1997), p. 31 and Carter, In the Eye of the Storm, p. 183.

[59] For example, on the cusp of the first Gulf War, WAR reportedly sent upward to 7,000 letters addressed to white service members urging them not to fight for Israel. Novick, White Lies White Power, p. 304.

[60] Janet Biehl and Peter Staudenmaier, Ecofascism: Lessons from the German Experience. (Edinburgh, Scotland and San Francisco, CA: AK Press, 1995), pp. 17-20.

[61] Langer, A Hundred Little Hitlers, p. 148. [62] Durham, White Rage, p. 92. [63] For example, in 1992, Tom Metzger followed Pat Buchanan when he was a Republican

Party candidate touring the Mexican border where the latter proposed to construct a fence to keep out illegal aliens. Waiting for Buchanan with great fanfare, Metzger yelled out, “Pat, what are we going to do about all those rich Republicans making millions off the wetbacks in the Imperial Valley?” As the cameras captured the exchange, Buchanan made a hasty retreat after less than fifteen minutes at the border. With all the cameras to himself, Metzger held an impromptu press conference in which he stated that if he were president, he would station National Guard troops like a picket fence along the border with orders to “shoot to kill.” If these measures were


This Is WAR! 55

implemented, Metzger opined, “the immigration problem would be over in one night.” Leonard Zeskind, Blood & Politics: The History of the White Nationalist Movement from the Margins to the Mainstream. (New York: Farrar Staus Giroux, 2009), p. 284.

[64] More on WAR’s positions can be found at the resist.com website: http://www.resist. com/positions/ourpositions.htm.

[65] Betty A. Dobratz and Stephanie L. Shanks-Meile, White Power, White Pride! The White Separatist Movement in the United States. (New York: Twayne Publishers, 1997), p. 266.

[66] Durham, White Rage, pp. 30-31. [67] James Ridgeway, Blood in the Face: The Ku Klux Klan, Aryan Nations, Nazi

Skinheads, and the Rise of a New White Culture. (New York: Thunder’s Mouth Press, 1990), p. 175.

[68] Carter, In the Eye of the Storm, p. 166. For a while, Kaldenberg affiliated with Asatru Free Assembly (an Odinist neo-pagan group), but found its approach too moderate as it repudiated Nazism. He was attracted to WAR’s combative racism. A strident critic of Christianity, he blames the religion for pacifying Aryans thus making them vulnerable to the machinations of Jews. According to his historiography, Christianity killed off 300 million pagans over the course of two thousand years. Faced with such a formidable enemy, he has no time for Holocaust Denial, opining that the Holocaust should be celebrated not unlike the old Germanic pagans celebrated Arminius’s victory at the Teutoburg Forest over the Roman legions. Nicholas Goodrick-Clarke, The Black Sun: Aryan Cults, Esoteric Nazism and the Politics of Identity. (New York: New York University Press, 2002), pp. 262-264.

[69] Ridgeway, Blood in the Face, p. 169. [70] Mattias Gardell, Gods of the Blood: The Pagan Revival and White Separatism.

(Durham, NC and London: Duke University Press, 2003), p. 111. [71] Tom Metzger, “Earth First is Militant Racism,” WAR, Vol. 8, No. 4, (1989), p. 3. [72] For example, at the end of the cold war, Metzger exclaimed that all the “worthless

bastards in the House and Senate” were in a heap of trouble because their “phony cold war [was] being flushed down the toilet.” Quoted in Jack Levin and Jack McDevitt, Hate Crimes: The Rising Tide of Bigotry and Bloodshed. (New York: Plenum Press, 1993), p. 108.

[73] Ridgeway, Blood in the Face, p. 169. [74] Gardell, Gods of the Blood, p. 111. [75] Jeffrey Kaplan, The Encyclopedia of White Power: A Sourcebook on the Radical Racist

Right. (New York: AltaMira Press, 2000), p. 205. [76] The Strasser brothers, Gregor and Otto, represented the left-wing of the Nazi Party

(NSDAP) that was very critical of capitalism. Eventually, the two brothers had a falling out with Hitler. Gregor was killed in the “Night of the Long Knives” purge in 1934. Otto escaped to Canada. Some elements of the contemporary extreme right look to the Strasser brothers over Hitler for inspiration. This segment is sometimes referred to as “Third Positionist” and is especially popular among the British far right.

[77] Author interview with Tom Metzger, July 7, 2000. [78] Quoted in Raphael S. Ezekiel, The Racist Mind: Portraits of American Neo-Nazis and

Klansmen. (New York: Viking, 1995), pp. 76-77. [79] Ezekiel, The Racist Mind, p. 74.


George Michael 56

[80] Quoted in Coppola, Dragons of God, p. 83. [81] Speaking on the issue of immigration, Reagan once declared, “a nation that cannot

control its borders is not a nation.” Raymond Michalowski, “Border Militarization and Migrant Suffering,” Social Justice, Vol. 34 No. 2 (2007), p. 70.

[82] Danny O. Coulson and Elaine Shannon, No Heroes: Inside the FBI’s Secret Counter-Terror Force. (New York: Pocket Books, 1999), pp. 192-193.

[83] The organization used several names including “the Silent Brotherhood” and a German version of that same title, The Brüder Schweigen.

[84] Andrew Macdonald, The Turner Diaries. (Hillsoboro, WV: National Vanguard Books, 1993).

[85] The Turner Diaries is perhaps the most widely read book in the subterranean world of the far right and has sold approximately 350,000 copies—an amazing figure for an underground book. David Segal, “The Pied Piper of Racism.” Washington Post, (January 12, 2000), C1, p. 8.

[86] James Aho, The Politics of Righteousness: Idaho Christian Patriotism. (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1990), p. 7.

[87] Coulson and Elaine Shannon, No Heroes, p. 194. [88] Kevin Flynn and Gary Gerhardt, The Silent Brotherhood: Inside America’s Racist

Underground. (New York: Signet, 1990), pp. 245-250. [89] This is according to the statements of Danny O. Coulson, the founder of the FBI’s

Hostage Rescue Team, who was involved in the Order investigation. Coulson and Shannon, No Heroes, p. 195. According to one estimate, the investigation is said to have involved one-quarter of the total manpower resources of the FBI. Aho, The Politics of Righteousness, p. 61.

[90] This observation is made in Dobratz and Shanks-Meile, White Power, White Pride! The White Separatist Movement in the United States, p. 193.

[91] For more on the Order’s donations to the White Patriots Party and WAR see Glen Miller, A White Man Speaks Out. (Self-published, 1999), pp. 149-156. The White Patriots Party dissolved from pressure from federal prosecutors and Morris Dees of the Southern Poverty Law Center.

[92] According to an account of Mathews’ former lover, Zillah Craig, Mathews stuffed a large amount of money in a paper bag. Later she saw Mathews hand the paper bag to Pierce. Flynn and Gerhardt, The Silent Brotherhood, pp. 321-322. Soon after the meeting Pierce paid $95,000 in cash for a 346-acre plot in Hillsboro, West Virginia on which the National Alliance encampment is headquartered. Kathy Marks, Faces of Right Wing Extremism. (Boston, MA: Branden Publishing Company, 1996), p. 59. The encampment has accorded the organization a good deal of privacy to go about its business unmolested and away from the watchful eyes of its opponents. A 1987 FBI memorandum on the activities of the National Alliance lamented that due to the remoteness of the West Virginia Alliance encampment, “physical surveillance [was] nearly impossible. FBI Internal Memorandum, File Number: 100-487473-53X.

[93] Carter, In the Eye of the Storm, pp. 173-174. [94] Kenneth S. Stern, A Force upon the Plain: The American Militia Movement and the

Politics of Hate. (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1996), p. 55 and Morris Dees and James Corcoran. Gathering Storm: America’s Militia Threat. (New York: Harper Collins Publishers, 1996).


This Is WAR! 57

[95] Langer, A Hundred Little Hitlers, p. 156. [96] DeSilva, Bruder Schweigen, p. 261. [97] Anti-Defamation League, Danger: Extremism: The Major Vehicles and Voices on

America’s Far-Right Fringe. (New York: Anti-Defamation League, 1996), p. 64. [98] DeSilva, Bruder Schweigen, p. 17. [99] Flynn and Gerhardt, The Silent Brotherhood, pp. 361-362. [100] Langer, A Hundred Little Hitlers, p. 156. [101] Carter, In the Eye of the Storm, p. 174. [102] Quoted in Novick, White Lies White Power, p. 293. [103] Kerry Noble, Tabernacle of Hate: Seduction into Right-Wing Extremism. (Syracuse,

NY: Syracuse University Press, 2010), p. 288. [104] Barkun, Religion and The Racist Right, pp. 235-236. [105] Mattias Gardell, In the Name of Elijah Muhammad: Louis Farrakhan and the Nation of

Islam. (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1996), pp. 322. [106] Carter, In the Eye of the Storm, pp. 180-181. It is worth noting that here had been

previous efforts by Black and White separatists to work toward common goals. For example, Marcus Garvey discussed plans for Black repatriation to Africa with White segregationist groups active during that period. During the Civil Rights era of the 1960s two leading Klan organizations, the Invisible Empire and the Knights of the KKK, routinely informed the Nation of Islam of their rallies so that it could keep its members from participating in potential counter-demonstrations. The Nation of Islam also sought and received support Klan support when it bought farmland in the South, keeping White resistance to such efforts at a minimum. Mattias Gardell, “Black and White Unite in Fight?” in Jeffrey Kaplan and Heléne Lööw. The Cultic Milieu: Oppositional Subcultures in an Age of Globalization. (New York: Alta Mira Press, 2002), p. 172.

[107] Anti-Defamation League, Danger: Extremism: The Major Vehicles and Voices on America’s Far-Right Fringe, p. 81.

[108] Gardell, Gods of the Blood, p. 110. [109] Ezekiel, The Racist Mind, pp. 72-73. [110] Quoted in Gardell, Gods of the Blood, p. 129. [111] For more on the Church of the Creator, see George Michael, Theology of Hate: A

History of the Church of the Creator. (Gainesville, Florida: University Press of Florida, 2009).

[112] Goodrick-Clarke, The Black Sun, p. 254. [113] Dave Jackson and Neta Jackson. No Random Act: Behind the Murder of Ricky

Birdsong. (Colorado Springs, CO: Waterbrook Press, 2002), p. 125. [114] Ridgeway, Blood in the Face, p. 175. [115] Dobratz and Shanks-Meile, White Power, White Pride! The White Separatist Movement

in the United States, p. 263. [116] Carter, In the Eye of the Storm, p. 167. [117] Gardell, Gods of the Blood, p. 178. [118] Tom Metzger, “Editorial,” WAR, (December 1995), p. 2. [119] Langer, A Hundred Little Hitlers, p. 150. [120] Carter, In the Eye of the Storm, pp. 162-165. [121] Carter, In the Eye of the Storm, p. 176. [122] Carter, In the Eye of the Storm, p. 178.


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[123] Wyatt Kaldenberg, “Editorial,” WAR, (August 1996), p. 2. [124] Langer, A Hundred Little Hitlers, p. 202. [125] Leonard Weinberg, “The American Racial Right: Exit, Voice, and Violence,” in Perter

H. Merkl and Leonard Weinberg (eds.), Encounters with the Contemporary Radical Right. (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1993), p. 196.

[126] Novick, White Lies White Power, pp. 296-297. [127] In the 1940s, the American Jewish Committee recommended a policy of “quarantine”

or “dynamic silence” to minimize the influence of the extreme right in the United States. Essentially, this tactical approach consisted of two components. The first was the coordination among the major American Jewish community organizations to minimize public confrontations between far right figures and their opponents in order to deny the former a dramatic event that could generate publicity. The second component was to convince the media that absent a violent confrontation between far rightists and their opponents, there was little newsworthy about them and thus they should be ignored. Frederick J. Simonelli, American Fuehrer: George Lincoln Rockwell and the American Nazi Party. (Chicago: University of Illinois Press. 1999), p. 52. Fineberg expounded on the “quarantine treatment” in S. Andhil Fineberg, “The Quarantine Treatment,” in Edwin S. Newman (ed.), The Hate Reader. (New York: Oceana Publications, 1964), pp. 111-116. For his part George Lincoln Rockwell, the founder of the American Nazi Party, claimed that he adopted the explicit trappings and symbols of Nazism, such as the swastika, in order to create a shock effect for the very purpose of breaking what he referred to as the “silent treatment” by the media. For more on his decision, see his autobiography: George Lincoln Rockwell, This Time the World, Sixth Edition. (Reedy, WV: Liberty Bell Publications, 1993), pp. 136-142.

[128] Kaplan, The Encyclopedia of White Power, p. 335. [129] Mark S. Hamm, American Skinheads: The Criminology and Control of Hate Crime.

(Westport, CT: Praeger, 1993), p. 42. [130] In a 1990 report, the Anti-Defamation League estimated that there were approximately

3,000 skinheads in the United States. Anti-Defamation League, “Neo-Nazi Skinheads: A 1990 Status Report,” 1990, p. 3. A 1995 publication reported that the figure had risen to about 3,500 and has held steady at that figure. Anti-Defamation League, The Skinhead International: A Worldwide Survey of Neo-Nazi Skinheads. (New York: Anti-Defamation League, 1995), p. 1.

[131] For more on skinhead violence see Loren Christensen, Skinhead Street Gangs. (Boulder, CO: Paladin Press, 1994).

[132] Zeskind, Blood & Politics, pp. 216-217. [133] Pete Simi and Robert Futrell, American Swastika: Inside the White Power Movement’s

Hidden Spaces of Hate. (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc., 2010), p. 26.

[134] Dobratz and Shanks-Meile, White Power, White Pride! The White Separatist Movement in the United States, p. 288. In this sense, some elements of the extreme right have appropriated the strategy of the Marxist theoretician, Antonio Gramsci, who recommended that communists should infiltrate major institutions and change them from within, thus undergoing a gradual metamorphosis. The late neo-Nazi theoretician Dr. William L. Pierce advanced a similar strategy which called for his sympathizers to embed themselves in important institutions, such as the police and military, and then


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“throw open the gates” at the appropriate time so that they could seize control of society. For more on his strategy see, George Michael, “The Revolutionary Model of Dr William L. Pierce,” Terrorism and Political Violence, Vol.15, No.3 (Autumn, 2003), pp. 62-80.

[135] Kaplan, The Encyclopedia of White Power, p. 203. [136] Ironically, Metzger claims that much of the government’s attention given to him was

because of his outspokenness on the issue of U.S. intervention in Latin America. This was supposed to have involved him in an FBI probe. Carter, In the Eye of the Storm, p. 166.

[137] Bill Stanton, Klanwatch: Bringing the Ku Klux Klan to Justice. (New York: Mentor, 1991), p. 79.

[138] Stanton, Klanwatch, p. 80. [139] For more on this case, see Stanton, Klanwatch. [140] Levin and McDevitt, Hate Crimes: The Rising Tide of Bigotry and Bloodshed, pp. 99-

100. [141] Langer, A Hundred Little Hitlers, p. 187. [142] Previously, Mazella was one of a small group of California skinheads who made a

number of television appearances with Metzger. He and John Metzger appeared together on the Sally Jesse Raphael show. Langer, A Hundred Little Hitlers, pp. 10-12, & 179. In a full page Anti-Defamation League advertisement, which appeared in the May 11, 1990 issue of The Jewish Week, Mazella appeared in the middle with two other skinheads at his side. The headline read, “Not all Nazis are Living in South America.” Mazella posed giving a Nazi salute.

[143] Langer, A Hundred Little Hitlers, p. 5. [144] Gregory Withrow established the White Students’ Union in the mid-1980s. When he

renounced racism in 1987, John Metzger took control and renamed in the Aryan Youth Movement. Ridgeway, Blood in the Face, 169.

[145] Langer, A Hundred Little Hitlers, pp. 306-307. [146] Carter, In the Eye of the Storm, p. 3. [147] Quoted in “Tom Metzger’s Long March of Hate,” ADL Special Edition, June 1993. [148] Anti-Defamation League, Danger: Extremism: The Major Vehicles and Voices on

America’s Far-Right Fringe, p. 80. [149] Carter, In the Eye of the Storm, p. 2. [150] Langer, A Hundred Little Hitlers, p. 303. [151] Langer, A Hundred Little Hitlers, pp. 303-352. [152] Carter, In the Eye of the Storm, p. 2. [153] Kaplan, The Encyclopedia of White Power, p. 207 and Langer, A Hundred Little

Hitlers, p. 98. [154] Morris Dees, Hate on Trial: The Case Against America’s Most Dangerous Neo-Nazi.

(New York: Villard Books, 1993). [155] For more on the civil suit against WAR see Dees, Hate on Trial. [156] George and Wilcox, Nazis, Communists, Klansmen, and Others on the Fringe, p. 376. [157] George and Wilcox, Nazis, Communists, Klansmen, and Others on the Fringe, p. 377. [158] Frederick Smith quoted in Laird Wilcox, “Who Watches the Watchman” in Jeffrey

Kaplan and Heléne Lööw. The Cultic Milieu: Oppostional Subcultures in an Age of Globalization. (New York: Alta Mira Press, 2002), p. 309.


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[159] Quoted in Laird Wilcox, Crying Wolf: Hate Crime Hoaxes in America. (Olathe, KS: Laird Wilcox Editorial Research Center, 1998), p. 15.

[160] Wilcox, Crying Wolf, pp. 14-15. [161] Langer, A Hundred Little Hitlers, p. 356. [162] Carter, In the Eye of the Storm, p. 13. [163] Dees, Morris and Ellen Bowden, “Taking Hate Groups to Court.” [164] For more on the trial see John W. Phillips, Sign of the Cross: The Prosecutor’s True

Story of a Landmark Trial Against the Klan. (Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox Press, 2000) and Langer, A Hundred Little Hitlers, pp. 356-357.

[165] “Supremacist Gets 6 Months in Cross Burning,” The New York Times, December 4, 1991, http://www.nytimes.com/1991/12/04/us/supremacist-gets-6-months-in-cross-burning.html.

[166] Carter, In the Eye of the Storm, p. 175. [167] Langer, A Hundred Little Hitlers, pp. 356-357. [168] Kaplan, The Encyclopedia of White Power, p. 203. [169] Kaplan, Radical Religion in America, p. 136. [170] Dees, Hate on Trial, pp. 276-277. [171] Kaplan, The Encyclopedia of White Power, p. 335. [172] Kaplan, Radical Religion in America, p. 137. [173] Quoted in Kaplan, The Encyclopedia of White Power, pp. 208-209. [174] Langer, A Hundred Little Hitlers, p. 350. [175] Quoted in Levin and McDevitt, Hate Crimes: The Rising Tide of Bigotry and

Bloodshed, p. 103. [176] Tom Metzger, “Editorial,” WAR, Vol. 9, No. 1, (1989), p. 2. [177] Ezekiel, The Racist Mind, p. 85. [178] Robert E. Miles, “To parade or not to parade,” WAR, Vol. 9, No. 1, (1990), p. 2. [179] Ezekiel, The Racist Mind, p. 79. [180] Tom Metzger, “Editorial,” WAR, (May 1994), p. 2. [181] It took the extreme right quite a while to learn this lesson of how vulnerable they would

be isolated in a rural setting. As Smith and Damphousse observed the far left had widely publicized in their publications the failure of Che Guevara’s similar strategy in Bolivia. Brent L. Smith and Kelly R. Damphousse, “Two Decades of Terror,” in Harvey W. Kushner (ed.), The Future of Terrorism: Violence in the New Millennium. (Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications, Inc., 1998), p. 142.

[182] As described in Jeffrey Kaplan, “Leaderless Resistance.” Terrorism and Political Violence, 9 (3), 1997, p. 80.

[183] Louis Beam, “Leaderless Resistance.” The Seditionist, Issue 12, February 1992. Beam’s essay was first published in the Inter-Klan and Survival Alert in the early 1980s. Durham, White Rage, p. 103.

[184] Langer, A Hundred Little Hitlers, p. 181. [185] Lou Michel and Dan Herbeck, American Terrorist: Timothy McVeigh and the

Oklahoma City Bombing. (New York: Regan Books, 2001), pp. 167-168. [186] Stern, A Force upon the Plain, p. 51 & 192. [187] This view was expressed to the author in an interview with John Trochman, a leader or

the Militia of Montana. Author Interview with John Trochman, October 6, 2000. [188] Metzger, Tom, “Editorial by Tom Metzger,” WAR, July 1997, p. 1.


This Is WAR! 61

[189] Author interview with Tom Metzger, July 7, 2000. [190] Quoted in Jim Nesbitt, “Many American Right-Wing Extremists Applaud Sept. 11

Attacks.” Newhouse News Service. http://www.newhousenews.com. Downloaded January 31, 2002.

[191] By the late 2000s, WAR’s tabloid ceased publication but its website still publishes articles by Metzger and his associates. WAR also operates an Internet radio show available to listeners for a $20 a month subscription fee. For more, see WAR’s website: http://resist.com/.

[192] In 1992, Mahon amicably left the Klan to join forces with Metzger, as he saw the Klan’s approach as outdated. He preferred the no-nonsense revolutionary approach taken by Metzger. Jeffrey Kaplan, “Right Wing Violence in North America,” in Tore Bjorgo (ed.), Terror from the Extreme Right. (London: Frank Cass, 1995), p. 48.

[193] Bill Morlin, “Records Suggest Move Against Racist Icon Tom Metzger in Bombing,” Hatewatch, April 3, 2012, http://www.splcenter.org/ blog/2012/04/03/records-suggest-move-against-racist-icon-tom-metzger-in-bombing/.

[194] Bill Morlin, “Records Suggest Move Against Racist Icon Tom Metzger in Bombing.” [195] Ofelia Madrid, “White supremacist gets 40 years in 2004 Scottsdale bombing,” The

Arizona Republic, May 22, 2012, http://archive.azcentral.com/arizonarepublic/local/ articles/20120521white-supremacist-gets-years-scottsdale-bombing-brk.html.

[196] Daniel Riordan, “Metzger Discusses ATF Raid On His Home, Times-Union, June 26, 2009, http://www.timesuniononline.com/print.asp?ArticleID=40990&SectionID=2& SubSectionID=224.

[197] Although the Southern Poverty saw a drop in the number of “hate groups” in the year 2014 to their lowest level since the year 2005, it also noted a substantial shift in activism to cyberspace and lone wolf operations. Mark Potok, “The Year in Hate,” http://www.splcenter.org/Year-in-Hate-and-Extremism, accessed August 2, 2015.

[198] Leslie Lynnton Fuller, “Exporting Hate from the Hoosier State: An interview with one of the “most dangerous men in America,” NUVO, July 15, 2005, http://www.nuvo.net/ indianapolis/exporting-hate-from-the-hoosier-state/Content?oid=3331821.

[199] Miriam Raftery, “White Supremacist Tom Metzger Runs for Congress—Again,” East County Magazine, (March 2010), http://www.eastcountymagazine.org/white-supremacist-tom-metzger-runs-congress-again.

[200] Holding his seat since 1994, the incumbent Republican Mark Souder was expected to easily win the election, but he resigned two weeks after receiving his party’s nomination after admitting to an extramarital affair. Republican Marlin Stutzman won a solid victory receiving 116,140 or 63% of the vote. See Chad Pergman, “Indiana Rep. Mark Souder Resigns After Affair With Staffer,” Fox News, May 18, 2010, http://www.foxnews.com/politics/2010/05/18/exclusive-indiana-rep-mark-souder-resign-amid-affair-staffer/ and Indiana Electoral Division, “Indiana General Election November 2, 2010,” http://www.in.gov/apps/sos/election/general/general2010?page= district&countyID=-1&officeID=5&districtID=3&candidate=, accessed July 28, 2015.

[201] Tom Metzger, “Editorial,” WAR, (November 1995), p. 2. [202] Gardell, Gods of the Blood, p. 111. [203] Tom Metzger, “Editorial,” WAR, (June 1995), p. 2. The Hundredth Monkey effect

posits that a new behavior or idea can quickly spread from one group to other related groups by some unexplained means when adopted by some critical number. The theory


George Michael 62

has its origins in the mid-1970s, when two anthropologists, Lawrence Blair and Lyall Watson, claimed that Japanese scientists had observed macaque monkeys learn how to wash sweet potatoes. Once a critical number of monkeys learned this behavior—the hundredth monkey—the previously learned behavior quickly spread across the water to monkeys in nearby islands though the groups lacked any physical contact with one another. Ken Keyes, The Hundredth Monkey. (Camarillo, CA: DeVorss & Co., 1984). Subsequent investigation into the theory, however, has not been supporting. See Ron Amundson, “The Hundredth Monkey Phenomenon,” Skeptical Inquirer, Vol. 9 (1985), pp. 348-356, http://www.uhh.hawaii.edu/~ronald/HMP.htm.

[204] Adam Elkus, “Future War: The War on Terror after Iraq,” Athena Intelligence Journal, v. 2, no. 1 (2007), p. 19.

[205] Brynjar Lia, Architect of Global Jihad: The Life of Al-Qaida Strategist Abu Mus’ad al-Suri. (New York: Columbia University Press, 2008), p. 422.

[206] George Michael, “Conspiracy in Boston: Disentangling Boston Marathon Bombing Conspiracy Theories,” Skeptic Magazine, Vol. 19, No. 2, (2014), p. 23.

[207] Jeffrey Kaplan and Leonard Weinberg, The Emergence of a Euro-American Radical Right. (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1998), p. 7. Metzger and WAR associates have made numerous trips overseas to forge a united front for the racialist movement. For example, in the early 1990s, WAR associate Dennis Mahon sojourned to Western and Eastern Europe to promote the racial revolutionary cause. Mahon even took part in cross burning near Berlin. In Germany, he counseled sympathizers that the most dangerous enemy they face was the U.S. government and the media and entertainment industry in America. He publicly apologized for what his parents’ and grandparents’ generations did to Germany during World War II, most notably the firebombing of Dresden. “Victory in Germany,” The White Beret, Vol 1-92 (December-February 1991), pp. 2-3). In June of 1992, both Tom and John Metzger traveled to Ontario, Canada where they addressed a Heritage Front rally after which they were deported back to the United States. Warren Kinsella, Web of Hate: Inside Canada’s Far Right Network. (Toronto: Harper Perennial, 1995), pp. 279-280. And In January of 1994, they traveled to Japan where spoke at a conference in which they promoted their agenda of racial separatism. Anti-Defamation League, Danger: Extremism: The Major Vehicles and Voices on America’s Far-Right Fringe, p. 81.

[208] Kaplan, and Weinberg, The Emergence of a Euro-American Radical Right, p. 7. [209] Zeskind, Blood & Politics, p. 252. [210] Leslie Lynnton Fuller, “Exporting Hate from the Hoosier State: An interview with one

of the “most dangerous men in America,” NUVO, July 15, 2005, http://www.nuvo.net/ indianapolis/exporting-hate-from-the-hoosier-state/Content?oid=3331821.

[211] Don Black, a close associate of David Duke, launched Stormfront on March 27, 1995. Over the years, Stormfront has come to host many extreme right web sites and serves as an important entry point for those curious web surfers who seek them out. As of early 2009, board membership exceeded 159,000 and over five and a half million posts had been submitted on the site in response to over four hundred and fifty thousand threads. Lorraine Bowman-Grieve, “Exploring ‘Stormfront’: A Virtual Community of the Radical Right,” Studies in Conflict & Terrorism, 32 (2009), pp. 996-997.



Chapter 4

FROM MENTAL EPIDEMICS TO TERRORISM PANDEMIC: SYNERGETIC

BIO-PSYCHO-SOCIO-SPIRITUAL METHODOLOGY OF PUBLIC CONSCIENCE PROTECTION

Pavel I. Sidorov∗, MD Northern State Medical University, Arkhangelsk, Russia

ABSTRACT

Mental epidemics (ME) are a new phenomenon of integrative mental medicine. ME are contagious polymodal and polymorphic mental disorders and conditions. The grounds for mental epidemiology are regulatory and permanent anomie and permissiveness of singular and recessionary reality. The following mechanisms of mental epidemics are distinguished: deformation of conscience and identity, resonance and induction, of anonymousness and uncontrollability, of generalization and expanded reproduction and mindsight. As to proposed operational classification of mental epidemics, the last can be: dependent and induced, somatoform and psychosomatic, schizophrenic and affective. The evolution of the epidemic process from mental to social and then to asocial epidemics of crime and terrorism is described. The principles of adaptive protection of public health and public conscience from mental epidemics were grounded basing on the synergetic bio-psycho-socio-spiritual methodology of mental medicine as a new paradigm of integrative medicine.

Keywords: mental epidemics, epidemic process mechanisms, operational classification, regulatory and permanent anomie and permissiveness, synergetic bio-psycho-socio-spiritual methodology, mental medicine, principles of public conscience adaptive protection

∗ Contact information: Sidorov Pavel Ivanovitch – MD, Professor, Academician of Russian Academy of Sciences,

Northern State Medical University. Address: 51 Troitsky Ave., 163001, Arkhangelsk, Russia. E-mail: [email protected].


Pavel I. Sidorov 64

Traditional epidemiology is the study of patterns of epidemic infectious process. Epidemiology of noncommunicable diseases considers patterns of occurrence and

distribution, prevention systems of morbidity and mortality of noncommunicable diseases. Currently in Russia the percentage of infectious diseases is only 7%, while of noncommunicable – 93% [5].

Widespread use of epidemiological studies in the clinic led to the formation of clinical epidemiology – the basis of modern evidence-based medicine.

Forty years ago, English biologist Richard Dawkins [9] proposed the idea of memes – ideas expressed verbally or in writing, circulating in the public conscience and forming individual conscience. Quarter of a century ago, this idea on the associative model of computerization was developed by Dawkins in the mental viruses underlying mind contamination and information epidemiology, manifesting in a variety of “total madness” episodes [10]. Subsequently, this resulted in the creation of new scientific disciplines – mental ecology and mental medicine, as well as in the appearance of a new series of journals (for example, “Human Ecology” in 1994, “Questions of mental medicine and ecology” in 1995, et al.).

Current sizes of the Global web as an interface of planetary and individual conscience has called for rethinking of traditional social perception of social and mental epidemics, cyber virology and mental security. Relevant challenge was to find new resources and tools for adaptive protection of public conscience in the permanent information and hybrid wars. This required the development of a multidisciplinary synergetic bio-psycho-socio-spiritual methodology of ontogenetic development and mental epidemic process [41, 43].

The object of the article is conceptual and methodological grounding of the synergetic approach to the construction of an operational classification and accentuation of mechanisms of development, etiology and pathogenesis of mental epidemics.

SYNERGETIC METHODOLOGY AND EPIDEMIOLOGY OF MENTAL MEDICINE

Synergetics is an interdisciplinary science of development and self-organisation that

studies epidemical systems consisting of multiple parts or components that interact with each other in a complicated way.

The main principles of synergetics are: non-linearity and instability, openness and observability, dynamic hierarchy. The synergetic methodology is based on an integrative approach to studying of thermodynamically open and unbalanced dissipative structures.

Dissipative structures (DS) are discrete self-organizing systems that dissipate energy and are distinguished by their spiral development in multidimensional space, which trajectory and self-vibrating amplitude have a multivariant nature and are predetermined by a combination of differently directed forces and factors in the bifurcation points. Dissipative structures exist and evolve in society and the biosphere and intermittently go through self-organization processes following their internal development logic, becoming more complicated or degrading throughout their existence.

Human organism is a set of dynamically replacing each other DS determining the state of its health. In this context, not only DS deviation from the prevailing trend is significant, but


From Mental Epidemics to Terrorism Pandemic 65

also its ability to self-organize, moving to a new level of adaptation. Mental disorder is a form of forced adaptation, enabled by protective mechanisms associated with the reduction of degrees of freedom and stochasticity of an organism DS with a shift in more pronounced psychopathological symptoms. DS donates degrees of freedom in order to survive in principle, changing the regime and parameters of the former homeostasis, forming a mental disorder. Growing non-equilibrium and irreversible processes can be a source of coherence as a condition of formation of many types of structured collective behaviour or behavioural (mental) epidemics.

The condition of a DS equilibrium state is a constant exchange with the environment of heat flows or flows of matter, energy or information. In the case of the limitations of these streams, as in autistic apathoabulic states, signifying the completion of the process of a mental disorder and the formation of personality defect, DS is marked by the reduction of the energy potential and system self-organization. On the contrary, the critical state of an unstable DS becomes a means of its adaptation and self-organization that can be manifested clinically in aggravation of psychopathology of any content. Mental disorder allows a DS to pass to a new level of functioning, and in the case of inverse dynamics – to return to the previous level, but creating thus its new quality.

An important concept of synergetics is a strange attractor – the object in the phase space sought by almost all trajectories, and on which they are unstable. So occurs in the uprise of an epileptic focus strange attractor, which, being the fragments of the prologue symptoms in the epilogue can evolve towards the formation of an epileptic brain and epileptic dementia or can develop in the opposite direction under adequately selected anticonvulsant therapy. Or a code formula during anti-alcohol “coding” creates a strange attractor that attracts the patient to a new fractal. It is possible to draw an analogy between the principles of operation of the strange attractor and the reciprocal inhibition, which allows an individual to “exclude” accents and mechanisms from the factors potentiating the development of mental disorders – to the factors leading to their devolution. Strange attractor strengthens close, but not matching initial conditions, giving rise to the potency of different evolutions.

Attractors are classified as fractals (from Latin fractus – fragmented) – objects characterized by their fractional size and multidirectionality of developmental trajectories. A fractal is a self-similar figure made up of parts that are each similar to a whole figure and have an uncommon structure. For example, fractal architecture and design are repeated at micro-, milli-meso- and macro levels from DNA molecules to galactic spirals. In clinical medicine and epidemiology, a fractal is both development and state uniting time and qualitative characteristics of a system or a body. A fractal is a projection on the scientific field of quantum concepts.

Fractal dynamics is a transition of a quantum system from one possible state to another state via bifurcation, having passed which, a dissipative structure starts aiming for a new attractor. In mental medicine, it corresponds to the development of mental disorders (from sporadic outbreaks to epidemics) or recovery – depending on which of the attractors (leading to progression or remission) turns out to be currently important.

It is impossible to imagine isolated human mental health without interactions and influences of many internal and external factors. As a result, complicated and non-linear, unstable and open self-organizing dissipative epidemic system appears.


Pavel I. Sidorov 66

We have developed [41, 43] a synergetic bio-psycho-socio-spiritual conception of ontogenesis that is represented by a tetranuclear or four-dimensional model consisting of vectors or planes of somato- and psycho-, socio- and animogenesis (Figure 1).

Figure 1. Bio-psycho-socio-spiritual model of ontogenesis.

Figure 2. Dynamics of bio-psycho-socio-spiritual assimilation.

Anima, animus (from Latin anima – soul and animus – spirit) are concepts that in the Ancient Greek culture framed the phenomenon of spirit and acted as stages of evolution of spirituality understanding: if anima (soul) is inseparable from its material carrier, then animus (spirit) has an autonomous status. Animogenesis is a term that integrates understanding of



soul and spirit and specifies the central fourth part of the proposed ontogenetic model (Figure 2). The main ontogenesis planes are interpenetrated and determine transit zones and a central part containing conscience – the highest level of self-regulation and reflection of reality accumulating spiritual-moral potential and integral characteristics of the mental health of the nation (subpopulation group, etc.).

The model presupposes a multidisciplinary and integral approach to complex and complicated epidemiological cause-effect relationships. Trajectories of the epidemiological development, state or disease are determined and corrected at bifurcation points acquiring spiral-like properties and multivariance. For visual perception convenience only, on Figure 3, a linear trajectory of epidemiological disease progress has been presented.

Figure 3. Fractal trajectory of states (diseases, epidemics) progress and protection mechanisms.

The traditional linear dynamics is replaced by the synergetic non-linear fractality. Synergetics considers a human body as a complicated open system with non-linear processes. Such behaviour is based on polymodal mechanisms of internal fluctuations development. After accumulation of a big number of fluctuations as risk factors echo, they produce cascade and cumulative effects at the bifurcation points changing the system development trajectory.

The proposed methodology makes it possible to formulate clinical and psychological, social and moral diagnoses taking shape of a syndromal synergetic functional diagnosis (Figure 4). Synergistic meaning of functional diagnosis lies in its capacity to justify and build in a 4-dimensional space an individualized block-module trajectory and multidisciplinary route of preventive and correctional, therapeutic and rehabilitation care for any states (diseases) and epidemic situations. Only such approach allows to effectively carry out personalized protocols in mental epidemiology and medicine [41, 42, 43].

Mentality is a way of seeing the world, formed in the process of upbringing, education and gaining life experience in a specific cultural environment.

Mental health as defined by WHO (2001) is the mental well-being, which allows to realize one’s own potential, helps to resist stress, to work productively and contribute to society.

Mental ecology is a section of human ecology, studying multivariant relationships in the system “environment – society – person.”


Pavel I. Sidorov 68

Mental medicine is a synergetic science that studies etiopathogenesis and diagnostics, clinic and treatment of mental disorders, bio-psycho-socio-spiritual resources of development of personality and society. Mental medicine in the framework of a unified methodology combines strengthening of mental health and treatment of mental illnesses, integrating traditional nosocentric resources of clinical psychiatry and the mental potential of health-oriented preventology.

Figure 4. Synergetic and epidemiological functional diagnostics in mental medicine.

Mental preventology is a section of general preventology – a science about ways of forming and maintaining an optimal level of mental health, about mental hygiene and psycho-prophylaxis on a systematic and synergetic multi-disciplinary basis.

Mental epidemiology is the study of the propagation of related to human mental health states and events in specific populations and their determinants, as well as the application of these studies for adaptive protection of public health.

Mental viruses are epidemic stigmas of public conscience. Public conscience is integral quality of mental health of the nation (population and

subpopulation, etc.). Spiritual immunity is a system of internal beliefs that provide a high level of awareness of

values and meanings of life, enshrined in effective patterns of individual and social identity implemented in adaptive behavioural strategies.

Mental epidemics are contagious polymodal and polymorphic mental disorders and states.

Mental health service is a synergetic bio-psycho-socio-spiritual Ψ-cluster of society and state providing preventive and correctional protection of mental health and treatment and rehabilitation care in the course of mental illnesses.



System monitoring of mental health is a multidisciplinary comprehensive monitoring aimed at establishing causal relationships in a multi-level system of public conscience. It brings together in a single synergetic methodology profile data bases, giving an objective picture and a forecast, dynamics and rhythmics of socially significant mental and behavioural processes [42].

FROM PSYCHIC EPIDEMICS TO MENTAL EPIDEMICS In classical epidemiology behavioural epidemics are distinguished, and they are related to

the power of suggestion or to behavioural patterns (as opposed to penetration of microorganisms or physical impact). Clinical illustrations include dancing manias in medieval times, cases of mass fainting or seizure (“hysterical epidemics”), the panic of the crowd, the tides of fashion and enthusiasm. The nature of transmitted behaviour was traced not only in personal contact between two people, but also in group coercion (smoking, consuming alcohol or drugs). Behavioural epidemics were sometimes difficult to distinguish from organic diseases outbreaks, such as poisoning the environment with toxic substances [1]. In psychiatry, such behaviour has been called psychic epidemics.

Psychic epidemics (PE) as group contagious disorders started being explored in Russia in the second half of the XIX century. Formerly patients, being possessed by PE fell either under the patronage of church organizations as “victims of the devil,” or under laws and decrees prescribing punitive measures against participants of PE. From now on the given problem turned out to be in the focus of attention of philosophers and historians, as well as lawyers and ethnographers, public figures and doctors.

The majority of national psychiatrists in the second half of the XIX century regarded the phenomenon of psychic epidemics as predominantly psychosocial phenomenon. At the same time psychiatrists did not deny that formation and manifestation of psychic epidemics can be influenced by national culture and ethnic traditions, adding exotic details to the symptoms, but not changing development algorithms and clinical essence of this phenomenon. The fact that victims of psychic epidemics carry the pathology of specifically psychiatric nature was beyond doubt and ambiguity among psychiatrists. V. M. Bekhterev in 1908 spoke of the “collective or mass delusions and hallucinations,” demon-obsession epidemics, hand-wringing (or hysterics), bad-spelling, psychotic manifestations of religious content, disseminating of panic reactions [38].

Psychiatrist A. A. Tokarskiy [48] divided the causes of psychic epidemics in “predisposing and producing.” In the first group he included “poverty of mental content, limited interests, the absence of criticism, ignorance”; in the second group – dominant in society ideas, external events, the tendency to imitate, psychic contagiosity, neuroinduction. This classification significantly coincides with the modern interpretation of personal and social identity of the subject, specifying universal trend of potential ways of psychic epidemics occurrence.

Studies of Russian psychiatrists identified a set of “predisposing” and “producing by directly instilling ideas” prerequisites of psychic epidemics. The first group included: fanatical faith based on extraneous suggestion and influence of the inductor; the presence of a charismatic personality, which owns the ability to inspire ideas (such inductor could be a


Pavel I. Sidorov 70

mentally ill person); poor education, primitive culture, social ill-being. P. I. Jacobi wrote that psychic epidemic “… develops only in nervous and exhausted, weakened physically, morally and mentally population” [cit. 37]. Among the factors that influence the occurrence of psychic epidemics, some exogenous factors are actual as well: drugs and alcohol, poverty and hunger, fatigue and gathering of large numbers of people of identical collective spirit, poor nourishment and repose, excessive physical stress and household inconveniences, sickness and frequent deliveries. State of mind of the subject and the level of personal reaction, intensity of effects of doctrine dogmas on his psyche and current superstitions also play an important role.

Most authors considered pumping of psycho-emotional tension (PET) among participants of the rite or process to be one of the main causes of psychic epidemics. PET entailed a state of mind narrowing, leading to the inability of accounting for one's actions. Increase of PET potentiates suggestibility and autosuggestibility, melodramatisation and demoralization, tendency to imitate and panic moods, becoming a factor affecting the life of the individual and the community in general. Influenced by suggestions a person loses individuality and initiative, becoming a part of the crowd and falling into a panic. “In the delirious crowd each individual affects the others, and is subjected to the similar effect” [cit. 37].

Such factors as wars and revolutions, political upheavals and socio-economic reforms, potentiating uncertainty of social and political relationships and situations and enhancing neuro-psychic excitability, leading to a decrease in the stability of the central nervous system have been classified by psychiatrists as “producing” causes of psychic epidemics.

Thus, polyetiological factor, which is the main criterion in shaping the ways of the emergence and spread of mass psychic viruses was determined the basis of occurrence of psychic epidemics. Socio-economic changes and crises affected the intensity of the emergence and spread of contagious phenomena of psychic character.

Polyetiological and polymorphic nature of PE in the XXI century required involving multidisciplinary synergetic methodology to estimate and predict the fractal dynamics of the epidemic process in four-dimensional space of psychogenesis and sociogenesis, somatogenesis and animogenesis that form the trajectory of mental epidemic (ME) as the subject of mental medicine.

ETIOPATHOGENESIS OF MENTAL EPIDEMICS Sociogenesis of ME is marked by frequency of violations of the structure and functions of

the family; personality socialization and social decompensation; coincidence of debut with conflict or stressful situation; disharmony and dysfunctionality of families; defects of upbringing and low level of education; sensory deprivation and social exclusion; low mobility and professional competence; social-class homogeneity – poverty and marginality; inchoateness of socio-economic and political life; oppressive dullness of routine existence, periodically bursting in flash ME that give psycho-emotional discharge [38, 39].

Modern socio-economic situation is characterized by the global crisis affecting virtually all aspects of human existence. Epochs of social crises are characterized by development of such social phenomenon as anomie of moral and psychological status of social and individual conscience, characterized by decomposition of the former system of values; contradictions



between the proclaimed objectives and the inability to realize them in traditional for most people way; and expressed by isolation of the individual from society and depressive disappointment in life.

Anomie is manifested in three directions, indicating the potency of mental component growth:

interpersonal – strengthening of mutual mistrust and hostility, rivalry and aggression, reactions of exclusion and alienation, social stratification into subcultures – filiations;

cultural – collapse of the old cultural values and priorities, changing of established rules of interpretation of events, occurrence of conflict value systems, state of identification emptiness in the absence of alternatives;

social – disintegration and polarization of society, the crisis of confidence in public institutions [39].

All fields marked: (a) ascertain the potency of anomie influence on the formation and development of

epidemic psychic disorders; (b) indicate etiopathogenic situation predisposing increasingly intensive appearance,

epidemic development and distribution of various mental disorders; (c) identify the obvious fact that the prevalence, severity and extent of

psychopathological consequences of anomie transform the situation with the epidemic spread of mental disorders into significant threat to public conscience and national security.

The situation of anomie contributes to the formation and spread of permissive quality,

deblockation and cancellation of prohibitions accepted in society which are structuring ethical elements of society. In such circumstances, the individual may lose a foothold, losing the value system and ethical guidelines, appearing without the support of the formerly canonical principles, which structured pre-crisis society. The identity of the individual that relied upon outer frame of social norms dissolves in chaotic welter of anomie, deforming mentality and rising sensitivity to mental epidemics.

Modern literature distinguishes two types of identities: personal and social. The first refers to self-determination of the individual in terms of his physical, intellectual and moral traits. The second is “self-determination in terms of classifying oneself in a particular social group” [7] – the knowledge of who you are and what your place in society is. Existentialist philosopher S. Kierkegaard wrote: “Man is a social animal; only in the herd is he happy. It is all one to him whether it is the profoundest nonsense or the greatest villainy – he feels completely at ease with it – so long as it is the view of the herd, and he is able to join the herd” [46]. In essence, this is the formula of existential protection: either death under the hooves of the social herd or depersonalizing immersion in mass psychogenic illness of the herd majority. M. Eliade said that “… the man of the traditional culture sees himself existing only when it is no longer he, being content with imitation and repetition of gestures of the other. He is aware of his own reality, adequacy for himself only when he refuses this adequacy.” “Social psychology can not do without imitation” [50], “mystic participation” (L. Levy-Bruhl).

A. G. Sanina [36] highlights several angles of identity significant for mental epidemiology.


Pavel I. Sidorov 72

1. Logical view of identity determines its interpretation in various sciences. 2. Philosophical view of identity as a set of communication (including contagious)

practices instead of the previous its understanding as a fixed datum. 3. Psychological aspect of identity as the basis of bio-psycho-socio-spiritual nature and

adaptive human behaviour [14, 39]. 4. Anthropological view of identity as cultural embodiment of traditions and customs. 5. Sociological view of identity as meaningful product of communicative and epidemic

development. 6. System perspective on multidisciplinary identity marks its important normative

quality of self-reference, which is not affected by involvements in social networks and social positions [24]. As one of the signs of spiritual immunity to mental epidemics an individual identity can be considered. It is only through correlation with private individuality that the existence of multiple contexts of multicultural environment is provided.

If the structure of society is destroyed or subjected to intense reforms, and most social

categories lost former value, there is a reassessment by the subject of a group belonging, and of a place in this group; traditional (old) social identification becomes difficult or impossible. Destruction of habitual relationship leads to the fact that the subject appears out of the stable and habitually familiar social system. Uncertainty creates discomfort and psychoemotional tension that are maintained among significant part of the population by radical change in all spheres of deformed by crisis society.

The role of unconscious and instinctual psychic phenomena and behavioural reactions grows increasingly reducing potential of the brain analytical hemisphere. At the same time the feeling of loss of structuring ethical guidelines is enhanced, as well as frustration of hopes and ideals, the desire of the miracle and its search in everyday life. Panic disorientation – such definition to the sense of a man living in the era of historical crises gives Spanish philosopher Ortega y Gasset [28]: “A man is disoriented with respect to himself, knocked out of the rut, outside his own limits, thrown into new circumstances extending for him an Unknown land.”

In order to once again feel like a part of the whole, like an element of the social system, the individual begins to search for a new social group, but the group life can dissolve his personality: “Identification with a social role is a generous source of neuroses. A person can not get rid of himself in favour of artificial personality. Attempting this causes unconscious reactions, affects, phobias, obsessive representations and so on” [50]. Personal and social identification of the subject form a kind of bimodal scheme, in which both components are in a dynamic relationship, determined by direct communication and feedback of components within the system. Sustainable prevalence of one of the trends can lead to disharmony in the dyad functioning, creating systemic problems and generating processes either of dissolution of authentic personality in society, or – of social nihilism. In the case of the first variant, the subject personal identity coalesces with the social. Man understands and appreciates himself only from the standpoint of belonging to a group, which in the conditions of anomie can be almost any community – up to destructive or criminal organizations, as well as para-religious totalitarian sects currently experiencing hystero-demonic renaissance.

In traditional perception anomie is the result and a symptom of system (paradigmatic) values deactualization, as well as of synchronous methodology, losing its monopoly of the uncontested comprehension of the existence meanings.



At the same time, many researchers note that the nature of anomie is becoming more complicated. So, R. Merton [25] represents anomie as a consequence of dysfunctionality of social institutions. According to T. Parsons [29], anomie manifests invulnerabilities to self-sufficiency of society which depend on the state of its internal integration and harmony of control.

According to Erich Fromm [15], anomie began to show itself in the approval of "sick societies" realities, becoming a criterion of civilizational mental health predetermining production of human destructiveness. Zh. T. Toshchenko [49] treats anomie as absence of norms and violation of social relations, manifested in centaurisms as a combination of incongruous. Thus a paradoxical man creates a paradoxical and epidemically potentially explosive society.

Paradoxes, centaurisms and antinomies came into the modern world not for a while, but forever. Anomie, the quintessence of which is absence of norms, itself became a permanently changing norm of everyday life. For this reason, S. A. Kravchenko [22] proposed the concept of “normal anomie” as branching combination of vulnerabilities for society in the form of side effects of innovative and pragmatic rational Human activity, as well as systemic crises. The main contours of this concept reflect the following:

1. Realities of normal anomie are caused by an objective process of formation of a

complex society and by contradictory nature of its social and cultural dynamics. 2. Pluralism of social time with significant moral component dispersion becomes the

norm [31]. 3. Adiaphorisation is developing as an escape from the scope of moral evaluation,

resulting in established "moral blindness" [3]. 4. Simulation and simulacres become a factor not only of the dispersion of values and

norms, but also the basis of "total simulation era" as the latest global vulnerability. 5. Formation of normal processes of anomie influence virtualization [11] and

gamization [22] of society based on imitational and simulative democracy (nationalist, etc.) shows.

6. One of the essential characteristics of normal anomie has become a paradoxical combination of knowledge and ignorance, science and pseudo-science, the permanence of scientific revolution and short actuality of scientific paradigm.

7. Increasing paradoxicality of risks and threats, globalized and delocalized, innumerable and unpredictable, uncompensated and irreversible [4]. The meaning of risk definitions staging is becoming a force shaping nature of deviant consciousness and paradoxical behaviour.

8. Dispersion of traditional family relations is included in the field of normal anomie. 9. For the analysis of normal anomie multidisciplinary methodology is required. 10. The normal anomie can not be “cured” by traditional rational-pragmatic means.

Adequate humanistic strategies are necessary for approving new regulations of cosmopolitan ethics.

The latest international practice clearly shows that in answer to any lawlessness even a

greater lawlessness can be found. We can say that “anomicity of anomie” creates a temporary illusion or a mental trap of stability and security, but this is only an initial fractal of tomorrow's destructive mental epidemic.


Pavel I. Sidorov 74

All this makes the synergetic bio-psycho-socio-spiritual methodology of mental medicine actual for analysis and correction of new crisis reality. Figuratively speaking, the growing “social madness” demonstrates helplessness of the traditional stigmatized clinical psychiatry, demanding new resources and tools for adaptive protection of public conscience.

Translated from the Greek, “stigma” is a brand that in the original meaning had purely pejorative sense. Gradually it began to expand and change, widely used in a Christian environment and biomedical research as a symptom of any hidden distinctive qualities of a person or an object, a phenomenon or a text [19].

Singular extension of an information field in modern society leads to the problem of its personal assimilation. A man is literally drowning in a boundless sea of information, much of which is simply not necessary or relevant. One of the mechanisms of social protection of people from excessive and unnecessary information is stigmatization with its verbal and conceptual, subject-iconic character [13]. So, mental Internet virology is embodied in new generations of public conscience stigmas, launching mental epidemics of hatred and hostility, extremism and fanaticism (for example, ukranian “Ukrops” and “Colorados,” etc.). As a result this mental epidemic process leads to deformation of individual and social identity, becoming non lethal weapon of mass destruction. Stigmatization and autostigmatization become mechanisms of development of modern mental epidemiology, which has no latency in the global and open world.

Epidemic stigmas or mental viruses of public conscience provide themselves with high contagiousness due to the special role and the actual value of such a mark, derogatory and concise label, originality and creativity, facilitating mass infection and expansion of mental epidemic.

Internet can be considered as a prototype of conceptual realization and technological design of the noosphere theory by V. I. Vernadsky. Mental virology and epidemiology demanded complete antiepidemic protection, which today is carried out mainly by special services. And there is nothing special about it, because the Internet itself emerged as a military innovation product 50 years ago. The requirement for personal privacy as a fundamental value of democratic world turned out not a fiction today, but a regulatory anomie. The meaning of a civil feat of Edward Snowden, a documentary about whom received “Oscar” in 2015, lies in demanding a radical strengthening of civil legal position in cyber defense of the public and individual conscience as an integral expression of mental health. This appeal is heard and modern monitoring systems of mental health are based on the synergetic bio-psycho-socio-spiritual civil methodologies that take into account national security priorities [18].

Psychogenesis of ME is marked by the low intellectual level; hysterical and asthenic, conformist and epileptoid character traits in premorbid; severe hereditary and psychotic forms of alcoholism with personality disorders and encephalopathies; early acquaintance of children with diseased and frequent witnessing of epidemic outbreaks; patients' unconscious perception of ME as a defensive strategy of denial and avoidance; poor mental resilience and resistance to stress of endemic subpopulations; non verbalized and insoluble in familiar microenvironment deep personal conflicts and complexes; high incidence of personality disorders, PTSD and SSR, somatoform and psychosomatic, dependent and anti-social disorders [38, 39].

A characteristic feature of ME psychogenesis is conformal subculture and mentality manifested in the absence of criticism and ability of independent thinking, in banality and



stereotypeness, in tendency to “be like everyone else” and tremulous loyalty to any authorities. A. E. Lichko [23] considered conformity an accentuation of character and dependence on referent environment. P. B. Gannushkin [16] linked conformity with low intellect and in the classification of abnormal personalities put them to the “constitutionally-foolish.” D. Riesman [35] referred a conformal personality to conservative type of character, committed to conventional traditions and customs. B. V. Voronkov [50] notes that namely conformism as “environment-forming” factor gets a leading role in the spread of psychogenic epidemics, though the mission of epidemic outbreak catalyst often perform hysteroid, paranoid and epileptoid personalities. It is also necessary to distinguish between conformity as the premorbid feature of the person and conformity as a way of adaptation (or pseudoadaptation for which a person will have to pay at least by psychosomatics) to a system of official values. The prevalence of teenagers’ conformal personalities is 10 to 30% [23].

An essential role in ME psychogenesis plays media (mass-media communications). M. A. Pushkina [33] identifies a series of mechanisms of mass conscience destruction under the influence of media.

1. Overload of human sensory systems due to the technical capabilities of the media

sphere: speed, volume, brightness, dynamism, etc. Sensory modulations increase the sensitivity threshold of the viewer to any external stimuli, increase the speed of attention switching and reduce its concentration.

2. Logical devaluation of reality, consisting in inchoateness and primitivity of the proposed causal relationships between events and images.

3. Emotional emphasis with the exploitation of negative emotions – “a corpse animates the frame” [26].

4. Destruction of human models of behaviour, accepted in society – everything is allowed and everything is possible.

5. Imposing of surrogate communication, substituting ethics of real interpersonal interaction for immersion in TV-shows and media dependency.

All this affects the individual and social identity of the audience, facilitating the

manipulation with public opinion. Estimating possibilities of social psychotherapy in opposition to mental epidemics, I. S.

Burikova [6] notes the non-inclusion of television in this process. The author identifies four kinds of feedback applicable to the measurement of the interface of individual and public conscience:

1. Increasing feedback – spinup of a problem emotional degree, changes reinforce the

initial; 2. Increasing anticipation – prevention of social epidemics; 3. Balancing feedback (information about upcoming changes falls back into the system

and suppresses the change) – interest in social epidemics is lost; 4. Balancing anticipation – foresight and/or prediction of changes leads the system to

predictable state. Today, TV rarely goes beyond the first type of increasing direct feedback – the spinup of

a problem and less often – its prevention, and almost never – the third and the fourth kinds of


Pavel I. Sidorov 76

feedback that can control the system of social epidemics. For realization of the TV-mission and function of social psychotherapy it is necessary to transfer the work in the plane of balancing feedback. Such fundamental issues affecting political design of broadcasting and requiring significant financial resources can only be solved in the framework of “mobilization order” when very concretely and very literally, “Motherland will call!”

Animogenesis of ME is marked by limitations of interests and spiritual needs; the low level of demands and lack of their differentiation; non-perception of humiliation as suffering; willingness to live and survive on a biological level and in the moral despair; trouble of the moral climate of the family, social and working environment; spiritual and moral ambivalence and deficiency of habitat and areas of residence; violation of the formation and development of moral sentiments and moral image; immaturity or early loss of a moral position; conformism and indifference; high frequency of syndromes of demoralization and destructive professiogenesis; antisocial and illegal behaviour; prevalence of alcoholic customs and early formation of alcohol affirmations; low level of culture and spiritual needs; prevalence of syncretism and sectarianism; high manipulativeness and noncriticality to hystero-demonic expansion of shamanism and sorcery; dehumanization and demoralization of society [38, 39].

Biogenesis of ME is affected by genetic accumulation of somatic and mental pathology in endemic foci; debut and epidemic outbreak coincide with reduced and altered reactivity in spring and autumn periods, as well as with abortion and childbirth, pregnancy and menopause in participants of the epidemic core; increased frequency of somatic and endocrine diseases; violations of neuroprocesses and somatoform dysfunctions; somatized disorders and psychosomatic diseases; treatment resistance and a high risk of recurrence [38, 39].

Mental medicine allows in etiopathogenesis, pathoplastics and pathokinetics of ME to qualitatively and quantitatively measure the characteristics of psycho- and socio-, animo- and somatogenesis evaluating epidemic focus and predicting trajectories of its development.

MECHANISMS OF DEVELOPMENT OF MENTAL EPIDEMICS Many researchers noted the universality and unity of the epidemic mental base of

alcoholism and drug addiction, extremism and radicalism, sociopathies and psychosomatoses, somatoform and induced neuro-mental disorders, combining hurtlingly growing marginal subpopulations of “excluded” from the statutory social systems [17, 18, 21].

It is possible to allocate the following mechanisms of development of mental epidemics. The mechanism of anonymity is predetermined by the absence of the actual perception by

the public conscience of mental epidemiology catalyzed by regulatory anomie and permissivity. The singular reality creates a kaleidoscopic phenomenological picture of demoralized and dehumanized “insane society.” The traditional “patriarchal lattice” of ethical customs and traditions is replaced by virtualization and gamization, simulations and simulacra, centaurisms and antinomies. All this leads to the loss of traditional concepts and tools for assessing health and disease. In this situation, only synergetic methodology of mental medicine allows to evaluate the quality of mental health and the degree of mental disorders, developmental trajectories and extent of mental epidemics.



The mechanism of generalization is manifested in violation of newer, more responsible and formally more punishable norms. So banal alcohol abuse is predominantly immoral phenomenon violating the ethics of business communication; later alcoholism becomes a psychiatric diagnosis, limiting certain rights of the patient and creating risks of administrative violations; heavy alcoholic abuses or alcoholic psychoses with unlawful behaviour provide a lot of reasons to get acquainted with the Criminal Code.

The mechanism of expanded reproduction is manifested in the high latency of mental illnesses. Thus, at best, only 1 out of 10 alcoholic patients and 1 out of 30 drug addicts are on file with a dependency clinic. The others with feasible enthusiasm continue to destroy themselves and their families, involving in epidemic process more and more new generations of consumers, especially young people. The same situation is with psychosomatic and somatoform disorders when only 1 of 3-5 cases is detected. Correct statistics or even a hint at it on the real prevalence of mobbing and bullying, internet and gambling addiction, extremism and fanaticism, as well as many other problems, does not exist.

The mechanism of uncontrollability of mental epidemics is predetermined by the absence of a system monitoring of mental health and so far by insurmountable interdepartmental barriers in the organization of preventive-correctional and treatment-rehabilitation activities.

The mechanism of polymorphic deformation of mind is represented by various types and variants of timely and changed, narrowed and deformed states of mind arising from the use of dozens of previously described methods and techniques of manipulative influence, triggering and supporting mental epidemic process [41, 43].

The mechanism of identity destruction. Most of the “difficult” children and adolescents do not have normal family upbringing: no control over their learning, not enough encouragement for the development of intelligence and the formation of moral values. Therefore, they soon lose interest in learning, which inevitably leads to a lack of socially important affirmations, hobbies and spiritual needs, and to a narrow circle and instability of interests, to avoiding critical situations and solutions. Such an orientation of the person is formed, which is based on the inability of a complex activity, with the simplification and reorganization of the hierarchy of behavioural motives in the sense of readiness for manipulations and deviations, conformism and antisocial induction. Such a deformed person simply lacks inner resources for self-organization and self-development, as well as neurotic dissonance imposed by random antisocial roles. Thus self-perception of the role will always be conformal, even if it is the mission of the hired killer.

The mechanism of induction is implemented largely due to the reaction of grouping and imitation. Thus, at the initial stage of addictive behaviour formation it is permissible to talk about the psychogenic development of related disorders symptoms, forms of consumption and type of intoxication. Grotesque and induced symptoms of a “disease prior to clinic” imitate and potentiate initial biological manifestations of the disease. Mental epidemics of induced neuropsychiatric disorders are also developed by mechanisms of collective self- and mutual induction.

The mechanism of polymodal resonance is presented by biochemical, electromagnetic and ultrasonic “language of bacteria” exchanging information both with one another (guorum sensing), and with the host macroorganism (cross-talk). Microflora, even out of infectious process remains complete and relatively autonomous fundamental system of human endoecology [2].


Pavel I. Sidorov 78

In this context “communication” of microbes is carried out at the level of everyday vocabulary of human conversations, by means of not only several biochemical “languages,” but also by means of ultrasonic and electromagnetic signals. This is confirmed by the phenomenon of “whispering bacteria” when dying culture sends a signal that stimulates other cultures even separated from the first by a quartz glass [27]. In mental medicine, the loss of resonance with the world and with oneself is read in a broad multidisciplinary endoecological context. Not by chance has I. I. Mechnikov singled out in variations and levels of human consciousness states specific situational disbacteriosis thinking, having shown the value of normal intestinal microflora (gastric brain) for psychoimmunology [2]. Modern researches find in the etiopathogenesis of the fifth part of psychosomatic heart attacks and strokes pathogenic microorganisms [12]. That is why the current focus of microbiology is “social behaviour” of bacteria in biofilms and colonies, cooperations in conglomerates, creating epidemic effects outside usual infectious processes.

Mindsight mechanism is the ability to perceive and realize feelings and thoughts of the self, as well as thoughts and feelings of the others through specifically focused and directed attention. The word “mindsight” is coined by Daniel Siegel [45] and combines three components: 1) insight – literally breakthrough blasting both individual and public conscience; 2) empathy – the ability to feel and perceive both an individual, and a mass; 3) integration – launching network chain reactions of mental epidemics.

Highlighted mechanisms are the most universal and multi-disciplinary; in different ratios and proportions they are present in all the four planes of ME development: psychogenesis and sociogenesis, animogenesis and somatogenesis.

SYSTEMATICS OF MENTAL EPIDEMICS ME is the emergence of the cases (outbreaks) of mental disorders in the collective or on

the territory at a rate significantly higher than normally expected. Mental epidemics pass in the category of destructive when they begin to threaten the public conscience of the country as a whole. They can become pandemics, covering not only the country but also the continent.

ME are contagious polymodal and polymorphic mental disorders and states. Inside epidemic outbreak it is possible to find groups not only with three prenosological fractals: predisposition, latent, initial, but also with three nosological: developed clinical picture, chronization and outcome. In the debut of ME prenosological and early forms of mental illness prevail; in destructive ME threatening public conscience of the country as a whole – detailed clinical forms prevail, in pandemic ME – chronic and outcome states prevail. Quantitative and qualitative measurement of the depth and intensity of mental epidemic process can be obtained using an index of mental ecology of the individual, socio- and psychometrics, scales of quality of life and human development [41, 43].

Singular epidemicity of the modern world has transformed sporadic purely psychic epidemics into mental: accumulating all the variety of registers and resources of public conscience, modulated by the global web; generalizing stigmatizational mental contagiousness in new resonance-wave cascades architecture of the human brain mirror neurons that reflect the dynamics and rhythmics of noosphere shocks; changing the old linear



epidemicity of classical infectious processes into the multi-dimensional and multi-level synergetic dynamics.

And indeed, today's TV world news digests are increasingly approaching psycho-manipulative design of the weather forecasts – apparently with the same, but in fact with noosphere typhoons and differential pressure zones, cyclones and anticyclones interconnected and interdependent on a global scale.

There is no doubt that in the case of a task assignment the whole earth will face quickly and quietly outwardly natural but essentially man-made another change “of noosphere poles!” Creators of such “noosphere weather” do not forget about the mental tolerance and social time polarity of the set of subpopulations for which the illusion of the old world picture is maintained by the sacramental light verse refrain stating that “there is always rain in Rainville!” And such a village exists anywhere in the world ... Although “globally rainy” World, long ago having become demoralized and dehumanized, promises in the future cloacal warming to wash away the last islands of reason and morality. This is certainly a metaphor, but only dramatizing threats it is possible to achieve their actual perception.

The following operational classification of mental epidemics can be considered: 1. Mental epidemics of dependent disorders:

a) chemical: alcoholism, drug addiction, etc.; b) non-chemical: gambling, etc.; c) electronic: Internet and computer addiction, etc.; d) altered forms of eating behaviour: dietary manias, anorexia, bulimia,

manipulative nutraceuticals (dietary supplements), etc.; e) altered forms of interpersonal and group behaviour: sectarianism and fanaticism,

mobbing, etc.; f) altered forms of sexual behaviour: group exhibitionism in public,

hypercompensatory sex parades, etc.; g) vicarious: syndrome of demoralization, destructive professiogenesis

(workaholism), etc. 2. Mental epidemics of induced disorders:

a) early hystero-demonical: arctic hysteria or menerik, lishinka [a spell in Komi lands – Translator's note] and hernia, hand-wringing and sheva [mythological incarnation of the evil eye among the peoples of Komi – TN] etc.;

b) hystero-demonical renaissance: shamanism and magic, witchcraft etc.; c) induced neuro-psychic disorders: social phobias, anxiety-depressive, panic

disorders, etc. 3. Mental epidemics of psychosomatic disorders: arterial hypertension, coronary heart

disease, bronchial asthma, diabetes, cancer, rheumatoid arthritis, skin diseases, overweight and others.

4. Mental epidemics of somatoform disorders: somatized, hypochondriac, conversion, and others.

5. Mental epidemics of endoecological disorders: schizophrenic and schizoaffective, depressive, and others.

Despite the fact that the search of viruses and prions that cause schizophrenia, has not so

far been successful, many factors point to such a possibility, especially in the prenatal period.


Pavel I. Sidorov 80

Thus, many immune changes were detected, including IgA, IgG and IgM. Furthermore, significantly more schizophrenic patients than expected, are born in the late winter and early spring, although close seasonal rhythmics is noted also in depressions and other mental disorders. It is also important to take into account data of the Psychiatric genomic consortium [8], which suggests genetic connection of major mental illnesses, particularly schizophrenia and affective disorders, with a number of psychosomatic and neurological diseases such as rheumatoid arthritis, systemic lupus erythematosus, psoriasis, Crohn's disease, type 1 diabetes, multiple sclerosis. It is logical to assume commonness of etiopathogenic mechanisms of development of these disorders.

In the continuing situation of multiple etiopathogenic uncertainty it seems appropriate to attribute mental epidemics of schizophrenia and depression to a group of endoecological mental disorders. Previously adopted term “endogenous” becomes too narrow.

The definition of schizophrenia as a polymorphic resonance-coherent mental disorder [40] highlights its epidemicity. Biological evidence of at least the appropriateness of this approach is the study of NMDA-receptors involved in many important brain processes. They modulate the production of dopamine by neurons of the ventral tegmental area, modulate low-frequency oscillations of the brain by inhibitory thalamic interneurons, and processes of neuroplasticity and memory by the neurons of hippocampus and the prefrontal cortex [18, 20, 51].

Synergetic terminology does not just mechanistically substitute axiomatic clinical categories (in particular, autism as a resonance disorder or a defense mechanism and schisis as a coherent disorder), but reveals fundamentally new extensive and methodological resources that allow to combine different trends in their not arithmetic, but systemic interaction, creating mental medicine as psychiatric paradigm of the global trend of integrative medicine.

Epidemical interpretation of induced and dependent, psychosomatic and somatoform disorders have previously been cited by us in the framework of fairly traditional social epidemics [40]. However, it is synergetic bio-psycho-socio-spiritual methodology of mental medicine that provides the most comprehensive approach to the four-dimensional fractal dynamics of clinical-epidemic process.

Such multidisciplinarity becomes a requirement in the situation of simplified and ultra-fast access to the individual conscience (identity) of users of virtual social networks. The singularity of crisis reality transforms such seemingly banal communications into a new form of mental contagiousness and epidemicity. In this context, almost any mental disorder today can be seen as mental infection (instant, fast, slow, superslow, etc.) and mental epidemic. An urgent task is to study the characteristics and criteria of mental epidemicity threshold, as well as forms and types of singular progression and synergetic integrative assessment of the pest spot.

LEVELS OF THE EPIDEMIC PROCESS: FROM MOBBING TO TERRORISM

ME are a threat to public conscience as integral expression of mental health of the nation.

When the magnitude of ME becomes a danger to public health of the region, they become



social epidemics, developing into a destructive social epidemic in case of threat to public health of the country as a whole; further spread can be defined as a social pandemic, covering countries and continents.

A major role in attracting public attention to social epidemics played a bestseller of Malcolm Gladwell (The Tipping Point, 2000), dedicated to a journalistic study of mechanisms of contraction and development, origins and causes, of personal typology and progress of social epidemics. Journalistic approach allows the author to refer rumors and fashion, syphilis and crime to homogeneous social epidemics. Scientific approach requires evidence-based methodology for assessing and forecasting.

Attribution of the prevalence of psychosomatoses (diabetes, coronary heart disease, etc.) to social epidemics has become sufficiently habitual, although quantitative determination of such epidemicity threshold has not yet been formulated. Attribution of alcoholism and drug addiction to destructive social epidemics is also quite clear [21]. However, the epidemic spread of crime and terrorism must be more correctly described as asocial epidemics – destroying foundations of society.

It is possible to point out three main levels of noninfectious epidemical process: 1. Mental epidemics measured by the level of threats and damage to public conscience; 2. Social epidemics measured by the level of threats and damage to public health; 3. Asocial epidemics measured by the level of threats and damage to national security. Thus mental epidemic of radicalism and fanaticism may develop into a social epidemic of

bullying and crowding, and then into asocial epidemic of extremism and terrorism. Multidimensionality and multifactorness of such epidemic process requires precisely multidisciplinary synergetic approach. Isolation of mental epidemics level seems important for focusing the attention on the possibilities of the earliest possible preventive-correctional interventions.

For example, terrorism is one of the most multimodal and multilevel varieties of asocial epidemics. At the primary level of mental epidemics it is represented by mental terrorism of a mobbing nature that threatens public conscience of the collective or the village. Mental epidemic of mobbing becomes destructive when it begins to threaten public conscience of the whole country, acquiring this or that nationalist or religious ideology. Then mental epidemic evolves into social – threatening public health of the region and into destructive social epidemic, when the threat extends to the entire country. Phenomenologically this is described by syndromes of bullying and crowding. Subsequently epidemic develops into asocial represented in all forms of terrorism. Depending on the extent and magnitude of threats to the national security of the country as a whole, it can become destructive. The final form is a pandemic of terrorism spanning countries and continents.

Today, such the most famous pandemic is “Islamic State” (IS) – an international Islamic terrorist organization operating mainly in Syria and Iraq since 2013 as Islamic unrecognized quasi-state with the Sharia form of government. IS formation was preceded by the merging in 2006 of 11 radical Islamic groupings, headed by the local unit of “al Qaeda.” By 2015, tens of thousands of volunteers from nearly 100 countries are fighting in the ranks of IS.

Tetranuclear and four-dimensional bio-psycho-socio-spiritual diagnostics in mental medicine allows to give qualitative characteristics of the epidemic process, to evaluate and


Pavel I. Sidorov 82

predict the trajectory of its development, in a timely manner mobilizing sanogenetic and therapeutic resources.

INTERFACE OF PUBLIC CONSCIENCE PROTECTION Mental epidemics that are the subject of mental medicine, require the introduction of new

preventive-correctional and treatment-rehabilitation resources of system monitoring of mental health (SMMH) and mental health service (MHS), the effectiveness of the pilot models of which has already been demonstrated [41, 42, 43]. Fundamental health-oriented position of MHS is that it is engaged both in strengthening of mental health and in the treatment of mental illnesses, which prevents it from repeating “stigmatized curse” of nosocentric psychiatry. Pest spot of mental epidemic, characterized by enormous polymorphism and polymodality of clinical and psychological, social and moral phenomenology can be effectively localized and sanitated only by multidisciplinary MHS.

Currently there is an extremely popular and widespread in the scientific discourse interdisciplinary concept – an interface that is used to explain and design systems and mechanisms of selective non-destructive relationships in objects of animate and inanimate nature. Interface in the broad sense is defined by standards border between interacting independent objects. Interface, as an instrument of intersystem interaction defines its parameters, procedures and specifications. SMMH can be described as an interface of individual and public conscience.

The main properties of the human mind, defining it as an interface between the subject and the world of physical reality, include:

1. Selectivity of mind to all forms of stimulation: physical and social, spiritual and

psychological. 2. Plasticity of mind, providing creation, manifestation and limitation of degrees of

freedom in the framework of integrity of human personality and body. 3. Universality of mind that preserves functional properties, changing content in

different bodily forms. 4. Individuality of mind is determined by mechanisms of perceptual systems that form a

subjective reality. 5. Mirror transparency of mind in which the subject does not distinguish constructs that

arise in the mind under the influence of the physical world stimuli on the perceptual systems from the constructs created by the brain [36, 41, 43].

Interface properties of mind and human perceptual systems must be considered when

designing and implementing SMMH, and mental epidemics threats require a new quality of software and hardware systems MHS. Transition of humanity to new forms of technological pattern associated with intensive development of NBICS – convergence (nano - bio - info - cogno - socio) and artificial intelligence methods, leads to the total integration of the bio-psycho-socio-spiritual system of a person with society and technogenic environment, followed by the emergence of new forms of interface relations in integrative and, particularly, in mental medicine.



In summary, it can be noted that the infectious hypothesis of mental disorders has accompanied the entire history of psychiatry from a very specific hystero-demonical spell and search for prion agents of schizophrenia to attempts of endoecological linkage of psychopathology with the “dark energy and dark matter,” waiting for experimental confirmation on the Large Hadron Collider. Today, one can quantitatively and qualitatively measure the drift of identity [46] and the mental drift (similar with the antigenic drift) against cyber-virologic attack on the individual and group level, to assess the mental shift (almost as in slang Russian “mind shift,” what means – going insane) of individual and social identity, to describe resources of mental resilience and mental attenuation (similar with the attenuation of the microorganism in the vaccine) of psycho-manipulative and social stress factors. Mental medicine can not only provide a synergetic functional diagnosis of the patient, but it can also give a multidisciplinary characterization of resources of Spiritual immunity of the client, as well as to purposefully form a resistance to the vast register of mental epidemics. This just requires to systematically build up and arrange not so much a calendar of didactic mental “vaccination campaigns” as the style of the regular mental preventological “vitaminization” – i.e., resource-constructive and creative-pragmatist strengthening of public conscience and public health.

Whereas in classical epidemiology only one demographic trap is described, then in mental epidemiology there are hundreds of stressogenic mental traps requiring formation of adaptive strategies of mediation and ethics of business communication on psychohygienic level of upbringing and education in mental preventology. At the same time the effectiveness of psychoprophylactic “vitaminization and vaccination” can be measured in renewable resources of mental resilience.

Using the terminology of clinical epidemiology, even mental epidemics can be described as hyperendemic, holoendemic and endemic diseases. Mental immunization and genetic engineering correction of forecasted mental illnesses tomorrow will be as usual procedure, as the modern vaccination against infectious diseases. Already today we can quantitatively and qualitatively measure the mental virulence of virtual simulacra infecting reality and scan possibility of mental risk of public conscience. In this respect, mental epidemiology on a new synergetic methodological level develops traditions of the political epidemiology engaged in research of political factors, processes and conditions that affect public health [30].

Albert Einstein in a letter to Sigmund Freud (Caputh near Potsdam, 30.06.1932) sadly notes that “thirst of hatred and anger is located in man himself,” and asks: “Is it possible to control mental evolution of the human race in such a way as to make it sustainable against psychoses of violence and destruction?” In a response letter S. Freud (Vienna, September 1932) confirms “reality of instinct of hatred and destruction, inherent in the very person who is manipulated by the instigators of war.” Recognizing the lack of effective technologies for prevention of aggression and self-destruction, he notes that only “everything that in one form or another is made for the development of culture – works against the war” [34].

Over the past almost 100 years mental engineering of public and individual conscience has done tremendous technological evolution, which today is set by a singular dynamics of mental virology of horrific epidemics of violence and terrorism. This necessitated the search for new resources of multidisciplinary protection embodied in synergetic bio-psycho-socio-spiritual methodology of mental ecology and mental medicine, mental preventology and mental resilience, the development of mental health services and mental health system monitoring as interface of the public conscience. If personalized multidisciplinary protocols


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of brigade care to patients have become a clinical reality, then containment of mental epidemics requires new strategies of fight based on synergetic methodology. The principles of the new paradigm of adaptive protection of public health and public conscience from mental epidemics are:

− synergetic integrativity of programmes and projects; − multidisciplinarity and multi-level nature of resonance-coherent efforts; − instrumental-technological polymodality; − interactive and systematic approach of sanitizing and correcting, therapeutic and

rehabilitation communications; − programme-target and prognostic orientation; − consistency and continuity of synchronous events; − positivism and creative constructiveness; − civil and patriotic national response; − humanitarian and humanistic universally human refrain; − transparent gender-age organizational and methodical association of approaches; − block-modular design of therapeutic routes; − variability of mental resilience of preventological programmes; − unity of healthy way of life and moral meaning of life; − spiritual and moral dominant in building community and voluntary movements etc. Systemic and efferent confrontation to mental epidemics can be a model for constructing

the protection of public health and public conscience in modern crisis reality.

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Chapter 5

THE SUSPECT INTERVIEW IN COUNTER-TERRORISM INVESTIGATIONS

David Lowe* Liverpool John Moores University, Law School, Brownlow Hill,

Liverpool, UK

ABSTRACT

This chapter examines the conduct of UK Special Branch Counter-Terrorism Unit (CTU) officers’ conduct in suspect interviews. Empirical research with CTU officers was carried out. The research methods consisted of listening to taped copies of suspect interviews conducted by CTU officers and focus groups with those officers. Analysing the primary data from the research, comparison is drawn with previous research into interviewing terrorist suspects. This research is unique as previous research on the suspect interviews are from interviews predominantly conducted by military and national security personnel on terrorist suspects. From extensive searches, this research appears to be the first to contain primary data from police officers carrying out suspect interviews in counter-terrorism investigations. The analysis examines the relationship with legal representatives, the use of informal interviews with suspects and the CTU officers’ treatment and conduct towards terrorism suspects. As previous work on interviewing terrorist suspects refers to the use of torture inflicted by interviewing officers, when examining interviewing officer conduct in this study, all actions by the officers are considered, particularly to see if behaviour likely to degrade the suspect is used.

INTRODUCTION From primary data I obtained in a wider piece of research into all forms of high policing

suspect interviews, this article examines suspect interviewing in counter-terrorism investigations by the UK’s Special Branch Counter-Terrorism Units (CTU). A comparison is drawn with other research carried out on terrorist suspect interviews albeit based * Email: [email protected]; Telephone: 0151 231 3918.


David Lowe 88

predominantly from those conducted by military personnel not a public policing agency. Following an extensive search into the research conducted in this area, it appears that my research is the first examination of primary data regarding interviews with terror suspects conducted by police officers. This article assesses the research methods used to obtain the data. The main focus of the article analyses how CTU interview officers plan and conduct the suspect interview, assessing if there are any links to the findings from previous academic work on suspect interviewing.

PREVIOUS RESEARCH INTO TERRORISM SUSPECT INTERVIEWING FINDINGS

Findings on the standard and conduct in all categories of suspect interviews conducted by

the police are not complimentary. The most strident criticism comes from McConville, Sanders and Lang (1991), McConville (1992), McConville, Bridges and Pavlovic (1994), Sanders and Young (2002, 2003, 2007, 2007(a)), and, Sanders, Young and Burton (2010). For example, Sanders, Young and Burton (2010) chapter on interviewing suspects opens with a quote from a suspect interviewed on suspicion of the instigation, preparation and commission of acts of terrorism1:

‘... the feeling that one’s fate is in the hands of the very people who are apparently trying to convict you is, without doubt, one of the most devastating horrors a human being can ever be subjected to. It is ... the continuation of torture by other means ... I underwent 20 hours of vigorous interrogation while entire days were being completely wasted by the police micro-examining every details of my life ...’ (Sanders, Young and Burton 2010 p. 255)

Sanders, Young and Burton state that gathering information regarding possible planned

crimes is particularly important in the context of terrorism saying: ‘... sometimes there is no intention to bring legal proceedings against the interrogatee, at times there is no ‘deal’ on offer other than an end to what is sometimes close to torture.’ (Sanders, Young and Burton 2010 p. 258) To support this they cite the Rangzieb Ahmed case. Convicted in 2008 of serious

terrorism offences, prior to arrival in the UK to face trial Ahmed was tortured by Pakistan’s secret service (ISI) with assistance of information provided by MI5. The second example they cite is the Binyam Mohammed case2 who was found wandering around the Helmand province, Afghanistan in 2008 claiming he was on a hiking holiday. Taken to Pakistan, he states he was tortured by the American secret service agency, the CIA (Sanders, Young and Burton 2010 p. 291). Not having any primary data of public police terrorist suspect interviews, it may be Sanders, Young and Burton use the term ‘police ’in its generic term to

1 Section 41 Terrorism Act 2000. 2 Mohammed R (on the application of) v Secretary of State for Foreign & Commonwealth Affairs [2010] EWCA

Civ 65.


The Suspect Interview in Counter-Terrorism Investigations 89

include the security services like MI5, the CIA and the ISI. To do so can be misleading, as public police actions in western states are governed by different legislation compared to the security services.

Other research into police interviews with suspects is not as critical. Researching UK and Australian police interviews, Dixon (2007) found flaws in many officers’ approach to interviewing suspects, but has a more optimistic view on how the police are taking steps to remedy this. Key to this is training police officers the investigative style of interviewing under the PEACE model (Shepherd 2007). Admitting assessing interview performance is difficult, Dixon says:

‘What clearly emerges from this study is that good interviewers are people with

intelligence, commitment, capacity for empathy, and social skills. This may sound too much like stating the obvious, but it emphasises the point that interviewing in everyday cases need not be complicated.’ (2007 p. 216) From their primary data, Quinn and Jackson (2007) had a more positive conclusion

regarding police officers’ conduct in suspect interviews. They found a change in atmosphere today compared to the adversarial pre-Police and Criminal Evidence Act 1984 (PACE) days as many officers adopted greater openness with solicitors to evidence they wish to refer to in the interview (2007 p. 240-241).

Gudjonsson discusses the interviewing of terrorist suspects. Unfortunately, all the examples he cites are interviews by military personnel of terrorist suspects (2007 p. 472 – 474). Likewise, Gelles et.al (2006) examined the interviewing of terrorist suspects. None of the data they used involved public police officers conducting counter-terrorism investigations. Pearse (2006) also examined the interviewing of terrorist suspects, and again, the data he uses is in relation to military interviews, in particular detainees at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba and Abu Ghraib, Iraq. Gelles et.al and Pearse raised an important point concerning rapport building when interviewing terrorist suspects. This involves the interviewer understanding the cultural background, motivation and beliefs (Gelles et.al 2006 p. 29-30, Pearse 2006 p. 69-70). My data showed how important this factor is. When dealing with suspects from jihadist groups virtually most of the officers had to learn about the suspect’s religion and culture. Interviewing suspected terrorists is different from interviewing detainees suspected of committing conventional crime as the interviews main focus is information gathering rather than simply gaining an admission. In the interview, the relationship is also different. It is not between a police officer and criminal, it is between an individual committed to a cause with someone who they perceive as an enemy combatant. The political dimension of terrorism interviews cannot be ignored. Policing politics has been an important component of the UK’s Special Branch since its inception in 1883 (Bunyan 1976 p. 104-106, Gill 1993 p. 121).

METHODS OF RESEARCH Prior to becoming an academic at university I was a detective in one of the larger English

metropolitan force’s Special Branch, attached to a regional CTU and an interview trainer. Even though I had retired from the police, I was now an outsider and knew how difficult it would be to gain access to suspect interviews, especially with those carried out in high


David Lowe 90

policing investigations. Although retired from the police, my connection with the police family was maintained as I still assist the Police Federation (the UK police’s equivalent of a trade union) with advice on training their representatives. In relation to police research, this makes me what Reiner and Newburn term an ‘outsider insider,’ a police officer who has left the police but whose previous experience still presents unique advantages compared to total outsiders and who can identify with the rank-and-file police culture after becoming academics, enabling them to act as interpreters to outsiders (2008 p. 356).

I approached the Joint Branch Board (JBB) of three police forces’ Federation (from two separate CTU regions) explaining the nature of the research and requested their help in gaining access to detectives involved in counter-terrorism investigations. It was an issue the JBB’s supported as they wanted to use the research to assist their requests to increase training of police officers in suspect interviews. I agreed with the JBB’s to provide feedback to the officers who would be research subjects as part of ongoing training and development.

Anonymity was important, hence why I have not named the forces concerned or the officers whose interviews I monitored. More importantly, I retained the anonymity of the suspects interviewed and the names of any legal representatives who were present. Not having access to police custody suites, I had to devise a research strategy capable of producing meaningful and measurable data. With the agreement of the JBB’s, they made approaches to relevant police personnel involved in high policing investigations asking if they were prepared to participate in the research. The officers were informed that the research aim was to look at the standard and conduct of the respective officer’s interview with suspects, with a view to improving their skills.

Trust with individual officers was important. Already knowing a number of the police officers from my service days, there were some officers I had not met before. Knowing of my previous service was vital in gaining their trust and confidence. Firstly, I was not quite the outsider. Having been in their situation, the officers knew I had done the job and understood of their role. Secondly was trust. Having signed the Official Secrets Act, even though I have retired, I am still bound by it. Therefore, it was important for the officers to know I would not reveal any sensitive information I came across. They were informed I would be robust and honest in my findings and they had to be agreeable to that.

Another factor to consider was coming across breaches of the law or the PACE Codes of Practice by the interviewing officers, Breaches of the Codes of Practice are not in themselves illegal, at most, breaching the codes render any evidence inadmissible at any subsequent trial. This ethical burden was removed by the JBB’s who agreed to take up any breaches found with senior police officers. The 2003 Social Research Association’s (SRA) Ethical Guidelines on avoiding undue intrusion, states that social researchers must strive to be aware of the intrusive potential of their work adding that:

‘The advancement of knowledge and the pursuit of information are not themselves

sufficient justifications for overriding other social and cultural values.’ (SRA 2003 Para 4.1 pp. 25-26) Listening to working copies of the tapes is intrusive, but consideration is given to this

point and with the JBB’s, it was agreed I would not be overriding any values. In order to acquire sufficient number of interviews to make a meaningful analysis, the

data collection period was just under three years.. This is due to the fact high policing



investigations can take many months, from my sample, around four months on average. This is unlike low policing investigations, where suspect interviews for minor criminal activity take place on a daily basis. In the data collection period I accessed interview tapes from fourteen counter-terrorism investigations with each suspect having on average ten interviews per investigation. I conducted plenary sessions with groups of officers as well as having one-to-one interviews’ with individual officers. During these sessions I discussed various topics relating to interviewing suspects. With the officers’ knowledge, these sessions were tape recorded to allow me to play back their replies and record them accurately.

EXAMPLES OF UK CASES THAT HAVE CAUSED CRITICISM OF

POLICE OFFICER CONDUCT IN SUSPECT INTERVIEWS The courts as well as findings in academic studies have raised concerns regarding police

conduct when interviewing suspects in a number of investigations into serious offences in English law. Examples include Kisko who was convicted of the sexual assault and murder of Lesley Moleseed in 1975. Prosecution evidence relied on admissions Kisko made during interview at a police station. After serving sixteen years in prison, his conviction was quashed as it was proved Kisko could not produce semen, something overlooked by the police in their desire to secure an admission (Jenkins 2007). In 1978 Patrick Molloy, Jim Robinson, Michel Hickey and Vincent Hickey3 were convicted of the murder of thirteen year old Carl Bridgewater. Following robust interviewing by the police, the admissions they made was the main evidence against the four men. Following a retrial, they were acquitted in1997. Pre-PACE the police role was to arrest a suspect and bring them before the courts as soon as practicable (Dixon 1997 p. 128). It can be argued in the cases prior to the PACE it would be unlikely such practice would occur post-PACE.

An example where such practice continued post-PACE is seen in Paris, Abdullahi and Miller (the Cardiff Three) in 1988.4 Convicted of the murder of Lynette White, following robust interviewing, admissions were elicited from the three men, in particular Miller. Horrified at the police style of interviewing, the Court of Appeal (CA) quashed the convictions in 1992 adding, ‘… it was hard to conceive of a more hostile and intimidating approach by officers to a suspect.’

The Guilford Four and the Birmingham Six are two infamous terrorism cases that resulted in miscarriages of justice. These cases are form the period referred toast eh Irish Troubles (1968-1997) where the UK’s CTU’s were investigating the Provisional IRA (Punch 2012). Both were pre-PACE. One of the Guilford Four, Paul Hill (1990) recounted what he endured when in detention at the police station prior to charge. His interviews were an example of the police having a free hand in their behaviour towards a suspect believed to be involved in terrorist activity (Hill 1990 p. 60-93). Two officers entered Hill’s cell, one wearing a holster from which he took his gun and pointed it at Hill saying, ‘Try to run and you’ll get some of this. Are you proud of yourself, you bastard?’ (Hill 1990 p. 61) During his detention the police humiliated and threatened him, with police activity ranging from

3 R v Hickey (Michael), Hickey (Vincent), Molloy and Robinson [1997] 2 Cr.App.R.283. 4 R v Paris Adbullahi and Miller [1994] CrimLR 228 at 228.


David Lowe 92

continuously kicking his cell door to sleep deprivation. He was not fed for the first thirty-six hours of his detention (1990 p, 68) and his cell door flap was often lowered and the barrel of a pistol was pointed into his cell at him where the officer shouted, ‘That is for all of you, you bastard’ (1990 p. 65). While interviewed, Hill was handcuffed to a chair, shouted at and referred to as a ‘fucking murderer’ (1990 p. 67-68). He was lied to by officers as to the strength of the evidence they had on his connection with the Guilford bombing and he suffered physical beatings.

A similar oppressive police pattern of behaviour occurred during the interviewing of Paddy Joe Hill, one of the Birmingham Six arrested following the Birmingham bombings in 1974. During the interviews, he was told he would not be allowed to see a solicitor as he had no rights because he was a ‘little Irish murdering bastard’ (1995 p. 71). While being transported to Birmingham, one of the escorting officers drew out a revolver placing the barrel into Paddy Joe Hill’s mouth and pulled the trigger,. The gun was unloaded, not that Paddy Joe Hill knew this (1995 p. 76-77). At the police station the six suspects continued to receive brutal treatment at the hands of the police with further beatings, as well as intimidation, as a shotgun was routinely placed through the cell door flap with Paddy Joe Hill being told to stand up and then sit down and suffered sleep deprivation (1995 p. 79). The interviewing officers misrepresented facts to Paddy Joe Hill claiming his wife made a statement saying he was a member of the Provisional IRA (PIRA) and that he attended PIRA meetings, and then called his wife an ‘IRA whore’ and his daughters would grow up to be ‘IRA whores’ (1995 p.81).

The Guilford and Birmingham bombings were over thirty years ago and clearly they are interrogations that include torture rather than interviews to ascertain evidence or establish the guilt of a suspect. Under the cloak of secrecy the CTU still operate under today, it was important to see what changes had been made during interviews with terrorist suspects.

INTERVIEWING TERRORIST SUSPECTS In the UK counter-terrorism suspect interviews are governed by Schedule 8 Terrorism

Act 2000 and PACE Codes of Practice Code H paragraphs 11-14,5 Code E6 and Code F7 (where visual recording facilities are available). The decision to arrest is given by the senior investigating officer (SIO) after consultation with the Joint Intelligence Board, which includes agencies like MI5. It is important to note that CTU officers’ role in counter-terrorism is to arrest and gather sufficient evidence to charge a suspect to bring them before a criminal court. Their role is not to get involved in a manner aimed at changing events so they become favourable to the interests of the security of the state like MI5 or MI6 in the UK.

Once the decision has been made to arrest and search premises of suspected terrorists, arrangements are made with selected custody suites to be ready to accept terrorist suspects. In counter-terrorist investigations custody suites have to be cleared of all other detainees not

5 Code H 11 -12 Conduct of interviews in general. Code H is the codes of practice in connection with the UK

detention, treatment and questioning by police officers of persons who are terrorists suspects. In terrorism investigations Code C does not apply.

6 Code E PACE Code of Practice on Audio Recording with Suspects. 7 Code F PACE Code of Practice on Visual Recording with Sound of Interviews with Suspects.



involved in the case. This is for two reasons as one of the detective sergeants in the research informed me:

‘We have to make sure there’s no possibility of cross-contamination of physical

evidence such as DNA from other prisoners already in custody. The custody suites have to be cleaned thoroughly before our suspects arrive. It’s essential to minimise the potential of an acquittal where doubt comes in from being sloppy with physical evidence. The second reason is for security. It stops other prisoners not related to the case talking to the terrorist suspects while in the cells. No one else not related to the investigation, including bobbies, can enter the custody suite. That makes it’s easier to keep it secure.’ (DS2CTI4) Once a decision has been made to arrest a suspect, part of the planning stage is

assembling the interviewing teams. This is one of the main differences found in high policing compared to low policing. A CTU team of detectives comprises of officers with varying policing skills. Some are more skilled at foot surveillance while some are more skilled at interviewing. As one detective constable told me:

‘Interviewing suspects is not for everyone In counter-terrorism you need patience as

you’re going to be interviewing day after day, all day, deal with briefs [solicitors] and possibly put up with a lot of silence from the suspect. It’s hard to keep going when someone’s not responding but I love the challenge and because I’ve had the advanced training, I get to do most of the interviews.’ (DC12 CTI7) All of the officers in the interview teams I researched received the basic and advanced

PEACE investigative interview training package.

DEALING WITH LEGAL REPRESENTATIVES IN COUNTER-TERRORISM SUSPECT INTERVIEWS8

On the topic of planning I raised the issue of dealing with solicitors and legal

representatives. Out of the fourteen investigations, in thirteen all the suspects requested the solicitor upon arrival at the police station. In the one that did not, after a day of being questioned the suspect changed their mind and requested the presence of a solicitor. When the officers were asked about their view to having a solicitor present at the interview virtually of the officers welcomed them. While only two of the CTU officers were still uneasy about it, both officers were nearing the end of their police careers with one saying, ‘While I know it helps having them there, I still don’t trust them, but I’m old fashioned I suppose’ (DC7CTI5). The welcoming of legal representatives at suspect interviews by police officers is a similar finding in research carried out in other areas of policing (Dixon 2007 p. 126, Quinn and Jackson 2007 p. 240). The attitude of the overwhelming majority of the officers from my research can be summed up with this typical response:

8 Governed by section 58 PACE and Code H (6) Codes of Practice.


David Lowe 94

‘I’d prefer to have a brief there than not have one. It helps to eliminate any accusation of dodgy tactics on our part and it’s harder for the defence to accuse us of being oppressive or using underhand tactics to get information from a suspect, especially a cough [admission]. It’s even better when there’s video recording and a brief present, as the court can see we sat at one end of the table, the suspect and their brief at the other and as it says from our training, we managed a conversation with the suspect, we didn’t interrogate them.’ (DS3CTI10) The offences in the research period were serious and indictable (heard at the Crown Court

only). As a result, all legal representation was by a fully qualified solicitor not a paralegal. When the officers were asked how they felt when solicitors interrupted the interviews, most saw it as part of the process. As one put it, ‘… it’s all part of the game. They’ve got to be seen as doing their best for their client’ (DC9CTI2). On listening to the copies of the working tapes there were a number of occasions were the solicitor interrupted the interview. Most of the challenges were made when officers repeated the same question their clients had previously answered. The solicitors pointed out it was bordering on oppression The other interruptions were on the occasions the officers introduced evidence or facts the solicitor had not been aware of and had not been able to advise their client accordingly. A typical example is seen in the following transcript:

Detective Constable (DC): Didn’t you think it was strange your cousin kept wanting

you to take these packages to his friend late at night? Suspect: No, he hasn’t got a car and as he’s family I didn’t mind doing it for him DC: You must’ve wondered what was in the packages? You must’ve been suspicious

it was something illegal? Suspect: No, I wasn’t suspicious. I trust my cousin, he’s never been in trouble before

so why should I be suspicious? If he does anything, he downloads DVD’s for his mate’s market stall. That’s what I thought they were.

DC: Come on XXX, are you saying your cousin, who rang you at all hours of the day, including the middle of the night and asked you drop stuff off for him didn’t make you suspicious as to what was inside them? The best you can come up with is you thought they were illegally downloaded DVD’s. It doesn’t add up, so you must have been suspicious as to what was really inside them?

Solicitor: Officer: What you think is not relevant here officer. My client has answered your question and if you repeat it again it’s bordering on oppression. [To suspect] If she asks you that question about being suspicious as to what was in the packages again, you do not have to answer it. (CTI6) With that officer’s permission and in their presence, I played this excerpt of the interview

to a plenary group consisting of CTU officers. They agreed this was a typical exchange between interviewing officers and solicitors. One response typical of the feeling of most of the officers was:

‘It’s good as it keeps you on your toes. When you’re into a couple of days of

interviewing the same suspect, you can get interview fatigue. So I don’t mind it. Most are firm but professional doing a job, just like we are and we want it right so the interviews are admissible.’ (DC9 CTI)



In the plenary sessions I raised the topic of briefing solicitors that takes place before the interviews commence so the solicitor can advise their client. My data shows another difference in suspect interviewing in high policing in comparison to low policing. Unlike many interviews emanating from uniform officer arrests where the custody officers put pressure on the interviewing officers to carry out the suspect interview a quickly as possible, in counter-terrorism investigations interviewing officers are given sufficient time to prepare for the suspect interview and the solicitor’s briefing. Most of the data from research carried out on interviews in low policing found that uniform officers in particular were rushed by custody officers or senior officers to interview suspects without being given time to adequately prepare. As Dixon found:

‘... lack of planning was evident in a number of interviews in which officers shuffled thought notes and witness statements which they had apparently not consulted before hand. It was common to see officers looking at material with which they were either unfamiliar or which they had forgotten and framing questions on the run.’ (2007 p. 178-179) In my data the complete opposite was found. Interviewing officers were given time to go

through the evidence ranging from surveillance recordings (visual and audio) to physical evidence found at a search to be raised in an interview so they were fully familiar with it. In counter-terrorism investigations none of the interviewing officers are present at a search, they are based at the custody suite the suspect is detained and study the evidence coming in from the investigating officers. In addition to this, the interview teams have briefings between themselves, especially when more than one suspect is detained, as well as updating the SIO. Where more than one suspect is detained, the second and third suspect can be at a different custody suite to prevent any communication between them. So a CTU interviewing team will invariably have the custody suite to themselves.

This allows officers to prepare briefing packs for their meeting with the solicitor. None of these were audio recorded but the briefing is normally carried out by two CTU officer with one carrying out the briefing, the second making handwritten contemporaneous notes, which I saw copies of. When asked why they made notes, the rationale was for use during the interview should a solicitor claim they were not informed of what the interviewing officer raised, and, for use in any subsequent trial if challenged in cross-examination regarding what was disclosed to the solicitor prior to the suspect interview. I was given examples of briefing packs and they contained list of topics they were to raise, copies of statements (with parts revealing identities of the statement maker blanked out and parts of the statement that could identify the statement maker), and description of physical evidence they were going to refer to in the interview. When asked if the officers ever kept anything back from solicitors during these briefings, they only showed a solicitor what they were going to refer to in that actual interview. They did not inform the solicitor of all the evidence they had during the first briefing. A typical response reflecting accurately what the officers said came from a detective sergeant:

‘With just one suspect detained for up to seven days, we’ll carry out three or four

interviews a day, so in five days we’ll carry out fifteen or so interviews. We brief the solicitor before each session and only tell them what we’ll be raising for that session.


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They know we don’t show our whole hand from day one, even though they’ll ask what further evidence we have. That’s only natural as they’re doing their job. To be honest, the first couple of interviews covers the evidence from the surveillance. As premises are still being searched even we don’t know of any other physical evidence ... [officer gave me examples of the type of evidence he was referring to] ... but if a solicitor asks and we know of more evidence, then it’s a judgement call. If we think it’ll help to get the suspect talking we’ll tell them. If we hold back, then we’ll only raise that evidence at the end of the interview session, run another solicitor briefing and give them time to advise their suspect further. This is all part of the tactics in avoiding a no comment interview or to use the silence to get a possible inference to their guilt in court.9 Tell the brief nothing and the suspect can go no comment with impunity, they’re the rules. So it’s not in our interest to hold back with the brief [solicitor].’ (DS1 CTI 10)

INFORMAL INTERVIEWING OF SUSPECTS Another issue I raised with the CTU interview officers was what Sanders, Young and

Burton refer to as ‘informal questioning’ (2010 p. 300-304). These are interviews conducted outside the interview room occurring, ‘... in the street, in the car, at the custody officer’s desk or in the cells ...’ (Sanders, Young and Burton 2010 p. 300). Every officer denied the existence of informal interviews in counter-terrorism investigations. When I probed this issue, the officers explained that firstly the interview officers only meet the suspect when they go to the interview room. They have no contact with the suspect during the arrest, transportation to the police station or at the time the arresting officer relates the circumstance of the arrest to the custody officer. Virtually all the interview officers did state they will speak to the detectives in the team that had contact with the suspect to ascertain the suspect’s demeanour. Secondly, in the custody offices used in the three force areas subject of this research, all had CCTV cameras covering the custody desk and the cell passageways. If they had approached the suspects in the custody suite it would be recorded and available to professional standards (the team investigating complaints and improper conduct of police officers) and the Independent Police Complaints Commission. The third reason given can be seen in this succinct response summing up the response of all the officers:

‘If we got caught doing that, what would we gain? Our investigations take months of

hard graft to get to the arrest stage. Then we’ve bosses and the likes of MI5 looking over our shoulder all the time that if anyone got caught doing it they would get their balls chewed off by the bosses and the other members of the team. When we‘ve so much evidence against them, why would we want to cock it up by having an informal chat in the cell? Play it straight and you’re more likely to get a result.’ (DS5 CTI12)

9 Here the officer is referring to section 34 Criminal Justice and Public Order Act 1994 and the legal issues over the

right to silence where a suspect who fails to answer a question and they can give an explanation they know of at the time of the interview, then an inference to their guilt can be drawn in any subsequent trial. There is insufficient room to discuss this in detail for this article, but Sanders, Young and Burton give an overview (2010 p. 260-264).



One important theme that emerged from the responses regarding informal interviewing of suspects is the officers’ perceived ownership of the investigation. My data showed that as the junior ranking officers carrying out the operational side of the investigation invest so much time and their skills on intelligence and evidence gathering over a long period of time, they feel they have a true stake in the outcome of the investigation. The responses in my data show that during the whole investigation, not just the interview process, any member of the investigation team who feels the need to take unauthorised or underhand methods to gain evidence will not only run the possibility of jeopardising the investigation due to action by disciplinary departments, they will feel the wrath of their colleagues who will generally not have any compunction in telling their senior ranking colleagues (Lowe 2011 p. 244).

It was not just the fact that colleagues who were part of the investigation team would inform of any malpractice carried out by a team member, specifically on the issue of informal interviewing in counter-terrorism investigations gatekeepers in preventing this occurring are the custody suite staff. All the officers in the research made the point that custody sergeants and assistants strictly control movement in the custody suite. The response below reflects all of the responses:

‘Even though we’ve effectively taken over a custody suite, we’re in still effect

guests. We don’t have freedom to wander where we like. The custody officer says who goes where and when and it’s them and the custody assistants who have keys to access the cells and the passageways. When it’s time for interview us even though the custody record’s signed passing them over to us, we have to wait in the interview room while one of the assistants gets the suspect and it’s them that brings the suspect from the cell to the interview room.’ (DC3CTI5) In one of the plenary sessions an officer made the following statement that was agreed by

the rest of the officers at the session:

‘I’ve got nine years in and I’ve heard older detectives talk of the days of interviewing in cells and other things that you wouldn’t get away with now. Today, most custody offices are centralised with dedicated custody staff. I’ve never known a time where I could go to a cell and talk to a prisoner, even when I was a sprog [recruit] in uniform. There’s none of that cosy loyalty between the custody officer and the officers on their section like I’ve heard of in the past. I’ve always found that custody officers protect themselves and their staff even in CTU jobs. That’s only right, as they’d drop in the shit if we were caught doing underhand things.’ (DC8CTI11) It was interesting to note that some of the officers like the one above referred to his

experiences when carrying out low policing activity, but it was an overwhelming response that in counter-terrorism investigations the interview officers stick to the guidelines in schedule 8 Terrorism Act 2000 and the PACE Codes of Practice, as the main motivation behind this is the fear of anything said by a suspect being rendered inadmissible. This is due in part to an increase in supervision by the SIO and other senior managers who listen to the interview recording as well as other stakeholders such as MI5, which is not as prevalent in low policing investigations. The other factor that came out from the interview and the plenary sessions is the cost in time and money spent on one, single investigation in addition to the fact


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CTU investigations attract a high media attention, and any infringement found by the media results in a micro-analysis (albeit some time later at any subsequent trial). In essence, due to the wide and varied supervision of suspect interviews claims from writers like Sanders, Young and Burton regarding informal interviews appear not to be as prevalent in counter-terrorism suspect interviews.

THE USE OF ‘TORTURE’ IN SPECIAL BRANCH COUNTER-TERRORISM SUSPECT INTERVIEWS

Research into interviewing terrorist suspects claim that torture was exercised by the

police officers who were the interviewers (Sanders, Young and Burton 2010 p. 255). Behind this finding by Sanders, Young and Burton is that in the UK under the Terrorism Act 2000 terrorist suspects could be detained up to twenty-eight days before charge. The other fact forming this claim is that during counter-terrorism interviews, the suspect was subjected to questioning in micro detail about their background, lives and personal details. During the research period, the twenty-eight day period was never used by the officers researched. Most suspects were either charged or released within the first seven days. In relation to two suspects interviewed examined in my research, there was one application made to the courts for an increase in detention prior to charge to fourteen days. These findings are supported by the MacDonald Report 2011 that reviewed the UK’s counter-terrorism and security powers. It found no requests for a twenty-eight day period had been made since 2007 and rarely had there been a request for fourteen days. There had only been one request for a twenty-one day period of detention prior to charge since 2006. As a result, the Report concluded that the maximum period a terrorist suspect can be detained prior to charge is fourteen days and if a period between fourteen to twenty-eight days is required it must be for a risk of exceptional event to be catered for by having emergency legislation ready for placing before Parliament (2011 p. 7).10

This leans to the point raised by the CTU officers that in counter-terrorism suspect interviews not only are the interviewing officers given time to prepare for interviews during the detention, as they pointed out, up to forty-eight hours before an arrest is made, a couple of officers are identified as interviewing officers and pulled off the surveillance period. This to allow them to familiarise themselves with the evidence/intelligence they have at that point and prepare interview packs. In addition to this, during the period the suspect is detained in custody, analysts and officers are examining evidence brought in from both the searches of premises as well as further ongoing enquiries resulting from what is found or said by a suspect during interview. As a result, the interviews are thoroughly planned to increase efficiency and effectiveness in both time relating to the custody clock and quality of any evidence/intelligence obtained during the interviews. This is another important difference between low policing and high policing suspect interviews. In low policing there may only be a uniform or area CID detective acting on their own, whereas in high policing investigations there is in effect a small army of police officers and civilian support staff behind the scenes examining evidence or carrying out further enquiries on new leads or confirming what a 10 At the time of writing, these measures are incorporated in the Terrorism Prevention and Investigation Measures

Bill 2011 going through UK Parliament.



suspect says in interview. Apart from attending update conferences, while the suspect is detained the interviewing officers’ sole place of work is either a side room in the custody suite to plan the next interview, a briefing room to see the legal representative or the interview room.

On the theme of torture being deployed in counter-terrorism suspect interviews Gudjonson’s data emanates from military interviews, the style of which he says are ‘coercive and oppressive in nature’ (2007 p. 473). Williamson’s data relates to military interrogation techniques that are intended to humiliate and disorientate detainees, adding, ‘... harsh techniques can be counterproductive in overcoming terrorist threats’ (2006 p. 14). The techniques amounting to torture Pearse referred to from interviews conducted by the military include ‘maximisation’ where the interviewer tried to scare and intimidate the suspect by making false claims regarding the strength of the evidence (2006 p.76), deprivation of water, food, sleep, suitable accommodation and basic rights (as his data comes from the military he refers to the Geneva Convention) (2006 p.77), manipulation where interviewers manipulate details, introduce themes and attack the suspect’s emotional well being and stature (2006 p. 78) and degradation where the interviewer humiliates and degrades a suspect’s self belief, self-esteem and cultural or religious beliefs (2006 p. 79). These we saw in the interviews of the Birmingham Six and the Guildford above.

Article 3 European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR) states that no person shall suffer torture, inhuman or degrading treatment. From the claims made, it is worth analysing if inhuman or degrading behaviour is exhibited by the CTU interviewing officers. Under article 3, inhuman treatment is that which causes intense physical and mental suffering. Degrading treatment is that which arouses feeling in victim a feeling of fear, anguish and inferiority capable of debasing and humiliating the victim. Examples include handcuffing a prisoner while attending hospital to receive treatment11, drug mules being given emetics by doctors to induce vomiting12 and suspects handcuffed while being strip searched for firearms.13 The terms inhuman and degrading treatment is wide under ECHR jurisprudence, and these terms appear in PACE regarding oppression where it states if a confession is obtained through oppression a court will not allow that confession to be given in evidence.14 PACE defines oppression to include, ‘... torture, inhuman or degrading treatment and the use or threat of violence (whether or not amounting to torture).15 The Court of Appeal in Fulling elucidated further what behaviour amounts to oppression saying it is:

‘The exercise of authority or power in a burdensome, harsh, or wrongful manner,

unjust or cruel treatment of subjects, inferiors ... the imposition of unreasonable or unjust burdens.’16 In addition to oppression, PACE has a further safeguard for suspects as any evidence

(which would include that obtained during suspect interviews) admitted to the court that has,

11 Istrati and ors v Moldova App Nos 8721/05, 5705/05 and 8742/05. 12 Jalloh v Germany [2007] CrimLR 717. 13 Wiesar v Austria App No 2293/03. 14 Section 76 (2) Police and Criminal Evidence Act 1984. 15 Section 76 (8) Police and Criminal Evidence Act 1984. 16 R v Fulling [1987] QB 426 at 429.


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‘…such an adverse effect on the fairness of proceedings ... the court ought not to admit it.’17 This section of PACE gives the courts wider discretion to render evidence that breaches fairness inadmissible. This is a lower threshold as to what amounts to torture in section 76 of PACE. It is important that suspects who later become defendants are given maximum protection in criminal trials where the full power of the state is used to bring about a prosecution. None more so than for suspects detained in high policing investigations like counter-terrorism where in the last ten years the state both in the UK and other western states have given support to policing and security service agencies investigating counter-terrorism and introduced anti-terror laws that have encroached on human rights.18

Returning to the point Sanders, Young and Burton make that interviewing terrorist suspects is more about information gathering than eliciting a confession and with the interviews taking place over a number of days, it amounts to torture, I assiduously went through the copies of the working tapes of the counter-terrorism suspect interviews. Having extensively searched for other related research with primary data from policing agencies’ interviews with terror suspects and finding none, it was important this examination was a true and accurate finding. From fourteen investigations I had a total of 235 tapes to listen to. This came to 157 hours of interviewing to examine, taking twenty days to complete. It was important to listen to all the tapes to see what the interviewing officers asked suspects from the outset.

As the interview officers informed me, the aim of suspect interview is linked to the general aim counter-terrorism investigations, prevention. They informed me, and I knew from my days in the CTU, it was important to get as much micro detail from a suspect as possible in order to save lives. In most low policing suspect interviews the focus is on gaining admissions from the suspect. As the crime has already occurred, it is in the process of being detected. While not wanting to sound dismissive, the danger to the public from a theft that has occurred is negligible, whereas a trying to prevent a terror attack that could kill many is an onerous responsibility placed on CTU officers. As the member of the Provisional IRA responsible for the Brighton bomb attack in 1984 targeting the British Government during the Conservative Party Conference said, the terrorist only has to be lucky once while the security agencies have to be lucky one hundred per cent of the time (Taylor 1997 p. 253). Sanders, Young and Burton postulate on how counter-terrorism suspect interviews go into minute detail of a suspect’s private life, their associates, their beliefs and movements. As came out of the interview tapes, and, as explained by the interview officers, the smallest piece of information could be the biggest break during an investigation to finding others or the terrorist plot.

In all of the interviews breaks were taken to allow the suspect to eat hot meals19 and as most of the suspects were Muslim the food was Halal food. The officers followed the Codes

17 Section 78 (1) Police and Criminal Evidence Act 1984. 18 Recent examples include R (Gillan) v Commissioner of the Metropolis and another; R (Quinton) v Same [2004]

TLR 409 that became Gillan v UK (2010) which brought about the repeal of section 44 Terrorism stop and search powers, and, Secretary of State for the Home Office v AP (2010) which brought about the repeal of a whole statute, the Prevention of Terrorism Act 2005 governing control order. Both pieces of legislation were found to violate article 5 ECHR – right to liberty and security of the person.

19 Police and Criminal Evidence Act 1984 Codes of Practice, Code H 8.6.



of Practice in relation to breaks when it is not for a meal or for the rest period.20 For example there were breaks for Muslim suspects to return to their cell in order to carry out their religious obligation of the five daily prayers. Officers made a point of mentioning this when they gave the reason why the interview was being stopped. In all of the tapes that were first of the day, the interviewing officers checked with the suspect they had been given time to rest21 and the times the tapes commenced confirmed this. Smoking was an issue for some of the suspects as smoking inside work places has been prohibited in the UK since July 2007 and is prohibited in the interview as well as the rest of the inside of the custody suite. A typical example of the dialogue regarding smoking that I found in the tapes is:

‘Suspect: I need a cigarette boss DC: We have been going for over an hour and I suppose you haven’t had a cigarette

yet this morning? Suspect: No and I’m dying for a smoke. DC: OK, just one more question and then we’ll take a break and I’ll go and see if one

of the custody assistants’ll take you to the exercise yard for a smoke. Then we’ll carry on after that.’ (CTI4) When asked why they did this, all the officers stated it was to minimise the accusation of

being seen as oppressive. The officers also informed me that as virtually all of the suspects would be detained for over twenty-four hours, where they could be, arrangements were made with the suspects family or friends for changes of clothing to be brought in as well as washing items, to minimise any accusation of being oppressive.

Regarding questioning style used by the interviewing officers very few swear words used. Most came from the suspect and at times the interview officers were mirroring what the suspect had said when they swore. The interviewing officers’ voices were not raised, they were matter-of-fact and calm. Whenever a topic area was raised by the officers, they would give a brief explanation of why they were bringing it up. A typical example was:

‘OK XXX I now want to talk about your work at YYY as I want to establish what

you did there, what connections you made, who you worked with and what they did.’ (CTI7) There was some repetition of questions by the officers, even where the suspect had given

an answer. Where it was obvious, the solicitor intervened, but one tactic used by some of the interviewing officers was to repeat an answer from the suspect and rephrase the question. Perhaps the most controversial aspect of the counter-terrorism suspect interview is when interviewing officers probe in micro detail the answers given by a suspect. This the area referred to as robust questioning. From the tapes it was evident the officers were testing the truthfulness of the suspect and eliciting information that could be checked out by investigating officers on the team following the interview’s conclusion. There was nothing found in all the tapes that would amount to inhuman or degrading treatment under the 20 Police and Criminal Evidence Act 1984 Codes of Practice Code H 12.8 that states short breaks from interviewing

should be provided at two hourly intervals. 21 Police and Criminal Evidence Act 1984, Codes of Practice, Code H 12.2, a detainee must be given a period of at

least 8 hours rest free from questioning.


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definition of torture for article 3 ECHR or for section 76 PACE. There appeared to be nothing present that would even be considered as inadmissible under section 78 PACE.

CONCLUSION As far as can be made out from extensive secondary research, this piece of research

appears to be the only one with primary data obtained from police officers conducting interviews with terrorist suspects. It is important to differentiate between police officers, military personnel and security service agencies when examining terrorist suspect interviews. All three agencies’ actions are governed by different legislation, although in the UK all three do have to act in a manner that does not violate the ECHR. That was important when examining the allegations of torture occurring during the suspect interviews conducted by CTU police officers. As highlighted, counter-terrorism investigations are unique as the focus is on prevention and intelligence gathering, this extends to the suspect interview. As pointed out, one consequence of this is terrorist suspects being detained for a number of days at a police station undergoing a number of interviews where interviewing officers probe in micro details all aspects of the suspect’s life. From my data I found the officers stuck to the law and Codes of Practice to the letter as the driving motivation behind this being to ensure anything said by a suspect would be admissible at any subsequent trial. In all of the tapes, I found the interviewing officers were professional in how they conducted the interviews and treated the suspect.

REFERENCES

BBC News (2011) US Court case reveals CIA rendition details, retrieved from http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-us-canada-14745941 [accessed 27th July 2014].

Bunyan, T., (1976) The History and Practice of the Political Police in Britain London: Quartet Books.

Dixon, D., with Travis, G., (2007) Interrogating Images: Audio-visually recorded questioning of suspects Sydney: Sydney Institute of Criminology.

Gill, P., (1994) Policing Politics: Security Intelligence and the Liberal Democratic State London: Frank Cass.

Gilles, MG., et al. (2006) Al Qaeda-related subjects: a law enforcement perspective in Williamson, T., (editor) ‘Investigative Interviewing’ Cullompton: Willan Publishing p. 23-41.

Gudjonsson, GH., (2007) Investigative Interviewing in Newburn, T., et al. (editors) Handbook of Criminal Investigation Cullompton: Willan Publishing p. 466-492.

Hill, P., with Bennett, R., (1990) Stolen Years: Before and After Guilford London: Transworld Publishers.

Hill, PJ., (1995) Forever Lost, Forever Gone London: Bloomsbury Publishing. Jenkins, R., 2007. Conviction too late for victim of “worst miscarriage of justice” of all time

The Times 13 Nov, p. 12. Lowe, D., (2011) The lack of discretion in high policing Policing and Society 21(2) 233-247.



Review of Counter-Terrorism and Security Powers: A Report by Lord Macdonald of River Glaven QC (Cmd 8003 2011).

McConville, M., Sanders, A., and Leng, R., (1991) The Case for the Prosecution London: Routledge.

McConville, M., 1992 ‘Video-taping interrogations: police behaviour on and off the camera’ Criminal Law Review [1992] 522-548.

McConville, M., Bridges, D., and Pavlovic, P., (1994) Standing Accused Oxford: Clarendon Press.

Pearse, JJ., (2006) The interrogation of terrorist suspects: the banality or torture in Williamson T (editor) Investigative Interviewing: Rights, research, regulation Cullompton: Willan Publishing p. 64-83.

Punch, M. (2012) State Violence and the Troubles London: Pluto Press. Quinn, K., and Jackson, J., (2007) Of Rights and Roles: Police Interviews with Young

Suspects in Northern Ireland The British Journal of Criminology 47 (2) 234 – 255. Reiner, R., and Newburn, T., (2008) Police Research in King, RD., and Wincup, E., (editors)

Doing Research on Crime and Research (2nd edition) Oxford: Oxford University Press p. 343-374.

Sanders, A., (1992) Reforming the Prosecution System Political Quarterly 63 25-36. Sanders, A., and Young, R., (1994) The Rule of Law, Due Process and Pre-Trail Criminal

Justice Current Legal Problems l 42 (7) 125-156. Saunders, A., and Young, R., (2003) Police Powers in Newburn, T., (editor) Handbook of

Policing Cullompton: Willan Publishing p. 281-312. Sanders, A., and Young, R., (2007) Criminal Justice Oxford: Oxford University Press. Sanders, A., and Young, R., (2007 a) From Suspect to Trial in Maguire, M., Morgan, R., and

Reiner, R., (editors) The Oxford Handbook of Criminology (4th edition) Oxford: Oxford University Press p. 953-989.

Sanders, A., Young, R., and Burton, M., (2010) Criminal Justice (4th edition) Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Social Research Association’s Ethical Guidelines (2003) Available from: www.the-sra.org.uk [accessed 28th January 2011]

Taylor, P., (1997) Provos, the IRA and Sinn Fein London: Bloomsbury. Williamson, TM., (2006) Anti-Terror Laws Must Be Humane Police Review Issue 15 p. 10-

12.



Chapter 6

TERRORISM LED INVESTIGATION: MODERN TOURISM IS TERRORISM BY OTHER MEANS

Maximiliano E. Korstanje International Society For Philosophers, UK

ABSTRACT

Over last decades, policy makers in tourism and hospitality acknowledged that terrorism was the worse threat to tourism and West because of many reasons. Terrorism not only affects seriously economies generating unemployment and stagnation in international demand, but also triggers an escalation of violence where all advertisement efforts are backfired. Nevertheless, this essay review explores the historical roots of modern tourism and worker unions to see the point of connection between both. What beyond the boundaries of society is called terrorist attack, inside is named “strike.” This review reminds that the origin of terrorism has been coined in West, as a result of capitalism expansion.

Keywords: tourism, terrorism, worker unions, conflict

INTRODUCTION Terrorism not only is a great problem for politicians, policy makers and the audience in

general, but also the geopolitical agenda is being fixed according to the “precautionary principle.” At some extent, after the massacre of Luxor (1997), Egypt, where 58 international tourists and 4 policemen were killed, the world understood that terrorism was one of the main threats of West. Instead of selecting politicians, agents of police, or policy makers as in the 70s decade, now lay people in context of leisure consumption were assassinated in cold blood. But what does terrorism mean?.

At a first glance, Goldblatt and Hu (2005) define terrorism as the illegal use of force or violence against persons or their properties in order to intimidate their government, the citizenship or any other segment of society. However, this modest definition has some


Maximiliano E. Korstanje 106

conceptual limitations. In the modern democracies, elite may exert considerable violence against workforce with certain impunity. Some voices label “terrorism” as inextricably intertwined to the fields of ethic. Rather, others really question whether terrorism corresponds with an act of hatred. Although, terrorists are emotionally recruited by the opinion of peers, their acts are carefully and rationally planned to reach a rapid success (shock) with minimal resources (Korstanje 2013; Wilson, Bradford & Lemanski, 2013). In this respect, D. Handelman explains that terrorists defend often themselves from a much broader violence, rooted in a supra-structure preceding their acts. One of the methodological problems to research terrorism, as Luke Howie puts it, is based on the angle the issue is investigated. Often, there is a lot of policy makers and experts who are more interested in speaking about the policies to be followed to prevent the next attack. Unlike other disciplines, the fieldwork in terrorism is very hard to conduct. Since it is considered a crime, terrorist cells operate in the secrecy or the shadow of underground. Tape-recording or conducing interviews with terrorists not only may be considered an act of treason, but also researchers are subject to extreme pressure by the government to reveal their sources. This leads to the arrival of many marketing specialists who launch to appear in TV programs. Instead of proposing models to prevent terrorism, it is unfortunate they echo the stereotypes and prejudice of national governments. Those campaigns aimed at stigmatizing other cultures, religions or societies are far from fixing the problem of terrorism. The question whether terrorism results from the “clash of civilizations” obscures more than it clarifies. Since their discourses are of paramount importance for the media to elaborate policies of persecution, tracing and imprisonment for minorities or people out of productive system, modern media specialists in terrorism gained a good reputation over the last years. It is no our intention to exert a sharp criticism on the pseudo-experts of terrorism here, but to delineate the conceptual framework to approach terrorism from a scientific way.

No less true seems to be that recently terrorist attacks are placed in tourist destinations as Bali, Egypt and Sri Lanka. Some authorative voices of tourism fields not only alert terrorism will be the threat of next century, but also sees in tourism industry a peace-keeper, which if stimulated may lead humankind to a much prosperous period of understanding. As a glitch, a risk, or even a danger, terrorism should be eradicated from underdeveloped countries (Somnez, 1998; Somnez & Graefe, 1998; Hall 2002; Coshal 2003; Paraskevas & Arendell, 2007). However, here some questions arise, is terrorism a phenomenon proper to Third World?, is poverty a determinant factor of terrorism?.

Rather, our attempts are aimed in another direction. The question whether the social imaginary valorizes tourism as an inalienable right, at the time terrorism is demonized, is one of the aspects we discuss in this text. In other terms, this essay-review explores the roots of terrorism and the social changes that consolidated tourism as a main industrial growth. To our end, both are two sides of the same coin, and of course will explain further on why terrorists select tourist destinations for their bombings.

DEBATE Doubtless, terrorism works as a dialectics where two sides are involved. To further the

discussion, scholars should pay attention to the fact that interests of terrorists and victims


Terrorism Led Investigation 107

differ. Policy makers sometimes not only over-valorise the testimonies of witnesses who never had been there, but also cover the psychological reason that radicalized the terrorist mind. In the media, terrorists are portrayed as maniacs, fill-hatred persons who are exclusively moved by hate and resentment. Socialized in conditions of poverty, which ideologically explains all pour people are dangerous, terrorists are deviants, fundamentalists whose desires rest on the fully obliteration of West. In parallel, the current conceptual framework focuses on the effects in lieu of reason of attacks. This discourse places the industries of hospitality and tourism as very sensible to terrorist attacks. The reputation of international destinations simply collapses whenever news of violence goes worldwide. Starting from the premise that terrorists look to create political instability to the state, affecting their economies (through tourism) is an excellent opportunity to achieve their goals. But the historical evidence shows the contrary, what would happen if tourism would be terrorism by other means?.

As noted, this essay explores the viewpoint that tourism and terrorism are inextricably intertwined. The essay questions the idea that tourism is a peace keeping mechanism. Rather, tourism is a disciplined way of terrorism, a tolerated form of exploitation based on law. Fundamentally, spectacle, extortion and exploitation underlie tourism and terrorism. It begins with a brief review of the history of anarchism, its relationship with worker union and terrorists, and the notion of Johann Most and his propaganda of the deed who did not hesitate to advocate killing children and women at restaurants. When terrorists today employ their tactics of terror, at the bottom, they have learned from the lessons of the state. Understanding, not demonizing, the nature of terrorism is a good way to understanding the contemporary political landscape. Workers, but not terrorists, are legalized by. As Michel Foucault (2001) noted, discipline is an instrument of power by means of which events are stripped of their negative effects. Like a vaccine, threats are socially domesticated by discipline. What beyond the boundaries may be demonized may be accepted in the daily life. Last but not least, Nashira Chavez describes how modern terrorism has accelerated what she dubbed “the doctrine of national security,” as it has been formulated in 70s decade. The geopolitics and the bilateral relations of nations not only has been changed, but also enthralled US in the centre of operations. It is clear how US has historically built its bilateral international policies based on the doctrine of manifest destiny, which conferred to Americans the ethic authority not only to determine what is or not wrong, but to expand its exemplary civilization to other non-democratic nations. The external world is given by some sectors of national politics as something instable, uncertain and hostile. Neo-conservatism, a wave originated by the ideal of preemption war during Reagan’s government, migrated sooner to Bush´s presidency to occupy privileged appointments. Per the ideology of this movement, US as the strongest power in the world should intervene if necessary any nation with the end of regulating democracy and peace, even in case of an imminent threat. Of course, this tough policy faced serious problems to overcome Clinton, and Bush father presidency, who were convinced that market and mutual cooperation aid programs will make of the world a safer place not only for everyone. Rather, Neo-conservatism found in the character of George Walker Bush a fertile ground to arrive, but envisaged the opportunity of 9/11 as the platform for US to conduct a preventing war against “terrorism.” In perspective, Chavez proposes to understand how the discourse of neo-conservatism weakened the democratic institutions of the country to the extent to suffer a profound re-structuration of law and jurisprudence. The construction of homeland safety, Chavez adds, starts from the premise of a potential threat against the



vulnerable American citizenry or to the financial powers, in hands of asymmetrical forces which do not respect the classical codes of war. As a consequence, the administration monopolized, controlled any internal or external situation which would be hostile to the government. This changed the ways narco-traffic and migration was monitored to the moment. Bush´s government alludes to the sense of emergency, given by the tragedy of 9/11, to impose policies otherwise would be rejected. The archetype of an instable world helps to legitimate a “preventive war” that allows US direct intervention in autonomous but suspected nations. The discourse of neo-conservatism, that way, signals to traffic as a sign of terrorism. The elements of securitization made from worker union, mass migration and narco traffic new threats to defeat. Conducive to the status-quo view, the Patriotic act, reinforced the needs to impose the reason of state on the legal jurisprudence. The individual rights, in the cradle of democracy, set the pace to the urgency of efficiency. How can we delineate the connection, previously noted in the introductory chapters, between terrorism and mobilities?.

THE HISTORY OF TOURISM The industrial revolution caused two parallel effects in Europe and beyond. On one hand

it triggered the internal migration of farmer toward the great cities, on the other a mass-migration flux that arrived to peripheral countries such as Australia, Brazil, Argentina and United States (Sassen & Sassan, 1999). The conditions of life and work in these countries were not good. Although tourism existed long time earlier than industrial revolution (Korstanje, 2009; 2011a, 2013; Korstanje & Busby, 2010) many scholars assume that industrialism paved the pathway to develop the necessary technologies to expand the travels of citizenry. But may be this idea contradictory?.

The prosperity of nations entailed the poverty and reclusion of work-force. The struggle of worker unions not only accelerated the times so that workers would embrace new benefits, as a drastic reduction of working-hours or better wages (Bukart & Medlik, 1981; Smith, 1998; Wallingre, 2007; Schluter, 2003; Molina, 2002). The expansion of markets throughout the world generated serious economic asymmetries inside the nation-state. In this vein, Noemi Wallingre (2007) explains that modern tourism surfaced once the public transport was granted in a more efficient and safer way. Hospitality resulted from the attempt to connect diverse geographical points by means of machines, trains, and railroads first, and airplanes later. What would be more interesting to discuss here is how modern tourism produced by the capitalist system expand to other groups to become one of the most globalized industries of the world.

Last but not least, Elisa Pastoriza (2011) examines the roots of mass-tourism based on the belief that amidst XXth centuries, nation states coped with a “democratization of holidays,” whose benefits were embraced by other relegated classes. Originally, the customs of touring was reserved to aristocracy and higher-classes. The reduction of working hours, produced by unionization and union claims co-joined to the advance of technologies, generated two different needs. First and foremost, work-force adopted new forms of distinction and cultural consumptions, imported from privileged groups. Secondly, economies have taken a much more mobile nature connecting the public and private life.



These studies, which are debated above, focus in a partial manifestation of tourism, accessibility and the organization of territory. Even if the worker union struggles are subtly noted, they do not emphasize on the organization of labor in capitalist societies. Through US, Elizabeth Cohen (1995) adds, new European ethnicities created their own institution of charity to satisfy their basic needs and lacks. The recognition of their status will take to Wagner-act, but on the onset, charity was the pre-condition for the state of welfare that characterized the economy of US post WWII. Unionization was delayed by the two great wars, but the era of development led by President Truman (and plan Marshall) issued the necessary credit to better the existent infrastructure in the transport, mobility and hospitality. It is unfortunate, today terrorism is considered as an external threat to tourism system, to international destinations, which brings prosperity and peace to peripheral economies. Though some researchers suggests that terrorism must be defined as a social pathology resulted from the psychological frustration or resentment, in condition a problem which is accelerated by enclave-tourism (Chok, Macbeth, Warren, 2007; Lepp, 2008; Hitchcock & Putra, 2012), others consider the cultural shocks is the problem behind (Weber, 1998; Iverson, 2010; Henderson, 2003; Araña & Leon, 2008). Rather, this essay-review revisits both ideas, because the tactics of terrorism are determined by extortion, which is not pretty different to worker-union strikes. Even, many Al-Qaeda members have been educated in the best Western universities. This is the reason why we do consider terrorism is tourism by other means. Tourists are workers, who are licensed by their respective states to travel. They not only issue a political code, but are victims of capital disputes. Now, social imaginary valorizes employment and labor as two positive aspect of western life. At the same time, terrorism signals to an act which denotes a “systematic use of violence” on vulnerable actors. In appearance, both represent two contrasting values. Next, we will discuss in depth the connection of labor and terrorism to understand why tourism is so important to terrorism.

TERRORISM AND WORKER UNIONS In his book, which is entitled Witnesses to Terror, Luke Howie (2012) explains that

terrorism does not want all people dead they only want to introduce a message based on terror and extortion. The problem precisely seems to be that this message is recycled by financial elites to impose homeland policies that otherwise would be rejected by citizenry. If we, now, have learned something, this is that psychological fear is one of the most efficient mechanisms of indoctrination to control dissidents and the worker union`s claims. Even, a closer historical look on the problem evinces how originally worker unions and terrorists share the same root.

Skoll & Korstanje (2013) recognize that the organization of labour in US brought serious asymmetries for the new work-force. The mass European migration accompanied not only new ideas respecting to politics but also old economic models triggered by socialism and anarchism. State which monopolized the legitimacy of production legalized the worker union claims to discipline the new disputes while others were pushed towards the peripheries of the system. Indeed, many worker union leaders were labelled as terrorists, prosecuted or deported without any right to defence (Joll, 1965).



One might speculate that terrorism select as targets top politicians, officials and people of the government. Historians will agree with me that the First World War started by an act of terrorism. When and why, innocents were taken as target of international terrorism?. One of the aspects that characterize the modern terrorism is the surprise factor. Tourists, travellers, business men are caught as hostages or assassinated to instil fear in industrial societies. The message appears to be simple, if your state is unable to protect their citizens you have to consider your loyalty to the state. This does not mean tourists enable the resentment of terrorists. Many terrorists are rich, and were well earned their MBA in the best western universities. Their tactics and strategies are extracted from manual or guide-books in Management. What is the difference between a worker strike at airports that strands thousand of tourists and a terrorist attack?.

A response to this quest seems to be simple; extortion is the common-shared aspects in both acts. The cultural values of west are based on violence and extortion, in the same way a terrorist attack. This will be discussed in the next section.

THE TERRORIST INSIDE WEST Within academic circles, scholars discuss to what extent terrorism surfaced over last

years as a result of the decline of democracy, or in the dawn of an institutional crisis as never before (Chomsky, 1990; 2002; Skoll 2007). Others focus on the practice of hostage-taking in Middle East as one of the signs that marks how the theory of the clash of civilizations is correct (Huntington, 1996). However, the hostage-taking, as professor Walid Amin Ruwayha shows, is a borrowed practice imported by British and other Empires to Arab countries. In his book, which is entitled Terrorism and Hostage Taking in the Middle East, Ruwayha gathers a great variety of documents and official that explains the anthropological roots of terrorism.

The overemphasis of western media in portraying Middle East and Muslim countries as responsible to assist, planning, and exercise terrorism rests on shaky foundations. There is a lot of British Foreign Office documents, which prove how the empire employed retention of relatives or hostages as a mechanism of discipline during its occupation. Therefore, the tactic of cruelty and taking hostage were never limited to Muslim culture, it was adopted by Muslims, once faced the brutality of British Empire. In Ruwayha`s view, terrorism resulted from the advance of colonial powers in Asia.

The lack of interest of western scholars for Muslim literature, which offers a rich volume of studies that not only denounce the ebbs and flows of colonialism, but also validates an ethnocentric viewpoint of Otherness, was conjoined to a biased diagnosis of terrorism. Following this discourse, terrorism represents an act of “inhumanity” that defies any type of understanding and respect for life. The terrorist murder, unlike the crime passionnelle, calculates its attack to more vulnerable targets to cause political instability. Opening this book entails a trip towards the classified and secret information proper of colonial order. The merit of Ruwayha consists in triggering a hot debate about the roots of terrorism as they are today understood. The main thesis of this fascinating book seems to be the so called free world still is only free if consumers opt not to be capital owners. Simply, the dictatorship of copyright confers not only legal protection to producers, but also activates a legal jurisprudence to encourage consumption. The thousand million products fabricated in western societies, all



them are reserved for being consumed by the workforce. At the time some groups attempt to change this dialectic relation, conflict arises. Inside, the concept of terrorist is fully used by status quo to mark those pressure groups which may cause damage to its privilege position. However, abroad, capitalist societies expand their hegemony by employing the instrument of violence of terrorism; this means extortion, torture, and even hostage-taking. The question whether terrorists (Muslims preferably) are portrayed by the mass media as “stupid or ignorant respecting to western technology and prosperity has been discussed as a part of “Islam-phobia,” but less attention was given to the “demonization” of Islam as a war-like religion. Offering a fresh explanation, Ruwayha concurs that both mechanism works together by disciplining the international audience. Colonial powers (United Kingdom, and France) developed a wide system of kidnapping peoples (choosing sometimes hostage-takers) carefully with the end of creating a myth. The resulted stories were specially aimed to discredit some cultural values while exacerbating others. This was exactly what Guidotti-Hernandez dubbed “unspeakable violence.” Beyond the fear these mechanism of control generates, states plays a pervasive role by cementing the law the new colonized cultures should follow, but placing out of that law, those who are dysfunctional for the order. Although the book is torn between a sharp criticism to Zionism, which leads in some excerpts near to conspiracy and a one-sided argument, interesting points of discussion are highlighted to describe the daily life of Arabs during colonialism, their expectances and problems to understand extortion as a main value of West. Struggling against terrorism, to date, has no great results simply because policy makers, politicians and experts understand the roots of terrorism as a problem of the “Other,” or as a pathology proper of undemocratic countries, other cultures which are in dialectical opposition to US. With his achievement and limitations, Terrorism and Hostage Taking in Middle Age gives a certain hint to see in the other side of the mirror, conceptualizing that the core of terrorism is not religion, but “extortion.” In earlier studies, we have emphasized in the ability of West to build the necessary infrastructure to foment business and wealth. However, as L. Thurow puts it, capitalism emerged successfully by its ability to allocating gains and losses in a type of sum-zero society where the bigger fish eats the small ones. In a world where winners and losers appeal to state to protect their own interests, extortion mediates to the system not to collapse. Those points some actors sacrifice are in view of the quest for major profit. A lot of the cultural values that shape terrorism is enrooted in the western division of labor (Korstanje, 2015).

UNIONIZATION AND TERROR Let explain readers that original anarchists worked hard for their ideas to be adopted in

Europe, Latin America, and the United States to organize the workers. Some of their beliefs were of paramount importance in forging a consciousness among worker in capitalist societies, but some of them were used by radical groups to perpetrate violent acts, a few of which led to bystanders’ deaths and injuries. Others took the form of assassinations of ruling class leaders. These acts, deemed terrorism, served the state by giving a rationale to ban anarchist activity. Although the workers adopted the discourses of anarchists to make sense of their struggles against capital holders, states labelled strikers as anarchists bent on destroying



public order. Eventually states recognized unions as legitimate, but in the United States not until the 1935 Wagner Act. In view of that Elizabeth Cohen says that the melting pot was organized following asymmetries and differences between workers. Chicago was facing serious limitation to bring 8 working hours to migrants as well as in the fulfillment of salaries claims. The red scare first and political instability among ethnicities later, two worked as mechanism of indoctrination that balked the union of workers. If some worker union organized a strike, other ethnicities (strike-breakers) were adopted to keep on the production. This opens an unnecessary rivalry between new and old workers. For example, many blacks and Mexicans were employed to replace whites and European workers who opted for conducing a strike. Factory-owners fired those workers who presented claims to the labor conditions. The sudden end of first Word War left many people unemployed. Promptly, Cohen adds, “the fragmentation of the workforce in steel gradually helped erode the strike.” The hostility between whites and blacks has a double effects, one on hand it institutionalized a clear racial division which lasted long time, on another gave to capital owners a fresh workforce to employ in conditions of strikes. Racism and prejudice worked in favor of white-power because it conferred a veil of suspicion among the attempt of worker to unionize (Cohen, 1995: 42).

Invariably, greatness of US was determined by the needs of imposing racism as a form of relation, to white ruling class has hold sway. Nonetheless, what has been the role played by anarchism and mass-migration in these devastating conditions?. Ideologically, the designers of capitalism faced serious problems to digest anarchism, in view of the universality this movement proclaimed. If race makes the best to disunite workers, socialism and anarchism pivoted to forge a working consciousness in the new migrants. Wagner Act benefited lay-workers in many fields, but engendered unseen effects on social system. One of the aspects that helped capitalism to accept recycled anarchist-ideals was the legalization of strikes. To the extent that a strike is considered a legal mechanism to present certain claims, while terrorist attacks are discouraged, seems to be a matter that specialists do not examine properly. A closer view reveals that there are similar processes in both, a strike and terrorism.

As the vaccine is the inoculated virus to strengthen the body’s immune system, strikes are process of dissent and discord that mitigate the negative effects of conflict. After all, strikes are merely the collective effects of workers withholding their labor. There is nothing violent or threatening about them, except to those who depend on other people’s work to sustain themselves—i.e., the owners of capital. In their struggle with workers, the ruling class uses as one if its weapons the construal of strikes as taking consumers as hostages. Undoubtedly, things have changed. Whether in early XIXth century terrorist’s attacks were directed against senior politicians, officials, or top ranked police directors, today this role was filled by tourists, lay people, who ignite the consumerism machine. This reveals at least that the top-down hierarchal authority sets the pace to a circular authority. As capital holder, tourists represent the most important element of modern economy.

Today, whenever passengers are stranded at an airport or train stations because of problems between owners and unions, the sense of urgency facilitate the things for stronger ones. Businesses and terrorism organizations are not concerned about the vulnerability or needs of passengers. The latter one are manipulated as means for achieving certain goals. In a world designed to create and satisfy psychological desires, consumers as holders of money, are of paramount importance for the stability of system. The threat that represents the consumers and the derived economic loses are enough to dissuade owners from the worker’s



claims. In these types of processes, typified by law, State not only takes intervention mediating between both actors but also is in charge of leading negotiations. Nonetheless, if negotiations fail, the state uses its armed force might to force the workers back to their jobs. An early historical example is the great rail strike of 1877 when federal troops were withdrawn from the occupied former Confederacy to kill strikers, terrorizing the mass of rail workers to end the strike.

In doing so, first anarchists decided for terrorist acts, until they were disciplined by states. Once done, their forms of violence were mutated to another more symbolic way of protests, the strike. Capitalism owes much to worker unions, more than thought. Whatever the case may be, tourism has extended to the globe (Naisbitt, 1995), as the well being of industrial societies have advanced. The evolution of tourism, as a mass industry, came from a combination of economic factors, much encouraged by worker unions, such as working hour reduction and a rise in the wages. However, the history of tourism ignores the burden industrialism and technological advances brought by workers. Anarchism not only flourished in industrial contexts, exploiting the worker resentment against owners, but also improved their working conditions cementing the opportunities for the upsurge of tourism and mobility. It is important to remind that the Thomas Cook Agency has offered travelers who suffer from alcoholism and alienation. The prepaid all-inclusive vouchers were for alcoholics who do not handle money (Santos-Filho, 2008; Korstanje, 2011b). The state of oppression in these types of societies was higher than now. Anarchism, an ideology originally framed as “the cradle of terrorists,” played a crucial role in organizing the factors that finally shaped modern tourism. This means less working hours, better wages and working benefits. Industrial societies pave the way for expanding trade in the world, in which tourism plays a vital role, domestic workers are subject to conditions of exploitation. If anarchism introduced poverty relief in industrial societies, their virulent ideas were not accepted until they were changed to ways acceptable to the state and ruling class. From the ideals of bloody revolution, European societies passed to the working class organizations—unions and political parties. This is the reason why we argue that tourism indirectly resulted from terrorism. Violence exerted by the anarchists was not enough to change the society, or at least its ways of productions, but their ideas not only inspired many artists, but also many syndicalist leaders (Joll, 1979). Hints to suggest that tourism is terrorism by other means are centered on the history of unionization and trade expansion. At time, US accepted the ideology of Anarchism, in a nuanced form, its negative effects were repressed and exiled towards the borderlands. Due to this disciplinary mechanism, state legalized terrorism to keep its workforce under control.

Once again, the history of pioneers in anarchism shows us two relevant aspects. First and foremost, states create their boundaries as a barrier to protect their economies. What inside can be denominated “a strike,” beyond is labeled as “terrorist attack.” Secondly, terrorists, most of them educated in the best Western universities learned our tactics of negotiations, strategies of exploitation and projected to more violent forms of expression. At the time tourism gave to worker unions a reason to work, the social system repelled the most negative aspects of their ideologies towards the boundaries.

The following points illustrate the given argument, • The capitalist society needed from a profound organization of labour, which passed

from feudalism to the introduction of capital.



• Industrialism generated a mass-migration from farms to greater cities in Europe and others continents.

• Migrants arrived to United States with new ideas based on the egalitarian rights and benefits, which has been coined by anarchism and socialism in their respective metropolis.

• At the time, some anarchist organized attacks to officials and top director of police (terrorism), others were dissuaded to manage the worker union struggle. The former ones were jailed or deported, while the latter aspired to new benefits such as working hour reduction and better condition of work.

• Work-force not only contributed to the expansion of mobility in America, but also has success in many of their disputes.

• Modern tourism, for specialized literature, surfaced from the mobile technology placed to expand the travels and stay abroad as well as worker union successes in increasing the leisure time.

• States increased their legitimacy by the juxtaposition of legal system and the monopoly of violence. Anarchism was disciplined, and its most negative values were rejected towards the boundaries of system. Only its more romantic ideals of egalitarianism and freedom were adopted.

• Like terrorism, strike not only needs from extortion to cause damage, but takes the surprise factor. Less violent than terrorism, strikes are legally accepted by state as a recognized form of protest.

• Once violent anarchist are effaced, by means of leisure and tourism, capital holders (factory-owners) give to their work-force the primary goal to work, the quest of pleasure, luxury and progress, which exhibits the values emulated by modern tourism. Workers have been disciplined by tourism industry.

• The top-down authority is being radically shifted to new more circular forms. This is the reason why tourists are more important for terrorists than a president.

• Middle East terrorists have learned their main strategies from West. • Modern tourism is terrorism by other means.

CONCLUSION As earlier discussed, it is fascinating to see how the power of extortion was posed as the

stepping stone of worker union struggle against the lords of capital. It is safe to confirm tourism is terrorism by other means. This offers an alternative answer to understand the reason why Muslim terrorist employed the technologies against West to create a state of instability as never before. 9/11 gave the lesson that nobody feels safe anytime and anywhere. However, this does not mean tourists were culprit for the situation they should face abroad. As workers they are victims of a double effect act of domination, the state and the separatist groups. Pseudo experts in terrorism never entered in the fieldwork, they write from the comfort of office and home. This is not an attack to the production of terrorism research, but liked to provide additional element to further the current understanding of the problem.

Instead of focusing on questionnaires or had-hoc interviews which lead researchers to validate their previous hypothesis, we argue that the best methodological approach is to delve



into the biographies of terrorists. Their life, expectances, fears and stories would enrich the discussion and expand the current understanding of the issue. This poses a serious ethical dilemma because the researchers may be accused to instigate or support terrorism. This short conceptual piece has not the solution for all quandaries, but only attempts to triggers the discussion, a point of departure which should be continued in other studies.

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BIBLIOGRAPHY

Al Qaeda: the transformation of terrorism in the Middle East and North Africa LCCN: 2015013237 Personal name: Baken, Denise N., author. Main title: Al Qaeda: the transformation of terrorism in the Middle East and North Africa / Denise N. Baken and Ioannis Mantzikos. Published/Produced: Santa Barbara, California: Praeger, [2015] Description: pages cm. ISBN: 9781440828706 (hard copy: alk. paper) LC classification: HV6432.5.Q2 B35 2015 Related names: Mantzikos, Ioannis, author. Contents: Introduction -- Origins and ideology of Al Qaeda -- Al Qaeda: the evolution process -- Al Qaeda: the violence examined -- The funding and finance of Al Qaeda -- The drive to survive: marketing and recruiting -- The Internet: the personalization of terrorism -- Yemen Al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula -- Iraq and Syria: the evolution of Al Qaeda in the land of the two rivers -- North Africa and Al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb -- Conclusions: a look forward. Subjects: Qaida (Organization) Terrorism--Middle East. Terrorism--Africa, North. Notes: Includes bibliographical references and index. Series: PSI guides to terrorists, insurgents, and armed groups

America's secret jihad: the hidden history of religious terrorism in the United States LCCN: 2015009474 Personal name: Wexler, Stuart. Main title: America's secret jihad: the hidden history of religious terrorism in the United States / Stuart Wexler. Published/Produced: Berkeley: Counterpoint, 2015. Description: pages cm ISBN: 9781619025585 (hardback) LC classification: BL65.T47 W49 2015 Summary: "The conventional narrative concerning religious terrorism inside the United States says that the first salvo occurred in 1993, with the first attack on the World Trade Center in New York City. This narrative has motivated more than a decade of wars, and re-prioritized America's domestic security and law enforcement agenda. But the conventional narrative is wrong. A different group of jihadists exists within US borders. This group has a long but hidden history, is outside the purview of public officials and has an agenda as apocalyptic as anything Al Qaeda has to offer. Radical sects of Christianity have inspired some of the most grotesque acts of violence in American history: the 1963 Birmingham Church bombing that killed four young girls; the "Mississippi Burning" murders of three civil rights workers in 1964; the assassination of


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Martin Luther King, Jr. in 1968, the Atlanta Child Murders in the late 1970s; and the Oklahoma City Bombing in 1995.America's Secret Jihad uses these crimes to tell a story that has not been told before. Expanding upon the author's ground-breaking work on the Martin Luther King, Jr. murder, and through the use of extensive documentation, never-before-released interviews, and a re-interpretation of major events, America's Secret Jihad paints"-- Provided by publisher. Subjects: Terrorism--Religious aspects--United States. Violence--Religious aspects--United States. Political Science / Political Freedom & Security / Terrorism.

Assessing war: the challenge of measuring success and failure LCCN: 2015007438 Main title: Assessing war: the challenge of measuring success and failure / Leo J. Blanken, Hy Rothstein, Jason J. Lepore, editors. Published/Produced: Washington, D.C.: Georgetown University Press, 2015. Description: pages cm ISBN: 9781626162457 9781626162464 LC classification: U153 .A87 2015 Related names: Blanken, Leo J. (Leo James), editor. Rothstein, Hy S., editor. Lepore, Jason J., editor. Summary: Are we winning? Combatants often find themselves asking this question, especially during today's protracted asymmetrical conflicts where victory and defeat are not clear or easy to measure. Also, too often politics or wishful thinking take the place of objective assessment. Assessing War explores how the trajectory of war has been analyzed in conflicts throughout American history. The book brings together military historians, political scientists, and military officers to examine wartime

assessment in theory, in practice through historical and contemporary cases, and through alternative dimensions of assessment such as justice and proportionality, the war of ideas, and economics. The cases start with the Seven Year's War and cover all major US conflicts through the war in Afghanistan. There are also unique examinations of how Al Qaeda has assessed its war on the United States and how assessment might be conducted in cyber war. Wartime assessment is critical because forming an accurate picture is essential to developing the right strategy. This book concludes with advice for practitioners about best approaches, though it also offers sobering conclusions about the difficulty of assessing war objectively and without politicization or self delusion. Contents: Foreword / by Gen. George W. Casey, Jr. -- Introduction -- The challenge of wartime assessment / Leo J. Blanken and Jason J. Lepore -- Theory -- Principals, agents, and assessment / Leo J. Blanken and Jason J. Lepore -- U.S. civil-military relations and operational assessments / Hy Rothstein -- Wartime strategic assessment: concepts and challenges / Scott Sigmund Gartner -- Historical cases -- Assessing proxy forces: a case study of the early years of the Seven Years' War (1754-1763) in North America / John Grenier -- Assessing war: the revolutionary war / Edward G. Lengel -- Assessing enemy civilian will: the United States goes to war, 1861 / Brooks D. Simpson -- "Keep 'em moving": the role of assessment in US cavalry operations against the Plains Indians / Colonel Michael Richardson -- Assessing the Philippine War / Brian Mcallister Linn -- Putting the fuse to the powder: strategic assessment in the First


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World War / Scott Stephenson -- Assessment in World War II / Gerhard l. Weinberg -- Measuring gains on the battle field and at the peace table: shifting assessments during the Korean War / Conrad C. Crane -- Choosing progress: evaluating the salesmanship of the Vietnam War in 1967 / Gregory Daddis -- Current cases -- Assessing counterinsurgency: the Iraq War, 2004-05 / Major General Bill C. Hix and Kalev I. Sepp -- Circular logic and constant progress: IW assessments in Afghanistan / Alejandro S. Hernandez, Julian Ouellet, and Christopher J. Nannini -- Monitoring from afar: how Al Qaeda assesses its progress / Mark Stout -- Alternative dimensions of assessment -- Assessment, proportionality, and justice in war -- Bradley J. Strawser and Russell Muirhead -- Assessing cyber war / Dorothy E. Denning -- Assessing the war of ideas during war / Robert Reilly -- Assessment of economic outcomes in nation-building operations / Aric P. Shafran -- Conclusion -- Can we learn from the assessment of war? / Anthony H. Cordesman and Hy Rothstein. Subjects: Military planning--United States. War--Decision making. Strategy. United States--Military policy. United States--History, Military. Notes: Includes bibliographical references and index.

Black flags: the rise of ISIS LCCN: 2015020949 Personal name: Warrick, Joby. Main title: Black flags: the rise of ISIS / Joby Warrick. Edition: First edition. Published/Produced: New York: Doubleday, [2015] Description: pages cm Links: Cover image 9780385538213.jpg ISBN: 9780385538213 (hardback) LC classification: HV6433.I722 I8593 2015

Summary: "In a thrilling dramatic narrative, Pulitzer Prize-winning reporter Joby Warrick traces how the strain of militant Islam behind ISIS first arose in a remote Jordanian prison and spread with the unwitting aid of two American presidents. When the government of Jordan granted amnesty to a group of political prisoners in 1999, it little realized that among them was Abu Musab al-Zarqawi, a terrorist mastermind and soon the architect of an Islamist movement bent on dominating the Middle East. In Black Flags, an unprecedented character-driven account of the rise of ISIS, Joby Warrick shows how the zeal of this one man and the strategic mistakes of Presidents Bush and Obama led to the banner of ISIS being raised over huge swaths of Syria and Iraq. Zarqawi began by directing terror attacks from a base in northern Iraq, but it was the American invasion in 2003 that catapulted him to the head of a vast insurgency. By falsely identifying him as the link between Saddam and bin Laden, U.S. officials inadvertently spurred like-minded radicals to rally to his cause. Their wave of brutal beheadings and suicide bombings persisted until American and Jordanian intelligence discovered clues that led to a lethal airstrike on Zarqawi's hideout in 2006. His movement, however, endured. First calling themselves al-Qaeda in Iraq, then Islamic State of Iraq and Syria, or ISIS, his followers sought refuge in unstable, ungoverned pockets on the Iraq-Syria border. When the Syrian civil war broke out in 2011, and as the U.S. largely stood by, ISIS seized its chance to pursue Zarqawi's dream of an ultra-conservative Islamic caliphate. Drawing on unique high-level access to CIA and Jordanian sources, Warrick weaves



gripping, moment-by-moment operational details with the perspectives of diplomats and spies, generals and heads of state, many of whom foresaw a menace worse than al Qaeda and tried desperately to stop it. Black Flags is a brilliant and definitive history that reveals the long arc of today's most dangerous extremist threat"-- Provided by publisher. "When he succeeded his father in 1999, King Abdullah of Jordan released a batch of political prisoners in the hopes of smoothing his transition to power. Little did he know that among those released was Abu Musab al-Zarqawi, a man who would go on to become a terrorist mastermind too dangerous even for al-Qaeda and give rise to an Islamist movement bent on dominating the Middle East. Zarqawi began by directing hotel bombings and assassinations in Jordan from a base in northern Iraq, but it was the American invasion of that country in 2003 that catapulted him to the head of a vast insurgency. By identifying him as the link between Saddam and bin Laden, the CIA inadvertently created a monster. Like-minded radicals saw him as a hero resisting the infidel occupiers and rallied to his cause. Their wave of brutal beheadings and suicide bombings continued for years until Jordanian intelligence provided the Americans with the crucial intelligence needed to eliminate Zarqawi in a 2006 airstrike. But his movement endured, first called al-Qaeda in Iraq, then renamed Islamic State of Iraq and Syria, or ISIS, seeking refuge in unstable, ungoverned pockets on the Iraq-Syria border. And as the Syrian civil war broke out in 2011, ISIS seized its chance to pursue Zarqawi's dream of a sweeping, ultra-conservative Islamic caliphate. Drawing on unique access to CIA and Jordanian sources,

Joby Warrick weaves together heart-pounding, moment-by-moment operational details with overarching historical perspectives to reveal the long trajectory of today's most dangerous Islamic extremist threat"-- Provided by publisher. Subjects: IS (Organization) Terrorism--Iraq. Terrorism--Middle East. Terrorism--Religious aspects--Islam. Islamic fundamentalism. Political Science / Political Freedom & Security / Terrorism. Political Science / Political Freedom & Security / Intelligence. Middle East--Politics and government--21st century.

Boko Haram: Nigeria's Islamist insurgency LCCN: 2015295469 Personal name: Comolli, Virginia. Main title: Boko Haram: Nigeria's Islamist insurgency / Virginia Comolli. Published/Produced: London: Hurst & Company, 2015. Description: vii, 239 pages: maps; 23 cm ISBN: 1849044910 9781849044912 LC classification: HV6433.N6 C66 2015 Contents: Machine generated contents note: 1. Introduction -- Research challenges -- 2. Islam in Nigeria: Historical Background -- Usman Dan Fodio's Jihad -- The British colonial era -- The path to Sharia -- Some reflections on religious identity -- 3. The Genesis of Radical Groups -- Splintering -- Transformation -- Reform (modernisation) -- Formation (creation) -- Daawa -- Ahl al-Sunnah wal-Jama'ah, Ja'amutu Tajidmul Islami/Islamic Movement of Nigeria[IMN] -- Yan Izala -- Maitatsine -- Conclusion -- 4. What is Boko Haram? -- Where it all started -- The sect goes underground -- The 2009 turning point -- Dead or alive? -- Post-Yusuf -- The Shakau era -- the beginning of the insurgency -- Splintering, factionalisation and kidnappings -- Suicide attacks -- Who


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are these men? -- Funding -- 5. The Internationalisation of Boko Haram -- Borderlands -- Cameroon -- Niger -- Chad -- Human security implications -- A wild card: the Central African Republic (CAR) -- Changing al-Qaeda patterns and Boko Haram's position in the broader Islamist environment -- The 2012 -- 13 Malian civil conflict -- Al-Shabaab -- Tactical implications of foreign influence -- Will Boko Haram become the next al-Qaeda franchise? -- 6. Government Responses -- The military response -- A first state of emergency is declared -- Between two emergencies -- Negotiations and amnesty -- A second state of emergency is put in place -- Moving beyond JTF ORO -- Allegations of human rights abuses -- A softer approach -- COIN vs CT: What strategy? -- Western response -- The United States (US) -- The United Kingdom (UK) -- Canada -- 7. Conclusions -- The Way Ahead?. Subjects: Boko Haram. Boko Haram. Terrorism--Nigeria--Prevention. Terrorism--Prevention. Boko Haram. Djihad. Islam. Fundamentalismus. Terrorismus. Nigeria. Nigeria--Nord. Notes: Includes bibliographical references (pages 175-228) and index.

Cause & effect: the September 11 attacks LCCN: 2014040438 Personal name: Green, Robert, 1969- Main title: Cause & effect: the September 11 attacks / by Robert Green. Published/Produced: San Diego, CA: ReferencePoint Press, Inc., 2015. Description: pages cm. ISBN: 9781601527882 (hardback) 1601527888 (hardback) LC classification: HV6432.7 .G718 2015 Portion of title: September 11 attacks Contents: "I think we are getting hijacked" -- What role did the anti-Soviet campaign in Afghanistan play in

the rise of Islamic terrorism? -- How did Middle East politics contribute to the rise of Al Qaeda? -- Why did the United States invade Afghanistan and Iraq in its fight against stateless Al Qaeda? -- How did life in the United States change after the September 11th attacks? Subjects: September 11 Terrorist Attacks, 2001--Juvenile literature. September 11 Terrorist Attacks, 2001--Influence--Juvenile literature. Notes: Includes bibliographical references and index. Grade 9 to 12. Additional formats: Online version: Green, Robert, 1969- Cause & effect San Diego, CA: ReferencePoint Press, Inc., 2015 9781601527899 (DLC) 2015006204 Series: Cause & effect in history

Covering bin Laden: global media and the world's most wanted man LCCN: 2014958351 Main title: Covering bin Laden: global media and the world's most wanted man / edited by Susan Jeffords and Fahed Al-Sumait. Published/Produced: Urbana, Illinois: University of Illinois Press, [2015] Description: xxxvii, 259 pages: illustrations; 23 cm. Links: Contributor biographical information http://www.loc.gov/catdir/enhancements/fy1512/2014958351-b.html Publisher description http://www.loc.gov/catdir/enhancements/fy1512/2014958351-d.html ISBN: 025203886X 9780252038860 (hardcover) 0252080408 0252096827 LC classification: P96.T47 C68 2015 Related names: Jeffords, Susan, 1953- editor. Al-Sumait, Fahed Yahya, editor. Scope and content: Starting in 2001, much of the world media used the image of Osama bin Laden as a shorthand for terrorism. Bin Laden himself considered media manipulation on a par with military, political, and



ideological tools, and intentionally used interviews, taped speeches, and distributed statements to further al-Qaida's ends. In Covering Bin Laden, editors Susan Jeffords and Fahed Yahya Al-Sumait collect perspectives from global scholars exploring a startling premise: that media depictions of Bin Laden not only diverge but often contradict each other, depending on the media provider and format, the place in which the depiction is presented, and the viewer's political and cultural background. The contributors analyze the representations of the many Bin Ladens, ranging from Al Jazeera broadcasts to video games. They examine the media's dominant role in shaping our understanding of terrorists and why/how they should be feared, and they engage with the ways the mosaic of Bin Laden images and narratives have influenced policies and actions around the world -- Provided by publisher. Contents: Introduction: After bin Laden / Susan Jeffords and Fahed Al-Sumait -- Bin Laden's ghost and the epistemological crises of counterterrorism / Richard Jackson -- The discursive portrayals of Osama bin Laden / Aditi Bhatia -- The bin Laden tapes / Andrew Hill -- Words and war: Al Jazeera and Al Qaeda / Courtney C. Radsch -- Metaphorizing terrorism: Al Qaeda in German and British tabloids / Alexander Spencer -- The myth of the terrorist as a lover: competing regional media frames / Noha Mellor -- Images of our dead enemies: visual representations of bin Laden, Hussein, and el-Qaddafi / Susan Moeller, Joanna Nurmis, and Saranaz Barforoush -- Without Osama: Tere bin Laden and the critique of the War on Terror / Purnima Bose -- Obama bin Laden [sic]: how to win the War on Terror #likeaboss /

Ryan Croken -- Congratulations! You have killed Osama bin Laden!! / Simon Ferrari -- Muslims in America and the post-9/11 terrorism debates: media and public opinion / Brigitte L. Nacos -- Epilogue: After bin Laden: Zero Dark Thirty / Susan Jeffords and Fahed Al-Sumait. Subjects: Bin Laden, Osama, 1957-2011. Bin Laden, Osama, 1957-2011. Terrorism and mass media. Mass media and world politics. Terrorism--Press coverage. Mass media and world politics. Terrorism and mass media. Terrorism--Press coverage. Notes: Includes bibliographical references and index.

Deconstructing terrorist violence: faith as a mask LCCN: 2014040232 Personal name: Puniyani, Ram. Main title: Deconstructing terrorist violence: faith as a mask / Ram Puniyani. Published/Produced: New Delhi; Thousand Oaks: SAGE Publications, [2015] Description: pages cm ISBN: 9789351500643 (hardback: alk. paper) LC classification: BL65.T47 P86 2015 Contents: World gripped by terror -- Changing goals of colonialism-imperialism -- Islam: through ages -- Hindutva terrorism -- Hinduism to Hindutva -- Al Qaeda strikes: Mumbai terror attack -- Civilizations-religions: clash or alliance -- Religion, power and violence. Subjects: Terrorism--Religious aspects. Violence--Religious aspects. Religion and politics. Notes: Includes bibliographical references and index.

From Jihad to Al-Qaeda to Islamic state: changing face of Militant Islam LCCN: 2015325454 Main title: From Jihad to Al-Qaeda to Islamic state: changing face of Militant Islam / edited and introduction by Imtiaz Gul.


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Published/Produced: Islamabad: Center for Research & Security Studies, 2015. Description: 154 pages; 24 cm LC classification: HV6431+ Related names: Gul, Imtiaz, editor. Center for Research and Security Studies (Islamabad, Pakistan) Subjects: Qaida (Organization) Terrorism--Religious aspects--Islam. Terrorism--United States--Prevention. Notes: Includes bibliographical references.

From Walmart to Al-Qaeda: an interdisciplinary approach to globalization LCCN: 2015303096 Personal name: Murillo, David (Murillo Bonvehí), author. Uniform title: De Walmart a Al Qaeda. English Main title: From Walmart to Al-Qaeda: an interdisciplinary approach to globalization / David Murillo; translated from the original in Catalan by ESADE's Language Services. Published/Produced: Sheffield, UK: Greenleaf Publishing, [2015] ©2015 Description: xx, 233 pages: illustrations, map; 23 cm ISBN: 9781783535019 (hbk.) 1783535016 (hbk.) 9781783531936 (pbk.) 1783531932 (pbk.) LC classification: HF1365 .M8813 2015 Contents: Preface --1. Introduction to globalization -- 2. Social change, technology and collective identities -- 3. Economic globalization -- 4. Financial globalization -- 5. Contemporary corporate culture -- 6. State sovereignty and world governance -- 7. Values and challenges of global governance: Europeanizing the world. Subjects: Globalization--Economic aspects. Globalization--Political aspects. Globalization--Social aspects. Notes: Includes bibliographical references (pages 223-233). Translated from the original in Catalan.

Independence day: a Dewey Andreas novel LCCN: 2015007267 Personal name: Coes, Ben. Main title: Independence day: a Dewey Andreas novel / Ben Coes. Edition: First edition. Published/Produced: New York: St. Martin's Press, 2015. Description: pages; cm. Links: Cover image http://www.netread.com/jcusers2/bk1388/160/9781250043160/image/lgcover.9781250043160.jpg ISBN: 9781250043160 (hardcover) LC classification: PS3603.O2996 I53 2015 Summary: "Dewey Andreas, former Delta and newly recruited intelligence agent, is sidelined after screwing up his last two operations. Still drowning in grief after the tragic murder of his fiance;, Dewey has seemingly lost his focus, his edge, and the confidence of his superiors. A high level Russian hacker, known only as Cloud, is believed to be routing large amounts of money to various Al Qaeda terror cells, and the mission is to capture and render harmless Cloud. At the same time, a back-up team is sent after the only known associate of Cloud, a ballerina believed to be his girlfriend. Unwilling to sit out the mission as ordered, Dewey defies his superiors, and goes rogue, surreptitiously following and tracking the two teams. What should be a pair of simple snatch and grab operations, goes horribly wrong--both teams are ambushed and wiped out. Only through the unexpected intervention of Dewey does the ballerina survive. On the run, with no back-up, Cloud's girlfriend reveals a shocking secret--a plot so audacious and deadly that their masterminds behind it would risk anything and kill anybody to prevent its exposure. It's a plot that, in less than three days, will completely remake the world's political landscape and put at



risk every single person in the Western world. With only three days left, Dewey Andreas must unravel and stop this plot or see everything destroyed. A plot that goes live on July 4th--Independence Day"-- Provided by publisher. Subjects: Terrorism--Prevention--Fiction. Intelligence officers--Fiction. Hackers--Fiction. Form/Genre: Suspense fiction. Series: Dewey Andreas; 5

Inferno in Chechnya: Russian-Chechen wars, the Al Qaeda myth, and the Boston Marathon bombings LCCN: 2015002114 Personal name: Williams, Brian Glyn. Main title: Inferno in Chechnya: Russian-Chechen wars, the Al Qaeda myth, and the Boston Marathon bombings / Brian Glyn Williams. Published/Produced: Lebanon, NH: ForeEdge, 2015. Description: pages cm ISBN: 9781611687378 (cloth: alkaline paper) LC classification: DK511.C37 W55 2015 Scope and content: "Details the history behind the Russian treatment of Chechens, the series of wars, the actual role of Arab fighters, and the Boston Marathon bombers, who are profiled in the final chapter"--Provided by publisher. Contents: First blood -- Resistance -- Genocide -- The first Russian-Chechen war -- Chaosistan -- The return of the Russians -- The Chechen ghost army of Afghanistan and Syrian battalion -- The strange saga of the Boston Marathon bombers. Subjects: Tsarnaev, Tamerlan. Tsarnaev, Dzhokhar. Qaida (Organization) War and society--Russia (Federation)--Chechnȋȃ. Jihad--Political aspects--Russia (Federation)-- Chechnȋȃ. Terrorism--Europe. Boston Marathon Bombing, Boston, Mass., 2013. Chechnȋȃ (Russia)--History--Civil War, 1994- Russia (Federation)--

Relations--Russia-- Chechnȋȃ. Chechnȋȃ (Russia)--Relations--Russia (Federation) Notes: Includes bibliographical references and index.

Insurgency and counterinsurgency in modern war LCCN: 2015032403 Main title: Insurgency and counterinsurgency in modern war / editors Scott Nicholas Romaniuk, Stewart Tristan Webb. Published/Produced: Boca Raton: Taylor & Francis, 2015. Description: pages cm ISBN: 9781482247657 (hardcover: alk. paper) Related names: Romaniuk, Scott Nicholas, editor. Webb, Stewart Tristan, editor. Contents: Conceptualizing counterterrorism / Olivier Lewis -- The socially constructed insurgency: using social movement theory as a framework for analyzing insurgencies / Shane Drennan -- The crime terror insurgency nexus: implications for global security / Daniela Irrera -- Ideological motivations of Arab foreign fighters as insurgents and terrorists: from 1980s Afghanistan to the Syrian insurgency / Roger P. Warren -- Al-Qaeda: through the lens of global insurgency / Michael F. Morris -- The threat of terrorism to critical infrastructure: TEN-R and the global Salafi jihad / Colin Maclachlan -- The power to hurt indirectly: deterrence of violent nonstate organizations by threats of domestic political costs / Oren Magen -- Latent insurgency: is the threat of militant Islamist groups in Indonesia diminishing? / Paul J. Carnegie -- Mali's rebels: making sense of the national movement for the Liberation of Azawad insurgency / Stewart Tristan Webb -- Crossroads: tracing the historical roots of modern insurgency in the Caucasus / Chris Murray -- Lashkar-e-taiba: regional insurgent group or emerging international threat? / Stewart Tristan


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Webb -- The Haqqani network threat: keeping insurgency in the family / Scott Nicholas Romaniuk and Stewart Tristan Webb -- Manchuria: the cockpit of insurgent empire: a historical perspective from the Khitan Liao to the People's Republic of China / Christopher Mott -- From David to Goliath: Chinese pacification and counterinsurgency operations in modern wars / Francis Grice -- The "father-to-son" war: Burma's Karen nationalist insurgency / Scott Nicholas Romaniuk -- An assessment of the United Nations counterterrorism initiatives: 2001-2015 / Emeka Thaddues Njoku -- Insurgencies, civil wars, and international support: reassessing evidence of moral hazard from the Balkans / Marinko Bobic. Notes: "A CRC title." Includes bibliographical references and index.

ISIS: the state of terror LCCN: 2014481578 Personal name: Stern, Jessica, 1958- author. Main title: ISIS: the state of terror / Jessica Stern and J.M. Berger. Edition: First edition. Published/Produced: New York, N.Y.: Ecco Press, an imprint of HarperCollins Publishers, [2015] ©2015 Description: xxii, 385 pages; 24 cm Links: Contributor biographical information http://www.loc.gov/catdir/enhancements/fy1509/2014481578-b.html ISBN: 9780062395542 0062395548 Variant title: Islamic State of Iraq and Syria: the state of terror Related names: Berger, J. M. (John M.), 1967- author. Summary: "Two of America's leading experts on violent extremism and terrorism explain the genesis, evolution, and implications of today's most barbaric jihadist army, Islamic State--and how we can fight it"-- from publisher. Though terrorist groups are a fixture of contemporary politics and warfare, the world has

never witnessed the degree of sheer brutality demonstrated by the group known as ISIS-- the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant. Its sadistic disregard for human life, sophisticated use of social media, acquisition of territory, and ability to attract foreign fighters is unprecedented. Stern and Berger analyze the tools ISIS uses both to frighten innocent citizens and lure new soldiers, and offer practical ideas on potential government responses. Contents: The rise and fall of al Qaeda in Iraq -- The rise of ISIS -- From vanguard to smart mob -- The foreign fighters -- The message -- Jihad goes social -- The electronic brigades -- The AQ-ISIS war -- ISIS's psychological warfare -- The coming final battle? -- The state of terror. Subjects: IS (Organization) Ḥizb al-Da‘wah al-Islāmīyah IS (Organization) Jihad. Terrorism--Religious aspects--Islam. Terrorism--Middle East. Terrorism--Religious aspects--Islam Terrorism. Middle East. Notes: Includes bibliographical references (pages 287-370) and index.

ISIS: the state of terror LCCN: 2014495690 Personal name: Stern, Jessica, 1958- author. Main title: ISIS: the state of terror / Jessica Stern and J.M. Berger. Published/Produced: London: William Collins, 2015. Description: xxii, 385 pages; 24 cm. ISBN: 9780008120931 (pbk.) 0008120935 (pbk.) LC classification: BP182 .S74 2015 Related names: Berger, J. M. (John M.), 1967- author. Contents: The Rise and Fall of Al Qaeda in Iraq -- The Rise of ISIS -- From Vanguard to Smart Mob -- The Foreign Fighters -- The Message -- Jihad Goes Social -- The Electronic Brigades -- The AQ-ISIS War -- ISIS's Psychological Warfare -- The Coming



Final Battle? -- The State of Terror. Subjects: Ḥizb al-Da‘wah al-Islāmīyah. Jihad. Terrorism--Religious aspects--Islam. Notes: Includes bibliographical references and index.

Islamic resistance to imperialism LCCN: 2015007327 Personal name: Walberg, Eric. Main title: Islamic resistance to imperialism / Eric Walberg. Published/Produced: Atlanta, GA: Clarity Press, Inc., 2015. Description: pages cm ISBN: 9780986073182 (alkaline paper) LC classification: DS63.123 .W35 2015 Scope and content: "Eric Walberg's third book on geopolitical strategy focuses on the Middle East and the global ramifications of multiple state destruction resulting from Western aggression. It addresses these questions: What is left of the historic Middle East upheavals of 1979 (Afghanistan, Iran) and 2011 (the Arab Spring)? How does 9/11 fit into the equation of Islamic resistance? Is al-Qaeda' s long term project still on track? What are the chances that ISIS can prevail in Iraq and Syria? Are they and likeminded jihadists dupes of imperialism or legitimate resistance movements? Some of the themes it addresses include: Islam's uniqueness (its stubborn anti-imperialism, its resilience in the face of color revolutions and attempts to recruit spies); the Muslim Brotherhoods,’ Hamas,’ and Hizbullah's program for reuniting Muslims emphasizing political spirituality, reflecting the essence of Islam; the Saudi-Pakistani 'conspiracy' with the US, which resulted in 9/11; an assessment of the Wahhabi (Saudi/Gulf) and neo-Wahhabi (al-Qaeda/ISIS) experience in implementing Islam; an assessment of Egyptian and Iranian experience in implementing an Islamic

agenda; different approaches to renewing the Caliphate; recognition that terrorism can't be eradicated simply by bombing; recognition of the context in political developments, the changing relationship between empire and Islam; the West must cease its interference in the region and recognize the right of the peoples there to determine their political futures and policies; the need for reconciliation of Muslims, Christians and Jews based on morality and ethics implicit in their religions, and the need for all anti-imperialists to work together"--Provided by publisher. Contents: Introduction: The logic of resistance -- Part I. Towards a theory of political Islam -- The way forward: political spirituality and jihad -- Sunni failure in Egypt -- Shia success in Iran -- Uniting the Ummah -- Part II. The expanding parameters of political Islam -- From Salafi to Kharijite -- Azzam: violence against invaders -- Bin Laden: violence in the imperial center -- Zawahiri: violence against client regimes -- Many al-Qaedas: Azzam, Bin Laden and Zawahiri's legacy -- Terrorism: 9/11 and after -- Appendix: Al-Qaeda spin-offs -- Perils of cooperation and implementation -- Return of the Caliphate -- The Ummah in the 21st century -- Glossary. Subjects: Government, resistance to--Middle East. Anti-imperialist movements--Middle East. Islam and politics--Middle East. Jihad--Political aspects--Middle East. Radicals--Middle East--Biography. Geopolitics--Middle East. Middle East--Politics and government--1979- Middle East--Relations--Western countries. Western countries--Relations--Middle East. Notes: Includes bibliographical references and index. Additional formats: Online version: Walberg, Eric.


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Islamic resistance to imperialism Atlanta, GA: Clarity Press, Inc., 2015 9780986076985 (DLC) 2015018058

Realizing peace: a constructive conflict approach LCCN: 2014033535 Personal name: Kriesberg, Louis. Main title: Realizing peace: a constructive conflict approach / Louis Kriesberg. Published/Produced: Oxford; New York: Oxford University Press, 2015. Description: xi, 397 pages; 24 cm ISBN: 9780190228668 (hardcover) 9780190228675 (paperback) LC classification: JZ5584.U6 K75 2015 Summary: "Realizing Peace combines three bodies of work that have not previously been integrated. First, it critically examines major episodes of U.S. government engagements in foreign conflicts since the beginning of the Cold War. This includes American engagements in struggles against adversaries, interventions among adversaries, and mediations between adversaries. Second, Realizing Peace also examines the efforts of non-governmental organizations and non-official individuals in advancing peace in foreign conflicts. Third, it traces and applies the developing fields of peace studies and conflict resolution, synthesized in the constructive conflict approach, to evaluate those American engagements. Using the constructive conflict approach, the book draws on its insights and research findings to make critical assessments of American engagements. Realizing Peace suggests alternative strategies that would be more effective and yield more beneficial results than did many of the strategies that had been pursued. A major set of episodes discussed in this book pertain to Americans' engagements in the Cold War, through its escalations and de-

escalations, its final transformation, and subsequent American-Russian interactions. Multiple analyses also relate to conflicts with Panama, Al Qaeda, Iraq, North Korea, and Iran. In addition, interventions in Yugoslavia, Haiti, and elsewhere are examined. Finally, several mediation efforts in the Israeli-Arab/Palestinian conflicts are critically discussed. The analyses incorporate consideration of the American political circumstances and the evolving global context"-- Provided by publisher. Contents: Machine generated contents note: -- Preface and Acknowledgements -- Glossary -- Chapter 1: Toward More Constructive Peacemaking -- Chapter 2: Escalations and De-escalations in the Cold War, 1945 - 1968 -- Chapter 3: Transforming Conflicts, 1969 - 1988 -- Chapter 4: Cold War Ends, New Conflicts Arise, 1989 - 1992 -- Chapter 5: America in a Globalizing World, 1993 - 2000 -- Chapter 6: The War on Terrorism and Other Foreign Conflicts, 2001 - 2008 -- Chapter 7: Attempted Course Change after 2008 -- Chapter 8: Building the Conditions for Constructive Strategies -- Index. Subjects: Peace-building--United States--History. Political Science / General. United States--Foreign relations--1945-1989. United States--Foreign relations--1989-

Resilience and resolve: communities against terrorism LCCN: 2015005795 Personal name: Jerard, Jolene. Main title: Resilience and resolve: communities against terrorism / Jolene Jerard (NTU, Singapore), Salim Mohamed Nasir (NTU, Singapore). Published/Produced: New Jersey: Imperial College Press, 2015. Description: pages cm. ISBN: 9781783267736 (alk. paper) LC classification: HV6431 .J465 2015



Related names: Nasir, Salim Mohamed. Contents: Resilience and resolve: from community engagement to community resilience -- Significance quest theory as the driver of radicalization towards terrorism -- An internal critique of al-Qaeda -- The concept of wasatiyyah and the significance of Islamic moderation -- Centrality of counter ideology in countering jihadist terrorism -- Community engagement to counter-extremism: a global imperative -- Deconstruction of radical ideologies and detainee reintegration -- A community counter-ideology response: strategies to reach out to the youth -- Promoting religious harmony -- Catalyst for change: communities against terrorism. Subjects: Terrorism--Prevention. Community development. Social participation. Notes: Includes index. Series: Imperial College Press insurgency and terrorism series; 8

Special Forces in the War on Terror LCCN: 2015288108 Personal name: Neville, Leigh. Main title: Special Forces in the War on Terror / Leigh Neville. Published/Created: Oxford; New York: Osprey Pub Co, 2015. Description: 336 pages: color illustrations, color maps; 25 cm. ISBN: 9781472807908 1472807901 Summary: The world's best trained, best equipped and most feared soldiers have been fighting a war in the shadows for the last decade. The tip of the spear in the war on terror, Special Forces operators from the US, UK and other Coalition countries have led the fight against insurgents and terrorists around the world. Operating in secrecy, usually heavily outnumbered and often deployed deep inside enemy territory, these operators are the new face of modern war. Packed with their stories, photographs and details of the operation

they have conducted, Special Forces in the War on Terror is a full history of their war, from the earliest Green Beret operations in Afghanistant throught to SEAL Team 6's kill-or-capture mission against Osama bin Laden in Abbottabad-and beyond. Contents: Introduction: the world before 9/11 -- Enduring Freedom: Afghanistan 2001-2002 -- Iraqi Freedom: Iraq 2003 -- Countering insurgency: Afghanistan 2002-2009, Iraq 2003-2011, and the Philippines 2002 onward -- Industrial counterterrorism: hunting al-Qaeda in Iraq 2003-2012 -- Kill or capture: Afghanistan 2006-2014 -- New theaters: Somalia, Libya, Yemen, Mali, and Syria -- The long war. Subjects: Afghan War, 2001---Commando operations. Special forces (Military science)--Afghanistan. Notes: Includes index.

Team of teams: new rules of engagement for a complex world LCCN: 2015302121 Personal name: McChrystal, Stanley A. Main title: Team of teams: new rules of engagement for a complex world / General Stanley McChrystal (U.S. Army, retired), with Tantum Collins, David Silverman, and Chris Fussell. Published/Produced: New York, New York: Portfolio/Penguin, [2015] ©2015 Description: ix, 290 pages: illustrations; 24 cm ISBN: 9781591847489 (hardcover) 1591847486 (hardcover) LC classification: HD66 .M38185 2015 Related names: Collins, Tantum, author. Silverman, David, author. Fussell, Chris, author. Summary: As commander of Joint Special Operations Command (JSOC), General Stanley McChrystal played a crucial role in the War on Terror. But when he took the helm in 2004, America was losing that war badly: despite vastly inferior resources and technology, Al Qaeda was


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outmaneuvering America's most elite warriors. McChrystal came to realize that today's faster, more interdependent world had overwhelmed the conventional, top-down hierarchy of the U.S. military. Al Qaeda had seen the future: a decentralized network that could move quickly and strike ruthlessly. To defeat such an enemy, JSOC would have to discard a century of management wisdom, and pivot from a pursuit of mechanical efficiency to organic adaptability. Under McChrystal's leadership, JSOC remade itself, in the midst of a grueling war, into something entirely new: a network that combined robust centralized communication with decentralized managerial authority. As a result, they beat back Al Qaeda. In this book, McChrystal shows not only how the military made that transition, but also how similar shifts are possible in all organizations, from large companies to startups to charities to governments. In a turbulent world, the best organizations think and act like a team of teams, embracing small groups that combine the freedom to experiment with a relentless drive to share what they've learned. Drawing on a wealth of evidence from his military career, the private sector, and sources as diverse as hospital emergency rooms and NASA's space program, McChrystal frames the existential challenge facing today's organizations, and proposes a compelling, effective solution. Contents: Introduction -- The Proteus problem. Sons of Proteus; Clockwork; From complicated to complex; Doing the right thing -- From many, one. From command to team; Team of teams -- Sharing. Seeing the system; Brains out of the footlocker; Beating the prisoner's dilemma -- Letting go. Hands off;

Leading like a gardener -- Looking ahead. Symmetries. Subjects: McChrystal, Stanley A. United States. Joint Special Operations Command--Reorganization. Teams in the workplace. Organizational effectiveness. Decentralization in management. Organizational behavior. Military administration--United States--Case studies. Generals--United States--Biography. Notes: Includes bibliographical references (pages 255-279) and index.

Terrorism: commentary on security documents Volume 138, resurgent terrorist threat LCCN: 2015460432 Main title: Terrorism: commentary on security documents Volume 138, resurgent terrorist threat / [edited by] Douglas C. Lovelace. Published/Created: New York: Oceana: Oxford University Press, 2015. Description: 405 p.: ill.; 26 cm. ISBN: 9780199351091 0199351090 Variant title: Resurgent terrorist threat Related names: Lovelace, Douglas C., Jr., 1948- Summary: "Terrorism: Commentary on Security Documents is a series that provides primary source documents and expert commentary on various topics relating to the worldwide effort to combat terrorism, as well as efforts by the United States and other nations to protect their national security interests. Volume 138, The Resurgent Terrorist Threat, examines the changing threat of terrorism and why after over a decade of concerted effort terrorism is still a threat. "-- Publisher's website. Contents: Preface Commentary by Douglas C. Lovelace, Jr. -- Document No. 1: Cyberterrorism After Stuxnet, Thomas M. Chen, United States Army War College Press, June 2014 -- Document No. 2: The Project BioShield Act:



Issues for the 113th Congress, CRS Report No. R43607, Frank Gottron, June 18, 2014 --Document No. 3: Combating Terrorism: U.S. Efforts in Northwest Africa Would Be Strengthened by Enhanced Program Management, GAO Report 14-518, Report to the Committee on Foreign Relations, U.S. Senate, June 2014 -- Document No. 4: Combating Terrorism: State Department Can Improve Management of East Africa Program, GAO Report 14-502, Report to the Committee on Foreign Relations, U.S. Senate, June 2014 -- Document No. 5: The Resurgence of al-Qaeda in Syria and Iraq, Azeem Ibrahim, United States Army War College Press, May 2014 -- Document No. 6: Combating Terrorism: DHS Should Take Action to Better Ensure Resources Abroad Align with Priorities, GAO Report 13-681, Report to Congressional Requesters, September 2013-- Document No. 7: U.S.-EU Cooperation Against Terrorism, CRS Report No. RS22030, Kristin Archick, September 4, 2013 --Document No. 8: Latin America: Terrorism Issues, CRS Report No. RS21049, Mark P. Sullivan and June S. Beittel, August 15, 2014 -- Document No. 9: The Evolution of Los Zetas in Mexico and Central America: Sadism as an Instrument of Cartel Warfare, George W. Grayson, United States Army War College Press, April 2014. Subjects: Qaida (Organization) Qaida (Organization) Terrorism--United States--Prevention. National security--United States. National security. Terrorism--Prevention. United States. Notes: Includes bibliographical references and index. Series: Terrorism, commentary on security documents: volume 138, 1062-4007 Terrorism (Oxford University Press); volume 138, 1062-4007

Terrorists at the table: why negotiating is the only way to peace LCCN: 2014047030 Personal name: Powell, Jonathan, 1956- Main title: Terrorists at the table: why negotiating is the only way to peace / Jonathan Powell. Published/Produced: New York City: Palgrave Macmillan Trade, 2015. Description: pages cm Links: Cover image http://www.netread.com/jcusers2/bk1388/887/9781250069887/image/lgcover.9781250069887.jpg ISBN: 9781250069887 (hardback) LC classification: HV6431 .P678 2015 Summary: "Should governments talk to terrorists? Do they have any choice? Without doing so, argues author Jonathan Powell in Terrorists at the Table, we will never end armed conflict. As violent insurgencies continue to erupt across the globe, we need people who will brave the depths of the Sri Lankan jungle and scale the heights of the Colombian mountains, painstakingly tracking down the heavily armed and dangerous leaders of these terrorist groups in order to open negotiations with them. Powell draws on his own experiences negotiating peace in Northern Ireland and talks to all the major players from the last thirty years--terrorists, Presidents, secret agents and intermediaries--exposing the subterranean world of secret exchanges between governments and armed groups to give us the inside account of negotiations on the front line. These past negotiations shed light on how today's negotiators can tackle the Taliban, Hammas and al-Qaeda. And history tells us that it may be necessary to fight and talk at the same time. Ultimately, Powell brings us a message of hope: there is no armed conflict anywhere in the world that cannot be resolved if we are prepared to learn


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from the lessons of the past"-- Provided by publisher. "Should governments talk to terrorists? Do they have any choice? Without doing so, argues author Jonathan Powell, we will never end armed conflict. As violent insurgencies continue to erupt across the globe, we need people who will brave the depths of the Sri Lankan jungle and scale the heights of the Colombian mountains, painstakingly tracking down the heavily armed and dangerous leaders of these terrorist groups in order to open negotiations with them. Powell draws on his own experiences negotiating peace in Northern Ireland and talks to all the major players from the last thirty years--terrorists, Presidents, secret agents and intermediaries--exposing the subterranean world of secret exchanges between governments and armed groups to give us the inside account of negotiations on the front line. These past negotiations shed light on how today's negotiators can tackle the Taliban, Hammas and al-Qaeda. And history tells us that it may be necessary to fight and talk at the same time. Ultimately, Powell brings us a message of hope: there is no armed conflict anywhere in the world that cannot be resolved if we are prepared to learn from the lessons of the past"-- Provided by publisher. Contents: Machine generated contents note: -- Introduction -- Chapter One -- Why We Must Talk to Terrorists -- Chapter Two -- Making Contact with the Enemy -- Chapter Three -- Building a Channel -- Chapter Four -- How Governments Engage with Terrorists -- Chapter Five -- The Third Party -- Chapter Six -- Starting a Negotiation -- Chapter Seven -- The Art of Negotiation -- Chapter Eight -- Why do Some Negotiations Succeed and Others Fail? -- Chapter Nine -- Only

Implementation Creates Trust -- Chapter Ten -- The Lessons of History -- Chapter Eleven -- The Future -- Acknowledgements -- Bibliography -- Index. Subjects: Terrorism--Government policy. Negotiation. Conflict management. Political Science / Political Freedom & Security / Terrorism.

The 9/11 terror cases: constitutional challenges in the war against Al Qaeda LCCN: 2015023666 Personal name: Ryan, Allan A., author. Main title: The 9/11 terror cases: constitutional challenges in the war against Al Qaeda / Allan A. Ryan. Published/Produced: Lawrence, Kansas: University Press of Kansas, 2015. Description: pages cm Links: Cover image http://www.netread.com/jcusers/1336/3103022/image/lgcover.9780700621323.jpg ISBN: 9780700621323 (hardback) 9780700621705 (paperback) LC classification: KF221.P6 R13 2015 Summary: "The terrorist attacks of 9/11 are indelibly etched into our cultural memory. This is the story of how the legal ramifications of that day brought two presidents, Congress, and the Supreme Court into repeated confrontation over the incarceration of hundreds of suspected terrorists and "enemy combatants" at the US naval base in Guantanamo, Cuba. Could these prisoners (including an American citizen) be held indefinitely without due process of law? Did they have the right to seek their release by habeas corpus in US courts? Could they be tried in a makeshift military judicial system? With Guantanamo well into its second decade, these questions have challenged the three branches of government, each contending with the others, and each invoking the Constitution's separation of



powers as well as its checks and balances. In The 9/11 Terror Cases, Allan A. Ryan leads students and general readers through the pertinent cases: Rasul v. Bush and Hamdi v. Rumsfeld, both decided by the Supreme Court in 2004; Hamdan v. Bush, decided in 2006; and Boumediene v. Bush, in 2008. An eloquent writer and an expert in military law and constitutional litigation, Ryan is an adept guide through the nuanced complexities of these cases, which rejected the sweeping powers asserted by President Bush and Congress, and upheld the rule of law, even for enemy combatants. In doing so, as we see clearly in Ryan's deft account, the Supreme Court's rulings speak directly to the extent and nature of presidential and congressional prerogative, and to the critical separation and balance of powers in the governing of the United States"-- Provided by publisher. Contents: Machine generated contents note: -- Editors' Preface -- Preface -- Acknowledgments -- 1. Guantanamo -- 2. The First Cases -- 3. The Supreme Court -- 4. The Decisions of 2004: Rasul, Hamdi, and Padilla -- 5. Hamdan -- 6. Boumediene -- 7. The Obama Administration -- 8. Conclusion -- Glossary -- Chronology -- Bibliographical Esssay -- Index. Subjects: Trials (Terrorism)--United States. War on Terrorism, 2001-2009. Constitutional law--United States. LAW / Constitutional. Political Science / Government / Executive Branch. History / United States / 21st Century. Notes: Includes bibliographical references and index. Series: Landmark law cases and American society

The al-Qaeda network in Pakistan LCCN: 2015326665 Personal name: Zahid,

Farhan, author. Main title: The al-Qaeda network in Pakistan / Farhan Zahid. Edition: Edition first. Published/Produced: Islamabad: Narratives, 2015. Description: 261 pages; 24 cm ISBN: 9789699465525 LC classification: HV6432.5.A-Z (Qaida (Organization))+ Subjects: Qaida (Organization) Terrorism--Pakistan. Notes: Includes bibliographical references.

The assault on international law LCCN: 2014023293 Personal name: Ohlin, Jens David, author. Main title: The assault on international law / Jens David Ohlin. Published/Produced: New York, NY: Oxford University Press, [2015] Description: xi, 289 pages; 25 cm ISBN: 9780199987405 (hbk.: alk. paper) 0199987408 (hbk.: alk. paper) LC classification: KF4581 .O35 2015 Summary: "International law presents a conceptual riddle. Why comply with it when there is no world government to enforce it? The United States has a long history of skepticism towards international law, but 9/11 ushered in a particularly virulent phase of American exceptionalism. Torture became official government policy, President Bush denied that the Geneva Conventions applied to the war against al-Qaeda, and the US drifted away from international institutions like the International Criminal Court and the United Nations. Although American politicians and their legal advisors are often the public face of this attack, the root of this movement is a coordinated and deliberate attack by law professors hostile to its philosophical foundations, including Eric Posner, Jack Goldsmith, Adrian Vermeule, and John Yoo. In a series of influential writings they have claimed that since states are motivated primarily


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by self-interest, compliance with international law is nothing more than high-minded talk. Theses abstract arguments then provide a foundation for dangerous legal conclusions: that international law is largely irrelevant to determining how and when terrorists can be captured or killed; that the US President alone should be directing the War on Terror without significant input from Congress or the judiciary; that US courts should not hear lawsuits alleging violations of international law; and that the US should block any international criminal court with jurisdiction over Americans. Put together, these polemical accounts had an enormous impact on how politicians conduct foreign policy and how judges decide cases - ultimately triggering America's pernicious withdrawal from international cooperation. In The Assault on International Law, Jens Ohlin exposes the mistaken assumptions of these 'New Realists,' in particular their impoverished utilization of rational choice theory. In contrast, he provides an alternate vision of international law based on a truly innovative theory of human rationality. According to Ohlin, rationality requires that agents follow through on their plans even when faced with opportunities for defection. Seen in this light, international law is the product of nation-states cooperating to escape a brutish State of Nature--a result that is not only legally binding but also in each state's self-interest"-- Provided by publisher. Contents: Machine generated contents note: -- Prologue: Dramatis Personae -- 1. The Office of Legal Counsel -- 2. The Emergence of the New Realists -- 3. Conclusion -- Chapter One: Gaming The Federal Courts -- 1. The Erie Doctrine 2.0 -- 2. The Filartiga Era: Enforcing

International Law at Home -- 3. Filartiga's Demise, Parochialism's Rise -- 4. The New Realists go to Washington -- 5. International Law as Interpretive Guidance -- 6. Conclusion -- Chapter Two: Presidents And Leviathans -- 1. Public Opinion and Law -- 2. Presidential Power: The New Realist's Normative Argument -- 3. Democratic Decision-making versus Schmittology -- 4. Executive Action During Emergencies -- 5. Why Schmittian Administrative Law is Not Inevitable -- 6. Conclusion -- Chapter Three: The Attack: Misunderstanding Rationality -- 1. The Game Theory Game -- 2. The Prisoner's Dilemma and Nash Equilibrium -- 3. Law and Self-Interest -- 4. Objections to the Moral Obligation of States -- Chapter Four: Solving The Prisoner's Dilemma Of International Law -- 1. The Toxin Puzzle and Taking the Long View -- 2. The Deterrence Paradox and the Limits of Follow-Through -- 3. Assurances and Cooperation -- 4. Why the New Realists Fail to Understand Rationality -- 5. Rationality and Obligation -- Chapter Five: War As Cooperation -- 1. War as Cooperation -- 2. Who can be Targeted? Combatants, Civilians, and CCFers -- 3. Geographical Constraints on Armed Conflict -- 4. Co-Applying the Laws of War with Human Rights -- Chapter 6: Reengaging International Institutions -- 1. Global Legalism vs. Rational Choice: A False Dichotomy -- 2. Does Globalization Need Taming? -- 3. The United Nations -- 4. The International Court of Justice -- 5. The International Criminal Court. Subjects: International and municipal law--United States. International law--United States. Law / International. Political Science / International Relations / Diplomacy.



The crisis of the African state: globalization, tribalism, and Jihadism in the twenty-first century LCCN: 2015025263 Main title: The crisis of the African state: globalization, tribalism, and Jihadism in the twenty-first century / Dr. Anthony N. Celso and Dr. Robert Nalbandov. Published/Produced: Quantico: Marine Corps University Press, 2015. Description: pages cm LC classification: UA855 .C75 2015 Related names: Celso, Anthony, editor, author. Nalbandov, Robert, editor, author. Contents: The crisis of the African state and the impact of globalization, tribalism, and Jihadism / by Dr. Anthony N. Celso and Dr. Robert Nalbandov -- Ansar al-Sharia in Tunisia's long game: Dawa, Hisba, and Jihad / by Daveed Gartenstein-Ross -- Al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb: Libya, Mali, and the next Jihadist war / by Dr. Anthony N. Celso -- Small wars: tactical and strategic drivers in north Mali, 2013 / by Henri Borø -- From rebels to rulers: conflict and state consolidation in comparative perspective / by Ian S. Spears -- After the genocide / by Robert E. Gribbin -- France and Libya in Chad: a strange triangle / by Dr. Robert Nalbandov -- Political economy and stability in Nigeria / by Clarence J. Bouchat -- The African failed state and the challenge of combating Jihadism and tribalism in the global area / by Dr. Anthony N. Celso and Dr. Robert Nalbandov. Subjects: Internal security--Africa. Political stability--Africa. Ethnic conflict--Africa. Globalization--Africa. Jihad. Islamic fundamentalism--Africa. Africa--Politics and government--21st century. Notes: Includes index.

The dynamics of radicalization: a relational and comparative perspective LCCN:

2014032380 Personal name: Alimi, Eitan Y. Main title: The dynamics of radicalization: a relational and comparative perspective / Eitan Y. Alimi, Chares Demetriou, Lorenzo Bosi. Published/Produced: Oxford; New York: Oxford University Press, [2015] Description: xi, 331 pages; 25 cm ISBN: 9780199937707 (hardcover) 9780199937721 (paperback) LC classification: HN49.R33 A55 2015 Related names: Bosi, Lorenzo. Demetriou, Chares. Summary: "The book comparatively investigates the processes of radicalization, focusing on questions of how and when such processes unfold, rather than on why they happen in the first place. Alimi, Bosi, and Demetriou argue that processes of radicalization develop primarily through the interplay of three specific mechanisms: "competition for power" among movement actors; "threat/opportunity spirals" between the movement and its political environment; and "outbidding" between movement actors and state security forces. Each arena or mechanism affects and is affected by the other two, creating a multilayered pathway of radicalization. Using the "most different case" logic, the authors argue their theory through three case studies: the Red Brigades in Italy (1968-1980), the Greek Cypriot Enosis-EOKA (1945-1960), and the Al Qaeda/Sunni-led Salafi Transnational Jihad Movement (1984-2001). Without losing sight of the significant differences between the cases, or of the way in which they influence the particular sequence of the process, the book provides an empirically proven and widely applicable analytic framework for understanding how political processes and different contexts drive radicalization"-- Provided


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by publisher. Subjects: Radicalism. Radicalism--Case studies. Political violence. Political violence--Case studies. Social Science / Sociology / General. Political Science / International Relations / General. Social Science / Violence in Society. Notes: Includes bibliographical references (pages 291-315) and index.

The global village myth: distance, war and the limits of power LCCN: 2014026896 Personal name: Porter, Patrick, 1976- author. Main title: The global village myth: distance, war and the limits of power / Patrick Porter. Published/Produced: Washington, DC: Georgetown University Press, [2015] Description: ix, 243 pages; 24 cm ISBN: 9781626161924 (alk. paper) 9781626161948 9781626161931 (alk. paper) LC classification: JZ1305 .P668 2015 Summary: Porter challenges the powerful ideology of "Globalism" that is widely subscribed to by the US national security community. Globalism entails visions of a perilous shrunken world in which security interests are interconnected almost without limit, exposing even powerful states to instant war. Globalism does not just describe the world, but prescribes expansive strategies to deal with it, portraying a fragile globe that the superpower must continually tame into order. Porter argues that this vision of the world has resulted in the US undertaking too many unnecessary military adventures and dangerous strategic overstretch. Distance and geography should be some of the factors that help the US separate the important from the unimportant in international relations. The US should also recognize that, despite the latest technologies, projecting power over great distances still incurs frictions and

costs that set real limits on American power. Reviving an appreciation of distance and geography would lead to a more sensible and sustainable grand strategy. Contents: Introduction: strife in the village -- So near, so far: physical and strategic distance -- Wars for the world: the rise of globalism: 1941, 1950, 2001 -- Lost in space: Al Qaeda and the limits of netwar -- Access denied: technology, terrain and the barriers to conquest -- Wide of the mark: drones, cyber and the tyrannies of distance -- Conclusion: the geopolitics of hubris. Subjects: International relations. Security, International. United States--Foreign relations--20th century. United States--Foreign relations--21st century. Notes: Includes bibliographical references and index.

The ISIS apocalypse: the history, strategy, and doomsday vision of the Islamic State LCCN: 2015015281 Personal name: McCants, William Faizi, 1975- Main title: The ISIS apocalypse: the history, strategy, and doomsday vision of the Islamic State / William McCants. Published/Produced: New York City: Palgrave Macmillan, 2015. Description: pages cm Links: Cover image http://www.netread.com/jcusers2/bk1388/905/9781250080905/image/lgcover.9781250080905.jpg ISBN: 9781250080905 (hardback) LC classification: HV6433.I722 M35 2015 Scope and content: "The so-called Islamic State, or ISIS, has inspired young men and women around the world to commit heinous acts in its name. By the thousands, they have flooded into the Islamic State's vase stronghold in Syria and Iraq, and in nearly every continent they have carried out attacks under its black banner. The Islamic State has become one of the



most popular and successful jihadist groups on the planet, surpassing even al-Qaeda. How did the Islamic State attract so many followers and conquer so much land? By being more ruthless, more messianic, and more devoted to empire-building than its competitors. The shrewd leaders of the Islamic State combined two of the most powerful yet contradictory ideas in Islam--the return of the Islamic Empire and the end of the world--into a mission and a message that shapes its strategy and inspires its army of zealous fighters. They have defied conventional thinking about how to wage wars and win recruits. Even if the Islamic State is defeated, jihadist terrorism will never be the same. Based almost entirely on primary sources in Arabic--including ancient religious texts and secret al-Qaeda and Islamic State letters that few outsiders have seen--The ISIS Apocalypse by William McCants explores how religious fervor, strategic calculation, and doomsday prophesy shaped the Islamic State's past and foreshadow its dark future"-- Provided by publisher. Contents: Raising the Black Flag -- Mahdi and Mismanagement -- Bannermen -- Resurrection and Tribulation -- Sectarian Apocalypse -- Caliphate Reborn -- Conclusion -- Appendices: Sunni Islamic Prophecies of the End Times -- Appendix 1: The Final Days -- Appendix 2: The Victorious Group -- Appendix 3: The Mahdi is preceded by an Islamic State -- Appendix 4: Twelve Caliphs. Subjects: IS (Organization)--History. Terrorism--Religious aspects--Islam. Terrorism--Middle East. Jihad. Strategy. Islamic Empire. End of the world--Political aspects--Middle East. Political messianism--Middle East. Middle East--Politics and government--21st century.

The rise of Islamic state: ISIS and the new Sunni revolution LCCN: 2014041837 Personal name: Cockburn, Patrick, 1950- Uniform title: Jihadis return Main title: The rise of Islamic state: ISIS and the new Sunni revolution / Patrick Cockburn. Published/Produced: London; New York: Verso, 2015. ©2014 Description: xx, 172 pages; 20 cm ISBN: 9781784780401 (paperback) LC classification: HV6433.I722 C64 2015 Summary: "Out of the failures of Iraq and Afghanistan, the Arab Spring and Syria, a new threat emerges. While Al Qaeda is weakened, new jihadi movements, especially ISIS, are starting to emerge. In military operations in June 2014 they were far more successful than Al Qaeda ever were, taking territory that reaches across borders and includes the city of Mosul. The reports of their military coordination and brutality are chilling. While they call for the formation of a new caliphate once again the West becomes a target. How could things have gone so badly wrong? In The Rise Of Islamic State, Cockburn analyzes the reasons for the unfolding of US and the West's greatest foreign policy debacle and the impact that it has on the war-torn and volatile Middle East"-- Provided by publisher. Contents: Preface: the hundred days -- The rise of ISIS -- The Battle of Mosul -- In denial -- Jihadis on the march -- The Sunni resurgence in Iraq -- Jihadis hijack the Syria uprising -- Saudi Arabia Tries to Pull Back -- If It Bleeds It Leads -- Shock and War. Subjects: IS (Organization) Terrorism--Middle East. Terrorism--Religious aspects--Islam. History / Military / Iraq War (2003-). Middle East--History--21st century. Notes: "First published under the title The Jihadis return by OR Books, New


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York and London, 2014"--T.p. verso. Includes index.

The secrets of Pakistan's war on al-Qaeda LCCN: 2015325535 Personal name: Syed, Azaz, author. Main title: The secrets of Pakistan's war on al-Qaeda / Azaz Syed. Edition: Edition first. Published/Produced: Islamabad: Narratives, 2015. Description: 167 pages; 22 cm ISBN: 9789699645518 LC classification: HV6430.A2-Z (Bin Laden, Osama).xA6-Z+ Portion of title: War on al-Qaeda Subjects: Bin Laden, Osama, 1957-2011. Qaida (Organization) Pakistan. Inter Services Intelligence. Military intelligence--Pakistan. Notes: Includes bibliographical references.

The Sunni tragedy in the Middle East: Northern Lebanon from al-Qaeda to ISIS LCCN: 2015010405 Personal name: Rougier, Bernard. Uniform title: Oumma en fragments. English Main title: The Sunni tragedy in the Middle East: Northern Lebanon from al-Qaeda to ISIS / Bernard Rougier. Published/Produced: Princeton; Oxford: Princeton University Press, [2015] Description: pages cm. ISBN: 9780691170015 (hardcover: alk. paper) LC classification: BP173.6 .R6813 2015 Contents: Preface -- 1. North Lebanon in Bilad al-Sham -- 2. Defending an imagined Umma: the path to terrorism -- 3. The anti-Syrian movement: rebuilding a political scene -- 4. The Syrian response -- 5. Jihad and resistance in North Lebanon: the history of Fatah al-Islam -- 6. The failure to create a lasting support base for the Syrian insurrection -- Epilogue -- Conclusion -- Maps -- Glossary -- Index. Subjects: Ummah (Islam)--Lebanon. Sunnites--Lebanon. Islam and

state--Lebanon. Notes: Includes bibliographical references and index. Translated from French. Series: Princeton studies in Muslim politics

Understanding terrorism innovation and learning: Al-Qaeda and beyond LCCN: 2014043879 Main title: Understanding terrorism innovation and learning: Al-Qaeda and beyond / edited by Magnus Ranstorp and Magnus Normark. Published/Produced: New York: Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group, 2015. Description: xi, 291 pages; 24 cm. ISBN: 9781138847439 (hardback: alk. paper) LC classification: HV6431 .U3475 2015 Related names: Ranstorp, Magnus, editor. Normark, Magnus. Contents: Introduction / Magnus Ranstorp and Magnus Normark -- The theoretical underpinnings of terrorist innovation decisions / Gary Ackerman -- Innovation and the improvised explosive device / John Allison -- The dynamics of terrorist innovation / Adam Dolnik -- Attacking the West: the influence of al-Qaeda's ideology and propaganda / Søren Hove -- Jihadist innovation and learning by adapting to the "new"and "social media" / Zeitgeist, Nico Prucha -- Learning terror: the evolving threat of overseas training to the West / Paul Cruickshank -- Innovation in terrorists counter-surveillance: the case of al-qaeda and its affiliates / Joshua Sinai -- Case studies -- Innovation and learning in the British jihad / Rafaello Pantucci -- Terrorists lack imagination when choosing targets in Denmark / Morten Skjoldager -- "Please inform Europe": al-Qaeda's Europlot of 2009/10 in the light of new documents and testimonies / Yassin Musharbash and Guido Steinberg -- Changing patterns in terror plots directed against Germany emanating



from militant Uzbek networks in Waziristan / Yassin Musharbash and Guido Steinberg -- Conclusions, magnus ranstorp and magnus normark. Subjects: Terrorism. Terrorism--Case studies. Weapons. Technology. Terrorism and mass media. Notes: Includes bibliographical references and index. Series: Political violence

War and state-building in Afghanistan: historical and modern perspectives LCCN: 2014019626 Main title: War and state-building in Afghanistan: historical and modern perspectives / edited by Scott Gates and Kaushik Roy. Published/Produced: London; New York: Bloomsbury Academic, an imprint of Bloomsbury Publishing Plc, 2015. Description: ix, 302 pages: maps; 24 cm. ISBN: 9781472572172 (hardback: alk. paper) LC classification: DS357.5 .W37 2015 Related names: Gates, Scott, editor, author. Roy, Kaushik, 1971- editor, author. Contents: Continuity and change in asymmetric warfare in Afghanistan: from the Mughals to the Americans / Scott Gates, Kaushik Roy, Marianne Dahl and Håvard Mokleiv Nygård -- Great Mughals, warfare and COIN in Afghanistan: 1520-1707 / Kaushik Roy -- Counter-insurgency and empire: the British experience with Afghanistan and the north-west frontier, 1838-1947 / John Ferris -- The conflict of war and politics in the Soviet intervention into Afghanistan: 1979-1989 / Pavel K. Baev -- Al-Qaeda versus Najibullah: revisiting the role of foreign fighters in the battles of Jalalabad and Khost, 1989-92 / Anne Stenersen -- The Afghan National Army and COIN: past, present and future reconsidered / Rob Johnson -- Revising COIN: the stakeholder centric approach / Erik

Reichborn-Kjennerud, Karsten Friis and Harald Håvoll -- The country as a whole: imagined states and the failure of COIN in Afghanistan / Ivan Arreguín-Toft -- Heart or periphery? Afghanistan's complex neighborhood relations / Kristian Berg Harpviken. Subjects: Nation-building--Afghanistan. Afghanistan--History, Military. Notes: Includes bibliographical references (pages 281-290) and index. Series: Bloomsbury studies in military history

You're lying: secrets from an expert military interrogator to spot the lies and get to the truth LCCN: 2015002798 Personal name: Sisco, Lena. Main title: You're lying: secrets from an expert military interrogator to spot the lies and get to the truth / by Lena Sisco. Published/Produced: Pompton Plains, NJ: The Career Press, Inc., [2015] Description: 224 pages: illustrations; 23 cm Links: Cover image http://www.netread.com/jcusers/1384/2910067/image/lgcover.5227967.jpg ISBN: 9781601633620 (pbk.) LC classification: BF637.D42 S57 2015 Summary: "Lena wrote You're Lying! because no matter what your profession or life circumstances, you need the skills to take control of a situation, detect deception, and reveal the truth. While you probably won't ever have to interrogate a detainee who doesn't want to tell you about an upcoming terrorist attack--as Lena has--You're Lying! will help you deal with that salesperson trying to rip you off, the kid bullying your child who claims innocence, a cheating spouse, or dissembling boss. As the adage says, knowledge is power. Lena interrogated numerous members of Al Qaeda and the Taliban while stationed at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba, then taught those skills to Defense


Bibliography 141

Department personnel for years afterward. Her ability to build rapport, accurately read body language, and employ effective questioning techniques led to numerous successes that saved American lives. You will also learn her easy-to-follow five-step program on how to accurately detect verbal (both spoken and written) and non-verbal deceptive tells, how to conduct an

effective line of questioning, and what to do after you identify the lies we all face every day. Take the knowledge in You're Lying! and empower yourself. Don't get fooled again"-- Provided by publisher. Subjects: Deception. Truthfulness and falsehood. Body language. Interpersonal communication. Self-Help / General. Notes: Includes index.


INDEX

#

20th century, 137 21st century, 122, 128, 136, 137, 138

9

9/11, 16, 30, 51, 107, 114, 115, 116, 124, 128, 130, 133, 134

9/11 Commission, 116

A

Abdul Wali Muhammed, 41 Abu Musab al-Suri, 51 abuse, 77 access, 7, 42, 80, 89, 90, 97, 121 accessibility, 109 accommodation, 99 accounting, 70 acquaintance, 74 activism, viii, 29, 31, 32, 41, 61 actuality, 6, 73 adaptability, 131 adaptation, 65, 75 administrators, 40 adolescents, 77, 85 Adolf Hitler, 36 advancement, 41, 90 advocacy, 46, 47, 50 affective disorder, 80 affirmative action, 37 Afghanistan, 88, 120, 123, 126, 128, 130, 138, 140 Africa, 57, 119, 132, 136 African-American, 30, 44 age, 31, 41, 45, 47, 84 agencies, 39, 92, 100, 102

aggression, 36, 71, 83, 128 AIDS, 35 airports, 110 Al Qaeda, 102, 119, 120, 123, 124, 125, 126, 127,

129, 130, 133, 136, 137, 138, 140 Alan Berg, 39 Alan Cranston, 34 alcohol abuse, 77 alcoholics, 113 alcoholism, 74, 76, 77, 79, 81, 113 alienation, 17, 37, 71, 113 altruism, 6, 7, 22 al-Zarqawi, Abu Musab, 51, 121 ambivalence, 22, 76 American Civil Liberties Union, 45 amplitude, 64 anatomy, 85 ancestors, 30 anger, 83 anorexia, 79 anthropologists, 62 anthropology, 17, 22 anticonvulsant, 65 Anti-Defamation League, 44, 45, 57, 58, 59, 62 antigenic drift, 83 anxiety, 79 appointments, 107 Arab countries, 110 Arabian Peninsula, 29, 119 architect, 121 Argentina, 108, 116 arithmetic, 80 armed conflict, 132 armed groups, 119, 132 arrest(s), 39, 50, 91, 92, 93, 95, 96, 98 arterial hypertension, 79 arthritis, 79, 80 artificial intelligence, 82 Aryan Liberty Net, 42


Index 144

Aryan Nations, 38, 40, 46, 55 Aryan Women’s League, 35 Aryan Youth Movement, 45, 59 Asia, 110 asocial, vii, viii, 63, 81 assassination, 39, 119 assault, 14, 44, 45, 91, 134 assessment, viii, 10, 13, 15, 80, 120, 127, 128 assets, 44 assimilation, 66, 74 asthma, 79 ATF, 49, 50, 61 atmosphere, 45, 49, 89 attacker, 7 attitudes, 15 Attorney General, 54 Austria, 99 authenticity, 19 authoritarianism, 11 authority(s), 38, 39, 51, 54, 75, 99, 107, 112, 114,

131 autism, 80 autonomy, 6 aversion, 9 avoidance, 35, 74 awareness, 8, 68

B

bacteria, 77, 78, 85 bacterial infection, 85 Balkans, 127 ban, 15, 74, 103, 111 banking, 32 Barack Obama, 30 Baron Elie de Rothschild, 39 barriers, 77, 137 Barry Goldwater, 31 base, 22, 31, 33, 64, 76, 81, 121, 133, 139 basic needs, 109 Behavioural Economics, vii, 1, 3, 9 Belgium, 1 Ben Klassen, 41 benefits, 2, 6, 7, 8, 108, 113, 114 Bertrand Comparet, 33 bias, 8 Bible, 116 bilateral, 107 biosphere, 64 Blacks, 45, 51 blame, 37, 85 blindness, 73 blood, 35, 47, 105, 126

board members, 62 Bolivia, 60 bomb attack, 100 brain, 15, 17, 48, 65, 72, 78, 80, 82, 86 brain structure, 15 branching, 73 Brazil, 108 Britain, 102 British Israelism, 32 bronchial asthma, 79 brothers, 29, 37, 55 brutality, 110, 127, 138 bulimia, 79 bullying, 77, 81, 86, 140 bureaucratization, 18 Burma, 127 Bush, President, 134 Bush, President George Walker, 107

C

cable television, 41, 42 California Knights, 34 California Knights of the Ku Klux Klan, 34 Cameroon, 123 campaigns, 32, 83, 106 cancer, 47, 79 capitalism, 21, 35, 36, 37, 55, 105, 111, 112 caricatures, 42 Carter, President Jimmy, 34 cartoon, 42, 44 cascades, 78 case study(s), 10, 120, 136 cash, 45, 56 catalyst, 14, 38, 75 Caucasus, 126 causal relationship, 69, 75 Central African Republic, 123 central nervous system, 70 Chad, 61, 123, 136 chain of command, 48 challenges, 94, 120, 122, 125, 133, 137 character traits, 74 charities, 131 Charlie Hebdo, 29 Chechens, 126 checks and balances, 134 chemical, 79 Chicago, 30, 46, 53, 58, 112, 115 child rearing, 18 childhood, 19, 30, 31 children, 18, 19, 21, 74, 77, 107 China, 32, 53, 127


Index 145

Christian Identity, viii, 29, 32, 41, 53 Christianity, 35, 41, 55, 119 Christians, 128 Church of the Creator, 41, 57 CIA, 88, 102, 121 CID, 98 circulation, 42 cities, 18, 42, 51, 108, 114 citizens, 19, 34, 110, 127 citizenship, 105 civil law, 46 civil liberties, 46 civil rights, 32, 33, 46, 119 civil war, 37, 121, 126, 127 civilization, 107 Clair Burgener, 34 classes, 3, 108 classification, viii, 63, 64, 69, 75, 79, 119, 120, 121,

122, 123, 124, 125, 126, 127, 128, 129, 130, 132, 133, 134, 136, 137, 138, 139, 140

clients, 46, 94 climate, 76 cloning, 17 clothing, 101 CNN, 30, 52 coal, 72 coding, 65 coercion, 69 cognitive deficit, 85 cognitive development, 21 cognitive dissonance, 8, 10 cognitive dissonance theory, 8 coherence, 65 cold war, vii, 13, 36, 55, 129 colleges, 47 colonization, 17 color, 128, 130 commodity, 20 communication, 72, 83, 95, 131 communism, 36 community(s), 40, 47, 58, 70, 72, 84, 116, 129, 130,

137 community service, 47 competition, 136 competitors, 138 complexity, 85 compliance, 135 comprehension, vii, 72 computer, 21, 42, 48, 79 computer technology, 42 computerization, 64 conception, 66 conciliation, 2

conference, 54, 62 confession, 99, 100 conflict, 70, 71, 111, 112, 115, 123, 129, 132, 136,

140 conflict resolution, 129 conformity, 75, 86 confrontation, 38, 43, 58, 84, 133 Congress, 34, 38, 40, 43, 61, 132, 133, 135 consciousness, 16, 73, 78, 111, 112 consensus, vii, 1, 2 consent, 19 consolidation, 136 conspiracy, 32, 49, 111, 128 Constitution, 133 constitutional challenges, 133 construction, 15, 64, 107 constructive conflict, 129 consumers, 21, 77, 110, 112 consumption, 3, 6, 14, 16, 21, 77, 105, 110 contamination, 64, 93 controversial, 101 convention, 14 convergence, 82 conversations, 78 conviction, 91 cooperation, 107, 128, 135 coordination, 58, 138 coronary heart disease, 79, 81 correlation, 72 corrosion, 18 cortex, 80 cost, 2, 4, 6, 97 cost-benefit analysis, 4 cough, 94 counsel, 46 counterfeiting, 38, 39 counterterrorism, 2, 7, 9, 10, 11, 124, 126, 130 counterterrorism strategy, 7, 9, 10 covering, 78, 81, 96 creativity, 18, 74 crimes, 46, 50, 88, 120 criminal activity, 91 criminal justice system, 44 crises, 70, 72, 73, 124 critical analysis, 115 critical infrastructure, 126 critical state, 65 criticism, 69, 74, 88, 106, 111 Cuba, 89, 133, 140 cultural conditions, 15 cultural heritage, 19 cultural memory, 133 cultural values, 71, 90, 110, 111


Index 146

culture, 7, 11, 14, 17, 19, 21, 22, 66, 69, 70, 71, 76, 78, 83, 89, 90, 110, 115, 116, 125

currency, 30, 52 curricula, 19 cyberspace, 52, 61 cyclones, 79 Cyprus, 24

D

damages, 46 danger, 80, 100, 106 dark energy, 83 dark matter, 83 data collection, 90 David Duke, 33, 42, 51, 53, 54, 62 David Lane, 40 David Mazella, 45 David Rockefeller, 39 death penalty, 44 deaths, 30, 111 decomposition, 70 defects, 70 defence, 8, 94, 109 defendants, 46, 100 deficiency, 76 deficit, 85 deformation, viii, 63, 74, 77 degradation, 99 dehumanization, 76 Delta, 125 delusion, 120 delusions, 69 dementia, 65 democracy, 73, 107, 110 Democrat, 34 democratization, 108 demonstrations, 48, 57 denial, 74, 138 Denmark, 139 Dennis Mahon, 50, 62 depression, 80 deprivation, 70, 92, 99 depth, 78, 109 derivatives, 19 designers, 112 despair, 76 destiny, 107 destruction, 17, 74, 75, 77, 83, 85, 128 detainees, 89, 92, 99 detention, 91, 92, 98 deterrence, 2, 10, 126 devaluation, 75

deviation, 64 devolution, 65 DHS, 132 diabetes, 79, 80, 81 diffusion, 8 direct action, 43 directors, 112 disappointment, 71 disaster, 36 discomfort, 72 diseases, 64, 67, 69, 76, 79, 80, 83 disorder, 65, 80 dispersion, 73 displacement, 116 dissidents, 36, 109 dissipative structure(s), 64, 65 dissonance, 8, 10, 77 distribution, 22, 64, 71, 116 diversity, 50 division of labor, 111 DNA, 65, 93 doctors, 69, 99 Don Logan, 50 donations, 56 dopamine, 80 dramatic narrative, 121 drawing, 45 dream, 121 drive theory, 22 drug addict, 76, 77, 79, 81 drug addiction, 76, 79, 81 drugs, 69, 70 due process, 133 Dylann Roof, 30, 51, 52 dynamism, 75

E

East Side White Pride, 44, 45 Eastern Europe, 36, 62 ecology, 64, 67, 78, 83 economic change, 70, 116 economic damage, 5 economic reform(s), 70 economics, 2, 3, 7, 10, 11, 120 Ed Fields, 47 editors, 23, 24, 26, 102, 103, 120, 124, 126 education, 2, 7, 15, 18, 19, 20, 22, 43, 67, 70, 83 educators, 18 egalitarianism, 114 egoism, 22 Egypt, 24, 105, 106, 128 election, 30, 34, 61


Index 147

electromagnetic, 77, 78 electronic surveillance, 48 elementary school, 19 emergency, 98, 108, 123, 131 empathy, 78, 89 employees, 43 employment, 109 encouragement, 77 endocrine, 76 enemies, 35, 39, 124 enemy combatants, 133 energy, 14, 43, 64, 65, 83 enforcement, 16, 39, 43, 102, 119 Engedaw Bernhanu, 45 engineering, 83 England, 32, 37 environment, vii, 1, 2, 51, 65, 67, 69, 72, 74, 75, 76,

82, 123, 136 epidemic, vii, viii, 63, 64, 65, 67, 68, 70, 71, 72, 73,

74, 75, 76, 77, 78, 80, 81, 82 epidemic process mechanisms, 63 epidemiology, viii, 63, 64, 65, 67, 68, 69, 71, 74, 76,

83 equilibrium, 65 essay question, 107 ethics, 11, 73, 75, 77, 83, 128 ethnographers, 69 etiology, 64 Eugene Debs, 36 Europe, 15, 31, 32, 35, 36, 62, 108, 111, 114, 126,

139 everyday life, 15, 16, 21, 72, 73 evidence, 5, 8, 9, 10, 40, 41, 44, 45, 46, 49, 52, 64,

80, 81, 89, 90, 91, 92, 93, 94, 95, 96, 97, 98, 99, 107, 127, 131

evil, 21, 37, 79 evolution, vii, viii, 14, 63, 66, 83, 85, 113, 119, 127 examinations, 120 excitability, 70 exclusion, 70, 71 exercise, 2, 99, 101, 110 exploitation, 18, 22, 30, 43, 75, 107, 113 exposure, 43, 125 extremist movements, 30 extremists, 30, 52

F

fainting, 69 fairness, 100 faith, 69, 124 families, 2, 40, 48, 70, 77 fanaticism, 74, 77, 79, 81

far right, 32, 55, 56, 58 farmland, 57 farms, 114 FBI, 38, 39, 44, 49, 56, 59 fear(s), 9, 41, 85, 97, 99, 109, 110, 111, 115, 116 federal authorities, 38 federal government, 49 feelings, 19, 78 films, 31 financial, 5, 7, 46, 76, 108, 109 financial resources, 76 firearms, 99 fish, 46, 111 fitness, 33 flaws, 89 fluctuations, 67 focus groups, viii, 87 food, 21, 99, 100 food production, 22 force, 15, 32, 34, 38, 46, 49, 53, 73, 89, 96, 105, 108,

109, 113, 114 forecasting, 81 foreign policy, 37, 135, 138 formation, vii, 1, 2, 6, 7, 38, 64, 65, 69, 71, 73, 76,

77, 81, 83, 85, 138 formula, 65, 71 Fort Hood, 29 foundations, 7, 81, 110, 134 fractality, 67 fragments, 65, 139 framing, 7, 95 France, 20, 29, 111, 136 franchise, 42, 123 Frank Silva, 40 free world, 110 freedom, 6, 14, 15, 17, 18, 21, 65, 82, 97, 114, 131 Freud, 14, 23, 24, 26, 83, 85 Freud, Sigmund, 23, 83 funding, 119 fundraising, 46 funds, 47

G

Galileo, 85 gambling, 77, 79 gangs, 43 GAO, 132 gene pool, 34 general election, 34 genetic engineering, 83 Geneva Convention, 99, 134 genocide, 35, 136


Index 148

genome, 84 geography, 137 George Wallace, 32 Geraldo Rivera, 43 Germany, 13, 25, 31, 36, 37, 43, 62, 99, 139 gestures, 71 Glen Miller, 39, 56 global economy, 37 global scale, 79 global security, 126 global village, 137 globalization, 10, 16, 125, 136 God, 52, 53, 56 Gordon Kahl, 38 governance, 125 government policy, 134 government repression, 51 governments, 8, 34, 106, 131, 132 governor, 32 grass, 47, 48 grotesque, 119 grounding, 64 group interests, 33 group processes, 117 grouping, 77 growth, 71, 106 Guantanamo, 89, 133, 140 guidance, 41 guidelines, 71, 72, 97 guilt, 46, 92, 96 guilty, 44, 47 gun control, 49

H

habitat, 76 hair, 47 Haiti, 129 hallucinations, 69 Hamas, 128 harmony, 73, 130 Harold Covington, 47 Hasan, Nidal, 29 health, viii, 51, 63, 64, 65, 67, 68, 69, 73, 74, 76, 77,

81, 82, 83, 84, 86 health care, 51 health services, 83 heart attack, 78 heart disease, 79, 81 hegemony, 111 helplessness, 74 heme, 49 hemisphere, 36, 72

Henry Kissinger, 39 hernia, 79 high school, 31 hippocampus, 80 history, 4, 34, 35, 44, 83, 107, 113, 119, 120, 122,

123, 126, 130, 132, 134, 137, 139, 140 homeostasis, 65 homicide, 44 homogeneity, 70 hospitality, 105, 107, 109 host, 39, 43, 62, 77 hostility, 71, 74, 112 hotel, 39, 122 House, 55 human, viii, 13, 14, 16, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 65, 67, 68,

70, 72, 73, 75, 77, 78, 82, 83, 84, 85, 88, 100, 123, 127, 135

human body, 67 human brain, 78 human development, 19, 78 human existence, 70 human nature, 14 human right(s), 100, 123 hunting, 130 hybrid, 51, 64 hygiene, 68 hypertension, 79 hypothesis, 83, 114 hysteria, 79, 86

I

icon, 61 ideal(s), 40, 72, 107, 112, 113, 114 identification, 15, 71, 72 identity, viii, 63, 68, 69, 71, 72, 74, 75, 77, 80, 83,

85, 86, 122 ideology, 30, 34, 35, 40, 51, 81, 107, 113, 119, 130,

137, 139 illegal aliens, 54 illumination, 39 illusion, 73, 79 image(s), 15, 16, 21, 33, 75, 76, 121, 123, 124, 125,

132, 133, 137, 140 imagination, 21, 22, 139 imitation, 71, 77 immersion, 71, 75 immigrants, 33 immigration, 35, 37, 55, 56 immune system, 112 immunity, 68, 72, 83 immunization, 83 imperialism, 124, 128


Index 149

imprinting, 14, 15, 18 imprisonment, 106 inadmissible, 90, 97, 100, 102 incarceration, 133 incidence, 74 income, 32 income tax, 32 independence, 6, 9, 125 Indians, 120 individual action, 6, 51 individual development, 20 individual rights, 108 individualism, 15 individuality, 20, 70, 72 individuals, 2, 4, 5, 8, 15, 18, 29, 43, 46, 48, 129 indoctrination, 109, 112 Indonesia, 115, 126 induction, viii, 63, 77 inductor, 69 industrial revolution, 108 industry(s), 62, 106, 107, 108, 113, 114 infection, 74, 80, 85 inferiority, 99 infrastructure, 15, 48, 109, 111, 126 inhibition, 65 injuries, 111 innocence, 140 insane, 76, 83 instinct, 83 institutions, 39, 43, 58, 71, 73, 107, 134 insurgency, 121, 122, 126, 130, 140 integration, 73, 78, 82 integrity, 18, 82 intellect, 75 intelligence, 32, 53, 77, 82, 89, 97, 98, 102, 121,

125, 139 intelligence gathering, 102 interface, 64, 75, 82, 83, 86 interference, 128 intermediaries, 132 international criminal court, 134, 135 international law, 134 international relations, 137 international terrorism, 110 interneurons, 80 interpersonal relations, 14, 21 interrogations, 92, 103 intervention, 36, 59, 86, 108, 113, 115, 125, 140 intimidation, 92 intoxication, 77 investment, 6, 10 Iran, 128, 129

Iraq, 50, 62, 81, 89, 119, 121, 123, 127, 128, 129, 130, 132, 137, 138

Iraq War, 121, 138 Ireland, 103, 133 IRS, 32 Islam, 35, 40, 57, 111, 115, 121, 122, 124, 127, 128,

138, 139 Islamabad, 125, 134, 139 Islamic state, 124, 138 islands, 62, 79 isolation, 71 Israel, 10, 32, 53, 54 issues, vii, viii, 13, 14, 17, 18, 19, 32, 76, 85, 96 Italy, 136

J

Jack London, 36 James McElroy, 47 James Warner, 33 Japan, 62 Jeffrey Kaplan, 47, 53, 55, 57, 59, 60, 61, 62 Jesse B. Stoner, 32 Jewish Defense League, 41 Jews, 32, 37, 47, 55, 128 jihad, 29, 51, 119, 126, 128, 139 jihadist, 48, 51, 89, 127, 130, 138 Jimmy Carter, 34 John Birch Society, viii, 29, 32, 53 Jordan, 4, 7, 11, 121 journalism, 42 judiciary, 135 jurisdiction, 135

K

Kenneth Mieske, 44 kidnapping, 111 kill, 54, 100, 113, 125, 130 Klan Border Watch, 33 Korea, 129 Ku Klux Klan, viii, 29, 33, 44, 55, 59 Kyle Brewster, 44

L

Laird Wilcox, 46, 53, 59, 60 landscape, 107, 125 languages, 78 Large Hadron Collider, 83 latency, 74, 77, 85 Latin America, 35, 59, 111, 132


Index 150

law enforcement, 39, 43, 102, 119 laws, 69, 100 lawyers, 69 leaderless resistance, 30, 48, 51, 52 leadership, 33, 44, 131 learning, 18, 22, 77, 139 Lebanon, 126, 139 legal issues, 96 legal protection, 110 Legalism, 135 legislation, 35, 49, 89, 98, 100, 102 leisure, 105, 114, 116 leisure time, 114 lens, 126 Leonard Zeskind, 51, 55 level of education, 7, 70 liberty, 100 life experiences, 30 light, 47, 79, 132, 135, 139 litigation, 44, 134 living conditions, 18 localization, 16 loci, 84 Louis Beam, 48, 51, 60 Louis Farrakhan, 41, 57 Louisiana, 33 love, 93 loyalty, 35, 40, 75, 97, 110 LTD, 85 lung cancer, 47 lupus, 80 lupus erythematosus, 80 lying, 140

M

magnitude, 6, 80, 81 Major Nidal Hasan, 29 majority, vii, 1, 2, 36, 69, 71, 93 Malaysia, 115 management, 116, 131, 133 manipulation, 11, 75, 99, 123 manpower, 56 manslaughter, 45 marginal utility, 6 Marine Corps, 136 Mark S. Hamm, 43, 58 marketing, 106, 119 marriage, 30 Marx, Karl, 51 Maryland, 40 mass, 15, 16, 22, 69, 70, 71, 74, 75, 78, 85, 108, 109,

111, 112, 113, 114, 124, 140

mass media, 15, 16, 85, 111, 124, 140 materials, 21 matter, 37, 65, 83, 101, 112, 140 measurement, 75, 78 media, viii, 15, 16, 29, 30, 33, 40, 42, 43, 44, 58, 62,

75, 85, 98, 106, 107, 110, 111, 115, 123, 127, 139 mediation, 19, 83, 129 medical, 15, 51 medicine, viii, 63, 64, 65, 67, 68, 70, 74, 76, 78, 80,

81, 82, 83 melting, 112 membership, 32, 34, 49, 62 memory, 31, 80, 85, 133 menopause, 76 mental disorder, viii, 63, 65, 68, 71, 76, 78, 80, 83 mental epidemics, viii, 63, 64, 71, 72, 74, 75, 76, 77,

78, 79, 80, 81, 82, 83, 84, 86 mental health, 65, 67, 68, 69, 73, 74, 76, 77, 80, 82,

83, 86 mental illness, 68, 77, 78, 80, 82, 83 mental medicine, viii, 63, 64, 65, 68, 70, 74, 76, 78,

80, 81, 82, 83 mentor, 38 mercantilism, 37 messages, 16, 42 metamorphosis, 58 metaphor, 79 methodological individualism, 15 methodology, viii, 63, 64, 67, 68, 69, 70, 72, 73, 74,

76, 80, 81, 83, 86 Mexico, 132 Michael Fortier, 49 Michael McDonald, 44 Michael Null, 46 Michael Simon, 46 microorganism(s), 69, 78, 83 Middle East, 35, 41, 110, 114, 116, 119, 121, 123,

127, 128, 138, 139 migrants, 112 migration, 108, 109, 112, 114 military, viii, 21, 29, 31, 32, 58, 74, 87, 88, 89, 99,

102, 120, 123, 131, 133, 137, 138, 140 militias, 49 minorities, 31, 39, 43, 45, 106 Minutemen, 33, 53 miscarriage, 102 miscarriages, 91 mission(s), 7, 39, 44, 75, 76, 77, 125, 130, 138 Missouri, 31, 53 mixing, 35 modelling, 6 models, vii, 1, 2, 6, 7, 20, 50, 53, 75, 82, 106, 109 modern society, 74


Index 151

modernisation, 122 modernity, 20, 84 modifications, 9 Moldova, 99 molecules, 65 Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact, 36 momentum, 16 monopoly, 35, 37, 72, 114 Montana, 40, 60 moral hazard, 127 morale, 18 morality, 79, 128 morbidity, 64 Morris Dees, 39, 46, 47, 56, 59 mortality, 8, 64 mosaic, 124 Moscow, 84, 85 motif, 40 motivation, 5, 6, 46, 89, 97, 102 Muhammad Youssef Abdulazeez, 29 Mulageta Seraw, 44, 45 multidimensional, 64 multinational corporations, 36 multiple sclerosis, 80 murder, 44, 45, 91, 110, 120, 125 music, 31, 43 Muslims, 110, 111, 124, 128

N

narratives, 124 Nation of Islam, 40, 57 nation states, 108 national borders, 35 national culture, 69 national security, viii, 71, 74, 81, 87, 107, 131, 137 National States Rights Party, 32 nationalism, 30, 36 nationalists, 37, 43 nation-building, 121 Nazi Germany, 37 negative effects, 107, 112, 113 negative emotions, 75 negative influences, 35 negotiating, 132 neoliberalism, 15, 16 nervous system, 70 neurological disease, 80 neurons, 78, 80 neuroscience, 15 neuroses, 72 New Black Panther Party, 41 New Deal, 115

next generation, 6 Nigeria, 122, 136 Norman Lear, 39 North Africa, 119 North America, 35, 61, 120 North Korea, 129 Northern Ireland, 103, 132 nucleus, 86

O

Obama Administration, 134 Obama, President Barack, 30 obedience, 15 objective reality, viii, 13, 15, 18 officials, 33, 110, 112, 114, 119, 121 Oklahoma, 43, 49, 50, 60, 120 openness, 64, 89 operational classification, viii, 63, 64, 79 operations, 7, 48, 61, 107, 120, 125, 127, 130, 138 opportunities, 9, 113, 135 opportunity costs, 2 oppression, 34, 94, 99, 113 organ(s), 42, 44 organic disease, 69 organism, 64 organize, 42, 65, 111 originality, 74 Osama bin Laden, 51, 123, 130 otherness, 22 Otto and Gregor Strasser, 36 outreach, 40, 41, 43 overweight, 79 ownership, 97

P

pain, 8 paints, 120 Pakistan, 88, 125, 134, 139 Panama, 129 panic disorder, 79 parallel, 107, 108 parents, 19, 30, 31, 62 Parliament, 98 participants, 46, 69, 70, 76 pathogenesis, 64 pathology, viii, 13, 18, 69, 76, 109, 111 pathway, 108, 136 patriotism, 30, 34 peace, 106, 107, 109, 121, 129, 132 perinatal, 17, 19


Index 152

permission, 94 permit, 46, 48 perpetrators, 45, 48, 51 personal contact, 69 personal identity, 72 personality, 18, 65, 68, 69, 70, 72, 74, 75, 82 personality disorder, 74 PET, 70 Peter Bergen, 30, 52 phenomenology, 82 Philippines, 130 phobia, 111 phosphorous, 39 photographs, 130 physical fitness, 33 physical sciences, 85 physiology, 17 platform, 40, 107 playing, 37 pleasure, 114 polarity, 79 polarization, 71 police, ix, 33, 45, 46, 47, 58, 87, 88, 89, 90, 91, 92,

93, 96, 98, 102, 103, 105, 112, 114 policy, 2, 11, 37, 58, 105, 106, 107, 111, 121, 133,

134, 138 policy makers, 105, 106, 111 political instability, 107, 110, 112 political leaders, 15 political parties, 113 political power, 34 political system, 15 politics, vii, viii, 13, 17, 20, 22, 31, 34, 36, 43, 46,

50, 53, 61, 89, 107, 109, 120, 123, 124, 127, 128, 139, 140

polymorphism, 82 population, 48, 68, 70, 72 positive relationship, 7 positivism, 84 Posse Comitatus, 32, 38 poverty, 7, 69, 70, 106, 107, 108, 113, 115 poverty alleviation, 115 precedent, 44, 46 prefrontal cortex, 80 pregnancy, 76 prejudice, 106, 112 preparation, 88 presidency, 32, 107 president, 30, 34, 37, 45, 54, 109, 114, 134 presidential campaign, 31, 32 presidential campaigns, 32 pressure groups, 111 prevention, 18, 19, 64, 75, 83, 100, 102, 116

primary data, viii, 87, 88, 89, 100, 102 principles, viii, 10, 41, 63, 64, 65, 71, 84 prions, 79 prisoners, 93, 121, 133 private sector, 131 probability, 7, 9 probe, 59, 101, 102 producers, 110 profit, 111 programming, 19, 42 project, 21, 128 promoter, 41 propaganda, viii, 29, 42, 107, 139 propagation, 68 prophylaxis, 68 proportionality, 120 prospect theory, 9, 10 prosperity, 108, 109, 111 protection, viii, 63, 64, 67, 68, 71, 74, 83, 84, 85, 86,

100, 110 protective mechanisms, 65 prototype, 74 psoriasis, 80 psychiatric diagnosis, 77 psychiatric disorder(s), 84 psychiatry, 68, 69, 74, 82, 83, 84 psychoanalysis, viii, 13, 22 psychology, 11, 71 psychopathology, 18, 65, 83, 85 psychoses, 77, 83, 85 psychosomatic, viii, 63, 74, 76, 77, 78, 79, 80 psychotherapy, 75, 76, 84 PTSD, 74 public figures, 69 public goods, 21 public health, viii, 63, 68, 80, 81, 83, 84 public officials, 119 public opinion, 75, 124 public support, 40 punishment, 2

Q

quality of life, 78 quartz, 78 questioning, 18, 92, 96, 98, 101, 102, 141

R

race, 32, 34, 35, 36, 37, 38, 39, 41, 83, 112 Race and Reason, 41, 42 racial minorities, 31, 39


Index 153

racism, 31, 32, 36, 40, 45, 49, 55, 59, 112 radicalism, 30, 76, 81 radicalization, 30, 38, 130, 136 radicals, 121 radio, 30, 39, 61 Randy Pierce, 40 Randy Weaver, 49 rational expectations, 4 rationality, vii, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 135 reactions, 69, 71, 72, 78 reactivity, 76 reading, 38, 41 Reagan, Ronald, 32, 37 real time, 16 reality, viii, 8, 13, 15, 16, 17, 18, 41, 63, 67, 71, 74,

75, 76, 80, 82, 83, 84 reasoning, viii, 4, 7, 10, 13, 14, 20, 49 rebelliousness, 31 receptors, 80 recognition, 18, 109, 128 reconciliation, 128 recovery, 65 recruiting, 36, 43, 119 recurrence, 76 reform(s), 70, 72, 122 regionalization, 16 regulations, 42, 73 rehabilitation, 67, 68, 77, 82, 84 rejection, 15 relatives, 110 relevance, vii, 1, 2, 9, 10 relief, 113 religion, 4, 7, 19, 33, 41, 55, 89, 111 religiosity, 19 religious beliefs, 99 remission, 65 renaissance, 72, 79 rendition, 102 repair, 31 reporters, 33, 47 repression, viii, 13, 47, 51 reproduction, viii, 18, 63, 77 Republican Party, 54 reputation, 6, 47, 106, 107 requirement(s), 6, 19, 42, 74, 80 researchers, 73, 76, 90, 106, 109, 114 resentment, 107, 109, 110, 113 resilience, 74, 83, 84, 128, 130 resistance, 30, 38, 42, 48, 51, 52, 57, 74, 76, 83, 128,

139 resolution, 34, 129 resources, 6, 18, 43, 46, 56, 64, 68, 74, 76, 77, 78,

80, 82, 83, 106, 130

response, 62, 83, 84, 86, 93, 94, 95, 96, 97, 110, 123, 130, 139

restaurants, 107 restrictions, 46 rhetoric, 36, 43, 50, 51 rheumatoid arthritis, 79, 80 Richard Butler, 46 rights, 32, 33, 46, 77, 92, 99, 100, 108, 114, 119, 123 risk(s), 4, 9, 10, 47, 51, 67, 73, 76, 77, 83, 84, 98,

106, 116, 125 risk aversion, 9 risk factors, 67 robberies, 38 Robert DePugh, 33 Robert H. W. Welch, Jr., 32 Robert Jay Mathews, 38, 39 Ronald Reagan, 32, 37 root(s), vii, 42, 48, 105, 106, 108, 109, 110, 116,

126, 134 routes, 84 rowing, 65 Roy Innis, 43 rule of law, 134 rules, 15, 46, 71, 96, 130 Russia, 36, 37, 63, 64, 69, 84, 86, 126

S

sacred objects, 19 safety, 107, 115 Saudi Arabia, 138 schizophrenia, 79, 80, 83, 85, 86 schizophrenic patients, 80 school, 19, 30, 31, 32 science, 10, 64, 68, 73, 85, 130 sclerosis, 80 scope, 73 secondary education, 19, 20 sectarianism, 76, 79 security, viii, 15, 47, 64, 71, 73, 74, 81, 87, 89, 92,

93, 98, 100, 102, 107, 119, 123, 126, 131, 136, 137

security forces, 136 security services, 89 seizure, 69 self-concept, 20 self-destruction, 83 self-esteem, 99 self-improvement, 22 self-interest, 5, 9, 135 self-organization, 64, 65, 77 self-regulation, 67 self-sufficiency, 73


Index 154

semen, 91 Senate, 34, 55, 132 sensing, 77 sensitivity, 71, 75 sensory system(s), 75 sentencing, 47 separatism, 35, 37, 40, 62 September 11, 50, 123 services, 74, 83, 89 sex, 20, 21, 79 sexual behaviour, 79 sexuality, 20, 21 sham, 36 shamanism, 76, 79 shape, 14, 15, 19, 20, 21, 22, 52, 67, 111 Sharia, 81, 122, 136 shock, 49, 58, 106 shock waves, 49 shoot, 38, 54 side effects, 73 signals, 78, 108, 109 signs, 50, 72, 110 simulation(s), 17, 73, 76 Sinai, 139 Singapore, 129 skin, 79 skin diseases, 79 skinheads, 42, 43, 44, 45, 47, 58, 59 sleep deprivation, 92 smoking, 69, 101 smoothing, 122 social behaviour, 78 social change, 106 social context, 20 social exclusion, 70 social fabric, 35 social group, 71, 72 social identity, 68, 69, 74, 75, 83 social institutions, 73 social network, 8, 72, 80 social norms, 71 social perception, 64 social phobia, 79 social relations, 21, 73 social security, 15 social skills, 89 social stress, 83 socialism, 20, 109, 112, 114 socialization, 70 society, 9, 14, 15, 16, 18, 19, 21, 22, 31, 35, 40, 48,

51, 59, 64, 67, 68, 69, 71, 72, 73, 74, 75, 76, 81, 82, 85, 105, 111, 113, 116, 126, 134

sociology, 85, 86

sociopath, 15 software, 82 solidarity, 5, 6, 18, 41 solution, 6, 51, 115, 131 Somalia, 130 South America, 59 Southern Poverty Law Center, 39, 44, 45, 46, 47, 52,

56 sovereignty, 125 Soviet Union, 35, 36, 37 Spain, 20 specialists, 106, 112 specifications, 82 speculation, 21 speech, 33, 41 spelling, 69 spin, 128 spirituality, 66, 128 Spring, 128, 138 Sri Lanka, 106, 132 stability, 70, 73, 112, 136 stakeholders, 97 standard rational choice model, vii, 1, 2 state(s), 5, 7, 14, 15, 18, 19, 20, 21, 32, 33, 34, 35,

39, 40, 49, 61, 62, 64, 65, 67, 68, 70, 71, 73, 75, 77, 78, 81, 88, 90, 92, 96, 99, 100, 101, 107, 108, 109, 110, 111, 113, 114, 122, 123, 124, 127, 128, 134, 135, 136, 137, 138, 139, 140

state of emergency, 123 statistics, 77 steel, 112 stereotypes, 106 Steven Strasser, 44 stigma, 74 stigmatized, 74, 82 stimulation, 82 stratification, 71 stress, 67, 70, 74, 83 stress factors, 83 structural gene, 14 structure, viii, 8, 13, 14, 15, 17, 20, 38, 39, 48, 53,

65, 70, 72, 106 structuring, 71, 72 style, 83, 89, 91, 99, 101 suicide, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 10, 11, 48, 121 suicide attacks, 3, 4, 9, 11 suicide bombers, 4, 10 Sun, 46, 55, 57 supernatural, 41 supervision, 97 support staff, 98 Supreme Court, 32, 133 surveillance, 48, 51, 56, 93, 95, 96, 98, 139


Index 155

survival, 35, 41 sustainability, 115 Sweden, 51 symptoms, 65, 69, 77, 85 syndrome, 79 synergetic bio-psycho-socio-spiritual methodology,

viii, 63, 64, 74, 80, 83, 86 synergetics, 64, 65, 86 synthesis, 10 syphilis, 81 Syria, 81, 119, 121, 127, 128, 130, 132, 137, 138 systemic lupus erythematosus, 80

T

tactics, 47, 94, 96, 107, 109, 110, 113 Taliban, 132, 140 Tamerlan and Dzhokar Tsarnaev, 29 Tamerlan Tsarnaev, 51 target, 4, 10, 39, 46, 50, 84, 110, 138 taxes, 32, 35 Tea Party movement, 50 teams, 39, 93, 95, 125, 130 technician, 31 techniques, 18, 77, 99, 141 technological advances, 113 technology(s), 18, 31, 42, 83, 108, 111, 114, 125,

130, 137 telephone, 45, 47 television stations, 43 tension(s), 33, 70, 72 territorial, 9 territory, 34, 35, 78, 109, 127, 130, 138 terrorism, vii, viii, ix, 1, 2, 3, 5, 6, 9, 10, 11, 13, 14,

16, 17, 18, 19, 30, 49, 51, 52, 63, 81, 83, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90, 91, 92, 93, 95, 96, 97, 98, 99, 100, 101, 102, 105, 106, 107, 109, 110, 111, 112, 113, 114, 115, 116, 117, 119, 123, 124, 126, 127, 128, 129, 131, 138, 139

terrorist activities, 4 terrorist acts, 113 terrorist attack(s), 2, 4, 6, 7, 8, 18, 29, 105, 106, 107,

110, 112, 113, 116, 133, 140 terrorist groups, 9, 127, 132 terrorist organization, 2, 3, 4, 5, 7, 8, 48, 81 terrorists, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 10, 16, 30, 38, 50, 89, 92,

106, 107, 109, 110, 111, 113, 114, 115, 119, 124, 126, 130, 132, 133, 135, 139

terrorists attacks, 50 Terry Nichols, 49 testing, 101 thalamus, 86 The Insurgent, 50

The Turner Diaries, 38, 49, 56 theft, 100 therapy, 65 Third Reich, 35, 36 Third World, 106 thoughts, 78 threats, 73, 79, 81, 82, 99, 105, 107, 126 tides, 69 Timothy McVeigh, 49, 50, 60 TLR, 100 Tom Martinez, 39 Tom Metzger, vii, viii, 29, 30, 31, 39, 41, 43, 44, 45,

46, 47, 50, 51, 52, 54, 55, 57, 59, 60, 61 top-down, 112, 114, 131 torture, ix, 87, 88, 92, 98, 99, 100, 102, 103, 111 tourism, vii, 7, 105, 106, 107, 108, 109, 113, 114,

115, 116, 117 toxic substances, 69 trade, 90, 113 trade union, 90 traditions, 69, 72, 75, 76, 83 training, 89, 90, 93, 94, 139 traits, 71, 74 trajectory, 30, 49, 64, 67, 70, 82, 120, 122 transcripts, 44 transformation, 14, 17, 30, 119, 129 transmission, 16 transparency, 82 transport, 108, 109 transportation, 96 treatment, ix, 43, 58, 68, 76, 77, 82, 85, 87, 92, 99,

101, 126 trial, 44, 45, 46, 47, 60, 88, 90, 95, 96, 98, 102 triggers, 105, 115 type 1 diabetes, 80

U

unconscious perception, 74 uniform, 95, 97, 98 unions, vii, 105, 108, 109, 112, 113 United Kingdom, 111, 123 United Klans of America, 44 United Nations, 127, 134 United States, vii, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 39, 40, 43, 55,

56, 57, 58, 62, 108, 111, 114, 116, 119, 120, 123, 125, 129, 131, 134, 137

universality, 22, 76, 112 universities, 109, 110, 113 updating, 95 USA, 20


Index 156

V

vaccine, 83, 107, 112 vacuum, viii, 13, 14 variations, 33, 78 varieties, 81 vehicles, 31, 32 vein, 108 veneration, 36 victims, 8, 16, 33, 69, 106, 109, 114 video games, 124 Vietnam, 32, 121 Viking, 23, 55 violence, viii, 2, 8, 13, 14, 15, 17, 18, 19, 29, 30, 40,

43, 44, 45, 47, 48, 52, 58, 83, 85, 99, 105, 107, 109, 110, 111, 113, 114, 115, 119, 124, 128, 137, 140

virology, 64, 74, 83 virtualization, 73, 76 viruses, 64, 68, 70, 74, 79 vision(s), 17, 42, 135, 137 Vladimir Lenin, 36 vocabulary, 78 Volkswagen, 39 vomiting, 99 vote, 34, 61 vouchers, 113 vulnerability, 73, 112 Vygotsky, 22, 25

W

wages, 22, 108, 113 Wallace, George, 32 Walther Darré, 35 war, 8, 15, 34, 36, 37, 38, 40, 46, 51, 53, 55, 83, 107,

111, 120, 122, 124, 126, 127, 130, 133, 134, 136, 137, 138, 139, 140

War on Terror, 62, 124, 129, 130, 134, 135 Washington, 39, 40, 51, 56, 120, 135, 137 water, 62, 99 Waziristan, 140 wealth, 36, 111, 131

weapon of mass destruction, 74 weapons, 45, 112 web, 42, 62, 64, 78 web sites, 62 welfare, 34, 37, 109 well-being, 67 Western countries, 128 White American Political Association, 34, 40 White Aryan Resistance, viii, 29, 30, 34, 50 White Patriot Patriots Party, 39 WHO, 67 William L. Pierce, 38, 39, 58 William Potter Gale, 32 Wisconsin, 41 witchcraft, 79 withdrawal, 135 witnesses, 107 workers, 51, 108, 109, 111, 112, 113, 114, 115, 119 workforce, 106, 111, 112, 113 working class, 36, 113 working conditions, 113 working hours, 108, 112, 113 working memory, 85 workplace, 131 world order, 22, 115 World Trade Center, 48, 119 World War I, 23, 32, 37, 38, 62, 121 worldview, 41 worldwide, 107, 131 Wyatt Kaldenberg, 36, 42, 43, 58

Y

Yale University, 23 yellow journalism, 42 Yemen, 51, 119, 130 yield, 129 young people, 77 Yugoslavia, 129

Z

ZOG, 39, 40
