FAUNAL ANALYSIS AND MEAT PROCUREMENT: RECONSTRUCTING THE SEXUAL DIVISION OF LABOR

AT SHIELDS PUEBLO, COLORADO

Tiffany A. Rawlings B.A., University of Texas, Austin, 1994

M.A., University of California, Davis, 1996

DISSERTATION SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

In the Department

of Archaeology

O Tiffany A. Rawlings 2006

SIMON FRASER UNIVERSITY

Summer 2006

All rights reserved. This work may not be reproduced in whole or in part, by photocopy

or other means, without permission of the author.

APPROVAL

Name: Tiffany A. Rawlings

Degree: Doctor of Philosophy

Title of Dissertation: Faunal Analysis and Meat Procurement: Reconstructing

the Sexual Division of Labor at Shields Pueblo, Colorado

Examining Committee:

Chair: Dr. Ross Jamieson

Dr. Jonathan Driver Senior Supervisor

Dr. A. Catherine D'Andrea Supervisor

Dr. Andrew Duff Supervisor

Dr. John Welch SFU

Dr. Patricia Crown Department of Anthropology University of New Mexico

Date Approved: ADK ?o/(%

SIMON FRASER ' U N M R S I ~ ~ I brary

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ABSTRACT

This study investigates the sexual division of meat procurement at Shields

Pueblo, a large aggregated village in the Northern San Juan region of Colorado,

occupied from ca. A.D. 725-1280. This is primarily achieved through analysis of faunal

remains in reference to the environmental, economic, and social factors affecting the

inhabitants of this region from Pueblo I (ca. A.D. 725- 900) until regional depopulation

ca. A.D. 1280. This dissertation supports previous research in the Northern San Juan

region regarding changes to the faunal pattern over time. It is noted that the Shields

Pueblo faunal assemblage is characterized by a decline in artiodactyl frequencies and

an intensification in utilization of lagomorphs and domestic turkeys, starting ca. AD.

1060.

A gendered analysis, using cross-cultural as well as Southwestern ethnographic

data, indicates an interesting pattern in the control/care/production of domestic animals.

Specifically, small household domesticates appear to be the responsibility of the female

head of household. Archaeological evidence of women's production of domestic meat

resources is investigated for Shields Pueblo. It is argued here that as environmental and

social factors changed and large game hunting declined, household-based economies

became more important. As these conditions changed, making large-scale game hunting

increasingly risky, women came to supply much of the community's meat (the majority in

many communities).

In conclusion it is suggested that as environmental conditions declined and the

threat of warfare and violence increased, there was a shift in the organization of labor in

regards to meat procurement. While large game was plentifuI/accessible, men were the

primary suppliers of meat for the community. As domesticated meat resources began to

dominate the pueblo economy, women's control of domestic turkeys allowed them to

attain more prestige -and thus power-- within the household and larger community.

Keywords:

Pueblo Indians-Antiquities

Animal Remains (Archaeology)

Archaeology-Theory-Gender

Social Archaeology

Shields Pueblo (Colorado)

iii

For Ruby, George, and Billie.

Acknowledgements

I would like to acknowledge the following people for all of their support: Dr.

Jonathan Driver for his patience and support (academic and financial) and for giving me

this opportunity to work in the Southwest again (thanks for taking me on) - a truly great

supervisor; Dr. Catherine D'Andrea for her awesome (sometimes painful) editing and for

her friendship and wisdom over the past 8 (and a bit) years - without your advise I would

not have had the courage to change my research topic; Dr. Andrew Duff for his insightful

(and encouraging) comments during the writing process; Dr. Patricia Crown and Dr.

John Welch for their help and advice on revisions (and for giving me some new ideas to

ponder); Crow Canyon Archaeological Center for their support while I worked on their

(never ending) faunal collection; Jude McLellan, Pei Pei Chu, Tracy Rogers, Karyn

Sharp, Jen Ramsay, and Chelsea Dunk for their friendship, and "moron support" through

the course of my degree program; my comrades in the Grad Lab for laughs, beers, and

for putting up with my million boxes of dusty bones; Robyn Banerjee and Lynda Przybyla

for their friendship and for helping me during all of my paperwork and bureaucratic

crises; Austin for being her big red furry self (give mama kisses); and last but not least

Mom and Dad for their expert data entry and for cracking that whip!

TABLE OF CONTENTS .......................................................................................................... APPROVAL ii ...

ABSTRACT ......................................................................................................... 111

DEDICATION ...................................................................................................... iv ..................................................................................... ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS V

TABLE OF CONTENTS ....................................................................................... vi ... ............................................................................................... LIST OF TABLES VIII

............................................................................................... LIST OF FIGURES x

CHAPTER 1 : INTRODUCTION AND RESEARCH DESIGN ................................. 1 ............................................................................................... Background -2

Potential Causal Factors for Culture Change ............................................... 3 Expected Faunal Patterning for Potential Causal Factors ............................ 9 Research Design ...................................................................................... 13

............................................................................... Analytic Design 15 Chapter Summary ..................................................................................... 16

CHAPTER 2: THEORY: FAUNAL REMAINS AND GENDER ............................. 18 ................................................................. Gender and Faunal Remains 1 9

Definition and Brief Review of Research ........................................ 19 .............................................................. Methods of Reconstruction 21

Problems with Ethnographic Analogy in Gender Studies .................. 28 The Sexual Division of Labor in the Ethnographic Record .......................... 30 Chapter Summary ..................................................................................... 39

........................................ CHAPTER 3: PHYSICAL AND CUTLURAL SETTING 42 ........................................................................................ Physical Setting 42

.............................................................................. Flora and Fauna 46 Soils and Geology ........................................................................... 49 Climate .......................................................................................... -49

................................................................................... Paleoclimate 50 .............................................................................. Archaeological Setting 53

............................................................. Archaeological Background 53 Excavation and Collection of Data ............................................................. 63

....................................................................................................... Dating 71 ..................................................................................... Chapter Summary 72

CHAPTER 4: SHIELDS PUEBLO FAUNA .......................................................... 74 ............................................... Methodology: Identification and Recording -74

............................................................................................ Quantification 75 Stable Isotope Analysis ............................................................................. 80

....................................................................... Sampling Procedures 81 ................................................................................... Taxon Frequencies 82

........................................................................................ Mammals 83 ............................................................................................... Birds 87

............................................ Reptiles. Amphibians. and Gastropods 88 .............................................................. Preservation/Taphonomic Biases 88

...................................................................... Natural Accumulation 89 ........................................................................ Canid Accumulation 90

..................................................................... Raptoer Accumulation 92

............................................................. Other Natural Accumulation 92 ........................................................................ Cultural Modification 93

Sullegic Processes (Archaeological Decisions) .............................. 101 ........................................... Post-depositional Destruction of Bone 102

Summary of Taphonomy of Shields Pueblo Faunal Remains ................... 105 ...................................................................... Skeletal Part Frequencies 1 0 6

Shields Pueblo Skeletal Part Frequencies ..................................... 107 ............. Age Estimation: Seasonality and Evidence of Turkey Production 111

.................................................. Change in Taxon Frequency Over Time 114 Artiodactyls Through Time ...................................................... 121 Lagomorphs Through Time ........................................................... 124 Turley and Large Bird Through Time ............................................. 125 Change in Fauna and Human Population ...................................... 126

..................................................... Spatial Patterning of Faunal Remains 130 ................................................................................... Chapter Summary 137

CHAPTER 5: SHIELDS PUEBLO IN A REGIONAL CONTEXT ......................... 140 .................................. Changes in Faunal Patterning at a Regional Scale 140

Pueblo I Sites (A.D. 750-900) ........................................................ 141 .................................................... Pueblo II Sites (A.D. 900-1 150) 1 4 5

.................................................. Pueblo Ill Sites (A.D. 1150-1300) 148 .............................................................................................. Discussion 152

Chapter Summary ................................................................................... 158

CHAPTER 6: GENDERED ANALYSIS OF FAUNAL DATA ............................... 160 Meat Procurement: Hunting .................................................................... 160

................................................................................... Turkey Production 162 .......................................... Spatial Evidence of Turkey Production 163

...................................................................... Turkey and Gender 166 .............................................................................................. Discussion 168

................................................................................... Chapter Summary 176

CHAPTER 7: CONCLUSIONS .......................................................................... 178 Research Expectations ........................................................................... 179

........................................................................... Faunal Variability 179 ...................................................... Hunted versus Tended Fauna -180

Population and the Decline of Large Game .................................... 184 ......................................................................... Potential Causal Factors 186

.................................................................................. Environment 186 ...................................................................... Population Pressure 188

............................................................................... Social Factors 189 Warfare ......................................................................................... 191

.............................................................................................. Discussion 192 ............................................ Evaluation and Suggestions for Research 1 9 5

REFERENCES CITED ..................................................................................... 200 APPENDICES .................................................................................................. 236

Appendix A: Crow Canyon Archaeological Center Zooarchaeological Identification and Recording Standards ............................... 236

Appendix B: Modified Bone Frequncies for a Series of Sites .................... 239

vii

Table 1.

Table 2.

Table 3.

Table 4.

Table 5.

Table 6.

Table 7.

Table 8.

Table 9.

Table 10.

Table 1 1.

Table 12.

Table 13.

Table 14.

Table 15.

Table 16.

Table 17.

Table 18.

Table 19.

Table 20.

LIST OF TABLES

Archaeological Evidence of Warfare

Tasks associated with the procurement and processing of crops

Northern San Juan Biotic Communities

Cultural Trends Summary: Northern San Juan Region and McElmo Dome

Excavation Block Summary: Structure Descriptions and Date Ranges

Relative Frequency of Faunal Remains by Class

Relative Frequency of Mammals

Relative Frequency of Bird Taxa

Frequency of Carnivore Modification- Shields Pueblo

Frequency of Carnivore Modification for Selected Taxa (site Comparisons)

Frequency of Complete and Fragmented Bone - Rodents

Culturally Modified Bone - Cut Marks

Culturally Modified Bone - Spiral Fractures

Frequency of Breakage for Selected Taxa at Shields Pueblo Compared With Other Sites on the Mc Elmo Dome

Culturally Modified Bone - GroundIPolished

Culturally Modified Bone - Burned

Frequency of Weathering Among Faunal Remains, Shields Pueblo 104

Frequency of Weathering Among Faunal Remains (site comparison) 104

Skeletal Part Frequencies - MNE counts by skeletal region for major taxa 108

MAU Values: Lepus (A); Sylvilagus (6); and M. gallopavo (C)

viii

Table 21.

Table 22.

MAU Values: Artiodactyls

Frequency of Weaker Long Bone Ends for Sylvilagus and Cynomys

Epiphyseal Fusion Frequencies (NISP) of Long Bones for Selected Species by FusionIAge Category

Table 23.

Table 24. Relative Frequency of Selected Taxa- Change through time

Table 25.

Table 26.

Taxon Frequency by Sub Period

Observed Frequency (NISP) for Selected Species by Sub Period

Table 27. Expected Frequency (NISP) for Selected Species by Sub Period

Table 28. Standardized Residuals for Selected Species by Sub Period

Table 29.

Table 30.

Table 31.

Rate of Pottery Deposition: Shields Pueblo

Rate of Faunal Deposition (NISP): Shields Pueblo

Frequency of Selected Taxa From Each Excavation Block

Standardized Residuals for Major Groups by Excavation Block

Table 32.

Table 33. Relative Frequency (NISP) of Selected Taxa and Pottery Weights: Structure vs. Non-structure

Northern San Juan Region Pueblo I Sites: Relative Frequencies and lndices

Table 34.

Table 35. Northern San Juan Region Pueblo II Sites: Relative Frequencies and lndices

Table 36. Northern San Juan Region Pueblo Ill Sites: Relative Frequencies and lndices

Table 37.

Table 38.

Rate of Deposition of Eggshell

Isotopic values for samples of jackrabbit (LEP), cottontail (SYL), and turkey (MEG) collagen

LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 1. Map of the Southwestern Region of the United States 43

Figure 2. Map Showing the Location of Shields Pueblo (5MT 3807) 44

Figure 3. McElmo Drainage Area Map 45

Figure 4. Climatic Reconstruction: Southwest U.S. A.D. 600-1400 52

Figure 5. Shields Pueblo 67

Figure 6.

Figure 7.

Figure 8.

Figure 9.

Figure 10.

Figure 1 1.

Figure 12.

Figure 13.

Frequency of Cultural Modification for Selected Species

Relative Frequency of Complete and Fragmented Bone

Frequency of Degree of Fusion for Selected Species By FusionIAge Category Taxon Frequency by Sub Period

Artiodactyl lndices per Sub Period

Lagomorph lndices per Sub Period

Turkey lndices per Sub Period

Relationship between the artiodactyl index and lagomorph index

Figure 14.

Figure 15.

"Corrected" TurkeyILarge Bird lndices

Change in Relative Depositional Rates of Ceramics and Fauna Over Time

Figure 16. Specific Taxonomic lndices and Pottery Deposition Rates Over Time

Figure 17.

Figure 18.

Frequency of Taxa per Excavation Block

Frequency of Taxa and Pottery Weights: Structure vs. Non-structure

Taxonomic Frequencies: Pueblo 1, Northern San Juan Region

Figure 19.

Figure 20. Taxonomic Frequencies: Pueblo 11, Northern San Juan Region

Figure 21. Taxonomic Frequencies Pueblo Ill, Northern San Juan Region

Figure 22. Relative Rate of Deposition of Eggshell per Sub Period Compared to Pottery Deposition

Figure 23 Macaw Boxes

Figure 24. Turkey and Macaw Boxes.

CHAPTER 1

INTRODUCTION AND RESEARCH DESIGN

Recent research on the Ancient Puebloans (formerly known as Anasazi) of the

Four Corners region of the American Southwest has brought to light an intriguing pattern

of population expansion and contraction. Dramatic increases in population and site

aggregation were followed by periods of depopulation and decline (Cordell 1984; Cordell

and Gumerman 1989; Gumerman 1988; Larson and Michaelson 1990; Leonard and

Reed 1993; Varien 1999). This pattern of expansion and contraction is found throughout

the greater American Southwest, and is particularly well defined in the Mesa Verde

region (the Northern San Juan) from AD. 900 to 1300. The Northern San Juan region

was largely depopulated around A.D. 1300.

In order to better understand the cycle of expansion and depopulation in the

Mesa Verde region, Crow Canyon Archaeological Center began a research project

entitled, Communities through Time: Migration, Cooperation, and Conflict. This project

was designed to collect artifactual and ecofactual evidence from residential structures

occupied between AD. 900 and 1300. Shields Pueblo was chosen for study because it

is believed to be a key site in the Goodman Point community. It also has a long

occupation spanning Pueblo I (AD. 725- 800); a period of depopulation (A.D.800 -

1020); and resettlement (AD. 1020) with continuous habitation until the site was

depopulated permanently at approximately A.D. 1280 (Duff and Ryan 2000).

This dissertation presents the faunal data from Shields Pueblo in order to

understand how meat procurement strategies and gendered labor roles changed in

response to environmental and social changes. It brings together several lines of

evidence, such as faunal, ethnographic, warfare theory, and intraregional comparison to

trace social change at Shields Pueblo over the entirety of its inhabitation. Explanation

based on these lines of evidence should contribute a better understanding of changing

labor roles at the regional level.

Background

There is a commonly noted trend in faunal assemblages from sites in the

northern Anasazi area during Pueblo Ill (A.D. 1150-1300) consisting of a distinct drop in

the amount of Artiodactyla (mainly deer) and other large mammalian game compared to

preceding periods (Driver 1997, 2002, Driver et a/. 1999; Muir 1999). During this time

period there was also greater dependence upon domesticated turkey (Meleagris

gallopavo) and upon lagomorphs (particularly Sylvilagus sp.). During Pueblo Ill Munro

(1994) describes a great increase of domestic turkey remains in the archaeological

record indicating intensification of production. There was also a rise in human population

and a general aggregation of habitation sites (a movement from small dispersed

settlements into fewer, larger settlements) (Varien 1999). In addition, researchers have

postulated an increase in evidence of warfare (interpersonal violence) (Upham and Reed

1989; LeBlanc 1999; Lightfoot and Kuckelman 2001), cannibalism (Hurlbut 2001;

Lambert, Billman, and Leonard 2000; Ogilvie and Hilton 2000;Turner and Turner 1999;

White 1992), and larger numbers of defensive sites (Adams 1989; Lightfoot and

Kuckelman 2001). This period of apparent upheaval and change should be

accompanied by changes in social organization. Changes in social organization have

been addressed in regards to settlement patterning and developing social and site

hierarchy. A few studies have specifically focused on labor organization (e.g., Leonard

and Reed 1993). This dissertation takes this a step further by discussing changes in

social organization in relation to changes in the sexual division of labor.

In this dissertation I will discuss how meat procurement strategies and the

associated labor roles were modified in response to environmental and social changes

at Shields Pueblo. I will attempt to bring together several lines of evidence,

predominantly through gender studies. I argue that men's labor in meat procurement

(namely hunting) declined and was supplemented by women's labor (through the

production of domestic turkey), as men focused their energies on warfare and protection.

Results will be placed in a regional context. The object of my research is to trace these

changes in the northern part of the American Southwest.

Potential Causal Factors for Culture Change

There is a long and varied history of research in the Southwest, covering all

areas of scientific enquiry. Due to a wealth of cultural, environmental, and geophysical

data, the Southwest as a region is well understood. Culture change has been explained

in varying ways depending upon the popularly accepted paradigms of the time. Over the

past two decades three basic kinds of models have been used to explain culture change

in the American Southwest: 1) environmental (drought driven) change (e.g., Dean and

Robinson 1977,l 978), 2) population growth and circumscription (e.g., Rohn 1989; Dean

et a/. 1994), and 3) social circumstances (e.g., Driver 1996, 2002; Leonard and Reed

1993; Lipe l992a; Rohn 1989; Rautman 1993). The first two are typical prime mover

hypotheses arguing that a single physical change in either environment or in population

growth drove a number of other cultural changes. The latter type of argument takes into

consideration a series of factors, mainly in the internal or social realm, that would have

led to a change in archaeological patterning.

The argument that environment is a driving force in culture change has been

popular since the 1970s. The most commonly cited causal factor for regional change is

the "great drought", which was a period of prolonged cool and dry weather that

effectively decreased the amount of productive farmland in the Southwest (Dean and

Robinson 1977, 1978). This dry period began at the end of the 13th century (during the

later part of the Pueblo Ill period) from A.D. I276 to 1299 (Lipe l995:159). The "great

drought" is believed to have been caused or exacerbated by the beginning of the Little

Ice Age (Petersen 1986, 1988, 1992). This was a cooler period that shortened the

growing season, by decreasing the number of frost free days, and interfered with the

summer rainy season, thus decreasing the amount of moisture at the most crucial point

in the maize agricultural season (Petersen 1992). The basic premise of the

environmental argument can be outlined as follows. First, favorable climatic conditions

of the 12th century allowed for an increase in population, which would have created a

greater dependence upon maize agriculture (Dean et a/. 1994; Larson et a/. 1996).

Once the drought began there was a decline in the availability of arable farmable land,

which would have caused a certain amount of population circumscription around

productive locations (Schlanger 1988). Finally, the Anasazi depopulated the Mesa

Verde area and moved into more productive environments with more predictable

resources (Fish et a/. 1994; Gumerman 1994; Schlanger 1988).

There is quite a bit of debate associated with the environmentally driven theory of

culture change and population movement. Some researchers question the severity of

the "great drought ." While individuals such as Petersen argue that the Mesa Verde

Region was completely inhospitable for dry farming (1 986, l988), others have shown

that there were large enough areas of productive land to support local populations (Van

West and Lipe 1992). More recent work has shown that depopulation of the Northern

San Juan Region began before the onset of the so-called "great drought" (Varien et a/.

1996; Lipe and Varien 1999b). In fact, this movement of peoples from the eastern

portion of the Southern Colorado River Basin to the western units began during Pueblo II

(early to mid 12th century) (Lipe and Varien 1999a: 263). Obviously factors other than

simple environmental change affected the movement of peoples and their archaeological

signatures as migrations began before negative climatic change.

Population pressure models have also been used to explain culture change in

the American Southwest. Duff and Wilshusen (2000) argue that there have been

several population shifts (i.e., depopulation in one area and migration into another).

These depopulation episodes occurred between A.D. 375 to 575 and also A.D. 880 -

950 (Duff and Wilshusen 2000:169; Wilshusen 1999; Wilshusen and Ortman 1999).

There were also smaller regional shifts in population. The Dolores region seems to have

been depopulated during the early A.D. 800s (Orcutt et al. 1990:200) and there were

more widespread, short-term depopulation events from A.D. 1070 - 1100 and 11 50-

1 170 (Varien 1999: 191 -1 92, 201). Between these episodes of depopulation were

periods of repopulation. The greatest periods of repopulation occurred between A.D.

575 - 880 and from A.D. 950- 1300 (Duff and Wilshusen 2000: 169). Duff and

Wilshusen (2000) suggest that each of these repopulations may represent settlement of

different cultural groups. This suggests that culture change recognized in the

archaeological record (such as change in ceramic styles) is due to the influx of "new"

cultural groups.

Over-population is often cited as a reason for regional collapse (e.g., the

Northern San Juan Depopulation of 1300). Population is believed to have reached its

peak at the Pueblo II/III transition (Rohn 1989; Dean etal. 1994). Dean et al. estimate

that there were 5,500 people living in Southwestern Colorado and Southeastern Utah at

A.D. 11 50 (1994: Figure 4.1 : 59). Duff and Wilshusen (2000:173) give a much higher

estimate, suggesting a total of 23,224 for Pueblo II and 21,808 for Pueblo Ill for the

Northern San Juan region. This increase in human population is argued, by Duff and

Wilshusen, to have resulted in resource stress and to have caused increasing

competition for highly valued resources, especially large game (Munro 1994). It is

precisely this scarcity of game, which may have forced people in the Northern San Juan

to intensify the production of domesticated animals (i.e. Meleagris gallopavo). While no

one debates the occurrence of regional depopulation ca., A.D. 1300, the rate of

depopulation is unclear. Traditionally, Southwestern archaeologists have argued that

this depopulation event was sudden and dramatic (Gladwin 1957). However, Duff and

Wilshusen (2000) suggest that this depopulation was more gradual, over a number of

generations. This makes sense given the drop in population seen over the span of

Pueblo Ill at many sites (Duff and Wilshusen 2000:189). Regardless of the rate of

depopulation, population pressure -exacerbated by environmental and social factors- is

an important aspect of culture change.

Social explanations are often co-explanatory with demographic change. Social

explanations include changes in social organization and settlement patterning (Driver

1996,2002; Leonard and Reed 1993; Lipe 1992; Rohn 1989; and Rautman 1993).

Recently, archaeologists have begun to examine the development of social hierarchy

and political/economic power as a force in culture change. For example, Hayden

focuses on the control of prestige-linked resources or goods (1 995), the idea being that

archaeologists should be able to recognize a social hierarchy based upon the

distribution of certain rare or "expensive" artifacts. In the Southwest, several burials

contained copper bells, conch and other shell ornaments, cloisonne decorated objects,

macaw skeletons of various ages (indicating trade with Mexico), and local rarities (such

as turquoise and rare pigments) (Lister 1978; Mathien 1981; Reyman 1978). Most

burials contained far more common goods (ceramic pots, bowls, beakers, lithic tools,

bone or shell beads, etcetera). This discrepancy has been argued to be evidence of the

development of social hierarchy and even a connection with the Toltec empire (Lister

1978; Mathien 1981 ; Reyman 1978).

Changes in resource productionlprocurement and the organization of labor may

account for the aggregation of populations into large sites during the mid to late A.D.

1200s. While Leonard and Reed (1993) deal specifically with agriculture, their

hypothesis can explain some of the reasons behind the development of large pueblo

villages. They argue that aggregation was caused by changes to labor organization,

which in turn was attributable to specialization. In order to specialize in the production of

agricultural products, a greater investment in labor is required (i.e., an increase in the

number of laborers). When aggregation no longer becomes economically successful

(due to environmental or cultural factors) or if less labor is required, groups will disperse

into smaller, scattered settlements (Leonard and Reed 1993). Their argument is based

purely upon whether or not certain behaviors are efficient or inefficient given certain

environmental and cultural conditions. This paradigm uses energy expenditures and

energy gain (calories burned in pursuit of an activity and calories gained through the

results of the activity) to explain culture change. In other words, groups will behave in

the most energetically efficient ways. Leonard and Reed focus solely on the decision

making process and how people organize themselves physically. Their approach does

not take into account power structures or belief systems, which often influence groups to

behave in inefficient ways.

A social explanation that has recently attracted attention cites increases in

warfare and violence as an explanatory factor for culture change. This increase in

warfare certainly could explain the appearance of defensive sites and the aggregation of

smaller villages into larger entities (Lightfoot and Kuckelman 2000). Warfare can be

defined as "a state or period of armed hostility existing between politically autonomous

communities, which at such times regard the actions (violent or otherwise) of their

members against opponents as legitimate expressions of the sovereign policy of the

community" (Meggitt l977:lO). For many years anthropologists have been reticent to

use the term "war" in the context of less politically complex groups. Instead, "raiding" has

been used to describe conflict between groups, even those extending over long periods

of time. Keeley (1996) has pointed out that anthropologists have shied away from using

terms such as warfare because they are intent upon portraying aboriginal communities

(past and present) as "noble savages" living in harmony with the world around them.

According to Keeley, this belief completely ignores the fact that warfare in non-state

societies often claims the lives of 20 to 30 percent of the men and 2 to 7 percent of

women (Keeley 1996; Meggitt 1977). These proportions are substantially higher than

those seen in state level societies. Therefore, discounting warfare among less

hierarchically organized groups makes it seem as if these groups did not suffer gravely

from the effects of intergroup violence.

Warfare as a topic of study in the Southwest has primarily focused on proving

that it existed. Wilcox and Haas (1994:211) begin their chapter on warfare by stating,

"we explore the current state of knowledge about this issue, arguing that such processes

did exist and that explanations of the evolution of Southwestern societies must reckon

with them ." Evidence of conflict has been described in the Southwest since the time of

Kidder (1924). Most early research focused on ways to identify warfare in the

archaeological record; for instance, demonstrating that many sites are located in

defensible locations (Hodge 1877; Cushing 1882; Hewitt 1906). Kidder (1924) took this

a step further, by trying to identify the "enemy ." The Athapaskans were Kidder's choice

because they were outsiders to the Pueblo cultures and would have caused aggregation

into larger villages for defense (Kidder 1924). Other infiltrating "outsiders" have also

been named, such as the Numic speaking hunter-gatherers of the Great Basin (Upham

1984), or more mobile Anasazi "hill" peoples raiding the agricultural villages in the river

valleys and drainages (Wilcox and Haas 1994).

Archaeologically, evidence of warfare can be recognized by the type of

architecture present on a site, by specific types of artifacts associated with fighting

(including weapons and defensive tools - such as shields) (Geib 1990; Morris and Burgh

1954), evidence of violent death (Crotty 2001 ; Turner and Turner 1999; White 1992;

Wilcox and Haas 1996), location of sites on the landscape, and by the presence of large

tracts of uninhabited "demilitarized zones" (Farmer 1957; Rohn 1975; Rowlands 1973;

Wilcox and Haas 1996; Winter 1981). Archaeological evidence of warfare is

summarized on the following table (Table 1).

Causes of warfare follow along the same lines as other changes in culture, such

as competition over scarce resources (LeBlanc 1999). Others have argued for the so-

called "bad apple" effect first described by Keeley (1996). Essentially, it only requires

one combative group to begin attacking their neighbors to cause movements of

populations out of harms way and into aggregated or defensible villages. While this

describes how populations might react to violence, it does not necessarily explain the

cause for the initial belligerence. Revenge has also been cited as cause for warfare (for

example, Basso 1971). While revenge certainly explains the continuation of the cycle of

warfare, it does not explain the initial act of conflict.

Expected Faunal Patterning for Potential Causal Factors

If aridification is invoked as a factor of change in the faunal record during Pueblo Ill, then

there should be a decline in large game at all sites within the study area. Additionally,

there should be higher frequency of large game at sites located near permanent water

sources or near particularly productive ecological zones. As far as domesticated turkey

is concerned, the expectation is that its frequency will increase in areas where large

game declines, as turkey is a controllable source of meat (Driver 2002; Muir and Driver

2002). If less beneficial climatic shifts are causal factors in the change of the faunal

Table 1. Archaeological Evidence of Warfare

1 Towers -as defensive beacons (Winter 1981)

Stockades- surrounding farmsteads (Rohn 1975)

surrounding a central plaza (Wilcox and Haas 1996)

Trincheras I hillside retreats- act as "trenches" for keeping out of "enemy fire" while shooting arrows (Wilcox 1989)

features, generally walled (Farmer 1957:250)

shields (Morris and Burgh 1941)

Body Armor- artiodactyls ribs strung in overlapping layers over the torso

Fending Sticks-1 -1.5 meter curved sticks reportedly used to deflect darts (Geib 1990)

Burnedldestroyed sites- such as Salmon Ruin with complete floor contexts and burned bodies (Wilcox and Haas j 996) Rock Art depicting violence- figures holding heads and shields or flayed head skins, bows and arrows (Crotty, 2001 )

Violent injury- blows to the head or face

Dismemberment- violent removal of limbs or the head

Proj.pts. embedded in bone

Scalpinglflaying marks on cranium and face

Headless bodies or isolated heads (indicative of trophy- taking)

Cannibalism- (also associated with perimortem violence and "mistreatment" of -emains

smaller villages located at the access points to larger settlements (Wilcox and Haas j 996) No-Man's Lands - or demilitarized zones- acting as political boundaries between conflicting groups (Rowlands 1973)

pattern, then there should be similar declines in large game for each climatic shift.

If population growth and pressure are causal factors in the change in the faunal

record for Pueblo Ill, a drop in large game and communally hunted prey in areas with the

highest populations and an increase in the frequency of turkey would be expected.

Smaller sites and sites located in sparsely populated areas should then have higher

frequencies of large game because there are fewer people competing for limited game

resources, thus there should be less reliance on turkey

Driver (1996) builds upon Hayden's (1995) prestige and power model to explain

changes in the intersite distribution of faunal remains during Pueblo Ill. Large, regional

centers during this time period have a higher frequency of large game, while smaller

communities have lower frequencies of Artiodactyla or none at all. He argues that large

aggregated communities controlled or owned game resources and that smaller

communities would not have had access to Artiodactyla. This pattern seems to indicate

controlled access to large game. Smaller sites show an intensive reliance on

domesticated turkey as a source of meat, as evidenced by a significant jump in turkey

frequency. Along with this trend there is a decrease in communally hunted jackrabbits,

which seem to be replaced by cottontail rabbits, which can be taken by single individuals

from horticultural fields near the pueblo (Driver 1996, 1997, 2002). If social

differentiation is the cause of the faunal shift in Pueblo Ill, then we should find differential

distribution of highly valued game resources. In this instance, large, powerful social

groups would have higher frequencies of large game (but lower frequencies of less

valuable game such as Lepus). Smaller, outlying sites should then show far lower

frequencies of large game and higher frequencies of lagomorphs and turkeys.

Another social hypothesis that may account for higher frequencies of artiodactyls

in large communities is feasting. Blinman (1989) and Potter (1997, 2000) have been able

to identify the presence of feasting in the archaeological record. Prior to A.D. 1275

feasting has been argued to have been competitive in nature, with larger households

within communities or larger communities vying for prestige or economic power (Blinman

1989; Potter 2000). Competitive feasting, or feasting with the intent of creating or

maintaining social differentiation can be identified in the archaeological record by higher

frequencies of large game, serving vessels, and other prestigeltrade goods concentrated

in certain (generally larger) households. After A.D. 1275, Potter (2000) argues, feasting

became a means of defining and reinforcing group identity. During late Pueblo Ill,

evidence of feasting is typified by a concentration of large game and serving vessels in

religious structures as opposed to habitation rooms. This change in context is believed

to indicate a shift in religious beliefs and social behavior (Potter 2000).

Given the expected faunal patterning described by Driver (1996), it would be

difficult to distinguish between community control over large game resources and

feasting at large communities. Both behaviors would leave the same faunal patterning,

and may, in fact be closely tied together. If larger communities are acting as locations

for solidarity feasts, they might also act as a point of organization for communal hunting

for smaller surrounding sites.

With specialization as a pull to culture change, a specialization in faunal

resources (as noted above) is expected. So, there should be less diversity in species

over-all with a focus on turkey because they are the most dependable meat resource (as

they are raised directly by groups and not as easily influenced by environmental factors)

and the easiest to increase in production through "herd" management (selective

breeding and culling the population to increase meat output). Across the board, turkey

should be the predominant species at sites with all other species (including large game)

playing lesser roles in late Pueblo Ill as hunted game populations fall.

If we consider warfare as a causative factor in culture change in the Southwest,

we expect to see all of the evidence listed in Table 3. If warfare was endemic, then

there should be a change in faunal patterns over time and from site to site. There

should be a decrease in hunted game acquired long distances away from habitation

sites, particularly in sites with smaller populations. If there was a risk of attack, there

would have been a greater need for protection. Smaller sites (with smaller populations)

would be disinclined to allow their strongest warriorslhunters to leave the community

unguarded for long hunting excursions. Conversely, we might expect the frequencies of

large hunted game to remain relatively constant in large regional centers because they

would have large enough populations to allow enough guards to remain behind while

hunters left on expeditions.

It is also possible that the people of the Northern San Juan were acting as

raiders and not simply being attacked by "outsiders". If this is the case, then raiders

should have greater frequencies of large game (or other forms of "booty). Given the

higher frequencies of large game at large sites in the region, it could be possible that

these communities were, in fact, raiding smaller sites in the region. However, given the

examples of mass violence associated with the "abandonment" of particular large sites

(such as Sand Canyon Pueblo and Yellow Jacket Pueblo) this is unlikely. If these larger

sites were the aggressors you would not expect violence at such a scale, nor the

resulting closure of these sites. An interesting study in the frequency of violent injuries in

the La Plata region shows an interesting pattern of multiple healed cranial depression

fractures and poor health among a large portion of young women in the population

(Martin and Atkins 2001). While the reason is unclear, Martin and Atkins (2001) suggest

that this may indicate that these women were war captives brought to the community

from elsewhere, as neither men nor children from contemporary contexts show evidence

of that level of violence and poor treatment. It is possible then, that people from the La

Plata region were raiding other communities in the Northern San Juan.

Research Design

The goal of this dissertation is to reconstruct the gendered division of labor at

Shields Pueblo, Colorado. In order to do this, it is important to distinguish between

tended fauna (small household domesticates) and wild, hunted fauna. This research is

designed to answer a series of questions: 1) what is the archaeological patterning for

hunted versus tended fauna; 2) what is the relationship between hunted and tended

fauna over time (with particular regard to Pueblo 11, Ill, and the Pueblo IV transition); 3)

does this pattern reflect a change in the sexual division of labor; and 4) what are the

possible causes of this change in faunal patterning and cultural behavior? By answering

these questions I hope to establish a series of guidelines for the reconstruction of the

sexual division of labor regarding faunal procurement. Ultimately, my research should

be able to offer some refined hypotheses for the change in faunal patterning seen

throughout the Anasazi Region.

In order to address the changes in meat procurement and their likely causal

factors, there are three basic questions that must be asked:

1. What is the change in species frequencies from Pueblo I to Pueblo Ill?

2. Are there meaningful relationships between hunted and tended prey frequencies

through time? In other words, what is the relationship between frequencies of hunted

and tended fauna?

3. Is there a decrease in large mammals at Shields Pueblo over time, and if so, is this

the result of a decrease in hunting or of short-term residentiallpopulation decline?

Given the general changes to cultural patterns in the Northern San Juan region

specific characteristics are to be expected in the faunal assemblage. First, there should

be a drop in Artiodactyla and communally hunted Lepus and an increase in the

frequency of Meleagris gallopavo and Sylvilagus (in relation to Lepus). Second,

huntedlwild fauna (procured away from the settlement) and tended fauna (kept within

the confines of the sitelhousehold) should have different dietary patterns. Whether an

animal was eating local wild plant foods, or domesticated maize should be clearly

evident by comparing carbon isotope levels. Tended fauna should have carbon isotope

ratios indicative of a maize diet if they are being kept by women in the household;

hunted game (such as jackrabbits) should have C isotope ratios indicative of a diet

consisting of local C3 (or temperate) vegetation (Katzenberg and Kelley 1991).

Cottontails might show a mixed diet of local flora and maize from the fields (Katzenberg

and Kelley 1991). Third, there should be a decline in hunted game in the assemblages

from Pueblo II to Pueblo Ill and further decline or even absence of large game in late

Pueblo Ill. As hunted prey declines, there should be a statistically meaningful increase

in turkey.

Finally, regional demographic studies and changes in ceramic sherd weights for

Shields Pueblo will be used as a proxy of population growth to ensure that drops in

faunal frequencies are not due to declines in population at this site. Previous regional

population estimates indicate that there was an increase in population starting in Pueblo

II, a peak in early Pueblo Ill, and the start of decline in late Pueblo Ill (Lipe 1995,

Schlanger 1988, Varien 1999, 2002). Therefore, a drop in Artiodactyla frequencies in

the Shields Pueblo faunal record should indicate a decline in large game hunting or

availability, and not a decline in population.

Analytic Design

In order to address these research questions I will make comparisons on several

different scales. First it is necessary to address the change in frequencies of hunted

versus tended game over time at Shields Pueblo and contemporary sites of different

sizes. By doing this, a sense of what is happening at Shields Pueblo can be understood

within a larger regional framework. Reconstructing labor in reference to meat

procurement is dependent upon cross-cultural or comparative research. The cross-

cultural survey is intended to sample a wide range of communities in order to identify

any broad trends in the care of domestic animals. The cultures studied here are typically

household based economies, producing crops primarily for their own sustenance with

limited surplus going to market for profit. Both household domesticates and (to a lesser

extent) herd animals are considered in order to illustrate patterns in the division of labor.

Isotopic analysis has also been employed to reconstruct the diet of tended fauna.

This line of analysis is helpful in establishing whether turkeys are fed from household

stores of food or being allowed free forage. This distinction in diet has implications for

the identity of domestic animal caregivers. All of the theories and methods used to

reconstruct the sexual division of labor for Shields Pueblo are described in detail in the

following chapter

Chapter Summary

The purpose of the Shields Pueblo project is to better understand population

expansion and depopulation in the Northern San Juan Region. This cycle of expansion,

contraction, and eventual depopulation of the Northern San Juan region causes certain

changes in the Anasazi cultural pattern, as well as to the natural environment. Typically,

the Northern San Juan faunal assemblages are characterized by a distinctive drop in the

frequency of large game species and an increase in lagomorph and domestic turkey

during the Pueblo Ill period (A.D. 1150-1300). This trend has been variously argued to

have been environmentally driven (by a regional drought); an example of over-hunting

due to population growth and circumscription; a result of change in social organization;

and a result of increasing warfare and violence in the region.

Each of these explanations creates its own expected faunal pattern. If regional

drought is the cause of the drop in large game, then there should be a noticeable decline

in the frequency of large game at all sites in the region. If population pressure is the

causal factor, then there should be a drop in large game in areas with the highest

population densities. If social or site hierarchy is responsible for the faunal trend, then

large game should be more frequent at large sites in the region. Warfare as a causal

factor would result in a decrease of game hunted far away from villages and an increase

in locally hunted and domestic species.

The purpose of this dissertation is to describe the faunal patterning of the Shields

Pueblo assemblage, to relate these changes in species frequencies to changes in labor

organization based upon sex, and ultimately, to test the expected faunal patterns

hypothesized for each possible "causal factor." This will be done by asking the following

research questions:

1) What is the change in species frequencies from Pueblo I through Pueblo Ill?

2) What is the relationship between hunted fauna and tended fauna through time?

3) Is there a decrease in large mammals at Shields Pueblo over time? If so, is this a

result of a decline in hunting large game or the result of a decline in population?

These questions will be answered by comparing the Shields Pueblo fauna at the site

level and at the regional level.

CHAPTER 2

THEORY: FAUNAL REMAINS AND GENDER

Faunal remains are typically used to reconstruct economic and environmental

conditions, particularly subsistence strategies. These often include "menus", or lists of

the animal sources utilized as food (Armelagos 1994) and seasonal information based

upon the species and age structure of the faunal population (Monks 1981). However,

more recently archaeologists have begun to use faunal remains to reconstruct social

patterns. Crabtree (1 990) illustrates how faunal remains can be employed to study trade

relationships between groups, status difference between individuals, and ethnicity.

A more recent volume, Animal Bones, Human Societies (Rowley-Conwy 2000),

provides case studies from around the world that discuss social organization based upon

faunal remains. In the Anasazi region of the American Southwest, faunal remains have

been used to reconstruct inter-site hierarchies, indicating which sites controlled access

to resources, and ritual structures (identifying particular categories of animals with

particular ritual structures) (Driver 1997, 2002; Muir 1999). Some archaeologists have

begun to examine faunal remains from a gendered perspective. Szuter (2000), for

example, describes evidence of male and female activities associated with particular

animals in the American Southwest. Faunal remains have traditionally been associated

with "male" activities (such as hunting), but it is becoming clear that women and

women's labor also greatly affect the faunal record. This chapter reviews the theoretical

approaches used in the interpretation of faunal remains for Shields Pueblo as reflecting

the sexual division of labor.

Gender and Faunal Remains

To date much of the research associated with reconstructing the sexual division

of labor in an archaeological context has focused on artifact use and manufacture

(Brumfiel 1991 ; Gero 1991 ; Nelson 1997: Rice 1991 ), the evolutionary or biological

aspect of gender roles (Mc Brearty and Moniz 1991 ; Zihlman 1989, 1991 ) and spatial

use or patterning (Conkey 1991 ; Hastorf 1991 ; Hendon 1997; Kent 1998; Tringham

1991). A significant portion of the literature consists of critiques of androcentric

research. These critiques call for archaeologists to focus on women and their activities

in the archaeological record. Faunal remains have often been associated with men

(illustrated by much of the research presented in "Man the Hunter" [Lee and DeVore

19681) and are not typically seen as food resources gained through women's labor

(Gilchrist 1999). This is a blatant shortcoming in economic and social archaeology. The

case studies and examples drawn upon in this dissertation show unequivocally that

women were active in meat procurement across many cultures both in the distant and

recent past.

Definition and Brief Review of Research

Division of labor can be understood in different contexts. The term, division of

labor, simply refers to how groups of people assign different tasks to group members.

Categories of labor are divided into levels or into series of often overlapping groupings.

Labor is generally divided among individuals based on sex, age, or status. Undoubtedly

the most basic criterion for division is sex (Durkheim 1964; Halperin 1993; Shapiro 1983;

Shore 1981). Many use the terms division of labor and sexual division of labor

interchangeably. In anthropology the division of labor has traditionally been viewed as a

biological construction (Harris 1971 ; Lee and De Vore 1968). Men were always the

hunters, makers of tools, and inventors in society, while women cared for children and

collected plant materials near camp (Keesing 1975).

Ruth Bunzel (1 938) was the first anthropologist to argue against a biological

basis for labor division. She successfully argued that while men hunted or herded large

animals in some cultures, women often herded large animals in other non-western

cultures. Bunzel also pointed out that women often had a much heavier workload than

their male counterparts.

More recently Bender (1 989) and Cucchiari (1 986) have discussed the differing

influences of biology and culture on the divisions of labor. This research has a distinctly

gynocentric view, meaning that the researchers have focused solely on the activities of

women. Gifford-Gonzalez (1 993) argues that even the "male" activity of hunting is

influenced by women. Decisions about how meat is butchered and which portions are

transported home are often dependent upon the culinary practices of a group. Other

research focuses on cases of women not only influencing, but taking on non-traditional

roles, such as that of "hunter" or "warrior" (Davis-Kimbal 1997; Muller 1985;Shostak

1981 ; Wadley 1998); or discusses cases of men performing "female" tasks (Hays-Gilpen

and Whitley 1998; Joyce 1997). Wadley, in her 1998 study of women in the Stone Age

of South Africa, discusses several cases of women acting as hunters in addition to

gathering plant materials. In Nisa: The Life and Words of a !Kung Woman, Nisa gives

several accounts of snaring or trapping birds and tortoises as well as hunting steenbok

and small kudu (Shostak 1981). Among more socially complex groups there is evidence

of women having participated in warfare. Davis-Kimball (1997) describes a series of

burials in the Sauramatian culture of the Eurasian steppe, dating between 600 to 400

B.C., which contain women buried with large quantities of weapons. One young woman

showed evidence of long hours on horseback (in the form of femoral deformation and

hypertrophied muscle markings). Celtic women were also recorded as having been

warriors as well as leaders of great armies (Muller 1985:95).

In addition to women acting in "male" roles, men have been shown to take on

"feminine" activities and roles. Roscoe (1991) describes the life of a Zuni berdache

(Man-Woman), We'wha, a man who assumed the role of a woman, adopting women's

work and dress. It is fairly widespread among various American Native groups, to

believe that these individuals (sometimes referred to as two spirits) hold special powers

and thus, they are greatly respected within their groups (Joyce and Classen 1997).

Basically, we have come to understand that not only are labor roles influenced by

culture, they are influenced by the definition and assignment of genders within groups

and are highly variable. How groups constitute gender is a historical and cultural

contingency, which may depend upon biological sex, sexual orientation, and

agelreproductive fertility (Conkey and Gero 1991 ; Shapiro 1983). While great strides

have been made in including gendered research in archaeology, two decades of

engendered archaeology has really not advanced our understanding of how societies

function as complete units. Most gender literature is a critique of male-biased hunting

and lithic research and does not always provide workable methods or models for

reconstructing the sexual division of labor. For example, Conkey and Gero (1991);

Conkey and Spector (1 984); Gilchrist (1 999); ; and Wylie (1 992) all provide eloquent

critiques of androcentric archaeology, but do not discuss the methodology used in

gendered archaeology.

Methods of Reconstruction

Reconstructing the sexual division of labor through faunal analysis is not possible

to do with simple taphonomic studies. It relies on the addition of various archaeological

methods to understand social as well as taphonomic contexts. One method employed to

reconstruct labor organization is that of analogy. Analogy is often used as a middle-

range approach to understand how past activities and behaviors are "fossilized" in the

archaeological record. Analogy is seen by some archaeologists as a flawed method of

social reconstruction (Stahl 1992; Wobst 1978). There are two important issues: 1)

whether it is appropriate to reconstruct the behavior of prehistoric peoples based upon

analogies to present day peoples and 2) what are the effects of uniformitarianist thinking

on the interpretations being made (Stahl 1992; Wobst 1978)? Wobst (1978) is the most

vocal opponent of the use of analogy in archaeology. He argues that the ethnographic

record is inherently lacking in essential observations about spatial and temporal factors.

He goes on to argue that observations made by anthropologists are biased by the

constraints of ethnographic field work, and feels that the archaeological record is

superior to the ethnographic one because it is composed of "the precedents and

products of actual behavior, rather than recorded behavior" (Wobst 1978:303). This, of

course leaves the question, "How does one reconstruct past behavior?" While there are

many critics of analogy it has been shown to be highly effective in the reconstruction of

past behaviors. Some researchers have argued that biases or other shortcomings in the

ethnographic record may be overcome through ethnoarchaeological research. Stark

(1993) argues that ethnoarchaeology is critical for both cross-cultural and context

specific archaeological interpretation. However, she does criticize ethnoarchaeologists

for failing to clearly define methodological frameworks in their research. She argues that

in order to produce the kinds of results being sought, methodology must be standardized

to address archaeological questions. Stark suggests that research be more reflexive, or

based upon longer sequences of fieldwork in order to develop "a dialectic between

techniques of field based data collection and generalization in research design over an

extensive period of time" (1 993:lOO). While ethnoarchaeological research is not

possible for all gender research, it is probably one of the most widely used frames of

research in gender archaeology.

Analogies are formed through historic ethnographic accounts, contemporary

ethnoarchaeological research, and to some extent experimentation. Janet Spector

(1 983) was one of the first archaeologists to develop a workable analogical framework

for reconstructing the division of labor. Spector's approach, called the Task

Differentiation Framework, focuses on the material parameters of gender arrangements.

The framework refers to four aspects of task performance: the social, temporal, spatial,

and material realms. A condensed framework of Spector's 1983 Hidatsa study is

presented in Table 2.

Table 2. Tasks associated with the procurement and processing of crops

Garden clearing

Planting

Women of lodge; occasionally old men Women of lodge; assistance from related women from other lodaes

(based upon Spector 1983:86)

Weeding Women of lodge; occasionally assisted by old men

Crop Protection Young girls of lodge, usually two

Gardens (314 mile from summer village) Gardens (314 mile from summer village)

Gardens (314 mile from summer village)

Gardens (314 mile from summer village)

Mornings; Spring and Early summer

Early summer

Dailylall day; late summer- harvest in fall

Hoes, rakes, and digging sticks

Hoes, rakes, wooden bowls

Hoes, rakes

Scarecrows, watching stage, ladder, associated cook hut and cooking equipment

While Spector's framework provides ideal guidelines for research development, her

approach is unwieldy and very time consuming, because Spector's framework involves

recording so many lines of data simultaneously. Ideally, all tasks would be recorded, so

that there would be a framework describing the activities and actors in every single

social and economic behavior. In order to build Spector's task framework, an

ethnoarchaeologist would have to spend an extended period of time with the subjects

and would need to have unhindered access to both male and female subjects. Few

archaeologists have followed her approach exactly. Most research uses only certain

aspects of Spector's framework, by focusing on a single activity or a single suite of

activities (such as meat acquisition [Brumbach and Jarvenpa 19971 or craft production

[Nelson et a/. 20021).

Following Spector's framework closely, Brumbach and Jarvenpa (1997) interview

men and women among the present day Chipewyan. Their informants were asked

questions about the social, spatial, temporal, and material dimensions of food

procurement and processing activities. They also used direct observation to take note of

the above aspects of meat acquisition behavior. Brumbach and Jarvenpa outline a

series of systems (e.g., how specific animals are hunted and processed) with specific

sets of patterns allowing archaeologists to reconstruct a range of activities. Among the

Chipewya, both men and women are active in meat procurement, although women tend

not to kill large game as frequently as men. Men and women begin hunting during their

teens. Women give this activity up, or hunt less frequently, when they start to raise a

family. As their children reach maturity, women typically re-enter the hunting scene.

Brumbach and Jarvenpa also make an important point concerning spatial analysis within

habitation sites. As it turns out, women's hunting activities may be easier to identify than

men's given the fact that women tend to go after smaller game, closer to camp, and

which are transported back to camp whole for further processing. Men's hunting of large

game typically takes them far away from habitation areas, with individuals from the

community moving out to the kill site to process the animals (Brumbach and Jarvenpa

1997:30). This is an important distinction that will be addressed below in relation to

care of domestic animals.

Ethnographic analogy and ethnoarchaeology have been used to show that

shellfish are typically collected by women. Classen (1991), in her study of the Shell

Mound Archaic (some 8,000 years B.P.) in the American Southeast, integrated the

ethnographic record of shellfish gathering with burial analysis. She shows that female

burials within the immense shell mounds are far more likely to contain red ochre than

male burials and include more "ceremonial objects." She goes on to argue that this is

evidence of the importance of women in this society as providers of shellfish resources.

Christine Szuter's "Gender and Animals: Hunting Technology, Ritual, and

Subsistence" (2000), follows the changing relationship between gender and animals and

how these changes affect the sexual division of labor. Szuter focuses on the American

Southwest in a larger regional sense. Her research loosely follows Spector's Task

Differentiation Framework in the sense that Szuter attempts to record all the activities

and materials involved in the acts of hunting, other forms of subsistence, and ritual. She

is able to illustrate the vast quantity of activities involved in the preparation, completion,

and end results (i.e., garbage) of these activities in the archaeological record through the

use of ethnographic and historic accounts.

Szuter is able to distinguish between expedient hunting, carried out by men,

women, and children, and more formalized hunting, which may have been dominated by

men or involved the community as a whole. Small animals, birds, reptiles, amphibians,

rodents, and lagomorphs (excluding jackrabbits) were easily caught with traps and

snares near residential areas. People generally procured small game while in the

process of performing other activities such as hunting, horticultural work, or collecting

other wild resources. Because of this, formality and ritual are not associated with this

form of hunting.

Ethnographic evidence from the American Southwest and the Great Basin show

that jackrabbits were hunted communally in large drives (Anell 1969; Lange 1959;

Parsons 1918, 1920, 1921, 1970, 1977; White 1932). This activity may have been

carried out by one or more communities in cooperation and usually consisted of men,

sometimes accompanied by women and even children driving, trapping, and clubbing

jackrabbits in large numbers (Lange 1959; Parsons 1918). Studies of images of small

game trapping on Mimbres bowls (Shaffer et a/. 1996) indicate that men were the sole

trappers of wild birds and other small game.

Large game hunting is very different from the above activities because of the

strong correlation with ritual activity and the prestige of the participants. Hunting of large

game is associated primarily with men. During the Archaic period and Early Pueblo

periods of the Southwestern chronology, hunting probably provided most of the meat

consumed by villagers (Driver 2000). Muir (1999:66-94) notes that hunted animals

(artiodactyls as well as some wild birds) were deposited in patterned or ritualized ways.

Both Szuter (2000) and Muir (1 999) describe the deposition of artiodactyls in ritual

contexts and the display of elements of the skeletons of hunted animals as trophies. In

this context, we can argue that (at least in the Southwest) large game in the

archaeological record is evidence of men's activities and participation within a prestige

or ritual system. Some Mimbres ceramics have also shown men in the act of hunting

large game. A bowl recovered from Old Town, New Mexico shows a pair of hunters in

pursuit of a deer (Darryl Creel, personal communication).

In addition to hunted animals, smaller animals (namely turkeys, macaws, dogs,

and even snakes) were tended by pueblo communities. Szuter argues that these tended

animals were not being used as a food source, but were employed for other purposes

(i.e., dogs for stalking game and ritual burial, turkeys to produce animal products such as

feathers for arrows, and macaws, turkeys, and snakes for ritual purposes) (Hill 2000;

Szuter 2000). Szuter mainly focuses on archaeological sites in the Mimbres and

Hohokam regions of the Southwest, where turkey and other small, tended animals did

not seem to figure prominently as food sources. Because of a lack of historic or

ethnographic accounts of who was caring for these animals, Szuter looks at depictions

of animal tending on Mimbres ceramics and the inclusion of these animals in burial

contexts. The majority of Mimbres pots portray women holding or being associated in

some way with macaws and sometimes turkeys, while men are typically associated with

hunting activities or ritual activities (Munson 2000). Others have noted the connection

between women and birds in both pottery as well as iconography. VanPool and

VanPool (2006) are able to show that particular iconographic designs are used to depict

differences between the sexes. Their study of Casas Grandes effigy pots illustrates that

bird designs, such as the double-headed diamond macaw motif as well as other tutelary

bird images are always associated with female effigy pots (VanPool and VanPool

2006:69).

Other evidence of women's connection with birds can be seen in Puebloan

mythology and associated iconography. The story of Uretsete and Naotsete, sister

deities, tells the story of their battle over peopling the Rio Grande region (Patterson-

Rudolph 1993). The younger sister Uretsete (the winner of this contest) is often

depicted in iconographic images (petroglyphs, sand paintings, kiva murals, etcetera) as

a bird woman, and often specifically as a turkey (Patterson-Rudolph 1993). Part of this

myth is also telling in regards to care of domestic birds. At one point in the myth

Uretsete makes the first corn woman fetish ('lariko') in order to heal her people from an

epidemic, "She wound thongs of deer hide about an ear of corn and placed at its top

feathers of a turkey, which at her order had shaken out its feathers for her" (Patterson-

Rudolph 1993:64). While this is by no means solid evidence of who was tending small

animals within the pueblo, it is a compelling line of evidence providing further support for

the association of women, domesticated birds, and ritual.

Problems with Ethnographic Analogy in Gender Studies

By far the biggest problem with reconstructing gendered behavior is the lack of

ethnographic accounts of women's activities. It is very common in the historical and

anthropological literature for researchers to completely overlook women, by discussing

only male activity or by assuming the reader would simply know what women do in

society. Because so many of the detailed ethnographies of Southwestern Pueblos were

undertaken in the late 19th and early 20th century, women's labor was often subsumed

under a catch-all heading such as "household duties ." Research tended to focus on

very public, highly visible activities (ritual events, celebrations, and communal work

groups). While there were several well known female ethnographers working in the

Southwest (such as Pearl Beaglehole, Florence Hawley Ellis, Elsie Clews Parson,

Matilda Cox Stevenson, and others) there was still a general, biased assumption that

certain aspects of women's work was less interesting because it was associated with

day-to-day living and not with "important" activities such as ritual events. Because of the

lack of ethnographic reports of specific women's activities in the Southwest, it becomes

necessary to look outside of the geographic area to illustrate patterns in the sexual

division of labor as it applies to faunal food sources. In order to employ this kind of

cross-cultural survey, it is necessary to include a wide range of cultures. While broad

survey may not take all cultural or economic differences into consideration, it does allow

one to identify larger patterns of behavior across cultures. In this case, the cultures are

all primarily household-based economies -although some may engage in market

economy to a small extent- and are typically farmers or gardeners. They hunt game

animals (which are associated with prestige) as well as tend domesticated animals.

Tended animals (for the purposes of this study) are those kept within the boundaries of

the household. Animals held in communal pens, and animals kept outside the confines

of the household are also considered as a "contrast" to tended fauna (although it is

interesting to note that many herded animals spend some portion of the day in the realm

of the household for milking, or for overnight protection from predators).

Unfortunately, many ethnographers do not specify which individuals care for

domesticated animals (for example most of the ethnographic reports encountered during

the research phase of this dissertation simply stated that certain domestic animals were

owned or kept by households). In many cases the authors list all of the domestic

animals kept, then go on to discuss male activities and female activities, leaving the

domestic animals out of both discussions.

Predicting how groups divide labor based upon some grand universal schematic

is a difficult (if not impossible) task. However there does seem to be strong patterning in

meat provision cross-culturally. Most discussions about meat provisions for the

household focus on male hunting practices (among Southwestern Puebloan groups for

example: Anell 1969; Beaglehole and Beaglehole 1964; Ellis 1959; Henderson and

Harrington 1914; Lange 1959; Parsons 191 8,1920,1921,1970,1977; Stevenson 1894;

White 1932, 1974a, 1974b). While there are certainly instances of women hunting large

game (Shostak, 1981), it is primarily a male activity associated with ritual and prestige.

The next section in this chapter will show that animals housed in or near the household

(whether domesticated or wild captured) tend to be the responsibility of the female head

of the household. Meat procurement is not a single-sex task, therefore any

reconstruction of the sexual division of labor should first and foremost account for all of

the actors within a labor system.

As with most archaeological research we cannot simply use one line of evidence.

This is especially the case with faunal analysis. Reconstructing social behavior with

faunal remains requires the judicious use of spatial analysis in combination with

ethnographic or experimental research to fully comprehend the social systems and

behaviors at work. As with most archaeological research, analogy must play an

important role in the development of models and the explanation of patterns within

faunal assemblages. However, this enterprise should be undertaken with caution. It is

important to be critical of the ethnographies used as well as to realize that the groups

studied do not represent "fossilized" cultures, but rather living societies who have

changed throughout their own histories and been affected by western or colonial

influences (Stahl 1992; Trigger 1982; Wobst 1978).

While many ethnographic studies are discussed below, it must be noted that

some accounts are rejected. Some sources are considered outdated or contaminated

(either by misinformation or by racist ideology). Either way, these resources are

discussed, but are identified as flawed. This does not mean that the sources are

completely falsified, simply that all of the information given therein may not be accurate,

or may be biased towards a certain perspective. Therefore, these resources should be

viewed with caution.

The Sexual Division of Labor in the Ethnographic Record

There are numerous cultures discussed in this cross-cultural survey who

maintain domestic animals. Communities from around the world are discussed in

relation to their care of particular animals. Care of pigs is discussed first, as this subject

has the most published material. Smaller household domestic animals are discussed

next and compared to care of herd animals. Finally, the pattern of animal care is

outlined and some examples are given of cases where this pattern is not followed.

Melanesian societies, because of their economic behaviors and their strictly

defined gender roles have been the focus of many ethnographic and

ethnoarchaeological studies (i.e., Feil 1984; Hampton 1995; Koch 1970; Oliver 1955;

Rubel and Rosman 1978; Strathern 1971 ; Strathern 1972; Thiessen 2001). These

groups, such as many communities sampled in this research, raise domestic household-

based animals as well as hunt wild animals. Both domestic and wild animals are used

for food and for prestige or religious activities. This area of the world is well known for its

strict rules of behavior concerning men and women's activities (Strathern 1972).

Melanesia is also famous for its keeping and ritualization of domestic pigs. While the

prestige and feasting system is grand in scale among Melanesian groups (such that it

dominates their economic and social spheres), this should not undermine its use as an

analogy for the Anasazi. The key economic activities (such as raising garden crops,

"storage" of these surpluses in the form of domestic animals, and prestige-linked

activities such as hunting and warfare) are similar enough to warrant comparison.

Among most Melanesian groups, each household keeps a separate herd of pigs.

They are typically allowed to forage during the day and are penned or closed up in the

houses in the evenings (Feil 1984; Oliver 1955; Strathern 1971 ; Strathern 1972). In

villages where no domestic pigs are kept, wild piglets are often captured when their

mothers are hunted (Rubel and Rosman 1978: 13). These piglets are then kept and

raised and are used as forms of currency and for ritual such as domestic pigs elsewhere

in Melanesia.

A survey of ethnographic literature of the region provides some insight into day-

to-day activities and how responsibilities are divided between the sexes. In all cases

where specific sex was cited, women were responsible for the care (keeping, herding,

and feeding) of pigs whether wild captive or domesticated (Rubel and Rosman 1978;

Strathern 1971 ; Strathern 1972). While men may hunt wild pig and capture their young,

the care of these animals falls upon the women who take great pride in their charges.

Captured pigs are often named, and addressed by kinship terms, and thus have very

special relationships with the women who keep them (Rubel and Rosman 1978:13).

During ceremonies and other feasting events men act as the formal participants. They

certainly take credit for raising and contributing pigs to feasts, but as Strathern points

out, "they rely on their wives for most of the labor in pig-production" (1971:g). Among

the Hagen of the Western Highlands District of New Guinea, establishing and

maintaining a large herd of pigs is tantamount to increasing a woman's status. Women

undertake all aspects of care, although men will sometimes take the pigs out to forage if

conditions outside the village are dangerous (M. Strathern 1972: 18-1 9).

Pigs are an interesting domesticate in that they can either be allowed freedom for

foraging (as among many Melanesian groups) or they can be penned within or near

living structures (Elmendorf 1976; Feil 198; Nemeth 1998; Oliver 1955; Strathern 1971 ;

Strathern 1972). Groups that keep pigs penned, tend to place the responsibility of care

and feeding upon women. Mayan groups have also been recorded as having kept

domestic pigs (Elmendorf 1976). It is typical for a Mayan woman to hold half a dozen or

so pigs within her household. She is the caregiver and reaps the financial benefits when

her pigs are sold at market (Elmendorf 1976). In the American Southwest, there are very

few references in the ethnographic literature concerning the keeping of pigs by Pueblo

groups (and only one very brief comment on who fed and cared for them), however, pigs

were kept and their care further illustrates women's role in raising domestic fauna.

Schneider and Roberts (1965:70) in Zuni Daily Life fleetingly mention the female head of

the household taking a basket of corn out to feed the pigs "Mo51 comes from NER with

a basket of corn for the hogs."

Small housebound domesticates (animals that are kept within the house itself or

are kept in enclosed coops) are the most obvious animals to be kept by women because

they are most obviously kept within the sphere of the household. In the Andes, guinea

pigs live underfoot in the kitchens and under sleeping platforms. They are kept in the

kitchen for a number of reasons: to keep them warm, to keep them accessible for meals,

and for the traditional belief that guinea pigs need smoke (Morales 1995). Guinea pigs

are raised both for household consumption and for sale in local markets. Traditionally,

guinea pigs (or cuy) were fed wild collected greens and domestic grain by the woman of

the household (Tschopic 1946: 521). In the modern setting, cuy are fed alfalfa as well

as table scraps, potato peels, carrots, gathered grass, and fresh corn cobs (Morales

1995). Cuy may be kept outside of the kitchen. Some individuals build adobe structures

to house their cuy. This is more typical of the recent trend in larger scale cuy production

for sale at markets. Cuy are a very valuable commodity in Peru and Ecuador and even

in New York City (due to the influx of immigrants from South America). Women may

make as much as 100,000 pesos a month (approximately $1 25) from the sale of their

cuy (Morales 1995:28). Many communities have established co-ops, referred to as

"mujer-cuy" (woman- guinea pig) programs. These are moneymaking ventures. Men

often boast of how productive their wives are. Women in these communities are very

proud of their contributions to their families. Many even claim (in jest) that they now

"wear the boots" in the family (Morales 1995:29).

Other small household domesticates include poultry. Poultry (chickens, turkeys,

geese, ducks, guinea fowl, et cetera) are important basic household staples across

many cultures. Among the Maya of the Yucatan and Quintana Roo, chickens and

turkeys are raised for sale and for consumption during ceremonial and feasting

occasions (Kintz 1990; Villa Rojas 1945:262). Women are the sole caregivers for these

animals, and in fact claim ownership of them separately from their husbands (Elmendorf

1976:lOO). Such as guinea pigs, poultry are raised for family consumption and for

market sale. Any money made by women from the sale of domestic animals is theirs

and may go into a household fund or may be kept separately for their own use

(Elmendorf 1976; Villa Rojas 1945). Other Central American cultures (namely the Carib

or Black Carib) kept turkeys as domestic animals. According to historical period

documents, traditionally, labor was clear\y divided between the sexes. Men's primary

occupation was hunting and fishing, while women tended domestic animals and

performed domestic chores, including agricultural labor (Gullick 1976). Even with the

introduction of European plantations, new agricultural products and wage labor in the

mid 1 8th century through to the mid 2oth century, women remained the sole tenders of

domestic animals (turkeys, chickens, and hogs) (Gulllick 1976:60).

The division of labor among the Kanuri of Bornu in Niger is primarily based upon

sex and age (Cohen 1967). Women typically cook, draw water from the well, tend

gardens in the household compound, and keep both chickens and ducks, while men

primarily engage in activities outside of the house compound (i.e., participate in politics,

work in the fields, trade or slaughter cattle, work as laborers, etcetera) (Cohen 1967:75).

Women among the Buganda produce food for the household, growing various garden

crops and by keeping flocks of chickens, along with sheep and goats (Fallers 1964:82).

Many of the African ethnographies encountered in this research are problematic. Childs

(1 949) and Dyson (1 934) are considered to be outdated and racist (Childs was a

missionary and Dyson often used derogatory or racist language in his descriptions).

However, they are briefly discussed here, as I have not been able to locate recent

studies that specifically mention the identity of caregivers of household domestic

animals. These should be considered corrupt sources. Childs (1949), Dyson (2002

[1934]), and Skoggard (2001) state that wives, among the Ovimbundu of Angola,

maintained their own huts, granaries, and kept flocks of chickens within the larger

polygamous household units.

Caring for small household domesticates is looked at as an extension of a

woman's care for her family. Small domesticates are fed the leftovers of the family's

daily fare. This is typical of the daily routine for women in many parts of Eastern and

Southeastern Asia. Women in rural areas of Thailand, Borneo, and Korea begin their

days by preparing breakfast, feeding their families, and then feeding their chickens,

dogs, and pigs with the leftovers (Amyot 1976; Gomes 191 1 ; Sorensen 1988). Because

the women handle and prepare the food for the human household members, they do the

same for the animals.

Other rural communities throughout Europe and the Near East follow the pattern

of women being tied to the household and the care of domestic animals kept therein

(Bringa 1995; Dubisch 1986; Gilliland 1986; Herzfeld 1985; Kremensek 1983; Pavlovic

1973; Walker 1974). In most instances, women are morally expected to remain in the

house or yard surrounding the house and outbuildings. Even in modern times, women

are often expected to maintain traditional behaviors. For example, in small Yugoslavian

towns, there remains a clear division of labor. Men work outside of the household for

wage labor or in agricultural fields. Women are responsible for all household activities

(housework, cooking, gardening, childcare, and tending domestic animals) (Gilliland

1986). This connection to the household is often tied to the notion that women are

somehow polluting to male activities. Being tied to the household controls women and

their connection with the outside world. In rural Greece a "proper" or "moral" woman

spends the majority of her time in the household, or associated with domestic duties

(including tending domestic pigs and chickens) (Dubisch 1986). In Crete, there is even a

linguistic distinction between male-tended animals and female-tended animals. The

term "meat" applies only to flock animals (sheep in this case) tended by men. Chicken is

considered to be a "domestic product" (e.g., associated with the household and women's

work) and, therefore not manly and not "meat" (Herzfeld 1985).

Among herding societies, there is some variation concerning the sex and age of

the herders. Some herding societies consider the activity of taking animals into the bush

to be exclusively male. Beaglehole (1 937) notes that herding was considered a male

activity among the Hopi of the American Southwest (despite what Fewkes reports in

1890 [cited in Cushing et a/. 19221). Beaglehole also notes that care of "chickens"

(which may be a term indicating all poultry) comes under the jurisdiction of women

(1 937: 18-1 9). Beaglehole is yet another source that must be viewed with caution. The

information given is considered to be corrupt or inaccurate on many accounts. Again, it

is included because it is the only Southwestern source that directly links women with the

care of poultry. In other groups, it is often children or young women without children

that are sent to watch the flocks. The Tarahumara of Chihuahua and the Sierra Madres

often rely of the labor of children and unmarried women to watch the herds of goats and

sheep (Bennett 1935; Kennedy 1978; Pennington 1963). It is clear, however, that when

herding away from home is dangerous (either because of terrain or animallhuman

predators) men will take over this activity (Kennedy 1978). The age and sex of the

herders depends upon the availability of labor within the household and the concept of

danger outside the household. Despite the fact that females may be involved with

herding under certain conditions, day-to-day care of domestic animals seems to be

exclusively performed by women among the Tarahumara. Among the Ayamara of

Bolivia, women and children perform herding as well as daily husbandry (Tschopik

1946). Domestic animals are housed near the households for protection, thus daily

feeding and care falls to the women of the household. The rural communities of the

Jebala Mountains of Morocco keep cattle and donkeys as domesticates. While men

generally use these domesticated animals as beasts of burden (for threshing and

plowing), women and young girls are responsible for their care (Moreno-Garcia

2004:328). Other herding societies, such as Bosnian Muslims, follow this same pattern

(Bringa 1995; Lockwood 1975). There is a split between female and male tasks

associated with herd animals; men traditionally herded animals and women cared for

them while they were stabled and were responsible for milking and cheese making

(Bringa 1995).

Most modern agrarian communities, whether they herd or keep animals in owned

pastures, keep multiple species of domesticated animals. Even the Saami (or Lapps),

known for keeping large herds of reindeer, keep smaller domesticates as well. While,

there is some fluidity concerning which sex participates in any given activity, it is more

common for women to handle household duties (including raising sheep, goats, cows,

chickens and other fowl, and horses) while men are away from the premises with the

reindeer herds (Anderson 1978). In the Kragujavac region of Sumdaija, Serbia there is

a very strong tradition of male herding and hunting and female tending of small

domesticates. Keeping chickens, geese, ducks, and turkeys is done exclusively by

women. Poultry are kept in the courtyard of the household and are fed mixtures of water

and flour, cooked greens, and often wet cornbread (Pavlovic 1973:22). Cattle, sheep,

and goats are herded by men and young adolescent males. Pigs may also be herded to

forage in the woods during the day (by young boys), but at night are penned and cared

for by the woman of the house (Pavlovic 1973:56). It should also be noted that hunting

is still a common practice among rural Serbs. While hunting is ancillary to domestic

animal production, it is an extremely important activity for men and can greatly affect

their position in the community (Pavlovic 1973). This is also the case among various

Asian groups such as the Toradja of Indonesia (Adriani and Kruijit 1951), the Khasis of

India (Mc Cormack 1964), the preindustrial Okinawan of Japan (Glacken 1953), the Sea

Dyak of Borneo (Gomes 191 I) , the Monguors of China (Schram 1954), and Korean

farmers (Sorensen 1988). The Khasis of India, for example, keep both small and large

animals. Men keep the cattle and goats and hunt wild game, while the women keep

chickens and ducks (Mc Cormack 1964). The Toradja of the Central Celebes of

Indonesia do the same. Men keep buffalo in addition to hunting as a sign of prestige,

while women keep chickens and pigs (Adriani and Kruijt 1951).

In all cases, the household and many of the things associated with it are

considered the realm of the woman. This is nicely exemplified in how the croft (or

household) is divided in rural Scotland. The croft (the house and all of the land owned or

farmed by the family) is split into male and female domains (Walker 1974). The

woman's domain includes the interior of the house, the front yard, the barn and the yard

(where peat is stored and where the chickens are housed). Women care for the

domestic animals (including chickens, cats, dogs, and dairy cows) while they reside in

female space (Walker 1974:61). The male domain includes the area that surrounds the

croft (the agricultural fields, peat bog, and pastures). Men perform all of the duties that

take place in this realm of the household (including cutting and hauling peat,

maintenance of the buildings, and herding and caring for cattle and sheep while they are

out to pasture) (Walker 1974:61).

There is a very clear pattern in all of this. Any animal that is kept in the

household for meat or secondary products comes under the care of the female

household head. This is particularly evident when domestic animals are fed kitchen

scraps (or food prepared especially for them) by the female head of the household.

There are some exceptions to this pattern, particularly with the care of birds. When birds

are not being kept for food they may come under the care of men. In the American

Southwest, eagles are captured and cared for exclusively by men (Beaglehole and

Beaglehole 1964; Ellis 1959;Lange 1959; Parsons 1970, 1977; Stevenson 1894). In this

instance the birds (raised for their feathers exclusively) are used in ritual. There is also a

certain amount of prestige gained by men who are able to capture eagles, as it is

considered a dangerous activity (Parsons 1920). Other instances of male care of birds

can be found among the Tiv and the Bemba of Africa. In these cases cocks and pigeons

are kept as signs of prestige (Bohannan 1968, Richards 1939). Such as the Puebloan

examples, these birds are reared for religious sacrifice (and in the case of the Tiv for

Cock fighting) (Bohannan 1968). In these cases, however, household domestic animals

(for consumption or household related ritual) were always cared for by women. Care of

herd animals is often split between males and females. Males, in most cases, tend the

animals while they are outside of the household, where as women take over feeding and

extraction of secondary products (e.g., milk) while the animal is housed within the

household. There is a very distinctive split between female spheres of influence (the

household) and male spheres of influence (the outside world) in every single case

discussed above. The particulars of ownership (i.e., owned by men, women, or the

household in general) may differ, however it is clear that women are responsible for the

care of household domestic animals. Given the strength of this pattern among the

surveyed cultures, it is reasonable for analogue characteristics (discussed on pages 28

and 29).

Chapter Summary

The purpose of this chapter is to review the theoretical approaches to gender

research and to suggest a method for the reconstruction of the sexual division of labor.

Much of the research that has been done concerning gender has focused on a critique

of male-biased research. Many archaeologists associate faunal remains in the

archaeological record with male activities. This has begun to change over the last

decade with many researchers offering evidence of women performing what had

previously been defined as "male" tasks (e.g., hunting, participating in warfare, etcetera).

The difficulty of gendered research lies with the methods of reconstruction. The

use of analogy is the typical method used to interpret archaeological remains. This

method, while controversial, has been employed by researchers such as Spector (1983),

Brumback and Jarvenpa (1997), Classen (1991), and Szuter (2000). The most serious

problem with using analogy to reconstruct the gendered behavior of the Anasazi is the

lack of accounts of women's activities in Southwestern ethnographies. Thus, it is

necessary to use cross-cultural analysis. This can be undertaken by choosing analogue

cultures with similar economic or social characteristics. All of the cultures used in this

study practice primarily household-level production, farm or garden, all hunt wild game

or fish (to varying degrees), as well as keeping domestic animals.

Groups that are considered for cross-cultural analysis in this dissertation include

peoples from around the world: some African groups (the Ovimbundu, the Kanuri of

Bornu, the Tiv, the Bemba, and rural communities in the Jebala Mountains of Morocco);

Asian peoples from India, China, Japan, Korea, Thailand, Borneo, Indonesia, and

Melanesia; "traditional" European societies including groups from rural Greece,

Yugoslavia, Serbia, Bosnian Muslims, Lapps, and even Scottish crofters; and New World

peoples including Mayan groups from the Yucatan and Quintana Roo, the Tarahumara

from Chihuahua and the Sierra Madres, Andean communities, Caribs, and Puebloan

groups from the Southwest.

Among all of these groups there is a basic pattern in the care of animals.

Animals kept within the household (either for meat or for their secondary products) are

the responsibility of the female head of household. Additionally, household domestic

animals are often fed surplus household stores (such as maize, rice, sweet potatoes, or

other food scraps). Care of herd animals is more variable. Males tend to care for herd

animals if they are kept far away from the home (especially if these areas are considered

dangerous). Women may care for herd animals if they are herded near to home or while

they are housed within the confines of the household for feeding or milking. Given this

pattern, therefore, it is likely that the domestic turkey kept by the Anasazi also came

under the care of women whether they were kept for ritual purposes or eaten as food.

CHAPTER 3

PHYSICAL AND CULTURAL SETTING

The Ancient Puebloan region has a long history of human occupation and its

cultural and environmental histories are well understood due to the large number of

archaeological sites, excellent preservation, and access to highly accurate dating

techniques. Shields Pueblo is located in the northern San Juan (or southern Colorado)

River Basin (Figures 1 and 2). This region is defined by a series of drainages, running

from the northeast to the southwest that feed the San Juan River. There are seven key

drainages within the region: Monument-McElmo, Dolores, Ute, Mesa VerdeIMancos, La

Plata, Animas, and the Upper San Juan-Piedra drainages. Shields Pueblo is located on

private land immediately north of Goodman Point Monument (Figure 3) in the

Monument-McElmo drainage, on the mesa top above the head of Goodman Canyon.

The elevation of the Monument-McElmo drainage ranges from approximately 2300

meters in the northeastern-most corner to 1525 meters in the southwestern corner along

Yellowjacket Creek, with Shields Pueblo sitting at just over 2000 meters above sea level

(USGS 2005).

The Monument-McElmo drainage system is composed of a series of small and

medium-sized canyons. Most of the streams running through the arroyos are

ephemeral. Of these canyons, only the Dolores River Canyon, along the northeastern

corner of the Monument-McElmo drainage, is a permanent water source. There are

some fresh water sources in the form of springs and seeps located at canyon heads

(Connolly 1992).

Figure 1. Map of the Southwestern Region of the United States

Figure 2. Map Showing the Location of Shields Pueblo (5MT 3807) (Courtesy of Crow Canyon Archaeological Center 2000).

Figure 3. McElmo Drainage Area Map (Courtesy of Crow Canyon Archaeological Center).

Flora and Fauna

There are seven separate biotic communities represented in the Northern

San Juan drainage system today (Table 3). The Pinyon -Juniper woodland and

the Sagebrush-Saltbrush biotic communities dominate the Monument-McElmo

drainage, but there are pockets of grassland along the western Utah border and

a very small pocket of Gambel oak scrubland in the foothills of the Durango area

which was likely more widely spread prehistorically. Approximately 81.7% of the

Monument-McElmo drainage land area is comprised of the pinyon-juniper

woodland (Adams and Petersen 1999:Table 2-1 :I 8). Shields Pueblo, because of

its mesa top location sits on the boundary between the pinyon-juniper woodland

and the sage-brush saltbrush biotic community, providing inhabitants of this site

with access to all of the economically important resources available in both

zones. The pinyon-juniper community is dominated by juniper (Juniperus spp.)

and pinyon pine (Pinus edulis), which seem to share dominance in this region.

While pinyon pine has been used as a food resource in other areas (in the Great

Basin), it does not seem to produce dependable quantities, as they can be

patchy in availability. Adams and Petersen (1999:16) argue that grasses and

shrubby plants found in the grasslands seem to be much more economically

important archaeologically for this region both as an actual food source and as

an attractive locale for large game species. This is a productive environment for

large artiodactyls (namely elk [Cervus elaphus] and mule deer [Odocoileus

hemionus]) especially during the winter months (Adams and Petersen 1999).

The sagebrush-saltbrush biotic community comprises approximately

15.1% of the total land area for the Monument Mc-Elmo region. Species diversity

is lower in this community with big Sagebrush (Artemisia tridentate) as the

Table 3. Northern San Juan Biotic Communities

Grass lands r- Scrubland

1 Pine-Douglas-Fir

Spruce-Fir-Forest

Alpine Tundra r (Adams and Petersen

Above 3500-3800 m.

rabbit brush, winterfat, prickly pear and cholla, ricegrass, grama, and dropseed Grama, ricegrass, Junegrass, dropseed, wild rose, sumac, Yucca (and all of the above shrubs and cacti) Juniper, pinyon ricegrass, western wheatgrass, dropseed, Junegrass sage brush, yuccas, serviceberry, mountain mahogany, and various cacti Gambel oak, and the coniferous trees, mountain mahogany, serviceberry, choke- cherry, hackberry, wild rose, currant, and sumac Pines, Douglas-fir, true firs, poiderosa pine, aspen, various grasses and fruit- bearing shrubs Willow, alder, maple, limber pine, bristlecone, Douglas-fir, ponderosa, dwarf iunipers, various herbaceous plants, surrant, and ~lderberrv LOW growing woody shrubs, herbaceous Aants, mosses, ichens

antelope, desert bighorn sheep

Small mammals and birds

Elk, mule deer, small game

Mule deer, wild turkey

Mule deer, elk, grey ~ o l f , small mammals, i r ds

Elk, mule deer

3ighorn sheep, med. nammals

dominant species. There are a few other species of shrubs (such as saltbrush

[Atriplex], rabbitbrush [Chyrsothamnus], and winterfat [Ceratoides]) Grasses

(e.g., ricegrass/needlegrass [Stipa], western wheatgrass [Agropyron smithii],

dropseed grass [Sporobulus], and Junegrass [Koeleria]) again, are the

economically important plant species, but prickly pear (Opuntia spp.) may have

also been used by native peoples. Small mammals, such as lagomorphs and

sciuridae are common in this environment along with coyote (Canis latrans).

Large artiodactyls are rare in this community, but Adams and Petersen argue

that antelope (Antilocapra) and desert bighorn (Ovis canadensis )would have

been available during prehistoric times (1999).

The grasslands are found in the southwestern portion of the Monument

Mc-Elmo drainage and comprise only about 1.6% of the land area. Typically,

grasslands would have been open plains of mixed grasses controlled by periodic

wild fires. Historic and modern farming and grazing practices have decreased

the numbers of wild fires, which has allowed bushes and shrubby species to

infiltrate the grasslands causing them to shrink in size (Brown 1982). The

grasses found in the grasslands include: grama (Bouteloua), rice grass (Stipa ),

Junegrass (Koeleria ), and dropseed grass (Sporobolus). Infiltrating shrubs

include: saltbrush (Atriplex), Sagebrush (Artemisia spp.), winterfat (Ceratoides

spp.), wild rose (Rosa spp.), yucca (Yucca spp.), and rabbitbrush

(Chyrsothamnus spp). Within the study area, juniper has begun to invade the

grasslands. A wide variety of mammals (such as antelope [Antilocapra] and

jackrabbit [Lepus] ) and various birds are available in this biotic community

(Adams and Petersen 1999).

The Gambel oak biotic community makes up a scant 1.6% of the total

Monument-McElmo drainage landscape. Oak scrub tends to be found on south

facing slopes. This community is dominated by Gambel oak (Quercus gambelio,

but there is no indication that acorns were harvested prehistorically (Adams and

Petersen 1999). Other scrubby trees such as: mountain mahogany

(Cercocarpus), serviceberry (Amelanchier), chokecherry (Prunus spp.), and

hackberry, elderberry, current, and sumac (Celtis, Sambucus, Ribes, and Rhus

respectively) are also common. This is a particularly important habitat for mule

deer (Odocoileus hemionus) and wild turkey (Meleagris gallopavo) and would

have been economically important for hunting (Adams and Petersen 1999).

Soils and Geology

Soils are typically rocky and may be poorly developed at lower

elevations, but tend to be thicker and better suited for agriculture at higher

elevations along the southern and southwestern slopes of the McElmo Creek

tributaries (Adams and Petersen 1999). The soils are comprised of weathered

sandstones and shales, along with mixed eolian materials from the San Juan

Basin. According to the Soil Conservation Service, the eolian upland soils and

alluvial soils of the lowland floodplains are particularly good for dry farming

(Adams and Petersen 1999).

Climate

The Northern San Juan Region is considered to be a cold middle

latitude, semiarid environment and follows the typical "Southwestern" pattern of

biseasonal rainfall. Precipitation typically falls as snow in the winter and as

heavy, unpredictable thunderstorms during the summer rainy season. According

to Dean (1996) this has been the prevalent weather pattern since A.D. 966,

interrupted during the great drought from A.D. 1250 to 1450. This pattern of

precipitation is necessary for planting crops (in the spring) and maturing crops (in

the summer months) (Adams and Petersen 1999). The Monument-McElmo

region receives between 25.4 to 50.8 cm of precipitation per year (Western

Regional Climate Center 2005). The average totals for rainfall at the Cortez

weather station (the closest station to Shields Pueblo) is 32.9 cm (for the years

1929 through 2004) (Western Regional Climate Center 2005). This area is quite

dry and only slightly above the minimum requirement of 30.48 cm of annual

rainfall required for growing maize (Hack 1942:23). Maize also requires a certain

number of mild days for proper growth and maturation. Siemer (1 977) argues

that maize requires a minimum of 2,500 growing degree-days in order to produce

a reasonable crop. Corn Growing Degree Days are calculated by adding one

unit for every degree above 60 degrees Fahrenheit on an average daily basis.

Cortez has a reported Corn Growing Degree Days measurement of 3160, placing

Shields Pueblo well within the required minimum (Adams and Petersen 1999:25).

Maize also requires a certain number of frost-free days. Varieties of maize

grown prehistorically in the Upper San Juan region generally require at least 120

frost-free days for proper development (Adams and Petersen 1999:26). The

Cortez weather station reports an average of 120 frost-free days, falling right at

the minimum (Adams and Petersen 1999:26). Shields Pueblo, therefore (at least

according to modern climatic records) falls nicely within all of the minimum

precipitation and temperature requirements needed for successfully growing

maize with dry farming techniques.

Paleoclimate

Paleoclimate has been an important topic of research in the Southwest

since the development of the tree-ring chronologies in 1929 (Douglas 1929,

1935). In addition to the tree-ring chronology, pollen, plant macrofossils, and

packrat middens have also been used in environmental reconstruction

(Betancourt 1984; Betancourt and Briggard 1985; Betancourt et al. 1990; Carrara

et al. 1991 ; Davis 1996; Hevly 1988; Jennings 1980; Maher 1961 ; Petersen

1985, 1988; Van Pelt 1978; Wright et al. 1973). While these methods cannot

provide actual amounts of precipitation, they do provide a proxy for how well

trees and plants did during the growing season.

Climate has been a key factor in explaining culture change in the

Southwest, and as such there is a plethora of research on the subject (Ahlstrom

et al. 1995; Dean 1996; Dean et al. 1994; Euler 1988; Hevly 1981 ; Hevly et al.

1979; Hughs and Diaz 1994; Petersen 1985,1988, 1994; Schlanger 1988;

Schoenwetter 1966), therefore this discussion will focus on the time periods that

most pertain to this dissertation (Pueblo Periods I through Ill). From A.D. 750 to

1300 there were two major climatic patterns, the Medieval Warm period (A.D.

800 - 1200) and the Little Ice Age (A.D. 1250-1850) (Petersen 1988, 1994).

These trends are illustrated in Figure 4. Within these major episodes, the

paleoclimate was characterized by a series of oscillations (Hevly 1981 ; Hevly et

al. 1979; Petersen 1985; Schoenwetter 1966).

While there were small oscillations, the overall pattern of the Medieval

warm period was that it was characterized by warmer, wetter weather (Adams

and Petersen 1999). Petersen (1985) and Hughes and Diaz (1994) argue that

the Medieval warm period coincides with the development and growth of the

Puebloan system. Longer growing periods and increased precipitation allowed

the Anasazi to move into areas that were previously unsuited for dry farming

(Schlanger 1988). This period of beneficial weather

Climatic Reconstruction: Southwest U.S. A.D. 600-1400

Years A.D.

Figure 4. Climatic Reconstruction: Southwest U.S. A.D. 600-1400 (after Davis 1996: Figure 12-5).

lasted for some 400 years, until approximately A.D. 1250 (when the weather

patter shifted dramatically).

The Little Ice Age was characterized by cooler summer temperatures

(decreasing the growing period of corn) and by less predictable and different

patterns of precipitation (Adams and Petersen 1999). Aside from the cooler

temperatures and dryer weather, the Little Ice Age witnessed a change in global

atmospheric patterns (Kreuts et a/. 1997). During this time period, summer rains

came later in the season, were concentrated further south, and did not last as

long as the present-day "monsoon" cycle (Adams and Petersen 1999). This

change in temperature and precipitation is argued to have led to the population

depopulation (i.e., emigrations) of the Northern San Juan region (Ahlstrom et al.

1995; Dean 1996; Dean et al. 1994; Euler 1988).

Archaeological Setting

The archaeological setting of the Anasazi of the San Juan Region is well

understood. Many archaeologists have published reviews and accounts of the

culture history of the Anasazi (Cordell 1984; Cordell and Gumerman 1989; Lipe

1999; Minnis and Redman 1990; Rohn 1989; Varien 1999; Wilshusen 1999). In

this section, I will not discuss the cultural setting in detail. Instead, I will provide a

brief summary of the archaeological history for the Northern San Juan River

Basin. The major archaeological trends for each time period are summarized in

Table 4.

Archaeological Background

There are six major cultural periods in the Northern San Juan:

Basketmaker II and Ill, Pueblo I, 11, Ill, and IV (or depopulation period). l will

outline general trends for Basketmaker II through Pueblo I and present the

evidence of social change for Pueblo II and Ill by discussing settlement pattern

and population, diet, and evidence of warfare in more detail.

Basketmaker 11 (1000 B.C. - A.D. 500) was the period when nomadic and

semi-sedentary hunting and gathering was replaced by sedentary maize

horticulture supplemented by large game hunting (Lipe 1999: 1 59-1 63).

Basketmaker II period sites are rare, with only about 150 reported for the upper

San Juan Basin (Lipe 1999: 152). Basketmaker II is defined by Kidder as an

"agricultural, atlatl-using, non-pottery-making" period (1927:490). Artifact types

I , b .G 3 o - .- 2 ' 0 a,.!&? a," a, 3 .;; a - 0 g 0.1 g m = 3 a, L u !?!.suu a u 0 b2.5 $ Cr = m ~ a , ~ m o

u a, 4- ([I -

.i! 2 c 0 ([I a 3 a, -Ju

). fn $ 5 2 0. .- '5 ([I - 0 5 € 2 6 5 s z s N LYS a, 0 7

C 0 . - C ([I - 3 a 0 a

called "horseshoe" shaped) metates; single and two-handed manos; expanding-stem

drills; spindle drills; stone pipes; and woven and coiled basketry and sandals (Lipe

1999).

There are several types of Basketmaker II sites. Residents typically constructed

one or more circular or oval shallow pithouses with stone slab entries. House floors are

generally characterized by a central hearth, a series of postholes, sub floor storage

cysts, and one or more stone metates (Eddy 1972; Hammack and Walkenhorst 1991 ;

Morris and Burgh 1954). Communities settled in areas suitable for both agriculture and

hunting and gathering wild resources. Early Basketmaker II sites seem to be more

aggregated with "villages" of up to 11 houses (Eddy1972:lg). Late Basketmaker II sites

became more dispersed. At sites, such as Cedar Mesa, pit structures are dispersed

over a 1.5 km area, with only one or two houses clustered together (Dohm 1994:271-

272). Also common during this period are rock shelters yielding beautifully preserved

sandals and basketry. Limited use sites include camps and lithic procurement areas.

These sites may have been used for a single purpose, but were likely used repeatedly

(Matson 1991 : 82-89).

During Basketmaker II, the Anasazi people began to incorporate domesticated

maize, but were still somewhat reliant upon wild resources. Chisholm and Matson

(1994: 248) have shown that Basketmaker II protein intake consisted of 60 to 84 percent

maize. In addition to maize, cucurbits were grown and several wild plant species were

gathered (grass seeds, pinyon pine nuts, and various weedy plant species) (Lipe 1999).

Faunal remains show a dependence upon deer species, lagomorphs, bighorn sheep,

and wild Merriam's turkey (Lipe 1999).

Basketmaker Ill (AD. 500 -750) is not simply a continuation of the previous

period. The Anasazi began to manufacture ceramics; more often than not, represented

by undecorated brown, grey, and white wares. Dart points were replaced by arrow

points, and the horseshoe shaped metate and cobble mano combination was replaced

by the trough form metate and rectangular mano (Plog 1979). Some of the most

beautiful early woven and coiled sandals and basketry were produced during this time

period.

Architecture during Basketmaker Ill became very distinctive, with styles changing

nearly every generation (Hewitt 1983). Basically, early Basketmaker Ill houses retained

many of the characteristics of the previous period (i.e., circular shallow depressions); but

by the early A.D. 700s, habitation structures were excavated 20 to 30 cm deeper (with

circular, subterranean antechambers disappearing at the end of the period) and showed

evidence of changes to roof construction and the general layout of house floor

(Wilshusen 1999a). In addition to the floor features of Basketmaker II houses,

Basketmaker Ill houses were constructed with large central hearths with deflectors,

storage bins lined in stone slabs, and wing walls (Wilshusen 1999a: 174). Population in

the Northern San Juan region remained low until late Basketmaker Ill when it effectively

doubled in the Monument-McElmo drainage (Wilshusen 1999a: 188-1 91). This is

evidenced by an overall increase in Basketmaker Ill sites and by a change in community

organization. Communities were typically made up of 5-9 households grouped in a

larger multihousehold site such as a neighborhood (Wilshusen 1999a). Several

Basketmaker Ill sites were surrounded by stockades (the Knobby Knee Stockade,

Gilliland, Palote Azul, Cloud Blower, Crooked Man, and Rabbit sites). The stockades

were made up of a series of 2 to 3 meter tall posts set into the ground every 10- 30 cm

with woven twigs and branches filling the spaces between (Wilshusen 1999a: 180)

These are all large hamlets located in the Monument-McElmo drainage. It is possible

that these stockades are evidence of an increased need for families to protect

themselves from outsiders, but more research needs to be done in this area.

Basketmaker Ill is characterized by an increased dependence upon cultivated

foods (as evidenced by increasingly larger and more formalized storage structures).

The increasing importance of agriculture is also supported by the appearance of field

houses. These were located near agricultural fields away from the main habitation sites

ostensibly providing shelter for workers while guarding their fields (Wilshusen 1999a).

During Pueblo I (A.D. 750 - 900) the three major regional cultures of the greater

Southwest (Anasazi, Hohokam, and Mogollon) developed. Pueblo I peoples of the

Northern San Juan began to increase their ceramic production. During this period,

ceramics are primarily represented by plain grey ware, but some were decorated with

banding around the necks of jars. Piedra Black-on-white shows up in late period sites

(Wilshusen and Blinman 1992; Wilson and Blinman 1993). The bow and arrow was

introduced just prior to Pueblo I. Pueblo I projectile points are characterized by arrow

points with large tangs and contracted stems (Bradley 1988).

Surface architecture consisting of masonry unit pueblos of habitation and storage

rooms with an associated kiva and midden also appeared in the Northern San Juan at

this time (Gumerman and Dean 1989). Communities built seven distinctive site types

during the Pueblo I period. Villages consist of a grouping of 15 to 20 houses (with at

least 50 rooms); large hamlets of 3 to 7 houses; small hamlets with 1 or 2 houses; large,

public architecture (including great kivas); field houses; and non residential artifact

scatters (Wilshusen 1999b).

Populations began to increase dramatically in the western drainages during the

late A.D. 700s, leading to the first of a series of population movements out of the

northern San Juan into northwestern New Mexico (Wilshusen and Ortman 1999). As

populations began to grow and to shift into aggregated villages, the Anasazi responded

by intensifying maize production (as evidenced by an increase in the number of grain

storage structures) and by cementing exchange relationships (as evidenced by ceramic

exchange) (Kohler and Van West 1996). Animal resources would probably have

become more scarce at this time due to increasing human populations. While turkeys

were not present in large numbers, Munro (1994: 149) argues that this was when they

became domesticated. Domestication is demonstrated through the presence of non-

osteological remains (such as large quantities of eggshell, gizzard stones,

accumulations of turkey droppings, and pens or enclosures) and osteological remains

such as the presence of all age categories of birds (Munro 1994: 94). At this juncture in

time turkey seems to been used primarily for ritual purposes (evidenced through turkey

burials in kivas or in human burials) and for utilitarian purposes (collecting feathers for

blanket manufacture, cordage, and fletching for arrows) ( Hill 2000; Mc Kusik 1980).

Pueblo II (A.D. 900 to about 1150) is characterized by two major trends. First,

we see the development of highly localized stylistic traditions, a so-called parochial

movement. In the Northern San Juan region there are specific artifact styles associated

with each major drainage area with neck-banded, black-on-white, black-on-red, and

corrugated vessels common (Cordell and Gumerman, 1989). Projectile points are

typically small, narrow-stemmed, corner-notched arrow points (Bradley 1988).

Architectural styles are more varied. Some communities in the Mesa Verde region

began to build masonry architecture, while other communities to the northwest

constructed surface structures of jacal (Morris 1991: 659-661).

Secondly, there is yet another surge in the development of large aggregated

habitation sites and complex social organization. Prior to A.D 1050, Pueblo II sites

commonly consisted of unit pueblos with a kiva, one or two surface rooms and an

underground milling room (Lipe and Varien 1999a). Community structure began to

change after A.D. 1050 with the development of the Chaco Canyon complex, which

dominated the Anasazi cultural area. The Chacoan system consisted of the main cultural

center (Chaco Canyon) and dozens of Chacoan great houses ranging from 25 to 55

rooms surrounded by smaller satellite communities, many linked by road systems.

Populations were extremely concentrated within an eightykilometer region around

Chaco Canyon. The Northern San Juan really became an extension of this system

during the latter half of Pueblo II. Some have asked how Chaco was able to influence

such a large number of communities. Sebastian (1992) suggests that residents of

Chaco were able to produce large surpluses of food and used thesle surpluses to create

relationships of indebtedness with others within their community and in surrounding

communities during difficult years. This system escalated as successful farmers began

to build large public architecture (Kantner 1996). In the A.D. 1000s Chaco grew

substantially, with residents showing evidence of high sociopolitical rank (Sebastian

l992:l2O-l26).

The first evidence of warfare and possible cannibalism can be dated to the

Basketmaker II period. While there is earlier evidence of violence, it does not seem to

escalate until Pueblo II. Turner and Turner (1999) argue that Chacoan elites used public

violence as a means of social control. There is documented evidence at thirteen

different sites throughout the Anasazi area for violence and cannibalism (Billman et a/.

2000).

During Pueblo II faunal food sources were similar to that of the preceding time

periods. Artiodactyla (especially deer) are common in faunal assemblages as are other

communally hunted animals. At about A.D. 900, turkey shifted in importance from a

primarily ritual use to that of a food resource, and thus increases in frequency in

archaeological assemblages (Munro 1994).

Pueblo Ill (A.D. 1150 to about 1300) is believed to be the period of the most

intense habitation at Shields Pueblo. This period was a time of extreme instability in the

Southwest. There was a new wave of depopulation (e.g., relocation to other areas) and

the establishment of new regional centers. In early Pueblo Ill there was a trend toward

increased residential aggregation. A number of large sites were established in the Mesa

Verde and Monument-McElmo drainages (Lipe and Varien 1999b). There was an

overall population shift into the western drainages of the Northern San Juan, and from

A.D. 1180-1 190, a surge in population. Habitation sites tended to be loosely clustered

on mesa tops associated with productive agricultural land. Community centers were

made up of great kivas or remodeled Chacoan great houses, and semi-aggregated

clusters of habitation rooms.

Late Pueblo Ill saw some drastic changes to settlement patterns. Both location

and human population levels changed notably. During the later portion of the Pueblo Ill

period many residential sites moved from mesa tops to canyon rims or the talus slopes

below (e.g., Sand Canyon Pueblo, Seven Towers site, Yellow Jacket Pueblo)

(Kuckelman 1997, Lipe and Varien 1999). Villages and subsidiary settlements also

became more tightly aggregated on the landscape with the majority of the population

living in larger villages located along the western drainages.

Additionally, there were major changes in subsistence activities both in terms of

intensification and in dominant species utilized. Agricultural production was intensified,

evidenced by increased manipulation and control of water resources, with reservoirs,

check dams, and other water capture devises (Lipe and Varien 1999; Rohn 1963, 1977;

Winter 1978). Driver and Muir note an interesting change in faunal remains during

Pueblo Ill times in the Northern San Juan area (Driver 1997, 2002; Muir and Driver

2001). There was a shift in the location of large mammal remains (particularly

Artiodactyla) at the site level. Comparisons of site faunal assemblages show higher

frequencies of large game animals in large aggregated communities, while small site

assemblages (from seemingly "richer" resource areas) have far fewer artiodactyl

remains, but higher frequencies of rabbits and turkey (Driver 1997, 2002; Muir and

Driver 2001). Different explanations for this trend have been suggested and are

discussed in Chapter 1 as potential causal factors, including climatic change, population

growth and pressure, and changes to social and site hierarchy.

In the later part of Pueblo Ill evidence of social unrest appeared. There was an

increase in defensible site locations, defensive architecture, and a general increase in

evidence of interpersonal violence (Lightfoot and Kuckelman 2000). LeBlanc argues

that a cycle of warfare began in the northern Southwest around A.D. 1200. This

violence was widespread and there are numerous examples of mass graves, destruction

and depopulation of villages where the dead were simply left exposed and not formally

buried, and even evidence of cannibalism (Ahlstrom et a/. 1995; Haas and Creamer

1996; LeBlanc 1999; Turner and Turner 1999; White 1992). The last half of Pueblo Ill

was likely a very difficult period for the Ancient Puebloans. Even if violence was not

constant (but sporadic) the fear of attack and the necessity for constant vigilance would

have been a difficult burden.

The final period, Pueb1o.W (A.D. 1300 to 1540) has also been referred to as the

period of depopulation. What is defined as Pueblo IV culture began to appear in some

communities as early A.D. 1250 (Adams and Duff 2004:3). Basically, Pueblo IV culture

is identified by the presence of particular pottery types (White Mountain Red Ware, Zuni

Glaze Ware, Salado Polychrome, and others) (Carlson 1970) and by the appearance of

the Katsina Cult iconography present on ceramics and rock art (Adams 1991). The

Northern San Juan region was depopulated by Anasazi groups and there was a general

reorganization of settlements along the Little Colorado River, Rio Grande, and the

historic pueblos (Hopi, Zuni, Acoma) (Wilshusen and Towner 1999). Non-Anasazi

groups began to move into the Northern San Juan. The Ute began to move into

northwestern Colorado by A.D. 1300-1400 and were in the Northern San Juan region by

I626 (Janetski 1994; Schroeder 1965). Athabascan groups (the Navajo and Apache)

moved into the Four Corners region of the Southwest later during the historic period, by

about A.D. 1750 (Wilshusen and Towner 1999).

Excavation and Collection of Data

The Shields Pueblo research project is part of Crow Canyon Archaeological

Center's "Communities Through Time: Migration, Cooperation, and Conflict" regional

project. This research project was established to look at the cycle of development and

depopulation of pueblo communities in the Mesa Verde Region of southwestern

Colorado (Duff and Ryan 2000). Crow Canyon Archaeolological Center has focused on

the Pueblo II and Ill periods (A.D. 900 - 1300) because of dynamic changes in site size

and population. Shields Pueblo has occupational deposits ranging from as early as A.D.

700 to 900 all the way through to the end of Pueblo Ill when the site was depopulated.

This is important to this research as the deposits are sequential at the same site and

provide an opportunity to understand change over time.

The earliest known excavations at Shields Pueblo took place in the mid 1900s

(Hayes and Chappell 1962). Artifacts collected during these excavations are housed as

part of the Chappell collection at the Anasazi Heritage Center. Colorado Mountain

College held a field school at Shields Pueblo during the summers of 1975, 1976, and

1977 (Bagwell 1975, 1976, 1977). Five of Shields' kivas were excavated along with one

roomblock, and various cultural deposits. Crow Canyon conducted a survey of the

Goodman Point and Sand Canyon pueblos in the 1980s, recording segments of Shields

Pueblo at that time (Adler 1990).

Preliminary archaeological survey of Shields Pueblo was conducted in 1996 in

preparation for excavation the following summer. The faunal assemblage used for this

project was collected by Crow Canyon Archaeological Center over a four-year period

starting in April of 1997 and ending in November 2000 (Duff and Ryan 2000). The

purpose of the excavation was to collect general information on large-scale changes

over time from Pueblo II to Ill, and to gather information for intersite comparisons. For

this reason, Crow Canyon did not focus on uncovering complete floor contexts. They

randomly sampled the major artifact concentrations and ran trenches through the center

of any structures that were discovered (Duff and Ryan 2000:4).

During survey, eighteen high-density concentrations of cultural remains were

identified and mapped (Duff and Ryan 2000). The locations of these concentrations

were then used to plan a research strategy. Each high-density area was systematically

surface collected and was excavated using randomly selected 1 x 1 m. units. If

structures were discovered, they were excavated using judgmental sampling (Duff and

Ryan 2000).

The first field season was devoted to sampling the southern half of the site and to

a remote sensing survey to help identify possible subsurface structures. Subterranean

structures were tested and excavated in the 1998, 1999, and 2000 seasons (Duff and

Ryan 2000). Crow Canyon tested some 35 structures by the end of the 1999 season

(Duff and Ryan 2000: 4). The final season was devoted to surface collection and

excavation of previously uninvestigated areas and continuation of judgmental testing of

subsurface anomalies discovered during subsurface survey. Trenches were dug across

structures to ascertain their boundaries and to establish their depositional history. A

number of 2 x 2 m. units were excavated to the southeast of known structures in order to

locate midden deposits (Duff and Ryan 2000). Shields Pueblo is located on property

that was historically farmed. As such, a plow zone of historically disturbed sediments

blankets the site. This plow zone varies in depth from 20 to 40 cm (Duff 2005 personal

communication). While much of the surface architecture was destroyed, the

subterranean deposits were fairly undisturbed and ranged in depth from 1 to 2.5 m. deep

(Duff and Ryan 2000.). The overall shape of Shields Pueblo is northerly oriented

horseshoe (or u-shape). It is unclear if Shields was a continuous series of room blocks

(along the lines of Sand Canyon Pueblo) or a series of separate roomblocks with

associated kivas and pit structures, as the site has been mostly destroyed by historic

farming. However, the dating of the structures in the excavation blocks seems to

indicate the latter. Excavation blocks are described in Table 5 (where T= Trashlmidden

fill; B= burned) and then each block is summarized below. Figure 5 shows all of the

excavation locales at Shields Pueblo and a basic site layout.

Table 5. Excavation Block Summary: Structure Descriptions and Date Ranges

104l~asonrv surface room - CMC I ILPII I I 1 10I~arthen pit structure I ~EPI 1725-800 1

121 1Masonry surface room 1 ~LPII 122 123 124 136l~arthen-edged pit structure NIE

Masonry Kiva Masonry Kiva built within STR 122 Earthen mealing room

I ~LPII

149 150 151

200

X

Subterranean room NIE NIE

221 222 223 224

X X

LPll

205

208 213

Masonry Kiva Masonry Kiva Masonry Kiva Masonry Kiva

LPll EPIII-LPIII LPll

1125

X

Masonry pit room

Masonry Kiva Post abandonment structure built in STR 208 fill

X

X X

Plll

LPlll LPlll

1225-1 260

LPlll EPlll LPlll LPlll

1248

1256 1255

I I 2251~asonry Kiva with post abandonment wall I IX ILPIII I I

I 2341~iva with earthen-edges and stone pilasters 1x1 ILPII 1 229 Postabandonment stone circle in fill of

STR225

237 241

LPlll

400

Earthen pit structure Masonry Kiva - post-abandonment walls in fill

405 406

243 401

407 408

409

41 0

X

Masonry Kiva Masonrv Kiva

1 100

Kiva- CMC Post-abandonment circle over STR 405

Post-abandonment circle in fill of STR 405 Masonry Kiva - CMC

Post-abandonment circle in fill of STR 408 - CMC

Kiva - CMC

1200

1 13001 13071Earthen pit structure built within STR 1310 I IMPII

X

X X

1 102 1 106 1 108

12091~arthen it structure

LPl l LPlll

LPlll

LPlll

EPlll

1 1 13 1 1 14 1205 1206

I ~EPIII I

LPll LPlll

1131

LPlll LPlll

1212

Slab-lined pit Masonry Kiva Pit structure

1308 131 5

1250

1250 1229

Masonry Kiva Masonry Kiva Masonry Kiva Partial masonrv Kiva

131 61~asonry Kiva

X X

Earthen-edged and bench pit structure Masonrv Kiva

1400

X X

1 IEPIII

141 1 141 2

EPlll EPlll EPlll

X

1212 131 8 1402 1408

1413

1414

T= trashlmidden fill; B= burned (*extensively burned); CMC= excavated by Colorado Mountain College; NIE= not excavated (Shields Pueblo Provenience Database; Duff and Ryan 1999,2000)

1199 1224

EPlll EPlll EPlll EPlll

Post-abandonment structure over STR 408 Post-abandonment structure over STR 1402

1500

1205 1203

X

Earthen pit structure Masonry Kiva Masonry Kiva

Masonry pit room connected to STR 1408 by tunnel Earthen it structure

LPl l l LPlll

141 6

1504 1505

MPll LPlll

X X

-

X

1251

LPlll

EPlll Earthen pit structure

Masonry Kiva Masonrv Kiva

EPI LPlll LPlll

1258 1255

X

X

EPlll

EPlll EPlll 1155

Block 100 consists of a series of structures, nonstructural features, and backhoe

trenches. There are 19 structures in the 100 Block including: four masonry surface

rooms and one wattle and daub surface room (dating to Late Pueblo II), six earthen pit

structures, three masonry kivas, and three structures that were not excavated (from

CCAC Shields Pueblo Provenience Database). Other prehistoric features include two

undated burials, and 22 samples from various contexts (CCAC Shields Pueblo

Provenience Database). Block 100 seems to have two distinctive temporal occupations,

the first during early Pueblo I (A.D. 770s), and the second during late Pueblo II (early to

mid A.D. 1100s) (Duff and Ryan 1999). Block 100 is the highest part of Shields Pueblo.

The masonry roomblock is associated with a prehistoric road running to Casa Negra,

and has certain architectural similarities to Chacoan great houses (e.g., thin, tabular

walls, and large room sizes) thus suggesting an association with the Chacoan system

(Duff and Ryan 1999). However, there does not appear to be a great kiva associated

with this roomblock (Duff and Ryan 1999). Further investigations during the 2000 field

season did not uncover any structures befitting a great kiva, leaving the question of

whether Shields Pueblo had a Chacoan great house unresolved (Duff and Ryan 2000).

Block 200 contains 13 structures (8 full masonry kivas, 2 partial masonry pit

structures, one earthen pit structure, two post-depopulation structures built within the fill

of earlier structures (Shields Pueblo Provenience Database). Block 200 has tree-ring

and ceramics dates indicating an occupation from the late A.D. 1000s to depopulation in

the late 1200s (Duff and Ryan 1999).

Block 300 does not contain any archaeological features or structures, but does

contain deposits of pottery (dating between A.D. 1000 - 1 180).

Block 400 was excavated by Colorado Mountain College in 1976 and 1977 (Duff

and Ryan 2000). Crow Canyon did not excavate any of the structures identified by CMC

in this block, but did open four 1 x 1 m. units and a backhoe trench (ibid). The trench

exposed a unit with three separate structural occupations. Structure 405, a burned

masonry kiva with a sipapu, is the oldest portion of this architectural structure dating to

the Late Pueblo Ill subperiod. On top of this lies structure 401, a circular masonry post-

depopulation structure and 407, a circular masonry structure built on top of post

depopulation fill (Duff and Ryan 2000). Duff and Ryan (1999) suggest a period of use

for this block between A.D. 1000 and 1180, with post-depopulation structures dating into

the A.D. 1200s.

One arbitrary 1 x 1 m unit was excavated by Crow Canyon in block 500,

uncovering a single pit feature (Duff and Ryan 1999). Previous excavations (prior to

1975) uncovered a pit structure, however no records are available for this feature (Duff

and Ryan 2000). Duff and Ryan (1999) indicate that block 500 was used between late

A.D. 1000 into the mid 1 100s.

No features have been uncovered in block 600 (Duff and Ryan 1999). Two

possible masonry-lined pit structures were excavated before 1975, again with no

available excavation records (Adler 1990, Duff and Ryan 1999). This block has been

dated through its ceramic assemblage from A.D. 1 100 - 1300 (Duff and Ryan 1999).

Block 700 contains the remnants of a historic homestead (Ward 1997). No

prehistoric archaeological components were found (Duff and Ryan 1999).

Portions of a structure, a full masonry kiva, were excavated in block 800 (Duff

and Ryan 1999). After depopulation, a wall was constructed across the kiva to close off

the southern recess (ibid.). The ceramic assemblage indicates use during early Pueblo

Ill (Shields Pueblo Provenience Database).

Blocks 900 and 1000 have no prehistoric deposits. No archaeological features

were uncovered in block 900, while block 1000 contains only a single pit structure. This

pit structure was originally thought to be a candidate for a great kiva, but had been

excavated in the historic period and no prehistoric deposits were uncovered (Duff and

Ryan 1999).

Blocks 1100 and 1200 have a small number of prehistoric components. Four

structures were excavated in block 1100 (three full masonry kivas and one-slab-lined pit)

all dating from early Pueblo Ill (Shields Pueblo Provenience Database). Only three

structures were uncovered in block 1200 (two masonry kivas and one unusually shaped

earthen pit structure, 1209) (Shields Pueblo Provenience Database). Duff and Ryan

(2000) describe this structure as bell-shaped. While it has both a prepared roof and

floor, its function is not known (Duff and Ryan 2000).

Block 1300 contains five structures (three earthen pit structures and two masonry

kivas) (Duff and Ryan 1999). Three midden deposits were sampled in addition to the

structures (Shields Pueblo Provenience Database). Block 1300 was used primarily in

mid pueblo II (when Shields Pueblo was re-inhabited), however, one pit structure (1 31 8)

dates to early Pueblo I and structure 1315 to late Pueblo Ill (ibid.).

A total of seven prehistoric structures were excavated in block 1400 (two

masonry-lined kivas, two post depopulation circular masonry structures built within the

depressions of the previous kivas, a masonry-lined subterranean room, one masonry

and earthen pit structure, and one completely earthen pit structure) (Duff and Ryan

1999). The masonry kivas (both burned) yielded tree-ring dates of A.D. 1250 (Shields

Pueblo Provenience Database). Both the earthen pit structure and semi-masonry pit

structure were used earlier in the late A.D. 1000s through the late A.D. 1100s (Duff and

Ryan 1999).

Two masonry kivas were uncovered in block1 500, one intensively burned, the

other unburned (Shields Pueblo Provenience Database). Tree-ring dating places the

burned kiva at A.D. 1155.

Blocks 1600, 1700, 1800, and 1900 contain no structures or archaeological

features and were found to be sterile under the plow zone (Duff and Ryan 2000).

Dating

Initial dating was based upon tree ring dates from structures at Shields Pueblo.

The earliest dates start in the A.D. 770s during early Pueblo I period (Duff and Ryan

2001:2). Block 100 was the primary area of habitation during this time (with a single

possible early Pueblo I structure in block 1300). A number of faunal remains (some 429

elements) were recovered from Shields Pueblo dating from between A.D. 725 and 800.

Based upon the dates assigned to study units, there is an extensive period of

"depopulation" at this site. There are no faunal remains dating from A.D. 800 to 1020.

During the middle of Pueblo II (A.D. 1020-1060), habitation seems to resume, with

approximately 620 faunal elements dating to this period. Mid-Pueblo II occupation was

limited to the 1300 block. The heaviest occupation of the site seems to be between A.D.

1060 and 1225 (starting in late Pueblo II times through late Pueblo Ill). Structures and

features dating to this period can be found throughout the site, although late Pueblo II

structures dominate the 100 block and early Pueblo Ill dominate in block 1100. There

are no late Pueblo Ill structures in the 100 block, however, most blocks have some late

components. Some 5,218 faunal elements have been recovered from this time period.

After A.D. 1225, population drops again (dated faunal elements falling to about 4,627).

Adler and Varien (1994) argue that A.D. 1225 is when the community center shifts from

Shields Pueblo, moving to Goodman Point Pueblo. While not completely depopulated

(with some 20 habitation structures still occupied in the mid A.D. 1200s) it is unclear

whether this represented a continuation of habitation of Shields Pueblo or a short-term

resettlement (Duff and Ryan 2000).

Chapter Summary

Shields Pueblo is located on private land just north of Goodman Point Monument

in the McElmo drainage (McElmo Dome) of the Northern San Juan River Basin. Shields

Pueblo sits at an elevation just above 2000 m at the head of the Goodman Creek

Canyon.

There are seven biotic communities in the Northern San Juan Drainage: the

sagebrush-saltbrush, grasslands, pinyon-juniper woodland, gambrel oak scrubland,

pine-Douglas-fir forest, spruce-fir-forest, and the alpine tundra. Shields Pueblo lies on

the boundary between the sagebrush-saltbrush community and the pinyon-juniper

woodland, which covers approximately 80% of the McElmo Dome region. This biotic

community provides a wide array of floral and faunal resources (including elk, mule deer,

and small game). Soils in the area are typically rocky and thin. However, higher

elevation along the southern and southwestern slopes of the McElmo Creek tributaries

are better developed and good for dry farming.

Today, the climate of the Northern San Juan region is "cold" and semiarid.

Precipitation generally falls as snow during the winter months and as heavy

unpredictable thunderstorms during the summer rainy season. This has been the

prevalent weather pattern since A.D. 966. This bi-seasonal precipitation pattern is

particularly beneficial for maize horticulture. Various paleoclimatic data illustrate major

changes in temperature and rainfall over time, which would have influenced the

availability of resources and the extent of maize agriculture, thus influencing population

size and location on the landscape.

Archaeologically, the Anasazi are well understood. There are six major cultural

periods covered in this chapter: Basketmaker 11 (1000 B.C.-A.D. 500), Basketmaker I l l

(A.D. 500-750), Pueblo I (A.D. 750-900), Pueblo II (A.D. 900-1 150), and Pueblo Ill (A.D.

11 50-1300). Each of these periods is characterized by distinctive cultural traits. Shields

Pueblo contains deposits from Pueblo I through to the depopulation of the site during

late Pueblo Ill. The site consists of 18 high-density concentrations of cultural remains

(used to establish excavation blocks 100 through 1800) organized into a horseshoe.

Structures in each block are described in Table 5. There were two periods of occupation

separated by a period of "depopulation ." The earliest dates indicate initial habitation

beginning around A.D. 725. There was a hiatus in occupation from A.D. 800-1020.

Shields Pueblo was re-occupied around A.D. 1020 and was thereafter, continuously

occupied until the site was depopulated around A.D. 1280.

CHAPTER 4

SHIELDS PUEBLO FAUNA

This chapter presents Shields Pueblo's faunal assemblage. This section will

begin by discussing the methods used to record and analyze the faunal data. The

faunal data will then be described in terms of relative abundance and an overview of the

natural and cultural taphonomic processes that have affected the assemblage will be

given. The temporal change in the general frequencies of common taxa will be

discussed in reference to specific sub assemblages. This chapter concludes with a

discussion of spatial and contextual data based upon the percent composition of

assemblages.

The faunal assemblage presented in this chapter includes the remains collected

during the field seasons from 1997 to 2000. All remains were analyzed, no sampling of

the collection was done.

Methodology: ldentification and Recording

This research is predominantly observational, measuring the relative frequencies

of various taxa among the collected faunal assemblage. ldentification was primarily

done using the comparative faunal collection at Simon Fraser University. Small rodents,

birds, and some carnivores were identified at the Burke Museum. A standardized

method of data recording using codes and procedures established by Driver (1999) was

used (see Appendix A). Each fragment was coded for twelve different items of

information (taxon, element, part, side, proximal or anterior fusion, distal or posterior

fusion, proximal or anterior break, distal or posterior break, modification, length, cortical

thickness, and number of fragments for each element). These categories were

designed to provide information on species, age categories, preservation and other

taphonomic processes affecting the bone, and any evidence of human modification. All

fragments were recorded by hand on data sheets and were entered into Excel for ease

of quantification and analysis of data. The data will be available online through Crow

Canyon Archaeological Center in the Shields Pueblo Site Report. All faunal remains as

well as all categories of artifacts are curated at the Anasazi Heritage Center in Dolores,

Colorado and are available for further study.

Quantification

The faunal assemblage was quantified by measuring the relative frequencies of

each taxon to establish the faunal patterning at Shields Pueblo. This was done by

establishing the number of identified specimen (NISP), which counts the total number of

specimens assigned to a particular taxon (Grayson 1984). From this we can derive the

relative abundance of taxa. While NISP has various criticisms (discussed below), it is

the most commonly used method of quantification in archaeology. This method does

not measure the actual number of individual animals present in the sample, but it is the

base line for most quantitative methods, analyses, and indices. From NISP other

measures of abundance can be derived, such as the minimum number of individuals in a

taxon, the size of the death population (i.e., the number of animals killed) (Fieller and

Turner 1982), and bone weight for each taxon, which can then be used to estimate meat

weight (White 1953). This method can further be used to calculate basic species

indices (e.g., artiodactyl index, lagomorph index, and turkey index), thus describing how

different species relate to one another within an assemblage.

That being said, it is important to note that there are several problems with using

NISP. The most serious problem with this method is that it treats each fragment as a

separate specimen, not as a part of a larger whole, thus resulting in the over-

representation of taxa with large numbers of identifiable skeletal elements (Gilbert et a/.

1982; Grayson 1979). In addition, it does not take into account fragmentation of the

elements (Chase and Hagman l987), differential preservation (Brain 1969; Koch 1990;

Lyman l982), differential representation of elements associated with butchering patterns

or the schlep effect (Binford 1978, 1981). All these short-comings, however can be dealt

with by applying skeletal part analyses (discussed later in this chapter).

Another method used to quantify faunal remains is MNI or minimum number of

individuals (White 1953). To use this method in its simplest form, the most abundant

skeletal element for each separate taxon is sorted into left and right sides. The highest

count (of either left or right) indicates the minimum number of individuals represented in

the sample. Unpaired elements (such as the first cervical vertebra) may also be used to

calculate MNI. The danger of this method is that it assumes that the left and right

elements are pairs (which may or may not be the case). MNI is also problematic

because there are multiple methods for calculating the number of individuals within a

sample. One method used by zooarchaeologists is to simply count the number of

specimens and divide by the number of occurrences in the body (Klein and Cruz-Uribe

1984). Another method uses the procedure of matching. Archaeologists have devised

methods of estimating MNI by separating elements by age (based on teeth or fusion of

epiphyses), the length of an element, or by the sex of an animal (Bokonyi 1970; Chaplin

1971). Left and right sides are matched together based upon these criteria. Not only are

paired elements matched, separate elements (such as a radius and a femur) may be

shown to come from the same individual (Klein and Cruz-Uribe 1984). Sorting elements

into lefts and rights and matching elements can yield very different MNls. If, for

example, a sample contains 12 proximal femora, 8 left and 4 right, an MNI based upon

sorting by side would yield an estimate of 8 individuals. If the same sample is matched

by age category and three of the rights are not in the same age category as the lefts,

then the MNI is increased to 11 individuals. Matching based upon bone size is also

problematic, mainly because most adults in the same species will not vary significantly in

size from one another (O'Connor 2000). Therefore, it is best to match based upon some

discrete trait (such as the fusion of epiphyses). Paired bones fuse at the same time

(unless there is some underlying trauma to the bone), so that a left unfused distal radius

and a fused right distal radius are unlikely to come from the same individual.

Minimum number of individuals, such as NISP, has certain inherent problems.

The most troublesome is related to the problem of aggregation, in other words, how the

sample is separated or grouped for analysis (Grayson 1984). The way a sample is

clustered (by stratigraphic unit, arbitrary levels, etc.) controls the outcome of the MNI

calculation. Thus, the same faunal collection can produce very different MNI values

(Grayson 1979; Ringrose l993:126-128). For example, if two turkeys had been eaten

and disposed of in three separate locations, MNI might be estimated for each context,

thus inflating the total MNI for that taxon. In addition, problems with aggregation may

also inflate the importance of rare species (Klein and Cruz-Uribe 1984). A rare species,

such as Haliaetus leucocephalus (the bald eagle) may be used and disposed of in

different contexts for religious purposes (e.g., the wings may be present in one location,

while the hindlimbs and talons are deposited elsewhere) thereby increasing or doubling

the MNI if calculated separately for each context. Deciding how to aggregate the sample

is also problematic, as there is no standardized method (Grayson 1984). Once the MNI

of a sample is calculated this number cannot be used for further analyses; MNI is not an

absolute number, but an estimate (Plug and Plug 1990). If you have an MNI of 32, this

translates to "at least 32" not "definitely 32 ." 0 ' Conner (2000:60-61) describes this

problem as follows:

As 'more than twenty' cannot be added to 'more than ten' in any sensible way, it follows that MNI values derived from any one assemblage cannot be combined with those from any other. The problem of aggregation is thus simply resolved: the data cannot be arithmetically aggregated, so any aggregation of sedimentary units requires physical

aggregation of the bone samples and complete re-analysis. Furthermore, conversion of MNI estimates within a sample to percentage data, to facilitate comparison with another sample, is mathematical nonsense as it involves the summation of a series of minima.

Yet another problem with MNI lies with identification of taxa. In many cases

elements are not identifiable to species level. In these instances, elements may only be

identified in basic taxonomic categories. For example, some elements may be identified

as Canidae, while others may be specifically identified as Canis latrans or Canis

familiaris. Calculating MNI does not allow for non-specific identifications, while NlSP

allows the researcher to combine categories. Thus, nonspecific categories are not

included in the quantification. Similarly, MNI does not allow the researcher to add

different species together to calculate the total within that order, while NlSP does. For

example, an assemblage may contain Cervus elaphus, Odocoileus hemionus, and

Antilocapra americana. All these species belong to the larger Artiodactyla order. NlSP

allows the researcher to simply add all of the species counts together to find the total

number of artiodactyls. Using MNI, the researcher must throw out the MNI results for

each species category and recalculate it for the entire generic group.

Another method of quantification has been used to calculate original meat weight

(White 1953). This method multiplies MNI with the amount of meat on a carcass, thus

addressing the disparity between different sized species. Ten lagomorphs are clearly

not as large in meat weight as one Cervus elaphus. This technique removes the focus

from the amount of elements and places it on the overall amount of meat available for

each species, however it suffers from the same problems as MNI because the

calculation is based upon MNI. Others have weighed the bones from each species,

arguing that the relationship of bone weight to meat weight is directly correlated (Klein

and Cruz-Uribe 1984). However, this is very problematic because it ignores the fact that

many larger bodied game animals are field dressed and only certain portions of the

animal are carried back to habitation sites. Given differential transportation of elements

and differential preservation of elements, large dense bones might be more common

than less dense bones (Casteel 1978; Chaplin 1971). Additionally, Casteel (1 978) has

shown that the positive correlation between bone weight and meat weight does not hold

true for all species. In pigs the reverse is true: as the meat weight increases, bone

weight decreases (Casteel 1978).

Given all of the problems with simply counting elements or trying to estimate

species numbers with pairing, matching, and meat weight, one is left to choose between

intrinsically flawed methods. Additionally, Grayson argues that MNI and NlSP are tightly

correlated, so that any information gained by calculating MNI is already to be found in

the NlSP (1984: 62-63). MNI has other flaws: 1) there is no standardized method for

calculating MNI, thus making it difficult to compare data from different sites; 2) MNI may

change drastically depending on how a sample is aggregated; 3) MNI does not take

generic identifications into account; and 4) MNI does not allow the researcher to "total"

species into a more generic group. Thus, NISP, by its very nature is standardized

allowing researchers to compare data sets from different sites and can only be

calculated by counting each fragment. Calculating NlSP does not encounter the same

problems with sample aggregation, as does MNI, because it treats each fragment as a

separate specimen (Grayson 1979, 1984). Using NlSP allows the researcher to utilize

generic categories for specimens that cannot be identified to the level of species. This

method also allows the data to be further analyzed for skeletal part frequencies, thus

correcting the problem of under or over representing certain elements (Grayson 1984).

Finally, NlSP allows for the easy addition of species to calculate the total within an order.

Keeping all of this in mind, NlSP is arguably the better choice for the purposes of this

study because it allows more freedom in analysis and comparison.

Stable Isotope Analysis

Stable isotope analysis measures the ratios of certain stable isotopes (such as

I3c to I2c or I5N to I4N) in bone collagen (Ambrose 1993; Chisholm 1983; Matson and

Chisholm 1991; Schoeninger and Moore 1992; Van der Metwe 1982). Stable isotope

analysis is employed to reconstruct prehistoric diets in animals and in humans. The

ratios of stable carbon isotopes I3c and I2c are used to distinguish between temperate

grasses, trees and shrubs (or C3 plants) and tropical and savanna grasses (or C4

plants) (Van der Metwe 1982). Plants that fix carbon dioxide into three carbon

molecules (C3) incorporate less I3c into their tissue than plants that fix carbon dioxide

into four carbon molecules (C4) (Van der Merwe 1982). This ratio of I3c to I2c is passed

through the food chain and becomes fixed in the bone tissue of the organisms eating the

plants. In the American Southwest both C3 and C4 plants are present. Native flora

(with the exception of Opuntia, or prickly pear cactus) are C3 plants, while the introduced

plant Zea mays (corn) is a C4 plant. By measuring the ratio of I3c to I2c isotopes in

turkey and lagomorphs in the Shields Pueblo faunal sample, it will be possible to assess

whether turkeys are being tended by being fed table scraps or from household stores of

corn, or if they are being left to run loose to forage for themselves. In lagomorphs, the

I3c to '*C ratio will give us some idea as to where the Lepus and Sylvilagus are coming

from. Are they being hunted outside of the boundaries of the site or are they being

trapped in the cultivated fields?

There are a series of wild, local plants that are also C4 plants. These include:

saltbrush (Atriplex), amaranthus (Amaranthus), and members of the purselane

family(Portu1aca ) (Katzenberg and Kelley 1991). Crassulacean acid metabolism (CAM)

plants native to the Southwest include various cacti, such as cactus pear (Opuntia sp.)

and hedgehog cactus (Echinocereus). While CAM plants are not strictly C4 plants, they

do produce similar ratios in carbon isotope studies (Bergfeld, Bergmann, and von

Sengbusch 2006). It is possible that domestic birds may have eaten wild C4 or CAM

plants as they foraged. Therefore, it is important to look at nitrogen levels in the Shields

Pueblo Fauna as an additional indicator of how free-range these birds were. It is also

possible that domestic turkey were fed wild, gathered plants as part of their diet. In this

case, it is not possible to tell the difference between wild C4 plants and maize.

However, given the availability of maize in the household, it is more likely that turkey

were fed from domestic grain stores.

The ratio of 15N isotopes to I4N isotopes increase as they move up the food chain

from plants to animals. A low ratio of I5N to 14N indicates an agricultural or plant food

oriented diet (Schoeninger and Moore 1992; Sponheimer et a/. 2003). Organisms that

depend on meat (or blood or milk) have higher 15N values than those dependent upon

plants (Ambrose1993). For this project, nitrogen values are used to ascertain if turkeys

were eating primarily plant food (fed by hand) or were allowed to forage and eat

invertebrates. This could provide some insight into whether they were left to roam or

were penned in some manner, thus limiting people's access to wild foods.

Sampling Procedures

Samples for stable isotope analysis were chosen by species (Meleagris

gallopavo, Lepus sp. and Sylvilagus sp.). The number of samples that could be taken

was constrained by budget. A total of 18 dated individuals were removed from the

collection. Single elements from a total of ten turkeys were removed from the collection

(two from Middle Pueblo II and Late Pueblo II, and three each from Early Pueblo Ill and

Late Pueblo Ill). One element from each time period was sampled for both jackrabbit

and cottontail rabbit. Taxon samples for each time period under consideration were

chosen randomly and came from an equal number of structure and non-structure

contexts (to try and avoid bias).

The samples were prepared by Cheryl Takahashi from the Simon Fraser

University Department of Archaeology Archaeometry Lab. First the sample bone

surfaces were brushed lightly with a wire brush to remove surface contamination.

Further possible contamination was removed by milling (removing a thin portion of the

exterior) with a dremel tool fitted with a carbide burr. Each bone was then drilled with a

carbide bur to produce clean shavings. A 20 mg portion of each sample underwent

standard collagen extraction. Each sample was soaked in weak acid to de-mineralize.

The insoluble protein matrix was then soaked in even weaker acid under low heat for

several hours. The resulting solution was ultra-filtered and freeze-dried in order to

isolate and concentrate high molecular weight protein. A portion of each sample was

then sent to Iso-Analytical for stable isotope analysis. The results of these analyses will

be discussed below.

Taxon Frequencies

Shields Pueblo yielded an extraordinarily large number of faunal specimens. In

fact, it is one of the largest assemblages from the Northern San Juan Region. I

analyzed a total of 40,952 specimens. Of these fragments 18,770 (46%) are identifiable

to element and are thus assigned to a taxon. Table 6 presents the relative frequency of

faunal remains by class. Mammals are the dominant class with 13,241 total fragments.

Birds are the second largest class represented by 5,406 fragments. Amphibians and

Reptiles are the least abundant totaling only 8 fragments for amphibians and 96 for

reptiles. Gastropoda, in the form of land snail, is represented by 6 shell fragments.

Table 6. Relative Frequency of Faunal Remains by Class

Mammalia

A ves I I I

Mammals

Birds

Amphibia

Gastropoda

Total Identified

Total Unidentified

Mammals

A total of 47 taxa were identified in the sample (including miscellaneous

taxonomic assignments such as "medium mammal"). Table 7 presents these data,

providing the NlSP and relative frequency of a specific taxon among the mammals as

well as among all identified taxa. Lagomorphs are the most common taxon among the

mammals with a NlSP of 9,813 individual fragments or 74% of all mammal remains.

There are three categories of lagomorphs (or rabbits): a general category, Lagomorpha

(used when a specimen can not be distinguished at a genus or species level); Lepus sp.

(jackrabbits and hares), and Sylvilagus sp. (cottontail rabbits). Elements categorized as

Lagomorpha were generally fragmented or broken in such a way as to make specific

assignment impossible. In southwestern Colorado there were at least seven different

species of lagomorphs present (Ochotona princeps, Sylvilagus sp., Sylvilagus nuttallii,

Sylvilagus audubonii, Lepus sp., Lepus americanus, and Lepus californicus)(Driver

1999:7).

Grand Total

13241

5406

Amphibians

Land snail

40952

70.5%

28.8%

8

6

18770

22182

0.0%

0.0%

100.0%

Table 7. Relative Frequency of Mammals

(~agomorpha (~agomorpha lrabbits and hares 174 10.56% (0.40% J

Oder lnsectivora

l ~ e p u s sp. hackrabbit or hare 11 685 (1 2.70% 18.98% I

Taxan .. lnsectivora

Rodentia

- '

cornman man Name " '

insectivores

Sciuridae Spermophilus sp. Cynomys sp. Thomomys sp.

Sylvilagus sp. Rodentia

Muridae Peromyscus sp. Neotoma sp.

I Ismall rodent lwoodrat or smaller 167 10.50% 10.36% I

NISP 1

squirrels ground squirrels prairie dog pocket gopher

Neotoma cinerea Microtus sp. Erethizon dorsatum Castor canadensis

]carnivora l~arnivora lcarnivore 118 10.13% 10.09% 1

cottontail rodents

deer mice, voles, etc. mice wood rat

?4 of Mam- 0.008%

113 1 730 480

bushy-tailed wood rat vole porcupine beaver

%dl Taxa 0.00%

8054 157

6 43 202

Canidae Canis sp. Canis latrans

1 Gulo luscus lwolverine 11 10.00% 10.00% 1

0.85% 0.00% 5.50% 3.62%

2 3 22 31

Canis lupus Canis familiaris Vulpes sp. Vulpes vulpes Mustela sp. Mustela frenata

62.80% 1.20%

0.60% 0.00% 3.90% 2.56%

0.05% 0.32% 1.50%

dogs, wolves dog, wolf, coyote coyote

I 1 ~ y n x rufus ]bobcat 117 (0.13% 10.09% J

42.90% 0.84%

0.03% 0.23% 1.07%

0.01 % 0.02% 0.17% 0.23%

wolf domestic dog red or kit fox red fox weasel long-tailed weasel

Taxidea taxus Felidae Felis concolor

Ismall carnivore lsmaller than fox 119 10.10% 10.1 0% I

0.01 % 0.02% 0.12% 0.1 7%

72 207 5

(medium carnivore (fox size or larger 17 10.05% 10.04%

2 129 4 2 1 1

badger cats mountain lion

0.50% 1.60% 0.04%

0.38% 1.10% 0.02%

0.01 % 0.97% 0.03% 0.01% 0.00% 0.00%

8 6 1

-

0.01 % 0.69% 0.02% 0.01 % 0.00% 0.00%

0.06% 0.07% 0.00%

0.04% 0.03% 0.00%

Orcter % =

Artiodactyla Cervidae Cen~us elaphus

L~isc. (small mammal 1 (7 10.05% 10.04% I

Common Name artiodactyls

t & 9

axon Artiodactyla

Odocoileus sp. Antilocapra americana Ovis canadensis medium artiodactyls large artiodactyls

I (medium mammal 1203 11 SO% 11.10%

deer family wapiti

(large mammal I TOTAL I

Deer pronghorn bighorn sheep deer size artiodactyls wapitilbison sized

. - I I . - - . - . - - . - total identified I I I I I I

- %all Taxa 1.02%

NlSP 191 57 4

The faunal collection at Simon Fraser University does not have examples of all of

% of Mam. ,

1.40%

581 2 6 3 7

these species in the comparative collection. Therefore, it was not possible to identify

0.40% 0.03%

Lagomorpha specimens beyond designating them as Lepus or Sylvilagus. Also, many

0.30% 0.01%

4.40% 0.01 % 0.05% 0.02% 0.05%

of the distinctions between species are not readily recognizable in skeletal remains.

3.10% 0.01 % 0.03% 0.02% 0.04%

Size of skeletal elements was the primary characteristic used to distinguish between

Lepus and Sylvilagus. No lagomorphs smaller than Sylvilagus, such as pika, were

recovered. Sylvilagus sp. were the most common form of lagomorph in the Shields

Pueblo faunal assemblage with a NlSP of 8,054 fragments; while Lepus sp. totaled

Rodents are the next most common order with some 1,857 fragments (14% of all

mammals). Sciuridae, Cynomys sp., Thomomys sp., and Neotoma sp. (squirrels, prairie

dog, pocket gopher, and wood rat) are the most abundant rodent taxa. Small rodents

including Muridae, Peromyscus, and Microtus were found in smaller quantities. There

were also a number of nonspecific small rodents (smaller than woodrats). Large

rodents, represented by Castor canadensis (beaver) and Erethizon dorsatum

(porcupine) were also present in the collection.

The next most common taxonomic group is the Artiodactyla, consisting of a total

of 851 fragments. Artiodactyls constitute some 6.4% of the mammal total. Artiodactyls

were categorized into eight different taxonomic assignments: the order designation,

Artiodactyla; Cervidae (indicating the deer family); C e n m elaphus (wapiti); Odocoileus

sp. (either mule deer or white-tailed deer); Antilocapra americana (antelope); Ovis

canadensis (Bighorn Sheep); medium artiodactyls; and large artiodactyls.

Carnivora make up approximately 3.8% of mammals with some 500 fragments.

Canids (including dogs and foxes) are the most common carnivores with a NlSP of 421.

Cats are the next most common group with 24 specimens. Other carnivores present in

small numbers include Mustela sp., Mustela frenata, Gulo luscus, and Taxidea taxus

(weasel, long-tailed weasel, wolverine, and badger respectively). Some fragments could

not be identified to species, but were clearly carnivore. These were categorized by size,

small carnivore for animals smaller than a fox and medium carnivore for fox-sized or

larger.

Miscellaneous taxa (small, medium, and large mammals) are represented by 220

fragments. Fragments within this category were generally fetal, juvenile, or fragments of

bone (such as rib bodies) that could not be assigned to a specific species, but were

definitely mammal.

The least common order in the mammalian category are Insectivores. There are

two fragments identified in this category, one identified as lnsectivora and the other a

Soricidae.

Birds

Among the birds there are 19 taxa present (Table 8). The vast majority of these

specimens belong to Meleagris gallopavo and the large bird categories. Turkey and

large bird have been combined, as "large bird." This designation was used to identify

elements that were probably turkey, but were highly fragmented. In total, turkey and

large bird have a NlSP of 5,219 (some 96.5% of the birds and 27.8% of all identified

taxa). Other species of bird are present in small numbers. There are 91 medium-sized

birds (mallard sized and smaller) accounting for 1.7% of all birds. Small birds (robin

sized and smaller) have an NlSP of 27 (and a frequency of 0.50%). Falconiformes and

Strigiformes make up 0.66% with a total of 36 fragments. 12 Piciformes are identified

along with 6 Passeriformes (including one raven) and Columbiformes (NISP=4).

Table 8. Relative Frequency of Bird Taxa

I 1 ~athartes aura ]turkey vulture I 1 (0.02% 10.00% l~aliaeetus leucocephalus lbald eagle 1 2 10.03% 10.00%

Qrder Falconiformes

I l ~ c c i ~ i t e r gentilis lgoshawk ( 1 (0.02% 10.00% 1

NlSP 13

Taxon Falconiformes

I 1 ~eleagr is gallopavo lturkey (4195 (75.60% 122.35%

% of Bird 0.24%

Common Name vultures, hawks, eagles

Galliformes

% all Taxa 0.07%

l~asseriformes l~asseriformes herchina birds 1 2 10.03% 10.00% 1

Buteo jamaicensis Galliformes Tetraonidae spp.

Columbiformes Strigiformes

Piciformes

red-tailed hawk grouse, etc. grouse

Columbiformes Strigiformes Bubo virginianus Asio otus Piciformes Picoides ~ubescens

I corvus corax

total identified l taxa I

raven 1 4 10.07% (0.02% Miscellaneous

TOTAL

5 2 9

Pigeons and doves owls great horned owl long-eared owl woodpeckers downv wood~ecker

small bird medium bird large bird

0.09% 0.03% 0.17%

4 3 5 6 11 1

0.02% 0.00% 0.05%

smaller than robin smaller than mallard larger than mallard

0.07% 0.06% 0.09% 0.1 1% 0.20% 0.02%

0.02% 0.01% 0.03% 0.03% 0.06% 0.00%

27 91

1024 5406

0.49% 1.70% 19.94% 100.00%

0.14% 0.48% 5.46% 28.80%

Reptiles, Amphibia, and Gastropoda

There are only a few elements identified as belonging to the Reptilia, Amphibia,

or Gastropoda classes (shown in Table 6). Reptiles consist of a single element

categorized as reptile and 96 snake vertebrae for a total of 0.51 % of all identified taxa.

There are 7 elements identified to the category of amphibian. Gastropoda is the least

common taxa with only 6 total shell fragments.

Preservation/Taphonomic Biases

Preservation of bone is of utmost importance in regards to analysis and

interpretation of faunal remains. Taphonomic analysis allows interpretation of the

formation of an archaeological site and provides a measure for comparison between

sites. The basis of taphonomic analysis is to distinguish between natural and cultural

forces that both cause and affect site development (Davis 1987; Hesse and Wapnish

1985; Reitz and Wing 1999). Natural taphonomic forces are actors in the natural realm,

such as weather, geomorphic/geologicaI activities, and biotic activity (specifically the

activities of plants and animals) (Davis 1987; Hesse and Wapnish 1985; Reitz and Wing

1999). Cultural taphonomic forces are those perpetuated by human activity. These

include (but are not restricted to) activities such as hunting, butchering, cooking, and

discarding trash (Davis 1987; Hesse and Wapnish 1985; Reitz and Wing 1999).

There are several different kinds of taphonomic processes and effects that act

upon or change the appearance of a bone from the time the animal is living until it is

analyzed by an archaeologist. These processes affect the bone in different ways.

Processes might include accumulation (natural or cultural) or exposure. Likewise, there

are taphonomic effects such as, weathering (caused by sun, water, or acid in the soil),

erosion, decomposition, and biotic disturbance (carnivore scavenging, rodent activity,

root etching, etcetera) (Reitz and Wing 1999). Many of these processes and effects can

create similar patterns in the assemblage. This phenomenon is called equifinality. For

example, spiral fractures to a bone can be caused through cultural activity (such as

breaking and twisting during marrow extraction). Additionally, these breaks can be the

result of trampling (Haynes l983), natural traumatic injury to the animal (Lyman l984),

or through carnivore activity (Binford 1981). The problem of equifinality can be

overcome through various kinds of analyses used in the study of taphonomy.

Traditionally, taphonomy has been relegated to the realm of middle-range theory in

archaeology. Experimentation, observation, and ethnographic analogy have proven

useful for understanding how faunal remains enter the archaeological record and in what

condition (these methods are summarized in Lyman 1994).

Natural Accumulation

As mentioned above, bone may accumulate through natural or cultural

processes. Some of the bones found on archaeological sites are present because they

were purposefully brought to the site, modified in some way (butchered, cooked,

etcetera) and finally were deposited as garbage. Some bone, however, enters an

archaeological site through natural processes (Driver 1985: 18). Burrowing organisms

(particularly rodents) are common bioturbators of archaeological sites, often dying in situ

within burrows. Animals may also be brought to an archaeological site by carnivores or

scavengers at a later date (Brain 1980, 1981 ; Binford 1981 ; D' Andrea and Gotthardt

1984; Haynes 1980). In order to interpret whether faunal remains are naturally occurring

or cultural in origin it is necessary to distinguish natural from cultural accumulations.

Both of these will be discussed by defining or describing the "method" of deposition and

by detailing how these can be identified in the archaeological record. The Shields

Pueblo Faunal assemblage will then be analyzed (with these factors in mind) and

compared with other sites in the immediate region when possible.

Canid Accumulation

Naturally deposited bone is often the result of the scavenging or hunting activities

of predatory animals. This is often demonstrated by the presence of tooth marks (both

punctures and rounded grooves) and the absence of articular ends accompanied by the

aforementioned indicators (Binford 1981). Digestion may also alter bone. Bones that

have passed through the digestive tracts of carnivores are generally broken into "bite-

sized" pieces and often show evidence of chemical erosion (Korth 1979; Andrews 1990).

Carnivores (especially canids) will also lick the ends of bone, effectively polishing the

articular surfaces (Haynes 1980; Binford 1981 ).

In order to determine the extent of canid damage to the Shields Pueblo

assemblage all evidence for canid damage (tooth marks, chewing, digestion, and licking)

were recorded during analysis of faunal remains. These data are illustrated in Table 9

for all of the major taxonomic groups.

Table 9. Frequency of Carnivore Modification-Shields Pueblo

I I

Sciuridae ( I 324) 17 1 0.5%

Lagomorph (74)

Lepus sp. (1 685)

Sylvilagus sp. (8054)

I I

M. gallopavo (52 1 9) 1 141 12.7%

0

40

62

0

2.4%

0.8%

Over all, the frequency of carnivore damage is quite low. If one includes all

identified and unidentified taxon only 0.87% of the assemblage has been damaged by

carnivores. Table 10 shows the frequency of carnivore scavenging for Woods Canyon

Pueblo, Castle Rock Pueblo, Yellow Jacket Pueblo, and Sand Canyon Pueblo. Such as

Shields

Table 10. Frequency of Carnivore Modification for Selected Taxa (site comparison)

Lagomorph I 6.25 1 2.00

I Lepus I 9.09 3 2.83

Sylvilagus 2 .995 12 1.42

Sciuridae 0 1 1.05

M. gallopavo 9 3.65 21 7.39

(Driver 2000,2002; Muir 1999:56; Muir and Driver 200:

Pueblo, the frequency of carnivore damage never rises into the double digits. Evidence

of scavenging or canid damage does not necessarily prove that a bone is present

through natural accumulation. The Anasazi kept domestic dogs (Szuter 2000). If we

consider ethnographic accounts, it is clear that dogs had free range through habitation

areas and would have been able to access garbage including faunal remains. Damage

from domestic dogs is indistinguishable from wild dogs and other carnivores. In this

instance, then, the evidence of canid scavenging does not necessarily indicate the

natural accumulation of faunal bone. Instead, it implies something about how garbage

was deposited, namely that it was not easily accessible to domestic dogs. It also

implies that the bone is culturally accumulated and not the result of wild canid

huntinglscavenging.

Raptor Accumulation

Wild and domestic canids are not the only sources of naturally accumulated

faunal assemblages. Raptors (or birds of prey) are also known to "build" assemblages

of various rodents and lagomorphs. Not all bones consumed by predators show

evidence of chewing. Owls typically consume rodents whole and deposit fairly complete

skeletal remains in owl pellets (Dodson and Wexlar 1979; Kusmer 1986; Andrews 1990).

Raptors are also known to take larger prey and create assemblages of mixed rabbit

remains (Hockett 1991, 1995; Quirt-Booth and Cruz-Uribe 1996). No owl pellets were

recovered from Shields Pueblo, nor were there instances of large mixed species of

"complete" rodent skeletons. The possible effects of raptor activity will be discussed

further (in reference to the rabbit assemblage) below in the discussion of skeletal part

frequencies.

Other Natural Accumulations

The final category of naturally accumulated bone is from animals that died on site

by natural death. Most natural deaths are those of burrowing animals that have tunneled

into the site and simply died in their burrows (Driver 1985). Animals that have died in this

manner should therefore show very little damage and should be fairly complete with

intact skeletons.

Accumulation due to natural death can be analyzed by looking at the

completeness of rodent bones in the assemblage. The frequencies of completeness

and fragmentation for selected burrowing rodent species is illustrated in Table 11.

The frequencies of complete bones at Shields Pueblo are comparatively low,

none going above 60%. The smallest species of rodents, Muridae and Microtus, have

unexpectedly low frequencies of complete bone. In comparison, rodent species at Sand

Canyon Pueblo are between 67.6% and 84.3% complete (Muir 199956). At Shields

Pueblo, all of the burrowing rodents are only slightly less complete than the burrowing

species from Sand Canyon Pueblo. Thus, the Shields Pueblo rodents are likely present

through natural processes.

Table 11. Frequency of Complete and Fragmented Bone - Rodents

Cultural Modification

Understanding cultural modification is of utmost importance to zooarchaeological

research because it is direct evidence of human behavior. Culturally deposited faunal

remains are identified by the presence of cut marks, breakage patterns, grinding,

polishing, and evidence of burning (Driver 1999; Fisher 1995; Olsen 1980). Each of

these will be discussed in turn below. Included in each discussion will be the results of

the Shields Pueblo faunal analysis and how these results compare with other sites in the

McElmo Dome region.

Damage due to butchering practices is easily identifiable as evidence of human

activity (Fisher 1995). Cut marks are linear and v-shaped in cross-section (quite

different from u-shaped canine tooth marks) and, such as canid chewing, are typically

found at the proximal or distal ends of bone. This pattern is typical of disarticulation and

Neotoma sp.(205)

Small Rodents (52)

92 44.9%

33 63.5%

113 55.1%

19 36.5%

meat removal (Binford 1981). Cut marks are not purposefully applied, instead they are

"accidents of motion" (Turner and Turner 1999:18). Therefore, the placement and

patterning of cut marks are simply artifacts of particular butchering techniques. Table 12

shows the frequency of occurrences of cutmarks for selected species from Shields

Pueblo, Woods Canyon Pueblo, Castle Rock Pueblo, Yellow Jacket Pueblo, and Sand

Canyon Pueblo.

Certain breakage patterns are also indicative of human modification (Driver

1999). Breakage can occur through impact blows. Zierhut (1967) describes the process

of marrow extraction from long bones using hammers and the blunt ends of axes.

Breaking bone open in this manner results in spiral fractures, longitudinally splintered

breaks, and finely broken bone chips. Zierhut also noted that after marrow extraction,

bone was further broken up for degreasing, leaving only the distal and proximal ends

Table 12. Culturally Modified Bone - Cut Marks

(Driver 2000,2002; Muir l999:56; Muir and Driver 2003)

identifiable (1 967:35). Bone breakage may also occur through snapping and twisting

(especially with smaller bird and lagomorph bones).

Despite the possibility of natural causes (through trampling) (Binford 1981 ;

Bonnichsen 1973; Haynes 1983), spiral fractures have commonly used to identify

culturally modified bone. Spiral fractures were included in this research for the purposes

of providing other researchers with data for comparison. Likewise, given that the faunal

assemblage represents a cultural deposit, and would not have been effected by

trampling of large animals, spiral fractures are likely cause by human breakage. Type

of breakage was recorded for each specimen in the Shields Pueblo faunal assemblage.

Table 13 provides the frequency of spiral fractures among selected species for Shields

Pueblo as well as sites in the immediate region. The highest frequencies of spiral

fractures among Shields Pueblo fauna are found among the carnivore, medium bird,

falconiformes, and rabbits. Artiodactyl is lower than would be expected (compared to

Sand Canyon Pueblo). However, as noted by Zierhut (1 967) deer remains may undergo

far more processing than other taxa, resulting in greater fragmentation and obliteration of

spiral fractures.

The presence of either spiral fractures or splintered breaks are often more

frequent in economically important species (Muir 1999:56). These species undergo far

more processing through butchering, removal of bone marrow, fat extraction, and

manufacture into tools. Therefore, economically important species are often more

fragmented than naturally deposited species. Table 14 shows the frequency of complete

and fragmented bones for selected species for Shields Pueblo. Overall, this table

illustrates that sites with smaller samples show more variation, while the larger site

samples are fairly similar. In general there is a high frequency of breakage among

Table 13. Culturally Modified Bone - Spiral Fractures

Artiodactyla Lepus sp. Sylvilagus sp. E. dorsatum

(Driver 2000,2002; MZ 1999:56; Muir and Driver 2003). -

C. canadensis Rodentia Sciuridae

Table 14. Frequency of Breakage for Selected Taxa at Shields Pueblo Compared with Other Sites on the McElmo Dome

13 1.5 35 2.1 227 2.8

-

* S.P.= Shields Pueblo; W.C.P.= Woods Canyon Pueblo; C.R.P.= Castle Rock Pueblo; Y.J.P.= Yellow Jacket Pueblo; and S.C.P.= Sand Canyon Pueblo (Driver 2000,2002; Muir 1999:56; Muir and Driver 2003)

- 1 0.6

-

economically important species. Artiodactyla show the highest frequency of breakage at

- 4 36.3 15 7.4

nearly 78% followed by Sylvilagus sp. at 75%, Lepus sp. at 70%, and Meleagris

- -

gallopavo at 61%. This seems to be strong evidence of cultural deposition. However, if

1 1.8 6 5.6 57 6.7

-

these frequencies are compared to the frequency of fragmentation among the Sciuridae

- 1 4.1 3 3.1

(60.3%) it is clear that there are other factors influencing fragmentation. If the frequency

4 1.7 37 14.3 117 10.1

-

25 3.7 13 9.6 125 5.3

4 10.0 -

2 2.0 -

9 0.9

of breakage at Shields Pueblo is compared with Woods Canyon Pueblo, Castle Rock

Pueblo, Yellow Jacket Pueblo, and Sand Canyon Pueblo, then it becomes clear that all

of these sites and their faunal remains show similar breakage patterning.

Grinding and polishing are also indicative of human activity. Bone may be

ground and polished during tool or artifact manufacture or through repetitive use (i.e.

wear marks) (Olsen 1980). All evidence of grinding and polishing was recorded for the

Shields Pueblo faunal assemblage. Table 15 presents these data for Shields Pueblo

and other sites in the McElmo region. In general, the artiodactyls have the most frequent

occurrences of grindinglpolishing among the Shields Pueblo fauna, followed by turkey

and Lepus sp. When compared to other sites in the region, Shields differs slightly (in its

lack of bobcat, for example). However, there are some basic patterns across all sites.

Artiodactyls, turkeyllarge bird, and Lepus sp. are common sources of bone for tools

throughout the region.

Table 15. Culturally Modified Bone - GroundIPolished

T m n

Artiodactyla Lepus sp. Sylvilagus sp. E. dorsatum C. canadensis Rodentia Sciuridae

Woods Canyon Pueblo N % 1 25.0

Shields PwMo

N % 58 6.8

Neotoma sp Thomomys sp. Cynomys sp.

27 1.6 17 0.2

- - -

Carnivore Canis sp. Lynx sp. Falconiforme M. gallopavo Medium bird Large bird

-

- Sand Canyon Pueblo N % 59 8.8

N %

3 5.4

- -

- -

(Driver 2000,2002; Muir 1999:56; Muir and Driver 2003)

3 1.4 -

96 2.3

3 0.3

Puclabk, N % 9 3.8

-

3 28.3 2 0.2

-

1 25.0 -

13 5.3

9 3.5

- -

2 0.8 -

- -

-

- 34 11.9

4 0.9

5 3.7 4 0.2

-

-

- - -

-

-

21 4.2 -

16 7.6 8 19.0

132 9.1

-

Burning is the final example of human modification considered herein. Bone is

typically burned unintentionally through the cooking process. Cooking meat with the

bone in results in a particular pattern of burning. Articular ends (where bones are

generally separated during butchery and left bare) are often burned while the shaft

remains undamaged. This localized pattern of burning is described by Driver (1999:24).

Bone may also be burned after disposal (thrown into the cooking hearth or by being

deposited in a structure that is then burned). In these cases bone may be carbonized

(partially or completely) or even calcined (grey or white) if the temperature of the fire is

great enough (Shipman et al. 1984). Bones with evidence of burning (e.g., localized

burning, carbonization, and calcination) were recorded for Shields Pueblo and are

compared with the frequencies from sites in the McElmo Dome (Table 16). While

Shields Pueblo seems to have a higher number of species with evidence of burning, it

follows the basic pattern seen among other sites in the region. Artiodactyls, canids,

Lepus, Sylvilagus, and turkeyllarge bird are all more frequently burned than other

species.

If Tables 12 through 16 are considered, some basic conclusions about the

cultural modification of the Shields Pueblo faunal assemblage can be made. In general,

the frequencies for each category of human modification lie within the ranges of

frequencies from Woods Canyon Pueblo, Castle Rock Pueblo, Yellow Jacket Pueblo,

and Sand Canyon Pueblo. However, Shields Pueblo fauna typically shows less

modification if compared to the average frequencies from the other sites. Cultural

modification of major species for all sites is summarized in Figure 6.

Some of the frequencies from these pueblos are much higher than from Shields

Pueblo. For example, at Woods Canyon Pueblo 25% of all Artiodactyla have burning

and polishing, but this is due primarily to the small size of the sample. At Shields

Pueblo, only a few species (such as Lynx, "carnivore", medium mammal, and porcupine

[Erethizon dorsatum]) have frequencies in the double digits (again, because the number

Table 16. Culturally Modified Bone - Burned

Canis sp. Lynx sp. Falconiforme M. gallopavo Medium bird Large bird (Driver 2000,2002; Muir 1999:56; Muir and Driver 2003)

7 3.4 2 22.2

290 6.9 7 7.7 27 6.9

1 4.7

2 0.8

2 0.8

1 50.0

29 10.2 1 1.6 29 10.2

2 18.2

21 4.2

21 4.2

9 4.3 5 11.9

89 6.2

89 6.2

Frequency of Cultural Modification for Selected Species

.Shields Pueblo L=J

Figure 6. Frequency of Cultural Modification for Selected Species. *Please note that the combined relative frequencies for Woods Canyon Pueblo, Castle Rock Pueblo, Yellow Jacket Pueblo, and Sand Canyon Pueblo are presented as average frequencies for each species.

of specimens is very small). The rest of the hunted and tended species seem to show

less evidence of modification. Taxa that were generally very economically important to

the Anasazi (Artiodactyla, the Lagomorphs, and Meleagris gallopavo), while more

frequent in the assemblage, have lower frequencies of modification than would be

expected. Generally, one would expect that economically valuable faunal sources would

be culturally deposited, and therefore, should have a high frequency of cultural

modification.

That the frequency of cultural modification does not rise above 9% is not unlike

the frequencies from the other pueblos. This could be due to various taphonomic effects

(such as the extent of human processing and the amount of postdepositional breakage).

While much of the modified bone and bone tools identified at Shields Pueblo were

recognized as coming from specific species, they could not be identified to element and

as per the instructions in the CCAC Manual for Description of Vertebrate Remains, were

recorded as unidentifiable (Driver 1999). If they could have been recorded as

identifiable species, the frequency of modification for artiodactyls, rabbits, and turkey

would have been higher.

Sullegic Processes (Archaeological Decisions)

Another taphonomic process affecting the Shields Pueblo assemblage is the so-

called sullegic process, which includes all of the archaeological decisions that affect

what is recovered from a site (Efremov 1940). The most common of these are sampling

procedures and excavation methods. The objective of the Shields Pueblo excavation

was to identify and investigate the subsurface deposits. While some separate midden

areas were excavated, the majority of excavation focused on habitationlritual structures

(refer to Duff and Ryan 2000). It is possible that the focus on habitationlritual structures

affected the faunal assemblage by skewing the faunal counts in favor of species

associated with structures. However, it is important to note that the pit structures

themselves were often used as refuse sites upon their abandonment. Therefore, the fill

above floor contexts can still tell us something about refuse practices. Choosing to

focus on structures does not necessarily affect the outcome of the faunal analysis, it

might, however, affect the understanding of site layout and spatial analysis.

Excavation decisions (including screen size) are far more likely to have affected

the Shields Pueblo faunal assemblage. In order to understand how screen size affects

an archaeological assemblage it is necessary to look at the size of the specimens

recovered. Above it was noted that larger fragments are more frequent in the

assemblage than smaller ones. Likewise, if the size of species is considered, larger

species are more common than smaller ones and larger bone elements are more

common than smaller ones (this will be discussed further in Skeletal Part Frequencies).

Thus, small specimens are more frequently lost, while large ones are easier to locate

and do not slip through screens.

Post-depositional destruction of bone

Once deposited bone can be destroyed by various topic processes. Physical as

well as chemical agents may further affect the condition or survivability of bone (Clark

and Kietzke 1967). The Shields Pueblo assemblage seems to have been affected to

some extent by postdepositional breakage (due to historic farming among other things)

and, to a lesser extent, by weathering. Both of these factors will be analyzed and

discussed for the Shields Pueblo assemblage and compared with sites in the McElmo

region. The faunal remains from Shields Pueblo may seem to be quite fragmentary in

nature (as indicated by the number of unidentified taxa and in the amount of specific

types of bone breakage). Of the 40,952 fragments recorded at Shields Pueblo, 22,182

were fragmented beyond recognition. Figure 7 shows the relative frequency of complete

and fragmented bone by taxon for Shields Pueblo. Approximately 54% of the

assemblage was unidentifiable. However, 40% to 60% of assemblages from sites in the

Northern San Juan region are also unidentifiable (see Driver et a/. 1999; Muir 1999; Muir

and Driver 2003). Therefore, the rate of identification at Shields Pueblo is similar to

other large sites in the region. The site of Shields Pueblo, unlike other pueblo sites in

the region, is predominantly subsurface. Very little remains of surface architecture (with

the exception of room-block structures in architectural block 100). The site lies on land

with a long history of agricultural use. The plow zone ranges in depth from 20 to 40 cm

across the site. This may explain the lack of surface architecture and fragmentation and

mixing of deposits within the top 40 cm, but it does not explain the amount of bone

breakage found throughout the assemblage.

Relative Frequency of Complete and Fragmented Bone

Taxa

Figure 7. Relative Frequency of Complete and Fragmented Bone: Shields Pueblo

Size of fragments may be an indication of postdepositional factors. The average length

of a bone fragment in this collection is 3.43 cm, which is similar to the average lengths of

fragments from Woods Canyon Pueblo, Castle Rock Pueblo, Yellow Jacket Pueblo, and

Sand Canyon Pueblo) (Driver 2002; Muir 1999; Muir and Driver 2003). Therefore, some

other factor (common to all sites) is indicated. Some species, because of their size,

density, etc., are more likely to be fragmented (and become unidentifiable elements) or

are destroyed, and thus are not preserved in the archaeological record.

In addition to breakage, bone may be destroyed by exposure to the elements.

The degree of destruction due to weathering depends upon several factors: the time

span between deposition and burial, the size of the element, the density of cortical

structure, amount of grease in the bone, and various cultural processes (Muir 1999:49).

Evidence of weathering was recorded in regard to particular breakage patterns as either

"D", for eroded break, or "P" describing a splintered break. Degree of weathering

(e.g., light to heavy) was not recorded. Table 17 illustrates the frequency of weathered

breaks among selected taxa at Shields Pueblo. Table 18 shows the frequency of

weathered breaks among selected taxa for Woods Canyon Pueblo, Castle Rock Pueblo,

Yellow Jacket Pueblo, and Sand Canyon Pueblo. Over all, artiodactyls were more

frequently weathered than other fauna. Muir argues that this pattern is due to the

deposition of particular fauna on the roofs of tower structures (1 999:93). This practice is

likely associated with ritual hunting for religious events. At this point it is unclear if there

are any towers at Shields Pueblo, although a greater frequency of weathered artiodactyl

remains may indicate the placement of artiodactyl remains on the roofs of houses

(similar to what White (1 974) noted among the Sia).

Table 17. Frequency of weathering among faunal remains, Shields Pueblo.

Table 18. Frequency of weathering among faunal remains (site comparison)

T m n

Artiodactvla . - ., -

Lagomorph Lepus sp. Sylvilagus s p. M. gallopavo Sciuridae

Yellow &&et Puablo PI %

18 7.8

Sand Canyon Puebfo N %

1 64 24.6

WOOCIS. Canyon Pueblo

N % 1 50.0

(Driver 2002, Muir and Driver 2003; Muir 1999)

1 6.25 1 9.09 1 .49 27 5.4 0

Castle Rock Pueblo N %

7 12.7 5 10.0 3 2.83 33 3.9 23 3.3 1 1.05

1 1.4 10 3.9 40 3.5 50 4.5 1 .98

-

NID 1 0.7 17 0.7 107 3.1 3 0.3

Summary of the Taphonomy of Shields Pueblo Faunal Remains

It is clear from the nature of the Shields Pueblo faunal collection, that the

distinction between culturally accumulated bone and naturally accumulated bone cannot

be based upon a single criterion. Instead, several lines of evidence (particularly human

modification) must also be considered. The economically important species

(Artiodactyla, Lagomorphs, and Turkey) all have relatively high frequencies of

fragmentation. It is clear that fragmentation, whether due to prehistoric cultural activity

or more recent taphic processes, greatly influences the general frequencies of cultural

modification because of the vast quantity of bone fragments. So, instead of focusing on

the frequencies of modification in "cultural" taxa, it is important to look at these

frequencies among species that are naturally occurring to a site. Rodent bone by and

large, shows less evidence of human modification (refer to Tables 12-16). Rodent bone

shows no evidence of cut marks nor grinding and polishing. None of the tools or other

bone artifacts are comprised of rodent bone (while the majority of identifiable modified

bone comes from Meleagris gallopavo, Artiodactyla, and Lagomorph). One of the

burrowing rodents, prairie dog (Cynomys sp.), has a spiral fracture frequency of 1.1 %

and burned frequency of 4%. While prairie dog is a burrowing rodent and may disturb

an archaeological site, it was also a prey species for the Anasazi, so it is no surprise that

a small percentage of these animals show evidence of human modification. If only

small and medium-sized rodents are considered, the frequency of spiral fracture falls

considerably. Only a single small rodent bone has a spiral fracture. Spiral fractures,

while common in culturally modified bone are not caused by human activity exclusively.

Carnivore damage, natural injury, and trampling can cause spiral fractures as well

(Binford 1981 ; Haynes 1983; Lyman 1984). It is interesting that there seems to be a low

frequency of spiral fractures among "cultural" taxa. However, this is likely due to a

combination of the high level of processing these species have undergone and post

depositional factors.

Skeletal Part Frequencies

Skeletal part frequencies are recorded in order to measure the degree to which

specific taxa are affected by taphonomic forces, in other words, to ascertain whether

certain elements preserve in higher frequencies than others. Both cultural and natural

processes influence skeletal part frequencies. Cultural processes include (but are not

limited to): the "Schlep Effect" (Marean et a/. 1992), when only meat-bearing skeletal

elements are removed from a kill or butchery site and carried back to the habitation site;

and the actual butchery process (how an animal is apportioned out into cuts) (Perkins

and Daly 1968; White 1953). The degree of completeness of a particular animal or

species can reflect human activity. For example, large-bodied taxa that are relatively

complete were likely killed near the habitation site. Butchering practices vary depending

upon prey size. Cooking practices may also influence which elements are more

frequently found in archaeological sites (Goody 1982). Groups that cook meat by

roasting or by cooking over open flame are more likely to leave the meat package in

larger units. Groups that cook meat by boiling or stewing are more likely to cut meat into

smaller portions or to filet meat from the bone. Likewise, the size of cooking pots may

influence the size of cuts of meat (Goody 1982).

Natural processes may also influence skeletal part frequencies. Animals, such

as carnivores and even rodents affect faunal remains in particular ways. Carnivores are

very selective in the elements they choose (Marean et a/. 1992). Bones containing

marrow or grease are particularly attractive to scavengers, so certain long bones and

spongy bone are less likely to be recovered due to removal or destruction. Raptors are

also responsible for creating faunal assemblages. Hockett (I 991, 1995) describes the

characteristics of raptor created lagomorph assemblages. Assemblages of rabbit in

raptor pellets typically consist of more forelimbs than hindlimbs, more subadults, larger

quantities of vertebrae, and are generally incomplete; assemblages associated with

nesting areas are typified by more hindlimb than forelimb, more adults, fewer vertebrae,

and are mostly complete (Hockett 1995). Rodents are also active in changing element

frequencies. Typically, small burrowing mammals collect small elements (phalanges,

carpals, and other small bones), so these may also be absent from the faunal record

(Hoffman and Hays 1987). Other natural forces include geomorphological forces (e.g.,

eolian or alluvial deposition). Elements that are less dense are more likely to be carried

off or broken by these forces. For example, many studies done in East and South Africa

show that water and simple gravity differentially remove or destroy small, lightweight

bones and may cause bones of varying sizes to be sorted spatially (Butzer 1982;

Hanson 1980).

Shields Pueblo Skeletal Part Frequencies

For the purposes of this study, only certain taxa have been chosen for further

analysis. These taxa include Artiodactyla, Lepus sp., Sylvilagus sp., and Meleagris

gallopavo. These are the most common species found among the Shields Pueblo fauna

and are also considered more economically important as food and for their secondary

products (Gnabasik 1981). For some analyses, other taxa (Canidae, Sciuridae,

Cynomys sp., and all combined "wild bird") will be used for comparative purposes.

Skeletal part frequencies will be broken down by taxa and then by element group

(cranial, axial, pectoral girdle, forelimbs, pelvic girdle, hindlimbs, and extremities). These

frequencies are illustrated in Table 19 as MNE. Minimum number of elements (MNE),

first employed by Binford (1978), is a basic measure of skeletal part frequency. For

example, if an assemblage of artiodactyls has 15 proximal humerii and 25 distal humerii,

the MNE is the greater of the two values, 25. This can be calculated for separate

elements or for skeletal regions. Generally, MNE counts are lower for regions of the

body with fewer elements. The reverse is true for regions with multiple elements. This

pattern holds true for all of the taxon with the exception of the rodents. In these two

cases, the extremities are underrepresented due to the size of these elements and the

techniques used to recover bone during excavation. Over and under-representations

of elements can be eliminated by calculating the MAU (minimal animal units). MAU is

calculated by dividing the MNE by the number of times the element occurs in the body

(Lyman 1994). The MAU values have been calculated to describe the rate of

preservation. Minimal animal unit values for Lepus sp., Sylvilagus sp., and M. gallopavo

are presented in Table 20a,b, and c (note that thoracic and lumbar elements are not

included in the M, gallopavo MAU because these elements are typically fused together).

Artiodactyls have been separated because they yield the densest cortical bone (Table

21). These are given along with Brain's (1981) rate of survivability and Lyman's (1994)

average bone mineral densities for deer. The typical pattern that emerges shows that

denser bone is well represented, while lower density bone is less so. This is particularly

evident in the Artiodactyla remains, but can be seen throughout the collection of smaller

mammals.

Table 19. Skeletal Part Frequencies - MNE counts by skeletal region for major taxa

Lepus 1 93 1 192 ( 72 1 180 1 69 1 126 1 306 Svlvilaaus 1 61 3 1 523 1 493 1 1169 1 746 1 732 1 988

Artiodactyla Canidae

I Sciuridae 1 52

8 11

7 1 77

36 10

56 33

17 9

20 19

159 55

Table 20. MAU Values: Lepus sp. (A); Sylvilagus sp. (B); and M. gallopavo (C).

Femur

Lumbar

Glenoid 30 78.90% Distal 30 78.90% Proximal 21.5 56.60%

Proximal 32.40% Distal 28.40% Proximal 21.00% Centrum 20.80% Centrum 2.90%

Femur Femur Radius

Metatarsal l ~ i s t a l

Proximal Distal Proximal

57.11 20.70% Humerus Lumbar Thoracic

136 118

105.5

Proximal Centrum Centrum

49.20% 42.70% 38.20%

48.5 21.3 5.8

17.50% 7.70% 2.10%

Table 21. MAU Values: Artiodactyls.

Scapula Tibia Meta~odial Radius Metapodial Humerus

Glenoid Distal Distal

Femur Tibia Lumbar

Proximal Proximal Distal

Femur Humerus Thorasic Rib

The Shields Pueblo faunal assemblage seems to correlate with preservational

studies such as Brain's experimental studies in Africa (1981) and Lyman's (1994) study

on density and preservation (as indicated in Table 21). The Shields Pueblo Artiodactyl

assemblage is more closely correlated with Brain's skeletal ranking. This is likely due to

the fact that identical forces (humans and natural processes) affected the Shields Pueblo

assemblage. Shields Pueblo's correlation with Lyman's index is slightly less (this is

especially notable with the distal rib). However, it must be noted that Lyman deals

exclusively with density as a factor for preservation/loss (Lyman 1994). Obviously, the

preservation or loss of the Shields Pueblo assemblage has been influenced by more

than simply bone density.

The Shields Pueblo assemblage has likely been primarily affected by post-

depositional forces. This is clearly illustrated in the data for artiodactyls, as well as in

smaller mammals. Table 22 illustrates that the weaker long bone ends of cottontails and

prairie dogs are less frequent in the Shields Pueblo assemblage than the stronger distal

ends. This is typical for other sites in the region (Woods Canyon Pueblo, Castle Rock

6.5 6.5 6.3

Distal Proximal Centrum

I

6 5 4

Proximal Proximal Centrum Dorsal

Radius ( ~ i s t a l

100.00% 100.00% 96.90%

3.5 3

2.4

0.51 7.70%(1ntermediate 1 0.43

92.30% 76.90% 61.50%

2 1.5 0.9 0.9

High High Hiah

53.80% 46.20% 36.90%

0.36 0.5 0.5

High High High

30.70% 23.10% 13.80% 13.80%

0.5 0.5

0.39 Intermediate Low Intermediate

0.28 0.3 0.3

Intermediate Low Low Low

0.36 0.24 0.24 0.25

Pueblo, Yellow Jacket Pueblo, and Sand Canyon Pueblo) (Driver 2000, 2002; Muir

1999; Muir and Driver 2003).

Table 22. Frequency of Weaker Long Bone Ends for Sylvilagus and Cynomys

Age Estimation: Seasonality and Evidence of Turkey Production

Estimating age at time of death in faunal remains has been an important aspect

of zooarchaeological research since its development as a subfield of archaeology. Age

at death is useful for researching both hunted species and domestic species as it

provides information about seasonality and husbandry practices. Estimations can be

made using several different techniques concentrating on the dentition and epiphyseal

union of long bones. Studies using dentition as a measure of age typically look at tooth

eruption and tooth attrition. The majority of research in dental eruption and attrition have

been based upon studies of various domestic animals (pigs, sheep, cattle, and goats)

(Andrews 1973; Chaplin 1973; Davis 1987; Deniz and Payne 1982; Gibson 1993; Grant

1982; Hesse and Wapnish 1985; Moran and O'Connor 1994; Payne 1987; Wenham

and Fowler 1973). However, there is some research on eruption patterns for wild North

American species including mule deer (Main and Owens 1995) and buffalo (Frison and

Reher 1970). Only a few mandible fragments have been recovered from Shields Pueblo

and these are generally small and thus do not provide an accurate measure.

S@iIagus

Tib.

Hum. And Tib.

Hum.

Cynornys

Prox,

25

274

371

Prox.

97

f DM. %weaker end

455

1008

D M 553 78

' %waaker end ,

17.5 32.0

37.6

36.9

17

42

39

117

43.9

35.9

Age estimation is also based upon epiphyseal union of long bones. This study is

based upon the growth patterns of animals. Limb bones develop from three separate

centers of ossification: the diaphysis (shaft), and the proximal and distal epiphyses

(connected to the diaphysis with epiphyseal cartilage). When growth of a long bone is

completed, the epiphyses fuse to the diaphysis. Fusion takes place at different times for

different bones in the skeleton. Fusion patterns within a species are fairly consistent and

thus provide an accurate measure of age at death (Amorosi 1989). Detailed ages can

be estimated by looking at the skeleton of an individual in entirety and recording fusion

or non-fusion for each long bone (Moran and O'Connor 1994). This is not generally

possible with archaeological remains as most are in mixed context and not discrete

burials. Therefore, only general age categories can be established for most

archaeological assemblages. For Shields Pueblo, fusion at the proximal and distal ends

of long bones was recorded for the purposes of estimating general age categories for

particular species. These data are presented in Table 23 below and summarized in

Figure 8. Because the assemblage is mixed it is impossible to estimate the ages of

individuals. Instead, it is only possible to get a general range of age composition for

each species.

Table 23. Epiphyseal Fusion Frequencies (NISP) of Long Bones for Selected Species

The majority of specimens at Shields Pueblo (regardless of species) are fused.

Lepus sp. and Sylvilagus sp. have the greatest percentage of fused elements at 83.2%;

the artiodactyl elements have a 72.5% rate of fusion; and Turkey a rate of 63%. If bones

with different fusion rates (indicating different age categories) are considered, a different

pattern emerges. This is particularly evident among the artiodactyls where fused

epiphyses are far more common than unfused for: early 1 fusing bones (those fusing

between 6-1 0 months), early 2 fusing bones (fusing between 13-1 6 months), and middle

fusing bones (those fusing between18-28 months). However, if the late fusing bones

(those fusing between 36-42 months) are considered, fused and unfused epiphyses are

nearly equal. This means that just over half of artiodactyls were killed before they

reached maturity. Specific age ranges for fusion are not available for lagomorphs or

turkey, thus these species are presented in relative age categories based upon early,

middle, and late fusing bones. Among the lagomorphs, epiphyseal fusion of late fusing

bones indicates that approximately 113 of Lepus and Sylvilagus were killed before they

reached maturity. Overall, fusion rates indicate that among selected mammal taxa, few

very young juveniles were hunted. However, fusion rates among turkey differ. Early

fusing bone rates indicate that 113 of turkeys were killed as very young juveniles, while

only 115 were killed as older juveniles. So there does seem to be a slight preference for

very young birds when juveniles are killed.

Change in Taxon Frequency Over Time

The main focus of this dissertation is to understand how the sexual division of

labor (specifically concerning meat procurement) changes through time at Shields

Pueblo. In order to map changes in meat procurement strategies, the complete

habitation sequence (A.D. 725 - 1280) is considered with a particular interest in the

Pueblo II and Pueblo Ill sub-assemblages. The general frequencies (NISP) for

artiodactyls, all lagomorphs, and turkeyllarge bird are presented in Table 24. Figure 9

illustrates these relative frequencies. This provides the raw data for an analysis of

taxonomic ratios.

The purpose of this study is to understand the relationship between prey species,

thus faunal indices (based upon Bayham 1982; Bayham and Hatch 1985; Broughton

1994a and b) are used to measure the change in relative frequency over time. The

indices of the selected taxa are presented in Table 25. Three indices are used. The

artiodactyl index summarizes the extent to which artiodactyls contribute to the

assemblage. This is calculated by dividing the total number of Artiodactyla by the total

number of Artiodactyla plus the total number of lagomorphs. Figure 10 displays the

relationship between the artiodactyl index and time. The lagomorph index measures the

contribution of Sylvilagus in the assemblage. This has been calculated in different ways.

Bayham and Hatch (1985) use the following formula: Sylvilagusl total lagomorphs. This

is problematic for the Shields faunal data because a nonspecific category, "lagomorph",

has been used for specimens that could not be positively identified to cottontail or

jackrabbit. Since the category "lagomorph" is indeterminate, only specimens identified

Table 24. Relative Frequency of Selected Taxa - Change through Time

I 1 TurkevILarae Bird 1 263 32.6%

Artiodactyl Index

725-800 1020-1060 1060-1150 1150-1225 1225-1280

Years A.D.

Figure 10. Artiodactyl Indices: Shields Pueblo

as Sylvilagus or Lepus were used to calculate the lagomorph index. Thus, the

lagomorph index was calculated by dividing the total number of Sylvilagus by the sum of

Sylvilagus and Lepus (O'Hara 1994; Quirt-Booth and Cruz-Uribe 1997). Figure 1 1

shows the relationship between the lagomorph index and time. The turkeyllarge bird

index measures the proportional contribution of turkey to the assemblage by dividing the

total number of turkey and large bird by the sum of turkeyllarge bird and all of the

lagomorphs. Figure 12 illustrates the relationship between the turkey index and time.

Any index that approaches 1 .O, shows a high proportion of turkey relative to lagomorphs.

Values closer to 0.0 are indicative of higher 1agomorph:turkey ratios.

1 Lagomorph Index

~ Years A.D.

Figure 11. Lagomorph Index: Shields Pueblo

Turkey Indices per Sub Period

725-800 1020-1060 1060-1150 1150-1225 1225-1280

Years A.D.

Figure 12. TurkeylLarge Bird Index: Shields Pueblo.

LAC

Figure 13. Relationship between the artiodactyl index and lagomorph index. r= -0.669 (perfect negative correlation = -1 .o);?= 0.448.

There is an interesting pattern to note with change in species indices over time.

The ratio of artiodactyls to lagomorphs declines as the ratio of Sylvilagus to Lepus (the

lagomorph index) increases. Figure 13 illustrates this by plotting the artiodactyl index

against the lagomorph index. The correlation coefficient (r) is -0.669, and while not a

perfect correlation, this does indicate a strong degree of negative correlation between

the artiodactyl and lagomorph indices. Some 45% (? = 0.448) of the variance of the

lagomorph index can be explained by the artiodactyl index. There are no discernible

relationships between the lagomorph index and turkey index, nor between the artiodactyl

index and turkey index.

Another method of measuring the distribution of taxa through time includes

contingency table analysis. Contingency analysis tests the significance of variation in

taxon frequencies within different categories (time in this instance) to their expected

frequencies. Table 26 illustrates the observed (or actual) frequencies (NISP) of selected

taxa. Expected frequencies were calculated by pooling the data within each

chronological category. In order to perform this, the average frequency was established

for each taxonomic group. These were then used to extrapolate expected frequencies

for each taxon for each time period (Drennan 1996: 187-1 9 1). Expected frequencies

assume perfect distribution so that expected frequencies would be a constant

percentage of the total for each sub period (Table 27). Table 28 presents the

standardized residuals for taxonomic groups by sub period. Standardized residuals

were calculated by dividing the observed frequency minus the expected frequency by

the square root of the expected frequency [(observed-expected) I d expected].

The standardized residuals demonstrate high variability for each taxonomic

group over time, although, turkeyllarge bird and artiodactyls are more variable than

lagomorphs. If just the sub periods are considered, an interesting pattern appears.

Variability among the different sub periods differs quite drastically. Sub periods 3 and 9

show the least variability, while sub periods 7 and 8 vary the most.

Table 26. Observed Frequency (NISP) For Selected Species by Sub Period

Artiodactyls

Lagomorphs

TurkeyILBI

Total

10

147

35

192

101

342

280

723

400

3916

714

5030

7 1

2365

171 6

4152

20

524

263

807

602

7294

3008

1 0904

Table 27. Expected Frequency (NISP) for Selected Species by Sub Period

Artiodactyls 1 10.6 1 39.9 1 277.7 1 229.2 1 44.6

Lagomorphs 128.4 483.6 3364.7 2777.4 539.8

TurkeyILBI 53 199.4 1387.6 1 145.4 222.6

Total 192 723 5030 4152 807

Table 28. Standardized Residuals* for Selected Species by Sub Period

Pearson Chi-square= 1123.52; d.f.= 8; phi-square= 0.32; Cramer's V= 0.23; P=0.000 *Calculated as: (Observed-Expected)/&xpected. Values which fall beyond one standard deviation of the mean standardized residual are in bold. Totals represent sums of absolute values.

Artiodactyls Through Time

During the earliest period of occupation, sub period 3 (A.D. 725-800), the

artiodactyl index is approximately 0.06. This demonstrates a lower frequency relative to

lagomorphs. During early Pueblo II times, Shields Pueblo had been depopulated for a

period of 220 years (A.D. 800 - 1020). It was re-settled during the middle of the Pueblo

II period (sub period 6, A.D. 1020 - 1060). During this period of occupation the

artiodactyl index jumps dramatically to 0.2. This is the highest index achieved by

Artiodactyls at Shields Pueblo. After sub period 6, the artiodactyl index drops

precipitously. During the later half of Pueblo II (sub period 7, A.D. 1060 - 1150) the

index drops to 0.07. During the first half of Pueblo Ill (sub period 8, A.D. 1150 - 1225)

the artiodactyl index bottoms out at 0.03. This index remains unchanged during the sub

period just prior to depopulation (sub period, A.D. 1225 - 1280).

The pattern in the relative frequency of artiodactyl remains is not surprising given

the 220-year period of occupational hiatus at Shields Pueblo. Population during Pueblo I

in the Northern San Juan increased dramatically over the previous period (Rohn 1989).

The beginning of Pueblo ll saw a number of population relocations. During this period of

Shields Pueblo's depopulation, the local artiodactyl populations would have had time to

rebound if the site and surrounding area were not being used. When the site was

reoccupied in the middle part of Pueblo II, deer and other ungulates were more plentiful

and therefore made up a larger portion of the diet. Once human populations began to

grow in the region, there was a dramatic drop in the number of artiodactyls hunted,

evidenced by a precipitous drop in artiodactyl frequency in the faunal assemblage at

Shields Pueblo, and an increase in Sylvilagus and turkey.

This phenomenon is quite common in the assemblages from other sites across

the Northern San Juan region (Driver 2002). This is, in fact, evidence of resource

intensification. Based upon prey choice model, high ranked prey (prey whose net caloric

value is higher than the time and energy spent in pursuit and processing) will be taken

whenever possible, while low ranked prey (prey that is costly to pursue or process) is

taken based upon the availability of high-ranked prey (Bettinger 1991). As high-ranked

prey becomes scarce, lower ranked prey becomes more important as a resource (thus

increasing diet breadth, but decreasing foraging efficiency). Broughton (1994 a and b)

illustrates this trend in the Sacramento Valley. He is able to illustrate how the frequency

of large and medium-sized game (in this case artiodactyls, lagomorphs, and

anadromous fish) decrease while small fauna (small local fishes) increase over time.

This resource intensification is associated with an increase in sedentism and intensified

use of smaller site catchment areas (Broughton I994b:512).

This pattern is very similar to what is described in the Northern San Juan during

late Pueblo Ill. Driver (2002) points out that the decline in artiodactyls is "most obvious"

in highly circumscribed areas. Driver (2002:160) concludes by arguing that this scarcity

led deer to become a more highly valued prey, thus prompting individuals or groups to

garner control over artiodactyl resources. This same activity (controlling access to

scarce resources) has been argued to be evidence of conservation, such that as

population rises and resource availability falls, leaders or groups consciously decide to

limit resource access (Smith and Wishnie 2000). Ethnographic evidence in the Pueblo

Southwest indicates that certain individuals (War Chiefs) had control over when deer

hunts would take place and over the duration of the hunt (Anell 1969; Lange 1959;

Parsons 1918; White 1932). Therefore, it is certainly possible that village leaders could

have exercised the same privilege. It is unclear whether control over access to

resources is a conscious act of conservation or if conservation is simply a byproduct of

resource control. Regardless, it is clear that as the population rose, availability of

artiodactyls declined. Some have argued the inverse of this argument. Speth and

Scott (1 989) argue that reliance on large game increases as a population becomes more

aggregated. They note several sites in the greater American Southwest that show an

increase in artiodactyls and decrease in Lagomorphs as villages begin to grow and

socioeconomic conditions change. In these cases, large villages with large numbers of

people will better be able to organize communal deer hunts, even if game has become

further removed in space. While this is an interesting explanation and may account for

initial increases of large game in villages during initial population growth, it does not

explain the dramatic decrease in large game that is seen across the northern San Juan

area as human populations reach their peak, nor the high frequency of cottontails in

relation to other taxa. The inhabitants of the northern San Juan were not able to

intensify communal artiodactyl hunting activities, and thus, seem to have taken another

approach to intensification of meat procurement by increasing the production of

domesticated turkey and by focusing more on local hunting (Driver 2002; Neusius 1996;

Stratton 1999).

Lagomorphs through Time

Lagomorph frequencies vary quite a bit over time at Shields Pueblo. Among

artiodactyls and turkeyllarge bird, lagomorphs in general consistently dominate as a prey

choice. The lagomorph index is consistently high, indicating that among all of the

lagomorphs, Sylvilagus is far more predominant than Lepus. The highest lagomorph

index is found in sub period 3 when it reaches 0.9. Sub period 6 (mid Pueblo II) sees a

substantial decrease in the lagomorph index (0.76) indicating a drop in Sylvilagus and a

rise in hunting of Lepus. It is also during this time period that the relative frequency of

lagomorphs drops to its lowest percentage (23.2%). During the later half of Pueblo II

(sub period 7) lagomorphs increase in frequency to 67% of the total faunal assemblage.

The lagomorph index also begins to rebound (at 0.82), indicating a rise in cottontails

over other lagomorphs. This trend continues through early and late Pueblo Ill (sub

periods 8 and 9), rising slightly until depopulation.

There is an interesting trend in taxonomic indices. As the artiodactyl index

increases, the ratio of Sylvilagus to all other lagomorphs decreases, and as artiodactyls

begin to move downward again cottontails become more and more dominant over

jackrabbits. This could be a product of localized environmental change or a change in

access to productive hunting grounds. When the artiodactyl index increases the number

of Lepus in relation to Sylvilagus also increases. Both antelope and jackrabbits are

common in more open environments, while deer and cottontails prefer a more brushy

environment (Szuter and Bayham 1989). Therefore, this change in artiodactyl and

lagomorph indices may indicate a change from an open environment to one that is more

conducive to cottontails. This pattern could also reflect changes in access to "wild"

hunting grounds. As communities grow and become increasingly circumscribed on the

landscape, their resource catchment areas become highly bounded (effectively

decreasing catchment area) (Varien 2002). Once preferred game is depleted in a local

area, hunters can either exploit land away from settlement crowding, or they can

intensify resource activities locally (by focusing on local, lower-ranked prey, or by

increasing domestic turkey production). Based upon the increase in Sylvilagus sp. and

domestic turkey (discussed below) the latter seems to explain the faunal pattern. Thus,

as human populations increase: 1) more land is cleared (which results in the creation of

habitat favorable to Sylvilagus), and 2) preferred game species become over-hunted

(which results in an increasing reliance on the more locally abundant Sylvilagus).

Turkey and Large Bird through Time

Turkeyllarge bird frequencies do not appear to be patterned in relation to

chronology. Most problematic are mid Pueblo II (A.D. 1020-1060), because they are far

more frequent than expected; and late Pueblo II (A.D. 1060-1 l5O), which seems to be

lower than expected. The seeming over-abundance of turkey in the first half of Pueblo II

is due to the occurrence of a number of probable turkey burials (of at least 5 individuals)

coming from structure 1308. If the turkey burials are removed from consideration, the

index changes to 0.21, which is only slightly higher than early Pueblo Ill (Figure 14).

There is a noticeable drop in the frequency of turkey in the later half of Pueblo II. Even

with the lower turkey index of 0.21, the late Pueblo II index of 0.13 seems quite low.

There does not seem to be any environmental or population-based explanation for this

disparity. Given the increasing population and decreasing site catchments size, turkey

should be higher in the latter half of Pueblo II. Some other factor (decrease in maize

surplus, disease, etc.) must be responsible for the low index.

Turkey Indices per Sub Period

725-800 1020-1060 1060-1150 1150-1225 1225-1280

Years A.D.

Figure 14. "Corrected" * TurkeyILarge Bird Indices.* Index for A.D. 1020-1 060 refigured by removing turkey burials.

Change in Fauna and Human Population

One of the research questions stated in Chapter 1 asked if change in faunal

patterning over time is a result of change in size of population at Shields Pueblo. In

order to look at this it is necessary to have a proxy for population. There are a number

of methods that have been used in the past to estimate prehistoric populations. These

methods have included calculating the amount of arable land and extrapolating the

number of individuals who could be sustained (Fisher 1936); using number of rooms,

total structure area, and total floor space (Naroll 1962; Drager 1976); and calculating the

number of "households" in a pueblo and extrapolating the population using ethnographic

data on average family size of Pueblo Indians (Hayes 1981). In the case of Shields

Pueblo, the lack of surface architecture makes this difficult, thus another method must

be employed. One method that has been developed to roughly estimate population is to

use pottery weights for dated contexts (Ortman et a/. 2000). This method relies on the

assumption that the rate of pottery deposition is constant. To use this method, first the

pottery weights must be "corrected" by establishing the rate of deposition (i-e., how

much pottery is deposited per year). This is done by dividing the total pottery weight (in

grams) by the number of years in the sub-phase, thus providing the grams per year

deposition rate. Next, the area excavated (m2) is considered by dividing the grams per

year by the total area excavated associated with a given sub period, which allows

analysis of both temporal as well as spatial patterning (Table 29). The idea behind this

procedure is that the rate of pottery disposal is a constant. Therefore, if the rate of

deposition of pottery for time period A is lower than the rate of deposition for time period

6, then the population should be lower in time period A. This obviously does not give an

exact population estimate but simply a guide against which to compare faunal

frequencies. In fact there are several problems with estimating population using this

method. First, it assumes that there is a constant weight per pot. Second, it assumes a

constant rate of breakage. These assumptions become problems if there are any

changes to ceramic technology. For example, if the size of vessels changes or if thinner

higher fired pottery becomes prevalent, these changes would affect pottery weight.

Thus, it is stressed here that pottery weight is being used only as a rouah means of

estimating change in human population over time.

Before looking at change in specific taxa in relation to pottery weights, it is

necessary to check if the frequencies of all faunal categories follow the pattern of

ceramic weight frequencies over time (Table 30). This is done by calculating the rate of

deposition of faunal remains, using the same method as above with frequency (NISP)

instead of weight frequencylyrlm2. Figure 15 illustrates the changes in frequencies for

both ceramics and fauna for each time period.

Table 29. Rate of Pottery Deposition: Shields Pueblo

Table 30. Rate of Faunal Deposition (NISP): Shields Pueblo

Change in Relative Deposition Rates Over Time

Sub Periods (A.D.)

Figure 15. Change in Relative Depositional Rates of Ceramics and Fauna Over Time (by Sub Period). (P= Rate of deposition of pottery [g/yr/m2 values on the left], F= Rate of deposition of faunal remains [ ~ l ~ ~ / y r / r n ~ values on the right])

Figure 15 illustrates an interesting pattern. Population, represented by the

weighted rate of deposition (the solid line), declines slightly from Early Pueblo 1 (A.D.

725-800) when the site is resettled in Mid Pueblo II (A.D. 1020-1060), increases slightly

through Late Pueblo II (A.D. 1060-1 150), but begins to rise significantly during the Late

Pueblo IIIEarly Pueblo Ill transition (A.D. 1150-1225), and is followed by a rapid increase

in population during Late Pueblo Ill (A.D. 1225-1280). The relative rate of faunal

deposition (represented by the dashed line) has an inverse relationship to population

from Early Pueblo I through Early Pueblo Ill. As population falls from Early Pueblo I to

Mid Pueblo II, faunal deposition rates rise and the inverse is true as population rises

between Late Pueblo II to early Pueblo Ill. As population spikes in Late Pueblo Ill, the

faunal deposition rate begins to rise again.

Taxonomic Indices and Pottery Deposition Rates Over Time

Sub Periods (A.D.)

Fiaure 16. S~ecific Taxonomic Indices and Pottery Deposition Rates Over Time. - 9

'(Pottery deiosition rates g/yrlm2 on left; taxonomic indices on right. Raw data can be found in Table 25 (for ART, LAG, and MEG), Corrected Turkey Indices on p.121 and Figure 14, and Pottery Deposition Rates in Table 29)

If each major faunal index is considered in reference to change in population

over time, some interesting patterns emerge (Figure 16). Among the taxa, artiodactyls

have the most interesting relationship to population. While the population falls from

Pueblo I to Mid Pueblo II, the artiodactyls index is at its highest. However, the

artiodactyl index declines at a steady rate as population begins to rebound. As the

population begins to climb significantly from Early to Late Pueblo Ill, artiodactyls fall to

their lowest index.

If the lagomorph index is considered, a more parallel correlation occurs. While

lagomorphs remain high throughout, the "dips" in the index over time follow the same

basic curve as population. The Turkey index seems to rise rapidly as human population

increases from late Pueblo II to Early Pueblo Ill. From Early Pueblo Ill to Late Pueblo Ill

(during the height of population) the turkey index falls slightly, as the lagomorph index

increases again.

Spatial Patterning of Faunal Remains

As stated previously, Shields Pueblo consists primarily of subsurface kiva

structures. Only a partial room block in architectural block 100 remains of the surface

architecture. Even with the absence of surface architecture, there should still be some

spatial patterning to faunal deposition based upon the sub-period in which an

architectural block was occupied and based upon structure and non-structure contexts.

Other spatial analysis that has been done in the region has focused on species

patterning between different architectural blocks and between structural and

nonstructural contexts (Muir 1999). Muir found that artiodactyls tended to be

concentrated in kivas and on the roofs of towers at Sand Canyon Pueblo indicating the

location of processing, storage, and perhaps redistribution (1999:154). The purpose of

looking for spatial patterning at Shields Pueblo is to see if artiodactyls follow the same

pattern as Sand Canyon Pueblo. If so, then it may be possible to identify processing or

storage areas among the Shields Pueblo kivas. Table 31 shows the frequency of major

taxa by excavation block (also illustrated in Figure 17). The 100, 200 and 1300 blocks

have the highest numbers of excavated structures and non-structures and the highest

frequencies of the selected taxa. These blocks also have the longest periods of

occupation. The 100 block has Pueblo I deposits, as well as late Pueblo II and early

Pueblo Ill. Structures 110 and 141 contain the early Pueblo I deposits. The majority of

Sylvilagus from the dated sub assemblage comes from Structure 110. The remainder of

the excavated structures are subterranean pit structures. Block 200 contains late

Tab

le 3

1. F

requ

ency

of S

elec

ted

Tax

a fro

m e

ach

Exc

avat

ion

Blo

ck.

SY

L M

EG

35

9 33

5 42

.8%

'4

0.0

%

176

68

68.5

%

26.5

%

740

624

38.5

%

32.4

%

510

841

34.9

%

57.5

%

12

7 46

.2%

26

.9%

Frequency of Taxa Per Block Area

8100 B200 8400 8800 81100 81200 81300 81400 81500

Excavation Blocks

Figure 17. Frequency of Taxa Per Excavation Block

l ART El LEP

SYL

{OMEG

Pueblo II through Pueblo Ill deposits. Structures 222 and 234 contain the largest

amount of lagomorph remains for the entire site. Block 1300 has the longest continuous

occupation, containing deposits from each sub period (from both structures and non-

structures). The high frequency of faunal remains found in blocks 100 and 200 can be

explained by the fact that both have the largest number of excavated structures. Block

100 also has the only surface structures and consequently is probably better preserved.

Both of these architectural blocks are located along the bottom of the "horseshoe" of the

pueblo. This portion has the earliest occupations and the most consecutive occupation.

Table 32 presents the standardized residual values for each of the major

taxonomic groups by excavation block. Sylvilagus and turkeyllarge bird display the

greatest variability in frequencies, represented by the absolute sum of standardized

residuals. Turkeyllarge birds are far more abundant in excavation block 400 and 1400

(dating from late in Pueblo Ill), and far more scarce in block 100 (with earlier dates).

Sylvilagus is abundant in block 100 and far less common in blocks 1 100,1300,and 1400.

Artiodactyls also show a high degree of variation. They are far more abundant in block

1300 and far scarcer in blocks 200, 1100, and 1400. Artiodactyls are probably more

abundant in block 1300 because this block had dense trash-filled Pueblo I and II

pitstructures, while blocks 200, 1100, and 1400 date primarily from Pueblo Ill (Duff,

personal communication). If excavation blocks are considered, block 1400 and 1300

display the greatest amount of variation. Block 1400 has a total absolute residual of

43.1. All of the taxa in this block have standardized values beyond one standardized

deviation of the mean standardized residual (indicated in bold in Table 32). Turkeyllarge

bird is the only taxon that occurs far more frequently than expected. Sylvilagus, Lepus,

and artiodactyls all occur far less frequently in this block. Block 1300 also shows

significant deviation from expected frequencies. Artiodactyls are much more abundant,

while Sylvilagus are far less abundant. Blocks 400, 800, 1200, and 1500 display the

least amount of variation among blocks and do not have significantly higher or lower

taxon frequencies.

Because the vast majority of site is subsurface, little can be said about ritual

versus domestic disposal. However, it is possible to consider structure versus non-

structure contexts (Table 33 and Figurel8). Table 33 and Figure 18 illustrate an

interesting pattern. The Chi-square value of 20.0 indicates a confidence level between

98% and 99%, with a significance probability just over 0.01. Overall, the selected taxa

as well as ceramics are found far more frequently in the non-structural context. This is

similar to deposition patterns at Sand Canyon Pueblo (Muir 1999:144). The

artiodactyls are strongly associated with non-structural contexts. The lagomorphs,

Table 33. Relative Frequency (NISP) of Selected Taxa and Pottery Weights from Structures and Non-structures.

Pearson Chi-square= 20.0; d.f.=8; phi-square=2.0; Cramer's V= 1 .O; P ~ 0 . 0 1

Frequency of Taxa and Pottery Weights: Structure Vs. Non-Structure

Structure NonStructure

Figure 18. Frequency of Taxa and Pottery Weights: Structure vs. Non-structure.

NSYL MEG

- --

turkeyllarge bird, and pottery are tightly correlated in frequencies. Even if the possible

turkey burials in Structure 1308 are removed from consideration, they are still found in

non-structural contexts at a frequency of 70.3%.

Chapter Summary

The purpose of this chapter has been to present the Shields Pueblo faunal

assemblage so that various patterns (in preservation, frequencies over time, and in

relation to population) can be recognized among the fauna. Overall, Shields Pueblo

follows patterns similar to other sites in the region (Driver 2002). The faunal assemblage

is heavily weighted towards certain species, namely lagomorphs, domestic turkey, and

artiodactyls. While other species of fauna are present, this "trinity" of economically

important species are by far the most numerous species present within the assemblage.

Additionally, it is important to establish the extent to which the Shields Pueblo

assemblage was affected by taphonomic forces. This was done by measuring and

comparing the effects of both natural and cultural activities upon faunal remains. Shields

Pueblo's faunal assemblage shows very little carnivore damage. The most frequently

chewed species is turkey and only 2.7% of these are modified by canids. By far the

most frequently culturally modified species at Shields Pueblo are the artiodactyls with

nearly 20% modification. Turkey is the next most commonly modified at 10%. Some 8%

of Lepus are modified and 5% of Sylvilagus are modified. Most of the modified rabbit

bone is burned. All economically important species are highly fragmented (broken), thus

suggesting a high level of faunal processing (indicative of resource intensification).

Preservation of the faunal assemblage was further analyzed by calculating

skeletal part frequencies. The basic pattern is that denser bone is better preserved than

less dense bone. While nearly all skeletal units are represented among the lagomorphs

and turkey, the majority of artiodactyl elements came from the forelimb, pectoral girdle,

and hindlimb, supporting the notion that deer and other ungulates were being brought

into the site from some distance. However, these elements are also more dense, thus,

preservational bias cannot be ruled out.

Age at death estimates show an interesting pattern. When the later bone fusion

stages are considered, over 50% of artiodactyls and 30% of lagomorphs are killed

before they reach maturity. This likely mirrors the demographics of the hunted

population of rabbits and artiodactyls. The overall turkey assemblage is made up of

approximately 40% immature birds. When fusionlage categories are considered, very

young turkey seem to be killed preferentially (30%) over late juveniles (20%). This

could indicate culling for flock expansion. Further analysis in establishing sex and tighter

age categories would have to be done to investigate this argument.

Change in frequency and species indices over time, again showed a pattern that

is typical of the Northern San Juan. Artiodactyls are more common in earlier

occupations (with an artiodactyl index of .06 in sub period 3 and 0.2 in sub period 6) and

then are replaced by increasing numbers of Sylvilagus and turkey (evidenced by the

dropping artiodactyl index 0.07 in sub period 7, 0.03 in sub period 8, and 0.03 in sub

period 9) as populations expand at the site and in the general region. Sylvilagus is by

far the most common of rabbit genera with high indices throughout the occupation of the

site. The ceramic deposition rates seem to indicate that there was also a drastic rise in

population during Pueblo Ill at Shields Pueblo. At this time the artiodactyl index is at

0.03, the lagomorph index at 0.89, and turkey at 0.33. So population seems to affect the

availability of artiodactyls, causing increased reliance on Sylvilagus and turkey.

While the Shields Pueblo fauna followed the basic trend of deposition outside of

structures, there were no strong correlations between artiodactyls and kivas. In fact, the

reverse was true as some 80% of artiodactyl remains were recovered from nonstructure

contexts. This could possibly be explained by ethnographic accounts of disposal of

artiodactyls. Once remains had been displayed on ritual structures for a period of time,

they were removed and deposited in the trash middens (White 1974b). This might also

be indicated by the higher frequency of weathering among artiodactyl remains illustrated

in Table 17.

Some excavation blocks show significantly higher frequencies of particular taxa.

Block 100 has a significant abundance of Sylvilagus, block 1300 of artiodactyls, and

block 1400 of turkeyllarge bird. Certain species (Lepus, in this instance) were far less

variable than other species with a low sum of absolute standard deviations. The lack of

a correlation between artiodactyls and specialized structures (as noted by Muir 1999 in

reference to towers) can be explained by the lack of preservation of surface structures.

Connections between the spatial patterning of faunal deposits and gender will be

discussed in Chapter 6.

Overall, Shields Pueblo follows patterns typical of other sites in the region.

Chapter 5 furthers this discussion by outlining the greater regional faunal patterns and

how Shields Pueblo fits within these parameters.

CHAPTER 5

SHIELDS PUEBLO IN A REGIONAL CONTEXT

Shields Pueblo is important within the Monument/McElmo drainage region for its

long period of occupation. While there are Pueblo I and II sites within the immediate

region, most archaeological sites date from Pueblo Ill. In order to fully understand the

faunal pattern at Shields Pueblo, it must be put into context with sites in the greater

northern San Juan region. This chapter will put Shields Pueblo in a regional context by

comparing the relative frequencies and indices of selected species with those from sites

in the immediate region as well as the greater Northern San Juan region. This chapter

will conclude with a discussion positing explanations for these trends.

Changes in Faunal Patterning at a Regional Scale

Chapter 3 defined the Monument/McElmo drainage region as the area bounded

in the south by McElmo Creek, running northwest to the reaches of Monument Creek at

the Utah border (refer to Figures 2 and 3 in Chapter 3, and Adams and Petersen [1999]).

This is the immediate region around Shields Pueblo and has many sites, both small and

large, that can be used for comparative purposes. Large village sites include: Sand

Canyon Pueblo, Castle Rock Pueblo, Woods Canyon Pueblo, and Yellow Jacket Pueblo.

There are numerous smaller sites in the Sand Canyon locality. Most of the sites found in

this region are Pueblo Ill sites (many, specifically late Pueblo Ill). However, there are

some sites with older components and these are used for comparison with Shields

Pueblo for the Pueblo I and II sub-assemblages.

The greater northern San Juan region lies north of the San Juan River (in

Northwestern New Mexico). It includes land as far east as the Animas River and runs as

far west as Cottonwood Wash (in Utah). The northern San Juan Region is bounded in

the north by the La Plata Mountains and the northern reaches of the Dolores River (refer

to Figure 2 in Chapter 3).

For this chapter, only three taxonomic groups have been chosen for

consideration: artiodactyls, lagomorphs (including cottontails and jackrabbits), and

turkey (including turkey and elements identified as large bird). These particular

taxonomic groups were chosen because they are by far the most common and

economically important species in faunal assemblages from Pueblo I through Pueblo Ill.

Other species of fauna are represented in the Shields Pueblo assemblage, but many

occur only in small numbers. Other research has included carnivore frequencies as well

as the above species in order to look at human exploitation of the "wild" versus

"domestic" environment (Driver 2002) or to further explore inter-site variation of ritually

important species (Muir 1999). Because most of the carnivores occurring at Shields

Pueblo are canids (which are not necessarily wild), and because all other carnivore

species occur at such low frequencies they were not included in this analysis.

Pueblo I Sites (A. D. 750-900)

Pueblo I sites in the Monument/McElmo drainage region are rare. Of the sites

with published faunal assemblage data, only two have primarily Pueblo I components.

The Duckfoot Site is the larger of the two sites in the McElmo Dome region. This site

was a small 19-room hamlet with 4 pit structures (Lightfoot and Etzkorn 1993). Duckfoot

was excavated by Crow Canyon Archaeological Center. It is the most completely

excavated Pueblo I site on the McElmo Dome. Occupation dates between A.D. 850 and

A.D. 880 (Lightfoot and Etzkorn 1993:l). In addition to the Duckfoot Site, there is a

small Pueblo I site in Yellow Jacket Canyon (5MT 8838) (Akins 1988). Table 34 gives

the relative frequencies of artiodactyls, lagomorphs, and turkey for the Duckfoot Site,

5MT8838, and Shields Pueblo in the immediate region and several sites from the

Dolores River area from the greater northern San Juan region. The Dolores River region

seems to have been the focus of settlement during Pueblo I, as it contains the majority

of occupation sites in the Northern San Juan. Figure 19 illustrates the relationships

between taxonomic frequencies at each of the Pueblo I sites. Overall, there does not

appear to be any patterning of sites (i.e., none of the sites located in different

environments cluster together). The only characteristic shared between these sites is

the generally low frequency of turkey. The relationship between sites is discussed in

greater detail below.

Table 34. Northern San Juan Region Pueblo I sites: Relative Frequencies and Indices

Dolores

(Akins 1988; Applegarth and Feldman 1981 ; Fetterman and Honeycutt 1982; Neusius l986a, l986b,l986c, l986d; Neusius and Gould 1988; Walker 1993: Table 8.1 :24O).

5MT8838

Shields Pueblo

5MT4007

Grass Mesa Hamlet

Windy Wheat Hamlet

Permian Hamlet

6.8%

5.2%

26.4%

45.1 %

20.6%

22.7%

88.1%

76.6%

70.4%

53.7%

78.6%

74.8%

5.1%

18.2%

3.2%

1.2%

0.7%

2.5%

.07

.06

.27

.47

.21

.23

.65

.90

.44

.58

.49

.74

.05

.19

.04

.02

.O1

.03

Figure 19. Taxonomic Frequencies: Pueblo I, Northern San Juan Region. (Arrow indicates Shields Pueblo) *Note that Lagomorph frequencies are read along the horizontal gridline, Turkey along the right-hand diagonal gridline and Artiodactyls along the bottom diagonal gridline.

Table 34 illustrates that Shields Pueblo has the lowest artiodactyl index of all of

the northern San Juan region sites, the highest lagomorph index, and the highest turkey

index during Pueblo I. Sites within the McElmo drainage during Pueblo I do not appear

to be tightly correlated. In fact, in Figure 19, Shields Pueblo appears to be somewhat of

an outlier in comparison to Duckfoot and Yellow Jacket Pueblo. This is primarily due to

Shields Pueblo's low artiodactyl index, the high lagomorph index, and most notably the

high turkey index in comparison to the other sites. During Pueblo I, Shields Pueblo was

small in size. Only two structures were identified and dated to Pueblo I (Structures 110

and 141). Structure I 10 is a subterranean pit structure dated to about A.D. 770 and

Structure 141 is a rectangular subterranean room dating between A.D 600 to 950 (Duff

and Ryan 1999). No other structures at Shields date this early. In contrast to the

larger Duckfoot Site and Dolores area sites, Shields seems to have been a small farming

hamlet. The low frequency of artiodactyls during Pueblo I is not what is expected based

upon frequencies from other sites. The region was not heavily populated and villages

were concentrated in the Alkali Ridge area in the far western portion of the

Montezuma/McElmo Drainage, to the southeast in the Animas Drainage and in the

Dolores River area (Wilshusen 1999:Figure 7.5:211). The lack of artiodactyls in later

periods has been argued to be a function of over-hunting of game by large, spatially

circumscribed populations (Driver 2002). Given that most Pueblo I sites in the northern

San Juan were likely hamlets and farmsteads, over-hunting is not a plausible

explanation. Instead, difference in artiodactyl frequencies between assemblages may

depend upon the size of local populations and their ability to procure large amounts of

big game. If populations were low, communal hunting may not have occurred, or may

not have yielded as many deer or other large game as hunts performed by larger

communities. Another explanation is that there simply are no good Pueblo I trash

deposits at Shields Pueblo due to destruction and mixing of archaeological deposits.

This lack of deposits would certainly justify low artiodactyl frequencies.

Typically, Pueblo I faunal assemblages are dominated by Lagomorphs, although

half of the site assemblages in the region contain more than 20% artiodactyls remains

(Driver 2002:154). According to Driver (2002: 155, Figure 7.5), the Lagomorph index

tends to indicate a focus on cottontail with close to 50% of sites having a majority of

cottontail, although there is some variation depending on site location.

The basic faunal pattern of Pueblo I sites in the northern San Juan is notable in

the apparent lack of turkey and large birds in the assemblages. During this period,

turkey was not a dietary staple, and was primarily used for religious purposes (Munro

1994). Most sites in the area have very low counts of turkey (some have none at all).

Only a few sites have notable amounts of turkey in their assemblages during this period

(including Shields Pueblo), and these could be present in larger quantities because they

represent turkey burials and not domestic meal refuse. However, no discrete burials

were identified for Pueblo I contexts. Therefore it is not possible to "correct" the turkey

frequency for this time period by removing turkey burials.

Pueblo I1 Sites (A.D. 900-1 150)

There are few excavated Pueblo II sites in the MonumentlMcElmo region. These

sites include Yellow Jacket Pueblo, three sites in the Yellow Jacket Locality (5MT8827,

5MT8839, and 5MT8371), another site in the McElmo Dome region (5MT1786), and a

series of sites in the greater region. While sites dating to the Pueblo I period tend to be

located in the Dolores region, they begin to spread southward and westward during

Pueblo II (Varien 2002). Table 35 provides the relative frequencies for the artiodactyls,

lagomorphs, and turkey. Pueblo II taxonomic frequencies are fairly widely scattered

across the ternary plot (Figure 20). There does not seem to be much grouping of sites in

relation to their frequencies. Some sites, such as 5MT8371, have a relatively high

frequency of artiodactyls especially in comparison to the lagomorph index, and a high

turkey index. So, individuals at this site seem to have focused on artiodactyls and turkey

and did not utilize rabbits to the same extent as others. On the opposite side of the

spectrum, the assemblage from 5MT1786 (Gnatsville) site, located reasonably close to

Shields Pueblo, has no Artiodactyla whatsoever; instead it contains mostly rabbit, and

some turkey. Shields Pueblo lies in between these two extremes.

Table 35. Northern San Juan Region Pueblo II Sites: Relative Frequencies and Indices

LA65029 LA65030

(Akins 1988; Anderson 1966; Bertram 1991 ; Driver 1996; Emslie 1978; Hayes 1984; Kent 1989a; Mick O'Hara 1994; Muir and Driver 2003; Neusius 1986c; Nielson et al. 1985; Nordby 1973; Rhone 1971 ; Thompson 1985)

55.4% 14.8%

27.7% 56.2%

16.9% 29.0%

.67

.21 .28 .50

.38

.34

Figure 20. Taxonomic Frequencies: Pueblo II, Northern San Juan. (Shields Pueblo indicated by arrow). *Note that Lagomorph frequencies are read along the horizontal gridline, Turkey along the right-hand diagonal gridline and Artiodactyls along the bottom diagonal gridline.

One might argue that the taxonomic frequencies at 5MT8371 support Speth and

Scott's (1 989) assertion that rabbits are the preferred game and artiodactyls become the

predominant focus of hunting activities when populations reach environmental carrying

capacity and people must exert more energy in communal hunting for artiodactyls farther

away from settlements. This idea is discussed in further

detail below in relation to Pueblo Ill faunal patterns. If this argument is true, then one

would expect 5MT8371 to be a large site with an equally large prehistoric population.

This is not the case. 5MT8371 is described by Dykeman (1986) as an isolated pit

structure, likely a farmstead.

It is also unclear if environmental differences are responsible for all of the

variations in taxonomic indices. All of these sites lie at around 2000 meters in elevation.

Likewise most sites on the McElmo Dome are situated in the Pinyon-Juniper woodland

mixed with sagebrush- saltbrush today. This environment is likely similar to the

paleoenvironment extant during Pueblo II (Adams and Petersen 1999) and would have

provided access to both large and small game animals (see Table 3 in Chapter 3 for

specific species). Some other factor must, therefore, be causing the difference seen in

taxonomic usage among the site assemblages. However, it is clear that the low

lagomorph indices in the La Plata region are based on environmental differences and

lower elevations. This region is characterized by open grassland, thus more attractive to

Lepus than Sylvilagus (Adams and Petersen 1999; Szuter and Bayham 1989).

Pueblo II tends to have a widely variable faunal pattern (Driver 2002: 153, Figure

7.3). However, there is a basic trend in an overall increase in Turkey usage. Pueblo II

saw the beginning of the use of turkey as a food source (Munro 1994). The high level of

variability in relative frequencies of artiodactyls, lagomorphs, and turkey is probably due

to local site factors, such as location on the landscape or site catchment size, and also

to social factors such as community size and the ability to organize labor for communal

hunting.

Pueblo 111 Sites (A. D. 1 150 - 1300)

Pueblo Ill sites are quite numerous in the Monument/McElmo region. There are

several larger sites ( Woods Canyon Pueblo, Castle Rock Pueblo, Yellow Jacket Pueblo,

and Sand Canyon Pueblo) and many smaller sites in the Sand Canyon Locality (Mad

Dog Tower, Saddlehorn Hamlet, Shorlene's Site, Roy's Ruin, Lillian's Site, Troy's Tower,

Catherine's Site, Kenzie Dawn Hamlet, Lester's Site, Lookout House, Stanton's Site, and

G and G Hamlet). Because of the large number of smaller sites, these have been

combined to establish mean frequencies and indices for the Sand Canyon Locality.

Table 36 shows the relative frequencies of the selected taxa from Pueblo Ill

assemblages in the McElmo Dome region and Figure 21 illustrates the relationship

between taxonomic frequencies and indices for each site.

Table 36. Northern San Juan Pueblo Ill Sites: Relative Frequencies and Indices.

(Anderson 1966; Bertram 1991 ; Driver 1996; Driver, et al. 1999: Table 18.1 ; Mick O'Hara 1994; Muir and Driver 2003: Table 12; Nickens 1981 ; Rohn 1971 ; Shelley 1993; Thompson 1990; White 1977)

Figure 21. Taxonomic Frequencies: Pueblo Ill, Northern San Juan (Shields Pueblo indicated by arrow). *Note that Lagomorph frequencies are read along the horizontal gridline, Turkey along the right-hand diagonal gridline and Artiodactyls along the bottom diagonal gridline.

During Pueblo Ill faunal assemblages in the McElmo dome seem to cluster with

moderate frequencies of lagomorphs and turkeys and low frequencies of artiodactyls.

Most sites show a distinctive lack of artiodactyl remains, but differ in the relationship

between lagomorphs and turkey. For this time period many of the sites (most notably,

Woods Canyon Pueblo and Castle Rock Pueblo) show an increased reliance on turkey

in relation to lagomorphs. Cottontails are by far the most common of lagomorphs found

in the McElmo Dome site assemblages during Pueblo Ill. This does not follow the same

pattern described in other regions of the Southwest. Szuter and Bayham (1989) claim

that cottontails should be found in small sites and less populated regions, while

jackrabbits should be found in increasingly deforested or cleared environments around

larger, more densely populated villages. The McElmo dome was certainly densely

populated during Pueblo Ill. Wilshusen (2002 :Table 5.6) estimates that there were

between 22.6 to 28.9 persons per square km. in the Mesa Verde Region. This high

density of settlement causes site catchment areas around settlements to decrease in

size, become more bounded by other community catchments, and to become

increasingly overlapping (Varien etal. 2000, Varien 2002). It is clear that given the

increasing aggregation of settlements in the McElmo Dome, that deforestation and land

clearing were factors in environmental change (Kohler 1992, Kohler and Matthews

1988). However, instead of a decrease in cottontail and increase in jackrabbits, the

reverse is true, thus indicating that land clearing did not result in creating grassy

environments, but scrubby environments.

Pueblo Ill is by far the most significant period in terms of cultural and economical

change in the northern San Juan. It is a period of high population densities and

community aggregation. Because of these factors, the faunal record indicates some

major changes to hunting and domestic animal usage. Over-all turkey usage remains

high, however, there are several sites where turkey is the predominant protein source,

such as Roundtree Pueblo, site 499, and Knobby Knee Pueblo (Anderson 1966, Bertram

1991). The frequency of artiodactyls in the faunal assemblages decreases substantially

in most locations. Over 70% of sites in the northern San Juan region have between a

1 % and 10% artiodactyl frequency, and several have no artiodactyl remains at all (Driver

2002: 153-155). Lagomorphs are by far the most dominant taxonomic family during this

time period. Cottontail in particular, is dominant as evidenced by the change to higher

lagomorph indices for northern San Juan sites. This is by far the most interesting

finding, as it does not follow the pattern of lagomorph indices in other parts of the greater

Southwestern region (Szuter and Bayhan 1989; Quirt-Booth and Cruz-Uribe 1996).

There is also some indication of geographic patterning of faunal frequencies.

The majority of La Plata and McElmoICortez sites cluster together tightly (refer to Figure

21, cluster at arrow) with low artiodactyl frequencies, and moderate to high lagomorph

and turkey frequencies. Mesa Verde and Mancos sites tend to have lower frequencies

of lagomorphs, with moderate frequencies of artiodactyls and turkey. These clusters of

sites may indicate similarities in environment. For example, Mesa Verde is primarily

Gambel Oak scrubland on the mesa top with Pinyon-Juniper woodland in lower

elevations, while Mancos is primarily Pinyon-Juniper woodland (both productive

environments for artiodactyls) (Adams and Petersen 1999: 15-1 7). However, La Plata

and McElmoI Cortez sites also tend to cluster together (especially in terms of low

artiodactyl frequencies). While the La Plata sites and the Cortez site are located in

Sagebrush-Saltbrush biotic communities, the McElmo region sites are found in a variety

of environments (such as sagebrush/satlbrush on mesa tops, and Pinyon-Juniper in

canyons, talus slopes, and drainages). In the latter region, the low frequency of

artiodactyls in an environment that is typically attractive to artiodactyls, is likely caused

by other factors such as over-hunting and population pressure (discussed below).

Discussion

While there are points of variation, in general, Shields Pueblo follows the same

basic faunal pattern seen throughout the northern San Juan region. Artiodactyls decline

substantially in Pueblo Ill, lagomorphs are by far the most frequent taxon during each of

the time periods, and turkey becomes increasingly common as populations in the region

grow and hunting declines. Various arguments have been made concerning population

size and game preference. Speth and Scott (1989) argue that large game becomes

more important while small game (such as lagomorphs) declines in importance as

human population numbers rise and resources become increasingly scarce. The idea is

that communal hunting is economically effective at harvesting a large amount of meat

when groups are forced to hunt a great distance away from the settlement, the caveat

being that this requires more labor as well as risk. Therefore, local populations must be

high enough and resources scarce enough to make communal hunting worthwhile. The

situation described by Speth and Scott (for the Chaco area) does not fit with the

demographic, environmental, and faunal data for Pueblo II in the northern San Juan

region (as a whole) nor the immediate McElmo Dome. While the population in the

McElmo dome expanded during Pueblo II (from 4.9 people/km2 in early Pueblo II to

about 7 people/km2), it did not reach the levels seen in Pueblo Ill (nearly 15 people/km2

to as many as 22 people/km2) (Mahoney et al. 2000:Figures 2 and 3: 74-75). Likewise,

site catchment areas were fairly widely spread with no overlap between communities

(Varien et a/. 2000). And yet, many site sub-assemblages dating to this period display

their highest artiodactyl frequencies. Therefore it does not seem as if resource stress

was a factor.

The McElmo region seems to have been depopulated (or at least very sparsely

settled) during mid to late Pueblo I. When this area was repopulated in Pueblo II, there

would have been a period of time for game to rebound locally. There is no drop in

artiodactyl counts until populations rise to their maximum levels during Pueblo Ill.

Speth and Scott's (1989) hypothesis is completely counterintuitive to what is

evident in the archaeological record for this region. While there is truth to the argument

that communal hunting requires a certain size population and level of labor organization,

it is not clear why Speth and Scott argue that this is a negative or costly endeavor.

Hunting with larger numbers of people, while certainly requiring more planning and

organization beforehand, does not seem to require any more energy per person than a

typical solitary or small scale hunt as many of the same hunting tactics are used.

Instead, it is probably a riskier enterprise than single hunts in terms of success rates.

However, any risks can be underwritten by communal surpluses given larger group

structures (such as lineages or clans). Therefore, the dramatic decline of artiodactyls in

Pueblo Ill assemblages supports the classic population and environmental models, in

that they do decline in areas of high human population densities and that they tend to

decline through out the region.

Late Pueblo Ill is argued to have been a period of resource depression. Several

studies have looked at landscape changes, such as deforestation and changes to the

arable landscape (Ahlstrom et a/. 1995; Huckleberry and Billman 1998; Kohler and

Matthews 1988; Szuter and Gillespie 1994). Deforestation has been shown to have

caused changes to hydrology regimes, soil, and disruption to large game

populations/migrations and to human hunting strategies (Kohler and Matthews

l988:54O; Szuter and Gillespie 1994). Decreases in the artiodactyl resource base could

have been caused by these changes to the landscape as well as by an increase in the

number of people preying upon them. The increase in population combined with greater

aggregation of communities in productive areas creates conditions for over-hunting.

Driver (2002:146) suggests six trends in faunal assemblages due to over-hunting: a) a

decrease in preferred species; b) an increase in species diversity; c) a focus on locally

available species; d) intensification of the production of domestic turkeys; e) intensive

processing of animal remains in order to extract fats and proteins; and finally f) evidence

of trade in preferred meat resources. Given that many of the sites in the northern San

Juan region were crowded into a smaller geographic area during this time period, it is

clear that the deer population would be stressed in these areas. What becomes

problematic is explaining why sites along the periphery of this crowding follow the same

pattern when they would have had larger catchment areas to exploit. In Chapter 1, I

discussed a few different hypotheses that address this problem. Among them, social or

political control and conflict or warfare both seem to answer specific issues in the

northern San Juan region, namely why people hunted within their local catchment area

and did not exploit seemingly more productive environments.

Driver's (1996) argument that larger sites were able to control access to

resources may account for the lack of artiodactyls in small sites around larger

community centers (such as Sand Canyon). These larger community centers certainly

would have been able to influence settlements around them. But what gave these

centers their political power? I would argue that the rising level of violence in the region

(probably due to competition over land and resources) and the old adage of safety in

numbers are the lynch pins to explaining why larger community centers have much

larger frequencies of artiodactyls. Smaller communities simply did not have the numbers

of people to allow a large contingent of warriors to leave on a hunting expedition. This

would have left the community vulnerable to attack. Large community centers, on the

other hand, would have had high enough populations for a contingent to remain at home

for security.

Shields Pueblo, while large, does not have the same frequency of artiodactyls as

other large sites on the McElmo dome. In fact, it is substantially lower and more closely

resembles the smaller sites in artiodactyl frequencies. Shields Pueblo lies in a more

peripheral location (e.g., not as completely bounded as Sand Canyon or Yellow Jacket

Pueblo) (Varien 2002). Given that the pueblo is unbounded to the east and would have

had access to those hunting areas, the inhabitants of Shields Pueblo should have been

able to procure higher number of artiodactyls. Either Shields Pueblo was not as highly

populated as its size suggests, or it was simply too dangerous for hunters to leave in

great numbers for communal artiodactyl hunts. Another explanation is that Goodman

Point Pueblo was the community center during Pueblo Ill and Shields had only a

nominal population. Until Goodman Point is excavated and analyzed, little can be

known of Shields' prominence. Finally, it is possible that the relevant surface structures

were not excavated at Shields Pueblo, given that artiodactyls were more commonly

associated with towers at Sand Canyon Pueblo and Yellow Jacket Pueblo.

Along a similar vein as Speth and Scott's (1989) hypothesis, Szuter and Bayham

(1994) conclude that the lagomorph index should be high in small farmsteads and low in

larger hamlets and villages. The brunt of this argument is that cottontails prefer a more

closed in, heavily vegetated environment that has not been substantially affected

through intensive farming practices. However, if the population grows, resulting in more

land being cleared for farming, the lagomorph index should drop in favor of jackrabbits.

This effect should increase as population densities and occupation spans increase. The

northern San Juan region does not follow this pattern of faunal change. Such as Speth

and Scott's (1989) artiodactyl hypothesis, the reverse pattern is indicated. Instead of

large quantities of jackrabbit overtaking cottontail, cottontail becomes the predominant

rabbit genus in the faunal record.

The problem with Szuter and Bayham's (1994) argument does not lie with the

environmental preference of rabbit species, but with the assumption that farming

practices always result in the creation of open grassland environments. While this

assumption is certainly true of some geographic regions, I suspect that shrubby species

of plants are just as common colonizers of depopulated fields as grasses. In fact, big

sagebrush (Arfemisia tridentate) and rabbitbrush (Chrysothamnus nauseosus) are early

successional plants that typically take over depopulated fields or disturbed environs

(Adams and Bowyer 2002). Shields Pueblo, such as most of the sites in the northern

San Juan, focused primarily on cottontail throughout its occupation. Changes in

population densities over time or any environmental changes brought about by human

activities on the landscape, simply do not affect the lagomorph index. Cottontails were

probably more available around settlements (including Shields Pueblo), and therefore,

more common than jackrabbits.

Turkey indices are interesting in what they could imply about access to hunted

animal resources. For various reasons, hunted game is often considered more

desirable than domesticated animals. In fact, many groups categorize animals

differently based upon whether they are wild or domesticated (Kent 1989). Wild animals

are often anthropomorphized and are believed to be related to humans in some way.

Some groups believe that animals behave in similar ways to humans (take for instance

"Coyote" in the Dine Bahane [a creation myth of the Navajo] who speaks and plays

practical jokes on both humans and other animals [Zolbrod 19881). Other groups such

as the Wari of Brazil believe that wild animals (especially tapirs) are the reincarnated

souls of their ancestors (Conklin 1995). Kent (1989) describes a series of conditions

under which wild and domestic animals are categorized as separate beings. Societies

who keep domestic animals, but do not typically hunt, tend to categorize all animals

together and do not recognize them as intellectual beings. Groups that have no

domestic animals and rely on wild, hunted game nearly always associate animals with

humans as sentient beings. Among cultures that keep domestic animals, but regularly

hunt, wild animals are nearly always categorized as intellectual entities, while domestic

animals are not (Kent 1989b: 13). The Anasazi probably fell in the latter category.

Ethnographic records from Puebloan groups repeatedly describe communal hunting

activities (for both large and small game) as highly ritualized, and even mention that

animals taken during small hunts by single hunters were treated in ritualized ways

(Gnabasik 1981). Once turkey became a primarily domestic animal (and not as ritually

important), it must have lost a certain amount of esteem becoming somewhat "common."

If this is the case, then increased frequencies of turkey would mean that there was less

access to preferred wild meat resources, thus causing people to rely more heavily on a

less preferred species.

Throughout its occupation, Shields Pueblo falls within the mean frequency of

turkey for northern San Juan sites. However, some sites (both large and small) do show

much greater frequencies of turkey (especially during the late Pueblo Ill period) than

Shields Pueblo. These sites are generally located in clusters of highly aggregated

settlements decreasing their catchment areas, effectively limiting their access to large

game. (Access to small game would not be affected to the same degree for the reasons

given above). Communities that were not able to hunt enough game to meet their

protein requirements supplemented their diets with turkey. Again, because Shields

Pueblo lies along the edge of community clusters, inhabitants would have had more

access to wild resources, so that turkey played a less prominent role than what is seen

in other communities.

Chapter Summary

While sites are relatively scarce during Pueblo I for the region as a whole, there

are numerous sites in the Dolores River region to the northeast. Species frequencies

vary greatly between the McElmo and Dolores sites, probably because they lie in

different biotic communities. The McElmo sites have an average artiodactyl frequency of

9.7% (Shields Pueblo's is 5.2%), an average lagomorph frequency of 83% (Shields

Pueblo's is 76.6%), and a turkey frequency of 7.3% (with Shields Pueblo at 18.2%). The

Dolores region sites have a much higher artiodactyl frequency (39.8%), resulting in lower

relative lagomorph frequency (56.7%) and even lower turkey frequency (1.2%). Dolores

lies in a mixture of biotic communities including pine-Douglas-fir, Gambel oak scrubland,

and pinyon juniper. While pinyon-juniper (which makes up the majority of the McElmo

region) is relatively productive for large game, the pine-Douglas-fir and Gambel oak

scrublands are especially rich in large game (Adams and Petersen 1999: 17). Turkey, in

general, is quite low during Pueblo I. It was not a dietary staple and therefore, is not

expected to dominate the assemblages. Shields Pueblo varies most from other sites in

the region with its relatively higher turkey frequency (18.2%) and its relatively high turkey

index (.19). It is unclear why this is the case. It is possible that these early deposits are

contaminated with later ones, or that inhabitants of Shields Pueblo were eating turkey

earlier than other sites in the region.

As expected (based on Driver 2002), Pueblo II has a widely variable faunal

pattern. Artiodactyl frequencies range from 0 to 72%. Lagomorphs and turkey also

follow this highly variable pattern. Some of the variation can be explained by

environment. The La Plata region sites have a low lagomorph index, indicative of a

predominance of jackrabbit rather than cottontail, while all other regions focus on

cottontail. This makes sense given the more open grassland environment that would

have dominated the region. In most cases, variability in frequencies is not so easily

explained and is probably due to catchment size or social factors (such as the ability of a

community to organize labor).

Pueblo Ill, by far, has the most numerous sites. This is especially true of the

McElmo region. The most notable change during this period is the decline in artiodactyls

(with most frequencies ranging from .5% to 16%). Only a few sites retain relatively high

artiodactyl frequencies during this time period. These sites differ due to their locations,

which limit crowding (to a certain extent) and over-hunting (Driver 2002). Shields Pueblo

(such as the majority of sites in the Northern San Juan region) has a low artiodactyl

frequency (1.9%), a high lagomorph frequency (58.2%) and index (.86), and a moderate

frequency of turkey (at 39.9%). Other sites in the region have much higher turkey

frequencies with lower frequencies of lagomorphs. In these instances, it is clear that

population densities, landscape modification, and resource depression all play significant

roles in explaining the Pueblo Ill faunal pattern.

CHAPTER 6

GENDERED ANALYSIS OF FAUNAL DATA

In order to look at faunal change from a gendered perspective for Shields

Pueblo, it is necessary to look specifically at accounts of meat procurement. Chapter 2

discussed gender in faunal analysis and introduced the argument that small domestic

animals, those kept in the household, are routinely raised by women, and are therefore a

product of female labor. This chapter will further investigate this notion by discussing

cultural beliefs associated with hunting and domestic production. The results of the

stable isotope analysis will be presented along with intra-site analysis. This chapter will

conclude with a gendered analysis of Shields Pueblo meat procurement.

Meat Procurement

Puebloan peoples of the American Southwest ate a variety of wild and

domesticated meat sources. At Shields Pueblo some 35 taxa have been identified to

species level. Of these, approximately 15 species (including large rodents and

woodrats) were commonly eaten by pueblo peoples in historic times; some 17 species

were commonly procured solely for ritual or medicinal purposes; and at least 3 of the

rodent species are typically intrusive and probably not culturally deposited (Gnabasik

1981). Wild meat was procured through either individual or communal hunts. Deer

would have been available in the higher elevations and even in the lower sagebrush

desert habitats surrounding Shields Pueblo. Deer and other artiodactyls can be hunted

by individuals, small groups or communities. There are some reports of large-scale

antelope drives requiring up to 70 individuals (White 1932). Large game was hunted

exclusively by men.

War and hunting were often closely connected by the Puebloan people.

Communal hunts were organized by war captains and performed by warriors (generally

defined as all able-bodied men of the community) (Anell l969:6l ;Lange 1959: 128-1 29;

Parsons 191 8:l73; White l974a:I 26,301,302). Communal hunts among the historic

pueblos were associated with various ritual events and with particular ritual societies.

This has been evidenced time and again by the connection of Puebloan ritual and

ungulate hunts. For example, ethnographic records for Sia Pueblo indicate that meat

from communal hunts was dried and kept for Katsina rituals (White 1974a:l26, 301,

302). Men gained positions in the warrior society by being the first to touch the felled

animal (Lange 1959; Parsons 1920; White 1974b). At the Santa Ana, an animal-killer

Opi (member of the warrior society) was also considered a man-killer Opi, even if he had

not taken a human life in battle (Parsons 1920: 66-67).

Lagomorphs were by far the most abundant meat source for the Anasazi and

such as large game could be hunted in large groups or by individuals. Even rabbits

were generally hunted by men. When rabbit drives were called by the war chief to

supply meat for ceremonial purposes, only men could participate (Parsons 191 8, 1920,

1921, 1970; White 1974a:144-145). Non-ceremonial, or general hunts were more open

to women in some communities. At Acoma, San Felipe, and Santo Domingo women

were allowed to attend general hunts as retrievers and at San Felipe a fall rabbit hunt

consisted of young unmarried girls (these hunts were held in the horticultural fields of the

pueblo) (Lange 1959: 129; Parsons 191 8:l73; White l932:52). It is also important to

note that there are scenes of communal drives on Mimbres pottery as well as preserved

drive nets, indicating that such drives occurred prehistorically as well (Szuter 2000).

One in particular shows a group of people (of unidentifiable sex) using nets, sticks, and

crooks to drive jackrabbits (Shaffer and Gardener 1995). While images on pottery are

not necessarily indicative of daily activities, they do illustrate the existence of communal

hunting practices during prehistoric times.

Communal drives consisted of groups of hunters with various weapons (clubs,

bow and arrow, throwing sticks) and nets. Rabbits were surrounded and often forced

into smaller, tighter groups (or even into nets or "corrals") and then dispatched by armed

individuals. Both jackrabbits and cottontail rabbits were procured by this method and

continue to be hunted in the same fashion at Taos Pueblo today. Rabbits (particularly

cottontails) were also taken during "garden hunts." Agricultural fields provide ideal

habitat for cottontail rabbits, so these were likely caught, snared, or killed with throwing

sticks or bow and arrow to provide meat for family meals. Rabbits were also taken

expediently, while men were performing other tasks away from the pueblo and

surrounding fields (White 1974b).

Turkey Production

There are only a few ethnographic accounts of Puebloan groups keeping

domestic turkey or fowl in corrals or other forms of enclosures by each family (Reed

1951 ; Henderson and Harrington 1914). Historic and ethnographic records indicate that

turkey was kept both for food and for secondary products, namely feathers. Reed (1951 :

199-200) even mentions that women (specifically) wore turkey feather blankets. In order

to discuss prehistoric turkey production, it is necessary to first establish the evidence

that turkeys in an archaeological assemblage are, in fact, domesticated and not wild

hunted. This can be established by looking at the spatial distribution of turkey at an

archaeological site or by analyzing their diet.

Spatial evidence of turkey production

Several of the questions asked during analysis concern evidence of turkey

domestication. One question is whether or not turkeys were kept in pens associated

with particular households, or if turkeys were allowed free range. Physical evidence of

turkey pens should be indicated by: 1) architectural enclosures (such as the bird boxes

seen in the Casas Grandes region), or postholes indicating "corrals"; 2) deposits of bird

droppings; 3) large deposits of eggshell, and areas with increased frequencies of fetal or

very young turkeys. Turkey manure may show up in the archaeological record as actual

"lenses" of droppings in the stratigraphy (which has been noted for other domestic birds

in the American Southwest by Minnis et al. 1993). Turkey manure contains high levels

of nitrogen, phosphorus, and potassium (www.discover~farms.or~ 2005;

www.dirtdoctor.com 2003, 2004). Thus, soil in areas where turkeys were kept should

have higher levels of these substances. Higher frequencies of eggshell and fetal or very

young turkey remains would also indicate nesting areas.

While no definitive turkey pens can be identified at Shields Pueblo due to lack of

surface architecture and the lack of plazas, basic spatial analysis of the distribution of

eggshell is possible. More turkeyllarge bird eggshell is associated with non-structure

contexts than with structures. At Shields Pueblo some 522 (58%) eggshell fragments

come from midden deposits, while 380 (42%) come from structural contexts. Non-

structures 1409, dating from sub-period 8 (primarily secondary midden refuse) and 152,

dating from sub-period 7 (primarily from walllroof fall contexts) have the highest number

of turkeyllarge-bird eggshell among the non-structural contexts; while structure 139,

dating from A.D. 1060-1 150 has the highest among the structures. Eggshell comes from

two contexts in this structure, some 200 fragments were recovered from walllroof fall,

while 82 were recovered from a primary refuse context from an undefined feature. In

most of these cases, eggshell is not in a primary context. Instead, these deposits of

eggshell are in contexts described as "secondary deposits" by Crow Canyon. While

there does not seem to be any evidence of primary deposition of eggshell at Shields

Pueblo, this does not rule out the existence of turkey pens. Instead, such as much of

the spatial analysis at Shields Pueblo, it may simply point to poor preservation of surface

contexts.

Changes in the frequency of eggshell deposition over time may indicate changes

in turkey production. Such as turkey bone, increases in the rate of deposition may

indicate intensification of turkey production. In order to understand the true amount of

eggshell deposited during each sub period, it is necessary to calculate the rate of

eggshell deposition (Table 37). Figure 22 illustrates the change in frequency of

eggshell deposition over time compared with population. Periods 7 and 9 have the

highest relative rates of eggshell deposition. In both cases, the majority of fragments

come from particular "non-structure" and "structure" contexts. Because of the nature of

eggshell, simple counts of fragments are not reliable in estimating actual number of

offspring. However, all of the eggshell fragments are in the same size category (e.g.,

between one and two centimeters in length). Measuring the mass of eggshell, would

provide a better gauge of relative frequency. The largest single context sample of

eggshell comes from structure 139 (with 200 fragments ). This sample weighs

approximately 10 grams. Unfortunately, no other samples were weighed (mainly

because most samples simply contained only a few fragments). Using pottery

deposition as a comparison, there seems to be an inverse relationship between

deposition of eggshell and pottery except from Sub period 8 to 9, where both rates begin

to rise.

Table 37. Rate of Deposition of Eggshell ~ l y r l m ~ .

Relative Rate of Deposition of Eggshell Over Time

725- 1020- 1060- 1150- 1225- 800 1060 1150 1225 1280

Sub Periods (Years A.D.)

Pottery I Eggshell ! --

Figure 22. Relative Rate of Deposition of Eggshell per Sub Period compared to Pottery deposition: Shields Pueblo. '(Pottery deposition rates glyr.m2 are on the left; eggshell deposition rates ~ l ~ ~ l y r l r n ~ are on the right).

Occurrences of fetal turkey remains have also been identified and analyzed at

Shields Pueblo. Only a small number of turkey fetal remains was identified (NISP of

17). This low number is not surprising. Given the size and density of fetal bone, it is not

expected to survive site formation processes as well as adult bone. The majority of fetal

turkey bone comes from non-structures 1418 (35.2%) and 1310 (41.2%). Such as much

of the eggshell, the fetal turkey deposit in non-structure 1418 is associated with walllroof

fall. The fetal turkey deposit in non-structure 131 0 comes from the contents of a

"surface" feature. In this case, "surface" is not used to describe ground surface, but an

archaeological surface, although, it is unlikely that this constitutes a turkey enclosure

feature. This area is, in fact, believed to be associated with prehistoric soil excavation

for mortar manufacture (Duff, personal communication).

Turkey and Gender

The most important question asked in this dissertation is whether or not turkey

were raised by women. In Chapter 2, ethnographic evidence from around the world was

discussed in order to illustrate the basic pattern of care associated with small,

household-based domestic animals. Proof of gendered care of turkey in the

archaeological record is difficult to find. One of the most important patterns noted in c

Chapter 2 was that animals fed from household stores of food, and leftovers of

household meals, were invariably fed and cared for by the women of the house (as they

had control over the distribution of domestic grains and other plant foods, and were also

typically responsible for cooking meals and cleaning up refuse afterward). If turkey were

raised by the women of the household, then we should expect to see proof of their being

fed from domestic stores of food.

Since the primary domestic food source was maize, isotopic analysis of turkey

bone should show that they were eating a diet dominated by C4 plants (Matson and

Chisholm 1991). Results of the stable isotope analysis do in fact show that turkeys were

ingesting large quantities of maize (Table 38). In addition to the carbon isotope analysis,

nitrogen was also measured. If turkeys were allowed free range through the puebloan

fields, they would be able to browse for food (mainly insects or other invertebrates). All

of the turkey samples had nitrogen levels between 6.12 and 8.23, so that the carbon to

Table 38. Isotope values for samples of jackrabbit (LEP), cottontail (SYL) and turkey (MEG) collagen. Note the anomalous value for LEP-16

nitrogen ratios ranged from 3.08 to 2.93 respectively. These nitrogen levels indicate that

SFU ID MEG-1

the turkey sampled were primarily vegetarians (Ambrose 1993). Given both the results

of the carbon isotope analysis and nitrogen isotope analysis, it seems likely that turkeys

- %V~.?DB&O) -8.41

were confined or given limited movement and fed surplus household grain. While this is

not direct evidence of care by women, it does bolster the argument that women raised

. - 9 4 v AIR (%) 7.1 1

turkeys.

If lagomorphs are considered, a different diet is indicated by the carbon isotope

C t W 1 N (X) 45.94 1 15.76

analysis. With the exception of one jackrabbit, all of the lagomorphs have carbon

C:N 2.91

values indicative of C3 plants (local shrubs and grasses). The single jackrabbit with an

anomalous reading seemed to have a diet mainly consisting of C4 plants (maize, in this

case). Similar results were obtained on carbon isotope analysis of turkey from Sand

Canyon Pueblo (Driver, personal communication).

Discussion

Recently, there has been an increase in gendered studies of space in reference

to labor organization and household organization in the southwest (Hegmon et a/. 2000;

Nelson et a/. 2002; Ortman 1998). Much of this has focused on certain aspects of

women's labor, namely grinding corn and craft production. This research has looked at

the prominence, location, or visibility of women's task areas in order to rate the emic

importance of women and women's activities. This line of research is not new to

anthropology. For example, Bourdieu (1973) was one of the first anthropologists to use

household layout as a proxy of women's status. While this source is outdated, it is

notable for its attempt to equate status with spatial organization. Bourdieu (1973)

argued that the low social status of women in the Berber culture was signified by the

"marginal" placement of women's work areas. Since Bourdieu's initial study, Hegmon et

a/. (2000); Nelson et a/. (2002); and Ortman (1998) have used this line of reasoning to

argue that women and women's labor in the prehistoric Southwest held a certain amount

of cultural prestige. In the Southwest women's work spaces (i-e., cooking hearths,

metates, and mealing binslrooms) have been identified in prominent, central locations

and often shared space in kivas. The amount of space allocated may also be used to

"measure" its social significance. Nelson et a/. (2002) attempt to show that the

positioning and "commitment" of space used by women is related to the scale of craft

production and thus, its importance to household economies. They use the highland

Mayan community of San Mateo lxtatan as an ethnographic analogue for Southwestern

Puebloan groups. While their findings do not necessarily support their hypothesis (as

they found women's surplus craft production to be fairly invisible), they do lead to the

question, "Is it possible to gauge the cultural significance of women's meat production?"

In fact it should be possible to "measure" status based upon spatial organization

Ethnographic descriptions of where turkeys were kept are scant. Reed

(1951 : I 99) mentions early Spanish records that indicate large numbers of turkeys were

held in corrals. In general, very little research has been done in an attempt to find

archaeological signatures of prehistoric turkey pens. In fact, the only sites in the

southwest with evidence of domestic bird housing is found in the Casas Grandes region

of northern Chihuahua. The site of Paquime (or Casas Grandes), as well as other sites

in the region have been identified as having bird enclosures (Di Peso 1974; Minnis etal.

1993, Maxwell 2002). Both turkey and macaws were kept within adobe bird boxes

located in plazas associated with sets of roomblocks (possibly indicating households)

(see Figures 23 and 24).

Figure 23. Macaw boxes, complete with box plugs, Paquime, Chihuahua, Mexico (personal photograph).

Figure 24. Turkey and macaw boxes in a residential plaza, Paquime, Chihuahua, Mexico (personal photograph).

While macaws were raised for ritual use and (even more importantly) for trade

throughout the Southwest, it is unclear if turkey production was for exchange. Given the

ubiquity of turkey remains throughout the Puebloan Southwest, production for exchange

is unlikely. However, turkey boxes are often located along-side the smaller macaw

boxes, in fairly prominent positions within the community. Therefore, it seems likely that

turkey and the raising of turkey by women was considered an important part of

community life, both for economic reasons (turkey as a food product or source of

feathers for blankets) and ritual (as a sacrifice or for fetishes and prayer sticks).

If the significance of turkey production is to be understood in the northern San

Juan region, then some effort must be made to identify the production of turkey spatially.

There does not seem to be any architectural evidence of turkey production (i.e., stone or

adobe bird boxes or enclosures) outside of the Casas Grandes region. While turkey

corrals or coops in the northern San Juan were likely ephemeral in nature (such as

fenced areas or perhaps brush structures) there should be some physical evidence of

turkey housing. These are discussed above in relation to proof of turkey domestication.

Another line of investigation into the importance of women's turkey production

might be seen in other forms of spatial analysis. The spatial analysis of the Shields

Pueblo faunal assemblage, discussed in Chapter 4, suggested some patterning of

artiodactyl and turkey remains. Artiodactyls were far more common in excavation block

1300, while turkey was more common in blocks 400 and 1400 where deer was either

very low or absent. Previously, it has been shown that artiodactyl remains are strongly

associated with particular structures and thus with certain ritual behaviors (Muir 1999;

Muir and Driver 2002). Ethnographic evidence backs this up, as many groups displayed

the remains of artiodactyls on the roofs of their houses as evidence of their standing

within the hunting societies (White 1974:302-304). It is possible then, that excavation

block 1300 contained such a structure, thus associating this area with male hunting

societies or ritual.

Turkey predominates in excavation blocks 400 and 1400 where it makes up

59.3% and 57.5% (respectively) of the economically important fauna. It is unlikely that

these higher turkey frequencies indicate ritual display or deposition, as both areas date

from early and late Pueblo Ill (well after turkey became a dietary staple). They are not

turkey burials, but simply deposits of turkey in secondary contexts, or refuse midden.

Instead, these high turkey frequencies may indicate intrasite socio-economic or

household differences. The fact that hunted fauna are low in these areas may indicate a

lack of access to hunted fauna (both large and small), or it may indicate that households

in these blocks were able to keep larger numbers of turkey due to surplus corn

production. In order to answer these proposals it is necessary to investigate other

archaeological lines of evidence. First, it is necessary to identify households at Shields

Pueblo. Given the lack of surface architecture, a proxy should be used. In this instance

kivas may be used to delineate household groups, as each kiva -as well as other

architectural suites, such as mealing rooms- are associated with a particular room block

as part of the Prudden unit (Ortman 1998; Varien 1999). Second, it is necessary to look

at the frequencies of other types of artifacts throughout the site (especially artifacts

associated with prestige or with feastinglritual events, such as decorated bowls).

Households with higher frequencies of "prestige" goods are likely more "powerful" within

their community. If high frequencies of turkeys are associated with lower levels of

"prestige" goods, then this would support the first hypothesis and indicate that these

households had less access to hunted game and may indicate a lower socioeconomic

standing. If high frequencies of turkey are associated with higher levels of "prestige"

goods, then this would support the latter argument and that these households may have

had a higher standing in their community. At the time of the writing of this dissertation,

the Shields Pueblo site report and artifact databases are not complete. Therefore,

household comparison is not possible at this time.

Much of the ethnographic literature stresses the importance of artiodactyl hunting

and the prestige gained by the hunter (Anell 1969; Lange 1959; Parsons 191 8, 1920,

1921, 1970; White 1974), but little mention is made of the importance of domestic turkey.

It is clear from the association of turkey feathers and turkey images with religious

iconography that it was an important ritual species. Because turkeys are domesticated,

they have been deemed as less important by many ethnographers (such that little if any

mention is ever made of turkey raising among Puebloan communities). Even more

modern research has associated greater prestige with wild versus domestic animals.

Kent (1989) argues that as animals become domesticated, they are placed in separate

categories than wild animals. Wild animals are often placed within the same category as

humans by many hunting societies, such that wild animals are often anthropomorphized.

Domestic animals, by contrast, are represented in a different category from human and

wild animals, that is lesser, non-intellectual, and therefore not as important as hunted

game (Kent 1989). However, this research does not include cultural examples where

domestic animals are highly valued as evidence of wealth, power and prestige, and as

necessary parts of particular ritual events (i.e., funeral rights, weddings, war rituals) such

as pigs among the Melanesians (Feil 1984; Rubel and Rosman 1978; Strathern 1971,

Strathern 1972). Because of their use and importance in various religious artifacts and

iconography, turkey were likely highly prized for their feathers as well as for their meat

and may have had a different but "equal" categorization with large game animals. Just

because turkey was domesticated does not mean that it was relegated to a lesser status

than hunted game. As dependence upon domestic turkey as a source of meat

increased through Pueblo II and Ill, it would have become even more economically as

well as socially important to households. While large game animals were associated

with the idea of "masculinity" and men's activities outside of the pueblo (as

hunterslwarriors); turkeys may have symbolized "femininity" and the

productivelsupportive capacities of women within the community.

Both of these aspects, masculine and feminine were equally important to Pueblo

life. This idea of complementarity is not new. Roscoe (in reference to 3rd and 4th

genders) has argued that males and females have equally important roles within

Puebloan societies, extending through all aspects of daily and ritual life (1991,1998).

Even rituals associated with large game hunting involved the inclusion of women through

the sprinkling of sacred corn meal over slain animals (Parsons 1920:footnote 5: 65-66;

Hegmon et a/. 2000). Furthermore, the location of women's activity spaces (i.e., mealing

rooms) in direct association with kivas, is indicative of their importance in household

ritual life as well as economic life (Mobley-Tanaka 1997). Other aspects of

Southwestern iconography and ritual behavior also support this viewpoint. In addition to

being associated with women, bird images, macaws, and turkeys are also associated

with shamanic journeys as helpers, guides, or caretakers (VanPool and VanPool2006:

68). This is supported by images of shamanic trance and travel into the spiritual realm

and by ethnographic accounts of the wives or sisters of shamans caring for and

protecting his body during trance (Wilbert 1987: 157-1 58; Thevet 2001 [ I 5571; VanPool

and VanPool2006:68-69). While Paquime is located a great distance from the Anasazi

and can not be used for direct comparison, VanPool and VanPool's study does seem to

indicate a fairly widespread pattern of women's connection with birds in the Southwest.

It is clear, given the regional faunal patterns over time, that turkey became an

increasingly important resource during Pueblo Ill (A.D. 1150-1300). In fact, turkey was

the primary faunal species found at many sites, including Sand Canyon Pueblo, Knobby

Knee Pueblo, Roundtree Pueblo, Nancy Patterson Village, among others, during Pueblo

Ill (refer to Table 35, Chapter 5). Turkey, as a domestic source of meat is dependable

with controllable production. Therefore, as hunted sources of large game became

increasingly scarce or too risky to pursue, turkey would have become more valuable.

As control over turkey resources lay with the household unit (Reed 1951) and ostensibly

with the women of the household, an increase in the importance of turkey would likely

have increased women's economic and social standing within the pueblo. it also seems

likely that a woman's economic and social prestige could have been increased based

upon the household's "rate" of turkey production. Moreover, the "rate" of turkey

production would affect various household decisions, such as how much corn was

planted each season, and how much of this corn would be available for turkey feed, thus

giving women greater control over household economic activities.

During Pueblo Ill, men became increasingly preoccupied with "outside" pursuits

such as warfare, protectionldefense, raiding, etcetera. This may have afforded women

increased responsibilities and more control over household as well as community

decisions. The decline in male artiodactyl hunting associated with particular

rituallreligious events would have been supplemented or replaced by turkey production.

It is likely that women may have taken a greater role in religious events (i.e., beyond

food preparation and serving) and were probably involved in organizing household

contributions, and redistributionlfeasting for these events. The archaeological signatures

of these behaviors would be difficult to identify. However, there are some examples of

women with achieved status during the protohistoric period at Hawaikku (Howell

1995,1996). Here some 14 burials were uncovered that showed an incredible amount

and richness of burial goods (Howell and Kintigh 1996). Just under half of these burials

were of women, with at least one of these women interpreted as a medicine sodality

leader (or religious leader) (Howell 1996, 2001; Howell and Kintigh 1996). However,

during Pueblo Ill individual status was not expressed in burials. Kantner (2004) argues

that there were no identifiable inequalities between inhabitants of Pueblo Ill

communities, nor among households. Instead, inequalities seem to be expressed

between different sized communities (Adler et a/. 1996; Lipe and Varien 1999). Thus

burial analysis and even household comparison may yield little in the way of evidence of

changes in women's status. Thus, it would be best to try and reconstruct the levels of

production between households. This could be measured by comparing differential

frequencies of large storage jars between households, by looking at the numbers of

grinding implements, the size and prominence of mealing rooms, or the sizelnumber of

turkey pens between different households in the community. If particular households

seem to be producing maize or turkey at a larger scale, then this could indicate greater

involvement in producing foods for feasting (or it could simply indicate larger

households).

Chapter Summary

Meat procurement is an activity performed by both men and women. While men

primarily hunt (ostensibly for prestige, as a means for maintaining offensive and

defensive capacities, as well as meat), women are involved in the production of

domestic meat sources (turkey in this instance). Ethnographic resources indicate that

Puebloan communal hunts involved women as well. However, there were caveats to

their participation. First, women could only participate in hunts for small game. Second,

women could not participate in hunts for "ritual" purposes. Third, women generally acted

as retrievers of felled animals. And finally, women participated in communal hunts within

reasonable proximity to the pueblo. Therefore, when meat procurement was tied to

male prestige and associated with warrior societies, women would not take place in

those hunting activities. When meat was domestic, coming from domestic sources or

was hunted for household purposes only, women may have actively procured/produced

meat resources.

Turkey were likely raised and tended by women. The turkeys of Shields Pueblo

were likely penned, as evidenced by stable isotope analysis of a sample of turkey bone.

The results indicate a vegetarian diet based upon maize and not local C3 plants. If

turkey were allowed free forage there should be higher levels of C3 as well as greater

levels of nitrogen (indicating that turkey were ingesting insects and other invertebrates).

Furthermore, ethnographic evidence supports this with descriptions of "household"

turkey flocks. Because turkeys were fed maize from household stores and possibly

meal remnants, their care was probably the responsibility of women.

The categorization of meat procurement/production activities into "male" and

"female" illustrates the idea that these activities complemented each other both in the

acquisition of protein into the diet as well as in ritual and cultural importance. The

connection of men with large game hunting (interchangeable with warfare) and of

women with producing domestic animals simply reifies their position within the

community and within their cultural worldview. Men were associated more with the wild

or with the world outside the pueblo (and therefore dangerous environment), while

women were associated with the domestic and the life inside the pueblo. This

connection and the increasing importance of turkey as a meat resource may have also

increased women's economic power within the household and community at large as

well as increasing their social prestige.

CHAPTER 7

CONCLUSIONS

The purpose of this dissertation has been to analyze the faunal data from Shields

Pueblo and to investigate gendered roles in meat procurement. Another goal has been

to understand how Shields Pueblo fits into the regional context and how multiple

environmental, demographic, and cultural factors have changed the Anasazi culture.

This has been accomplished by considering several lines of evidence. First, gendered

faunal analysis was discussed and a method of investigation and reconstruction

established. Cross-cultural studies were used to investigate the roles women and men

play in the care of domestic animals. Secondly, the physical and cultural history of

Shields Pueblo was summarized in order to place the site and its assemblage into

context. Next, the analyzed faunal assemblage was discussed. Species frequencies

were discussed and an analysis of taphonomic factors was performed in order to

understand the changes to the faunal assemblage and how these affected preservation.

Then, both time and population were considered in reference to faunal change and

spatial analysis was employed to locate any patterns in species distribution across the

site. Next, the Shields Pueblo faunal assemblage was compared with other sites in the

Northern San Juan region in order to see how Shields fits into the general regional

pattern. Finally, a gendered analysis of the faunal assemblage was carried out to track

changes in meat procurement, using ethnographic, archaeological, and dietary

reconstruction data. All of the results of these analyses will be discussed in order to

address each of the research questionslobjectives stated in Chapter 1.

1) Is there variability in species frequencies from Pueblo I through Pueblo Ill?

2) If so, what is the specific relationship between hunted and tended fauna over

time?

3) Is there a decrease in large game over time and if so, is this a result of short-

term residentiaVpopulation decline or a decline in hunting?

Research expectations

Chapter 1 outlines a series of expectations concerning faunal patterning. These can be

summarized as follows:

There should be a decline in artiodactyls and communally hunted Lepus over time There should be an increase in the frequency of Sylvilagus in relation to other hunted species. Tended fauna should be distinguished from hunted fauna by diet (i.e., turkey should have a maize-based diet and not one based on "wild foods"). There should be a decline in large hunted game from PI1 through PIII. There should be a significant increase in turkey as hunted game declines.

Each expectation will be addressed by discussing faunal variability, hunted versus

tended fauna, and how faunal patterning relates to population at Shields Pueblo.

Faunal Variability

Chapter 4 presents the analysis of Shields Pueblo's faunal assemblage. There is

significant variability among species over time. Table 26 illustrates the standardized

residuals for artiodactyl, lagomorph, and turkey frequencies over time. Artiodactyls and

turkey vary the most over all time periods with total standardized residuals of 31.4 and

45.9 (respectively).

Artiodactyls are relatively rare in the Shields Pueblo assemblage across all time

periods. During early Pueblo I (A.D. 725-800) artiodactyls make up approximately 5% of

the total selected taxa. Mid Pueblo II (A.D. 1020-1060) has the highest frequency of

artiodactyls at 14%. Artiodactyls then decline during late Pueblo II (AD. 1060-1 150)

(7.9%); early Pueblo Ill (AD. 1150-1225) (1.7%); and then increase by less than a single

percent (2.5%) during the final period of occupation, late Pueblo Ill (A.D. 1225-1280).

Turkey is far more common in the Shields Faunal assemblage than artiodactyls

and shows the most variability in frequencies over time. During early Pueblo I, turkey

comprise just over 18% of the total of selected taxa. Their frequency rises to 38.7%

during mid Pueblo It, drops to 14.2% in late Pueblo II, rises during early Pueblo Ill to

41.3%, and then falls to 32.6% in late Pueblo II.

Lagomorphs also vary over time, however they tend to retain relatively high

frequencies throughout. Frequencies range from a low of 47.3% to a high of 77.9% of

the total selected taxa.

Overall, these trends follow those described by Driver (2002) for the Northern

San Juan region as a whole (with a few exceptions). The majority of Pueblo I sites in the

region are dominated by lagomorphs and artiodactyls. Shields Pueblo differs most in its

low frequency of artiodactyls and higher frequency of turkey. Pueblo II sites vary greatly

in faunal frequencies, although lagomorphs tend to dominate in most assemblages.

Artiodactyls and turkey vary greatly among sites and (in this period) do not seem to be

associated with site location. Pueblo Ill shows the strongest patterning among sites in

the Northern San Juan region. The majority of assemblages show a decline in

artiodactyl frequencies during this time period. There is also a general increase in the

frequency of turkey across many sites (especially among small sites). Shields Pueblo

has slightly fewer turkey during this final period of occupation and more lagomorphs,

however it still fits into the pattern seen by other sites in the immediate region (i.e., the

McElmo dome). The relationship between artiodactyls, lagomorphs and turkey can be

better explored by looking at specific relationships between hunted and tended species.

Hunted versus Tended Fauna

Specific taxonomic indices were used to understand the relationships between

particular taxa. Relationships between hunted taxa were explored with the artiodactyl

index and the lagomorph index. The artiodactyl index considers the relationship

between large game (artiodactyls) and small game (lagomorphs). The lagomorph index

focuses on the relationship between Sylvilagus and Lepus (cottontails: jackrabbits).

Both are helpful in understanding the effects of local environment, climatic change, and

population on hunted species. The relationship between hunted and tended taxa was

investigated with the turkey index, which measures the ratio of turkey and large bird to

all lagomorphs over time. This index is particularly important to this dissertation because

it provides a measure of the intensity of women's turkey production during each sub

period.

The relationship between large hunted game and small hunted game follows the

expected pattern (discussed previously by Driver [1996, 2000, 20021; Muir [1999]; Muir

and Driver [2001]) of a decline in large game from Pueblo II to Pueblo Ill. For reasons

discussed elsewhere, large game is preferable to small game and its frequency in

archaeological sites is controlled to a large extent by its availability.

Such as the general artiodactyl frequency, the artiodactyl index is lower in Pueblo

I than would be expected. The ratio of artiodactyls to lagomorphs is 0.06 for this time

period, which is lower than the indices from other contemporaneous sites. While this

seems problematic, it is important to consider the low artiodactyl index in an

environmental context. Most of the Pueblo I sites are found in the Dolores River region.

The Dolores region provides a mixture of environments with the highest productivity of

large game species. Shields Pueblo, is more similar to the other early Pueblo I sites in

the McElmo region. These sites sit primarily in the pinyon-juniper biotic community, and

while large game is found in this community, they are not necessarily as plentiful as

those found in other communities.

Artiodactyl indices are higher in mid Pueblo II. In fact, mid Pueblo II has the

highest artiodactyl index among all subsequent time periods (0.20). This index is

achieved after a period of depopulation at Shields Pueblo, thus it is not surprising.

During a period of settlement hiatus, the lack of hunting would allow for a rebound in

local game populations (assuming there are no other "active" sites in the locality).

Once the artiodactyl index reaches its peak in mid Pueblo II, it begins a steady

descent. By the end of Pueblo II the ratio of artiodactyls to lagomorphs falls to 0.07,

then bottoms out at 0.03, during early Pueblo Ill, where it remains for the duration of site

occupation. This indicates that small game became the primary hunted species at

Shields Pueblo during the last 140 years of occupation. This follows the pattern seen at

other sites in the region. Most sites have a low ratio of artiodactyls to lagomorphs.

Various hypotheses have been developed to explain this phenomenon. Environmental

and climatic studies indicate that Pueblo Ill was a period of cooler dryer weather, which

affected local environments to varying degrees. Human populations were also growing

exponentially during this time period. Human population growth combined with declining

environmental productivity caused communities to crowd into productive environments.

Several population studies have indicated that population doubled and even tripled (in

many cases) from late Pueblo II to late Pueblo Ill (Wilshusen 2002: Table 5.6).

Mahoney et a/. estimate that the momentary population of the Goodman Point

community rose from 101 to 330 persons from late Pueblo II to Late Pueblo 111 (2000:78).

Site aggregation also increased during this time period, with the McElmo region showing

some 78% overlap of 2 km site catchment boundaries (Varien 2002; Varien et a/. 2000:

Figures 2-4). While these population trends have been shown for other areas, the exact

relationship of population size to large game at Shields Pueblo still needs to be

established (this will be discussed below).

The relationship among lagomorphs is also enlightening. Szuter and Bayham

(1989) focus on the relationship of Lepus to Sylvilagus, in relation to site size. They

argue that Lepus should be more prominent in large sites where larger amounts of land

have been cleared for farming, while Sylvilagus should dominate at smaller sites, with

less clearing. The Shields Pueblo lagomorph index does not support this argument. In

fact, Sylvilagus dominate throughout the history of occupation at Shields Pueblo. The

lagomorph index only declines during early Pueblo II after a period of depopulation.

Others as well, have noted that the ratio of Sylvilagus to Lepus is high at large sites in

the McElmo region (Driver 2002; Muir and Driver 2001). It becomes apparent, that

Szuter and Bayham's (1994) lagomorph index measures local environmental conditions.

In certain environments, clearing of land, use and subsequent depopulation of

agricultural fields will result in creating a more open grassland environment. In the

McElmo region, clearing and subsequent depopulation of fields results in the

colonization of shrubby plant species (Adams and Bowyer 2002), thus providing the

shrubby cover that is more attractive to Sylvilagus than Lepus.

The turkey index provides a measure of the importance of tended domestic fauna

compared to small hunted fauna (lagomorphs in this instance). The ratio of turkey to

lagomorphs directly measures the change in the degree of women's meat production in

relation to hunting (a primarily male activity, although women do often hunt and trap

small game). The turkey index at Shields Pueblo rises and falls from one period to the

next in an interesting pattern. During initial settlement the turkey index stands at 0.19

(higher than other sites in the region, but not completely uncommon). During early

Pueblo II, the initial index sits at 0.61, substantially higher than the previous period.

Once the possible turkey burials are removed from the equation, the index is only slightly

higher than Pueblo I at 0.21. This seems reasonable, given the fact that Pueblo II is the

time period when turkey first began to be used as a food source (Munro 1994).

However, in the later portion of Pueblo II, the turkey index falls to 0.13, which, given the

increase in population, seems low. On the other hand, considering the variation in

turkey indices during this time period it is not wholly unexpected. It is not until early

Pueblo Ill that the turkey index begins to rise significantly in relation to lagomorphs

indicating a greater reliance on women's meat production. During this sub period, the

index is 0.42. This drops slightly in late Pueblo Ill, down to 0.33 (which is similar to the

turkey index in the Sand Canyon assemblage). This rise and fall in the prominence of

tended fauna (thus, reliance on women's labor) raises some interesting questions. Is the

dependence upon domestic turkey a function of the availability of hunted game or does

the availability of surplus maize for feed play a role?

Population and the Decline of Large Game at Shields Pueblo

The final research question asked whether or not the decrease in large game

was the result of an increase in population at Shields Pueblo or the result of short-term

residential depopulation. Because the majority of site population estimates rely on the

use of number of rooms, roomblocks, or kivas per room block, it was necessary to find

another proxy for population at Shields Pueblo. Pottery deposition rates have been used

by others in the region to provide rough estimates of population growth and decline

(Ortman et al. 2000). Once pottery weights were converted into rate of deposition it was

possible to measure the relative rate of deposition (thus, population) over time. The

resulting curve (refer to Figure 14) indicates that Pueblo I deposition rates were 12.5% of

the total rate of deposition. This falls to 4.9% in early Pueblo II, after the period of

occupational hiatus (found throughout the McElmo region during this time period [Duff

and Wilshusen 2000; Mahoney et a/. 2000; Varien 2002; and Wilshusen 20021). From

this point in time the rate of pottery deposition rises. There is a small increase in the rate

of pottery deposition during the late Pueblo II sub period, at 6.3% of the total. Early

Pueblo Ill is even higher at 18.1 % of the total deposition rate. These rates of pottery

deposition over time do not indicate a decline in the population after mid Pueblo II. It

has already been established that large game frequencies drop from late Pueblo II

through late Pueblo Ill. Therefore, it seems the drop in large game was not caused by a

decrease in human populations. The trend in declining artiodactyl frequencies, therefore,

seems to have a direct inverse correlation to the increase in population., so that as

human population increases, artiodactyl frequencies drop.

Discussion

Most of the research expectations are met (or met with some caveats). There is

a significant drop in large game over time. It was expected that there would be a larger

frequency of artiodactyls dating to the Pueblo I period. This was not the case. Instead,

artiodactyls are most frequent in the Mid Pueblo II sub-assemblage. However, they do

decline (as expected) from late Pueblo II onward. It was initially expected that Lepus

would also decline over time. This expectation, such as the previous, was partially met.

Throughout the occupation of the site, Sylvilagus is the predominant lagomorph species.

Such as artiodactyls, it was expected that Lepus would be highest in the earliest periods

and decline in frequency over time. Instead, jackrabbits are highest during mid Pueblo II

and at their lowest during early Pueblo I (refer to Figure 11). Such as artiodactyls, once

they reached their peak frequency in mid Pueblo II, Lepus declined through each

successive time period. Sylvilagus was expected to increase in frequency over time.

Again, this expectation is met with the caveat that only mid Pueblo II and subsequent

periods be considered. During Pueblo I the lagomorph index is at its highest (0.9),

indicating that Sylvilagus are far more frequent than Lepus.

It was expected that tended fauna and hunted fauna should have different diets.

Tended fauna were expected to have a diet consisting primarily of maize. This

expectation was met. Turkeys have been shown to have had diets rich in C4 plants and

not the local C3 vegetation. Likewise, it is indicated that turkeys did not eat many

invertebrates (as their nitrogen ratios indicate a predominately vegetarian diet), and as

such, were likely restricted in their movements.

The final two expectations were that the frequencies of hunted game should

decline, while the frequency of tended meat sources increase. These expectations

were, by and large met. The rise and fall of turkey in the assemblage is related to a rise

and fall in hunted game. However, turkey does not rise in frequency incrementally over

time. Instead it rises and falls in relation to the frequency of lagomorphs in the

assemblage and does not seem to be correlated with large game frequencies.

Therefore, the inclusion of turkey in the diet seems to act as a supplement to rabbit.

Potential Causal Factors

In Chapter 1 several potential causal factors for the decline of large game and

increase in domestic turkey were discussed, as were the expected faunal patterns for

each explanation. Each hypothesis and its resultant faunal pattern will be addressed in

comparison to the Shields Pueblo faunal pattern.

Environment

The most commonly cited explanation for faunal change and depopulation in the

Anasazi region is the "great drought" or "Little Ice Age." This was a period of cooler and

dryer than average weather that is argued to have caused a decline in maize production

by shortening the growing season and interfering with the cycle of bi-annual precipitation

(Petersen 1986, 1988, 1992). While some have questioned the severity of the '"reat

drought" (such as Van West and Lipe 1992), it continues to be used as a factor that

exacerbated declining agricultural and environmental productivity. If environment is the

sole factor in cultural and faunal changes during the Pueblo II to Pueblo Ill time periods,

then certain faunal patterns should be present among the assemblages. First, there

should be a decline in large game at all sites within the study area. Likewise, there

should be higher frequencies of artiodactyls at sites located near permanent water

sources. Large game should decline in relation to domestic fauna. Finally, there should

be shifts in the faunal pattern for every climatic shift.

While most of these expectations are met at Shields Pueblo, they are not

necessarily true at the regional scale. There is an overall decline in large game during

Pueblo Ill at Shields Pueblo, which can be seen throughout the Northern San Juan

region. However, sites on or near Mesa Verde, in Johnson Canyon, and in the Mancos

region all have high frequencies of artiodactyls in their Pueblo Ill assemblages.

Proponents of the environmental hypothesis might argue that these sites are located

near permanentlreliable water sources. However, most sites in the region were situated

near seeps or springs, if no permanently running rivers or creeks were present (the

closest spring to Shields Pueblo was located at Goodman Point Pueblo). So, lack of

water resources cannot really be used to explain why artiodactyls are absent at the

majority of sites in the region. If the frequency of large game to domestic fauna is

considered, Shields Pueblo (such as most sites in the region) shows a decline in large

game and an increase in domestic turkey. Again, however, there are exceptions to this

trend. Sites such as Hovenweep 53, Hovenweep 94, Wallace Ruin, and Salmon Ruin

while they have low frequencies of large game, also have extremely low frequencies of

domestic turkey and much higher frequencies of small game, such as lagomorphs.

These discrepancies at Wallace Ruin and Salmon Ruin may be due to the emphasis on

architectural, not midden excavations. In regards to the final expectation, that each

climatic shift should result in a faunal shift, there simply are not enough data on the

paleoclimate of Shields Pueblo to either support or dispel this argument. However, the

paleoclimatic changes for the larger region are well understood. Pollen records indicate

that there were many little oscillations in climate from A.D. 750 to 1300. Some,

occurring in the mid A.D. 800s and A.D. 900-IOOOs, are quite dramatic (Davis

1996:Figure 12-5). However, large game does not decline in a predictable pattern

during these time periods. Instead, artiodactyls have a high frequency at many sites in

the region (refer to Tables 32 and 33). Therefore, while climate certainly has had an

effect on faunal assemblages, the actual affects are not completely clear and it is likely

that there are other forces at work.

Population Pressure

Population growth or pressure is another factor that influences faunal patterns

over time. If population pressure is the primary cause of faunal change, then there

should be a distinctive drop in large game. This should then be accompanied by an

increase in domestic fauna. Smaller sites, or those located in sparsely populated areas,

or in areas that are less bounded, should have higher frequencies of artiodactyls than

sites located in densely populated areas. While it is true that Shields Pueblo shows an

increase in artiodactyls when population is low, and a decrease in large game

frequencies when population rises; it is clear that the relationship between fauna and

population is more complicated when turkey are considered. Instead of a steady rise in

turkey as population increases, turkey frequencies rise and fall over time, and in fact, fall

as population reaches its peak in late Pueblo Ill. Rabbits dominate the assemblage

throughout the site's occupation. Another difficulty with the population pressure

argument lies with the location of Shields Pueblo in relation to other community centers.

While the McElmo region is densely populated, causing intensive crowding of site

catchment areas, Shields Pueblo is located along the eastern boundary of the McElmo

cluster. There are no sites located to the east of Shields Pueblo during Pueblo Ill. Sites

in the Dolores group (e.g., Emerson, Reservoir, and Escalante) were depopulated by

early Pueblo Ill, while sites in the area around present-day Cortez (Mitchell Springs and

Mud Springs) were depopulated by late Pueblo Ill (Varien 2002; Varien et a/. 2000).

Once these areas were depopulated, opening up this area for exploitation, why were

they not utilized by Shields Pueblo? Other sites in the McElmo region also seem to

"ignore" hunting grounds outside their immediate areas. Yellow Jacket Pueblo is

unbounded along its northern border with vast amounts of space between it and the

Dolores region, and yet artiodactyl frequencies are low (Driver 2002). These low

frequencies indicate that some other factor kept hunters close to home, exploiting

"crowded" local environments.

Social Factors

One of the trends noted in faunal patterning at the intersite level, was that large

regional centers maintained a higher frequency of artiodactyls than did smaller sites.

Driver (1996) ascribes this phenomenon to control over resources by larger influential

sites. If certain communities were able to control access to large game, then there

should be differential distribution of highly valuable resources (artiodactyls in this case)

among large sites. Small sites within the proximity of larger communities should have

low frequencies of artiodactyls and much higher frequencies of local small game and

domestic turkey. Shields Pueblo has a low frequency of artiodactyls and a relatively

higher frequency of turkey. Thus, it would seem as if Shields Pueblo was a small, less

influential site. In fact, Duff and Ryan (2000) have argued that Goodman Point Pueblo

was the community center during late Pueblo Ill. Unfortunately, this site has not been

excavated, so its faunal assemblage has not been analyzed. However, other sites in the

McElmo region have been analyzed in reference to their size and relationship to one

another. Sand Canyon Pueblo, along with Yellow Jacket Pueblo, Woods Canyon

Pueblo, and Castle Rock Pueblo are all large sites within the McElmo region. Driver and

Muir (2002) analyze these sites at the household, community, and sub-regional scales in

order to better understand the social and economic factors influencing the frequencies of

artiodactyls, lagomorphs, and turkey. In particular, tower blocks at Sand Canyon Pueblo

and Yellow Jacket Pueblo contained higher frequencies of artiodactyls than other

structures (Muir and Driver 2003). Muir (1999) suggests that these structures were

associated with hunting societies and may have been associated with communal hunts

(not unlike as those described in ethnographic records). The Sand Canyon area

contains several sites, the large Sand Canyon Pueblo and 13 smaller sites located within

close proximity. Muir (1999) is able to show that the smaller sites within the Sand

Canyon locality had higher frequencies of turkey with lower frequencies of both

artiodactyls and lagomorphs over time. In addition, Muir argues that Sand Canyon

Pueblo has a significant abundance of large game and lagomorphs. Greater artiodactyl

frequencies and the association of artiodactyl remains with tower blocks could suggest

the presence of "elites" at Sand Canyon as well as Yellow Jacket Pueblo (Muir and

Driver 2003). Certainly, some level of organization and leadership is required to plan

and carry out communal activities. However, pinpointing specific individuals as "elites" is

very difficult. Muir (1999) points out that while artiodactyls are typically found in certain

structures, there does not seem to be any differential distribution of meaty elements

across the site.

Economic specialization has also been suggested as a causal factor in faunal

change. With specialization, there should be evidence of increasing dependence upon

turkey and a decline in all hunted species. This is simply not the case at Shields Pueblo.

Even as artiodactyls decline, lagomorphs remain the dominant species. Likewise, no

evidence of flock management has been found. Munro (1994), in her investigation of

turkey production in the Sand Canyon locality, argues that there is equal distribution of

male and female birds. Munro (1994:147-148) further determines that 94% of turkey

assemblages are made up of adult individuals. If turkeys were being raised to maximize

production, there should be greater numbers of young males in the assemblage, as they

would have been preferentially culled from the flock. The Shields Pueblo turkey

assemblage has a slightly different ratio of adult to juvenile individuals. Approximately

60% of turkey in the assemblage is adult, while some 40% are juvenile. Since sex was

not determined for turkey specimens, it is unknown if this pattern would have differed

from Sand Canyon locality assemblages. It is unclear if turkeys were culled to control

populations. However, given the difference in age categories between Munro's (1994)

work in the Northern San Juan region and Shields Pueblo, it is possible that some culling

did occur. Another possibility is that the people of Shields Pueblo were having to kill

more birds to meet their needs and were killing animals before they could reach - maturity.

Warfare

Warfare cannot be considered as a singular cause for faunal change. Instead it

influences hunting decisions based upon the duration of the hunting trip and the distance

hunters are willing to travel to access game. Thus, there should be a decrease in game

acquired long distances away from communities who were susceptible to attack.

Smaller sites, with lower populations should be more greatly affected by this than larger

sites, as they would not have the population capacity to allow a group of hunters to leave

the community while simultaneously keeping a large enough contingent of men at home

for protection. This is essentially what is indicated at Shields Pueblo and other sites in

the region. Dependence upon artiodactyls declined, while dependence upon locally

acquired game (lagomorphs) and domestic turkey increased as the level of violence

increased during Pueblo Ill. Sites such as Sand Canyon Pueblo and Yellow Jacket

Pueblo were certainly large enough to maintain enough men to hunt and stay behind for

protection. There are several sites in the Northern San Juan region with evidence of

violence. Burnt Mesa, Cottonwood Wash, Sambrito Village, Teec Nos Pos 4, Castle

Rock Pueblo and both Sand Canyon Pueblo and Yellow Jacket Pueblo show evidence

of violence and even massacre (Kuckelman et a/. 2000). While human skeletal remains

were not excavated at Shields Pueblo, there is indirect evidence of violence in the

presence of tunnels. Tunnels connecting kivas to other structures have been likened to

"escape routes", allowing people to leave a subterranean kiva without moving out on to

more open, potentially dangerous kiva roofs (Kuckelman 2002). Previously, it was noted

that Shields Pueblo and Yellow Jacket Pueblo did not seem to utilize "open", productive

environments beyond the boundaries of their "local" catchment areas. These large,

empty spaces between communities are indicative of buffer zones. These "no-mans-

lands" tend to be located between communities who are habitually at war with each

other (Aikens 1966; Fairly 1989; Kuckelman 2002; LeBlanc 1999; Matson et a/. 1988;

Rohn 1989; Steward 1941). Several of these buffer zones have been identified in the

Northern Sand Juan region dating to late Pueblo Ill times (Haas and Creamer 1993;

Jewett 1989; Mera 1935; Wilcox 1981). The area to the east of Shields Pueblo could

have ostensibly acted as a buffer zone and as such, would not have been utilized for

hunting activities, thus keeping hunters close to home. Entering a "no-mans-land" could

have been viewed by enemies as an act of war, thus residents avoided such areas.

Discussion

It is clear that no single causal factor can explain the decrease in large game and

increase in small game and domestic fauna at Shields Pueblo. Instead, a combination

of climatic and population pressure, change in social organizationlsite hierarchy, and the

"complication" of warfare acted together to decrease the availability of large game at

Shields Pueblo and sites throughout the Northern San Juan Region. Because small

game was locally available, it did not significantly decline over time. While turkey shows

an over all increase in importance as a source of meat, there is no clear evidence that it

was bred for increasing stock production. Previous research in turkey usage indicates

that there were no patterns of kill off based on age or sex (Munro 1994). Turkeys were

seemingly killed off at random (although adults were killed more frequently). Turkey

frequencies vary over time, as does the relative amount of hunted lagomorphs. The

threat of violence would certainly have kept men closer to home, and while rabbits are a

quickly renewing resource, increasing populations would likely have put stress on

lagomorphs, requiring an additional source of meat.

Women are the likely choice to have raised turkey. Cross-cultural research has

shown that women are far more likely to care for small, household domestic animals

than are men. This can be explained primarily by the diet of most small domestic

animals. Pigs, poultry, and guinea pigs all share one thing in common; they are

traditionally fed from household stores of food (whether this is surplus agricultural

production or the "leftovers" from family meals). As women typically "control" access to

stored food and cook for the household, they are more likely to be responsible for

feeding household domestic animals. Based upon isotopic analysis it is evident that the

turkeys of Shields Pueblo were fed primarily on maize. Because they were fed from

household stores of grain, they were likely the responsibility of the female head of

household. Therefore, women were probably responsible for a sizable percentage of the

meat in the Pueblo II and Pueblo Ill diet.

Furthermore, the cultural significance of turkey production has been argued in

this dissertation to be high among the Anasazi of the northern San Juan region. Turkey

was used as both a ritual species as well as a source of meat. Its importance as a ritual

species is illustrated by the use of turkey feathers in prayer sticks, fetishes, altars, and

Katsina figures; the ubiquity of turkey imagery in pueblo iconography from petroglyphs,

pictograms, and pottery; and by its prehistoric use as an offering or sacrifice made

during certain rituals and events (i.e., the ritual closure of a kiva) as evidenced by turkey

burials. Turkey's significance as a domestic household animal is shown by its primary

use as an important source of meat for the household, and by its secondary uses (such

as bone for tools and feathers for turkey robes). Cultural importance has also been

illustrated by the location of turkey penslboxes within some pueblo communities. The

centralized, "public" placement of bird boxes at the site of Paquime and others in the

Casas Grandes region is demonstrative of the economic and ritual importance of these

birds. Because domestic birds were raised by women, their importance was certainly

reflected in the importance of women in pueblo society. Thus, production of turkey may

have provided women with added of prestige or status within the community. As the

availability of artiodactyls and men's hunting of large game declined, the importance of

turkey likely increased. Therefore, the ability to raise and keep large numbers of turkey

would indicate a household's ability to produce surpluses of corn (signifying its economic

success) and may also have been tied into ideals of religious success and power or the

ability to supply meat for feasts. Women belonging to these households were able to

gain both household as well as personal prestige. As turkey was the primary meat

resource for many sites in the Northern San Juan region this increase in the importance

of turkey and of women as meat producers probably meant greater participation of

women within the economic, social, and religious aspects of community life.

Intensification of production would mean a necessary increase in the amount of maize

produced for turkey consumption. Thus, women would have had greater control over

household agricultural production -especially concerning how much of the harvest would

be relegated to turkey feed. Likewise, as men became further engrossed in activities

associated with warfare and their role as meat providers for ritual events declined,

women's production of turkey would have held even greater ritual importance. This may

have involved an increase in women's involvement in planning religious events (or

feasts), such as organizing household contributions and even redistribution of turkey for

these events.

Evaluation and Suggestions For Research

This dissertation contributes a few different methodological and theoretical

arguments to research in gender, as well as Southwestern archaeology. First, it

provides a new model for other gender studies through the use of stable isotope data.

This line of evidence has been shown to be useful in reconstructing the care of domestic

household animals and thus, their likely caregivers. Second, the cross-cultural survey

conducted illustrates a strong cultural pattern in the care of household domestic fauna,

proving an important analogical argument for this and future research. Third, in regards

to temporal and regional faunal patterns, this dissertation has supported previous

research. Many studies have been somewhat hampered by the small size of their faunal

samples, thus limiting analysis and bringing results into question. Shields Pueblo is the

largest faunal assemblage in the McElmo region, and as such, provides more

statistically reliable results. Even with this large sample, however, it must be noted that

many factors have contributed to the potential for error. Chapter 4 laid out a series of

taphonomic factors that have potentially biased the results of this analysis. It was

previously noted that larger faunal species are far more common than small species.

Preservation as well as excavation techniques are largely responsible for this bias.

While some small rodent species have been identified, there is a distinct lack of other

small species, particularly among birds, reptiles, and amphibians. This lack of small

fauna has given the impression of a rather narrow diet base. While certain species were

likely preferred (and therefore more common in the assemblage), others (including song

birds, migratory birds, and reptiles) were also likely part of the diet.

During the preparation of this dissertation a few other avenues for future

research have been recognized. It is clear that there needs to be a better understanding

of local site paleoenvironments, as these local conditions greatly influence the

frequencies of particular species. For example, Szuter's and Bayham's (1989) study

argues for an increase in jackrabbits as human population and cleared land around

settlements increases. This is clearly not the case in the Northern San Juan Region,

where site microenvironments apparently differ significantly from regions to the south.

More needs to be learned about exactly which plant species colonize cleared and

depopulated agricultural fields in particular regions and how this change in the floral

environment affects local fauna. Paleobotanical studies for the region would certainly be

helpful in this line of research by looking for the presence of colonizing species in the

archaeological record. This could also be done using experimental archaeology (i-e.,

clearing segments of land in different environments, elevations, and regions). This

would be a large study and would certainly require collaboration among different

researchers.

Yet another avenue for research concerns the affects of population, site size, and

aggregation on faunal patterning. While this relationship is well understood for later

time periods (especially Pueblo Ill), earlier periods are assumed to have small

populations and greater numbers of large game. Shields Pueblo's early Pueblo I faunal

assemblage does not follow the expected pattern (nor do other sites in the region), as it

has a very low frequency of artiodactyls. There needs to be more research into early

sites with particular attention to population estimates for early, and late Pueblo I

occupations. Particular attention to number of households per site or number of rooms

per site should provide archaeologists with population estimates for early sites.

Much of the follow-up research will require additional cross-cultural analysis,

continuing the sampling began in this dissertation. It is also important to explore current

ethnobiolological and ethnoarchaeological research that is currently being performed in

the region. It would be ideal to interview descendant community members on their

interpretation of the faunal data collected from Shields Pueblo. If the latter research

suggestion is done, then these findings could be published with the Native community in

mind.

In regards to how this research was conducted, I would not have changed any of

my methods. I feel that the research methods used in the preparation of this dissertation

were adequate for the data. The cross-cultural analysis was both interesting and was

able to provide needed information. Stable isotope analysis proved to be an important

test of a "new" method in gender research. It would have been preferable to take more

samples from a larger population of animals. Larger samples would have provided a

more "accurate" account of faunal diet. The only aspects of this research that I feel

could have been changed, were the sampling procedures used by Crow Canyon. While

their sampling methodology (trenching or opening a unit in the center of structures) is the

common method used, it gives a very limited view of each structure. Opening up the

complete floor of structures may have provided more evidence that could be used to

reconstruct the gendered use of space. A better understanding of the location and

number of mealing features could have provided information on how women's work was

perceived by the community and on variation between households (both important for

interpreting women's status).

This dissertation has attempted to describe and explain patterns shown by major

taxa at Shields Pueblo, to place these changes into both a temporal and regional

context, and ultimately to situate meat procurement within a gendered perspective. The

latter has been accomplished by investigating the ethnographic record (of various

Puebloan as well as other analogue cultures) as well as archaeological evidence from

the Southwest. Through this research, a basic pattern in the sexual division of labor

associated with meat procurement and production has come to light. While this pattern

seems to be consistent across cultures, it cannot be considered direct proof of women's

involvement in meat production at Shields Pueblo. Instead, it is simply a baseline, used

to suggest a gendered interpretation of archaeological data. Obviously, there is room for

future research. The ethnographic record is vast, and by no means was this resource

exhausted during the research phase of this dissertation. First and foremost, it is

recognized that a larger ethnographic survey of meat procurementlproduction is needed

in order to "test" the findings of this dissertation. Furthermore, the lack of access to

artifact databases for this site, and the inability to clearly identify turkey production areas

at Shields Pueblo needs to be addressed. In order to truly understand the cultural

significance of women's roles in turkey production, turkey production areas need to be

identified. This can be accomplished by analyzing other sites in the northern San Juan

in reference to the predicted archaeological signatures of turkey housing areas

(discussed in Chapter 6), namely deposits of turkey droppings; high levels of nitrogen,

phosphorus, and potassium in associated soil deposits; significant deposits of eggshell;

and bones of fetal turkey. The switch from communally hunted large game to turkey

seems to indicate movement away from communal-based meat procurement to

increasingly "domestic" household-driven meat production. The socioeconomic

inferences of turkey production also need to be explored. For example, is there a

relationship between the amount of turkey bone recovered from a household and its

socioeconomic status? Are households with higher frequencies of turkey more

successful or more powerful than households with lower frequencies? Again,

understanding the relationship between turkey production and other aspects of

economic and social life would allow us to better understand the cultural significance of

turkey, of women's labor, and changes to economic and social power in these

communities. Some have argued that large pueblos were able to continue communal

hunting of large game far longer than smaller communities (Muir and Driver 2002).

While this is certainly the case, the faunal assemblages of many of these large, late

Pueblo Ill sites (Sand Canyon Pueblo and Yellow Jacket Pueblo) were dominated by

domestic turkey (Muir 1999; Muir and Driver 2002; Muir and Driver 2003). If household-

based economies became increasingly important in late Pueblo Ill at large central sites,

then does this indicate the beginning of a shift away from highly aggregated sites back to

smaller, dispersed settlements? It has been argued elsewhere (Duff 1998) that migration

decisions were made at the household level. Perhaps the increasing household

independence meant that maintaining large communities (in an over-populated, over-

hunted, and increasingly violent area) was no longer viable, and that depopulation of the

Northern San Juan may very well have been "one household at a time."

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APPENDIX A:

CROW CANYON ARCHAEOLOGICAL CENTER ZOOARCHAEOLOGICAL

IDENTIFICATION AND RECORDING STANDARDS

(After Driver 1999)

Taxon

The identification of bone fragments is a complex process, and different zooarchaeologists approach this task in different ways. It is important to observe the following rules:

1. The only bones which are to be considered "identifiable" are those for which the element can be specified. No identification to any taxonomic level (even of the "large mammal" or "small bird" variety) will be allowed unless the element is identified. Terms such as "long bone" or "axial" do not qualify as element descriptions.

2. It is important to define a "universe" of species from which the animal remains are assumed to derive. (most zooarchaeologists do this unconsciously, and rarely make their decisions explicit). This is because virtually all zooarchaeological identification presupposes that certain animals are likely to be represented at a certain time and location. For example, when we are working on 13 '~ century Anasazi sites, we will assume that the bears found may be black bears or grizzlies; we will not bother to check our archaeological specimens against polar bears or Old World bear species, even though it might be difficult to distinguish those species from North American species on the basis of Osteology. For analyses of faunal assemblages of the last few thousand years, it will be assumed that the extant historically know faunas of southern Colorado and Utah and northern New Mexico and Arizona provide the universe from which our specimens are drawn.

Definition of this universe does not preclude the possibility of more exotic species being identified. However, these will normally only be identified when it can be positively demonstrated that an Anasazi area species cannot be represented by a particular bone.

3. Identification may be made to standard zoological classification, such as species, genus, family etc. Zooarchaeologists often use less formal categories such as "large bird", "medium artiodactyl", and terms such as these can be used.

4. In order to be confident of identifications, you must be able to justify your choice of taxon. This is best done by comparing your specimen with all taxa from the local faunal "universe ." In practice this is achieved rapidly, because your general knowledge of anatomy will allow you to eliminate most taxa from consideration. However, you should only identify to a particular "level of identifiability" if you are sure that the identification will bear scrutiny. You can only identify to the species level if you can definitely exclude all other species of the same genus in the study area. You can only identify to genus if you can exclude all other genera from the same family in the study area. You can only identify to family if you can exclude all other families from the same order in the study area etc. etc.

5. Each bone or bone fragment must be identified on its own merits. For example, if a burial of a dog was excavated, some bones would be referred to species while others (e.g. the ribs and vertebrae) would be referable only to the genus or family

level. You can use the "comments" section to note the presence of articulating specimens.

6. Remember that there is no disgrace in not being able to identify bone fragments to the species level. Most species are defined by a host of characters, most of which will not preserve in the skeleton. It is much better to be conservative that over- confident. Once the analysis is finished and interpretation begins, you may wish to make some assumptions about the bones identified. For example, if all the artiodactyls identified to species are from deer, you may wish to assume (perhaps for the purposes of studying body parts represented) that all "medium artiodactyls" are also deer. This can be stated in the faunal report, and would be quire a reasonable assumption; it would be unreasonable to make such an assumption while bone fragments were being identified.

Element Element refers to the whole bone of which you may either find a complete

specimen or a fragment. There are fairly well standardized names for most of the individual bones in vertebral skeletons, although fish bones are not particularly well standardized and there is still controversy about which system should be used.

Although we should ideally be able to specify elements fairly exactly, this is not always possible. For example, we may be able to identify the proximal phalanx of a deer, yet not determine whether it is from digit Ill or digit IV.

Cranial fragments present something of a problem because the cranium is composed of many named bones. When coding cranial fragments, use the names of individual bones if the majority of the fragment is made up of a particular bone; otherwise use the general code for cranial fragment.

Part These codes refer to the portion of the element that is represented. For each

major type of element there are a series of numeric codes to designate different portions. The code "1"always refers to a complete element, but others vary depending on the element being described.

Confusion may result when dealing with bones in which epiphyses are not fused. For example, a complete mammal long bone with unfused epiphyses would be coded as "1" (i.e. complete) even if the unfused epiphyses were not recovered, because it is likely that the bone was originally deposited as a complete unit. If unfused epiphyses are present and can be fitted back to the diaphysis, they should be considered as part of a single element, and should not be coded as separate fragments.

Side These can be coded as left, right, irrelevant (e.g. for the vertebral column), or as

"unknown ."

Fusion Each fragment must receive a two letter code for fusion (one for the proximal end

and one fro the distal end). Fusion can be coded as fused, unfused, just fused, and fetal.

Breakage Each fragment receives a two-letter code indicating type of breakage for each

end. Types of breaks include: intact (I); broken during excavation (E); made into an artifact (A); chewed by carnivores (C); eroded (D); splintered (P), with a series of

transverse fractures terminating at different points; gnawed by rodents (R); spiral fractures (S), with a distinctive spiral morphology and smooth break surfaces; transverse fractures (T), with breaks perpendicular to the long axis of the bone; and irregular fractures (V), that display a zigzag pattern.

Modification This refers to either natural or cultural alteration to the bone. More than one

letter code may be used to describe a number of alterations. For example, a bone may display burning and rodent gnawing, each of which requires a code.

Length Each fragment is coded according to a simple scale. Exact lengths are not

required. For example, fragments with a length less than 1 cm are coded as "1 ." Fragments with a length between 1 to 1.99 cm are coded as "2" etc. etc.

Cortical thickness This is measured (in mm) only for long bones. It is designed mainly to allow the

analyst to assign a size range for otherwise unidentifiable long bone fragments. This will assist in interpretation of butchery and fragmentation. As cortical thickness varies, use the thickest portion of cortex to define the thickness. The measurement is taken perpendicularly from the outside to the inside (marrow cavity) of the fragment. Thickness is indicated by numeric code. For example, a fragment with a thickness of less than 2 mm is coded as "1 ." Fragments with a thickness of 2 to 3.99 mm are coded as "2" etc. etc.

Comment This field is available for extra comments, which you may wish to make (e.g., tool

type, extent of weathering etc. etc.).

APPENDIX B:

MODIFIED BONE FREQUENCIES FOR A SERIES OF SITES

Table 61 Culturally Modified Bone- Shields Pueblo

I Spiral Fracture Burning Cut Marks GrndlPolished &I I I

Canis sp. (374) 11 1 .267

Artiodactyla (650)

I I

Carnivore (1 7) 11 1 5.88

N

12

Small Carnivore (1 7) 1 0

%

1.84

I I

Lynx sp. (1 7)

Sylvilagus sp. (7289) 1 225 1 3.08

1

.531 Med. Mammal

(1 88)

Lepus (1421 )

I I

Erethizon dorsatum (19) 1 0

29.4

1

I I

Cynomys sp. (557) ( 8 1 1.43

33

I I

Neotoma sp. (202) 1 0

2.32

I I

Rodentia (1 55) 11 1 .645 I I

Sciuridae (1 06) 1 0 I I

Meleagris gallopavo

(3680)

(91)

Falconiforme (1 3)

5.49 Medium Bird 5

1 7.69

Table 82 Culturally Modified Bone- Woods Canyon (Driver 2002)

Taxon (NISP) Spiral Fractures

Artiodactyla ( 0 1

Canidae (21

Lagomorph I 0 I (16) Lepus (1 1 ) 4 36.3 Sylvilagus 1 15 ( 7.46 (201) -

Small mammal 3 11.1

Rodent (2) 10 1 Galiforms (3) 1 33.3 Meleagris 15 6.12 gallopavo (245) Large Bird 52 20.4

Burning Cut marks GroundIPolished

Table B3 Culturally Modified Bone- Castle Rock Pueblo (Driver 2000)

Taxon (NISP)

Artiodactyla (6) Odocoileus (11) Med. Art. (38) Canidae (4) Canis sp (2) Med. Carnivore (3) Med. Mammal (1 9) Lagomorph (50) Lepus (106) Sylvilagus (843) Small mammal (1 73) ~eo ioma (138) Rodentia (24) Sciuridae (95) Spermophilus (22) Muridae (1 8) Small Rodent (22) Buteo sp. (29) Meleagris gallopavo (284) Passeriformes (4 Phasianidae (2) Small Bird (4) Medium Bird (62) Large Bird (408)

Spiral Fractures

3 1 3 2

0 0

0 16

4

1 0 0

1

N 1 3

1 0 2 0

2

2

6 57

0

% 16.7 27.7

2.63

100

10.5

4.00

5.66

2.17 4.16 3.15 9.09

5.63

100

50.0

.245

GroundIPolished Burning

N 1 1

1 0 0 1

1

0

3 2

0

Cut Marks

N 1 2

4 1 1 1

3

1

8 43

12

7 0 2 0

1 13

0 29

1

0 1 1

35

% 16.7 9.09

2.63

33.3

5.26

28.3

-

N 0 0

1 0 0 0

0

0

0 0

0

% 16.7 18.2

10.5 25.0 50.0

33.3

15.8

2.00

7.54 5.10

6.93

%

2.63

5.07

2.10

5.55 59.0

10.2

25.0

25.0 1.61

8.57

6.89 .352

1.62

.245

0 0 0 0

0 0

2 1

0

0 0 1

1

0 0 0 0

0 0

0 34

0

0 0 0

4

11.9

.980

TableB4 Culturally Modified Bone - Yellow Jacket Pueblo (Muir and Driver 2003)

Taxon (NISP) Spiral Fracture Burning Cut Marks Ground1 Polished

N % N O h

Artiodactyla (5) 0 1 20.0 Odocoileus sp. 5 17.9 0 (28) A. americana 1 11.1 0 (9) Ovis 1 33.3 1 33.3 Canadensis (3) Bos taurus (1) Med. Artiodactyl (1 82) Large 1 20.0 0 artiodactyls (5) 1 Canidae (16) Canis SD. (1 1)

Lagomorpha 15.5 4.2 (71 1 Leius (259) 37 14.3 15 5.8 Sylvilagus sp 1 17 10.1 69 6.0

~ c i u i d a e (102) 2 2.0 3 2.9 Ground Squirrel 0 3 20.0 11 51 Spermophilus I 0 11 4.3 sp. (23) Geomyidae 0 1 2.4 (41 ) Neotoma sp 3 2.5 1 0.8

castor Canadensis 140)

retraonidae 1321 Centrocerus ~rophasianus I1 0) Weleagris ~allopavo (500) Passiformes (2)

Table B5 Culturally Modified Bone - Sand Canyon Pueblo (Muir 1999:54)

I 1 I I

M, gallopavo ( 49 3.4 1 89 6.2 1 19 1.3 ( 132 9.1

Taxon (NISP)

Lynx spp. (42)

Spiral Fractures

N % 1 2.4

(1 447) .

Artiodactyla (668) Canis spp.

63 9.4

. . (21 1) Lepus spp. (1 35) Sylvilagus spp.

I

Grus 1 0 1 0 11 25.0 1 0

Ground1 Polished

N % 8 19.0

Burning

N % 5 11.9

3 1.4

. .

(2337)- Strigiformes (4)

Cut Marks

N % 1 2.4

49 7.3

13 9.6

1 25 5.3

9 4.3

0

Canadensis (4) Small Bird (27)

25 3.7

2 1.5

69 3.0

Corvidae (46)

I I I I

Neotoma spp. ( 5 1 .I 14 0.9 1 0 1 0

59 8.8

5 2.4

1 25.0

3 11.1

Sciuridae (995)

16 7.6

1 0.7

2 0.1

1 2.2

5 3.7

4 0.2

0

3 11.1

9 0.9

. . (458) Zendaida 1 0

1 25.0

3 6.5

macroura (1 2) Geomydae

0

5 0.5

1 8.3

(105) -

lguanidae (23)

0

0

0

Muridae (645)

Tetraonidae (3)

0

0

0

0

0

0

1 1 .O

2 0.3

1 33.3

1 4.3

0

0

0

0

0 0

0

0

0

0