cultural diversity and men who have sex with men, public health unit, commonwealth dept of health...
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Cultural diversity and men who have sex with
men:
a review of the issues, strategies and
resources.
Maria Pallotta-Chiarolli
Advisory Committee
Sue Kippax
Paul Van de Ven
Edward Reis
Juliet Richters
Ken Wong
Garrett Prestage
Eamonn Murphy
Alan Thorpe
Contents
1. Introduction
2. Issues
Ethnic identity and community
Socio-cultural constructions of
masculinity
Gay identity and community
Location and position within the wider
Australian society e.g. age, class,
rural/urban, English literacy
Health services and organisations
3. Strategies in addressing issues
4. Conclusion: Beyond ‘problematising culture’
and ‘culturalising problems’
3
Appendix A. Existing projects and strategies
Appendix B. List of persons and organisations
participating in the audit
Appendix C. Annotated bibliography of
Australian texts and resources (includes cited
references)
Articles
Audio-visual and other resources
Books and monographs
Book chapters
Conference publications
Project reports
Miscellaneous
4
1. Introduction
Sexuality is socially constructed, inseparable
from its social, cultural and political
contexts. While sexual behaviours may be
superficially similar, the meanings attached
to these behaviours may be different across and
within cultures. Language which exists around
these behaviours often reflects these meanings.
Similarly, the meanings of and responses to
illness and health, particularly in relation to
sexual health, differ across and within
cultures. Factors such as class, gender,
religion, geographical location and level of
education affect cultural constructions of
sexuality and illness.
HIV/AIDS services, agencies and organisations
have recognised and acknowledged that
monocultural and monolingual strategies in
5
relation to the sexual health of men who have
sex with men from diverse cultural and
linguistic backgrounds are often limited in
application and effectiveness. A diversity of
strategies and resources are required to
address the differences inherent within broad
categories such as ‘non-English-speaking
background’ (NESB) and ‘men who have sex with
men’ (MSM).
If we consider that according to the 1991
Census, 22% of Australians were born overseas
or had at least one parent who was born
overseas, and that 58% of those people born
overseas come from non-English speaking
countries, there is quite a diversity of
cultural meanings of sexuality and responses to
sexual health and illness. This is accentuated
by the fact that there are more than 130
different cultures and languages spoken in
Australia (Camit, 1997).
6
However, it is extremely difficult to
determine the number of NESB MSM in Australia,
or even specific cultural, linguistic and other
data in relation to HIV-positive NESB MSM.
Who and how many are there, may seem to an
outsider to be the question on which an
evaluation of monies spent, not to say services
delivered, is essentially dependent. Yet, over
a decade of HIV/AIDS, we have somehow managed
to proceed without formally answering it
(Eisenberg et al, 1993).
National surveillance for AIDS is coordinated
by the National Centre in HIV Epidemiology and
Clinical Research (NCHECR). Data on country of
birth and languages spoken at home are
nationally collected but not necessarily
publicised (see Eisenberg et all, 1993; Yueming
et al, 1996). Different state and territory
health departments have their own varying data
collection systems, such as the breakdown into
7
Caucasian, Asian and Other used in South
Australia (see Temple-Smith & Gifford, 1996).
Yet, as many health agencies and services point
out later in this report, no-one collates data
that provide a detailed insight into the
specificities of NESB MSM populations. In
particular, country of birth and languages
spoken at home as cultural indicators omit the
intricacies of second- and third-generation
NESB MSM. These latter groups become subsumed
into broader demographic categories and thus
are useless to health services and agencies
catering for NESB communities. Temple-Smith and
Gifford (1996) recommend data also be collected
on length of residence in Australia and
religious affiliation. They propose that a
‘national register of ethnicity-specific
information on STDs’ be kept and made available
to health services and researchers. However,
they are aware that ‘consideration must be
8
given to the potential unanticipated harmful
consequences of more thorough collection of
ethnicity data’ such as being used to
stigmatise specific communities and support
discriminatory treatment in employment and
health care (1996: 242).
Data of clients tested between 1985 and 1991 at
the Albion Street Clinic in Sydney indicated
that NESB people made up 11.4% of the sample
whose country of birth was known, and 18.9% of
people from NESB were diagnosed HIV positive.
HIV/AIDS data from New South Wales hospitals
between 1988 and 1991 indicate that NESB
admissions, based on country of birth,
accounted for around 11% of all admissions
(Eisenberg et al, 1993). Pullen(1993) reports
that a large number of men presenting with
HIV/AIDS to health care services were NESB.
They often presented with AIDS, ‘denying any
risk factor to the disease’ and had wives or
9
female partners ‘who had also been placed at
risk of infection’ (Alpak, 1995: 3; see also
Trotter, 1993). Hence, the total percentage of
people from NESB living with HIV/AIDS in New
South Wales is believed to be 10-15% of all
HIV-positive persons. Statistical evidence from
AIDS services such as the Illawarra Branch of
the AIDS Council of New South Wales suggests
that NESB accounted for at least 10% of MSM
contacted at beats, 15% of persons using the
ACON Illawarra Community Support Network (CSN)
caring for those living with HIV/AIDS, and 30%
of MSM using the Port Kembla Sexual Health
Clinic (Alpak, 1995).
The increasing recognition and acknowledgment
of NESB MSM and their needs is framed by
government policy. In 1985, the Commonwealth
Government adopted the Access and Equity
Strategy which aims to ensure that all
Australians can access health programs and
10
services easily and equitably. It acknowledges
the cultural, linguistic and religious
diversity of Australians and puts the
responsibility on agencies and services “to
deal with all clients equitably” by addressing
and catering for diversity in “their clients
and potential clients”(Voukelatos & Boswell,
1997: 14).
More recently and following on from the Access
and Equity Strategy, the National Non-English
Speaking Backgrounds Sexual Health Action Plan
(Draft) (1996) identifies the establishment of
competencies for working with cultural
diversity in training and service delivery.
National Audit
The National HIV/AIDS Strategy Partnerships in
Practice, although not giving equal attention to
issues of cultural diversity, acknowledges that
11
‘people of diverse cultural and linguistic
backgrounds and overseas travellers are also
priority groups requiring specific education
and prevention programs which meet their
educational and cultural needs’(1996: 45). In
response to this recognition and
acknowledgment, as well as to a need to
nationally document and publicise local and
specific projects, strategies and resources, a
national audit was conducted in the second half
of 1997 by the National Centre in HIV Social
Research, Macquarie University, Sydney. Funded
by the Commonwealth Department of Health and
Family Services, the audit was the first phase
of a two-part project. The second part is a
research component. This will be reported in a
separate publication.
In relation to NESB MSM, the audit reviewed:
· the range of existing sexual health, HIV/AIDS
and other STD services;
12
· knowledge of NESB MSM related to HIV/AIDS and
STDs;
· sexual relationships and practices, with
particular reference to risk practices for
the transmission of HIV and other STDs, of
NESB MSM.
Existing reports and data on the significance
and impact of the following issues were
collected:
· cultural constructions of sexuality
· the divergence/convergence between sexual
behaviours and sexual identifications
languages spoken
· religious regulation of sexuality
· levels of education
· rural/urban locations in both Australia and
pre-migrational abodes
· migrant, refugee, transient or second-
generation status
· family, marital and community relationships
13
· constructions of masculinity and femininity
· links with/participation in/alienation from gay
community both in Australia and pre-
migrational abode
· attitudes/responses to sex and sexual health
education
· socio-economic factors
The key areas for data gathering were:
AIDS councils
migrant health services
gay/bisexual organisations
ethnic community
organisations
university student and
health officers and centres
area health services
state health departments
NCHSR library and files
14
These centres/organisations, groups and
individuals were asked:
1. to provide documentation: any published
papers, brochures, research, etc from the
service
2. to discuss issues of concern for NESB MSM
accessing their services
3. to explain effective strategies: whom were
they reaching? how? why?
4. to comment upon less effective strategies:
whom were they not reaching? why?
5. to outline any future
directions/strategies/programs.
Based on the findings of the audit, this
report is divided into three main sections:
issues, strategies and resources. The
annotated bibliography at the end of this
report, while not complete, provides a broad
picture of books, articles, reports and other
15
2. NESB MSM: Issues
NESB MSM is a term that incorporates a
multitude of diverse and intricate
permutations. Overall, it defines a socio-
cultural position involving the negotiation
of identities and codes of belonging to at
least three socio-cultural groups: the ethnic
family and community; the gay community; and
the wider Australian society. NESB MSM may
experience regulation, exclusion and
omission in ethnic families, in the wider
society, in the various communities to which
they belong such as the gay community, and
in various environments as in the workplace.
NESB MSM may also experience acceptance,
mediation and active support in these
communities.
Two other major factors are also interwoven
with the above identity formation and
17
community location negotiations: the specific
socio-cultural constructions of masculinity
within each social group; and the value-
systems and structural boundaries operating
within health services and organisations.
Here is a framework based on five strategic
tools which assist in the understanding and
analysis of the multiple social and community
positionings of NESB MSM:
1. intra-category heterogeneity: identifying
and acknowledging intragroup differences and
individual experiences of NESB MSM rather
than homogenising lives and situations
through stereotypes and essentialism
2. interweaving of categories: drawing
attention to the relationships between
various conditions and constructs such as
ethnicity, class, gender, sexuality,
18
religion, age, length of residence in
Australia, marital status, geographical
location and education
3. connecting marginalities: making links
between many forms of prejudice and
oppression experienced by NESB MSM from
various social sites such as classism,
racism, sexism and heterosexism/homophobia
4. contextualisation: understanding that
definitions, identities and socio-cultural
values and attitudes in relation to
ethnicity, gender and sexuality are dynamic
rather than static;
5. self-ascription and personal agency:
acknowledging the subjective perceptions,
definitions and agency of NESB MSM, and their
efforts at negotiating the labels and
categories they have been slotted into.
19
These five strategic tools can be applied to
the following examples of NESB MSM:
Mohamed, 34, a fork-lift driver from the
inner west of Sydney lives with his family
(his wife and children) who are not aware
that he has sex with men. He was interviewed
in an inner city gay sauna but he identifies
as “straight”. In his opinion, “women are
life partners ... they look after you”. He
does not know why, but he is sometimes
attracted to touch other men’s bodies. When
asked to participate in a further, more in-
depth interview, he declined as he “didn’t
want to be involved” because he “only take an
hour or so away from my family to go to beats
or saunas to touch men and get off with
them”. It was his interviewer’s perception
that Mohamed did not understand that there
was something called homosexuality.
20
(Hood et al, 1994:
50).
Matteo: It’s harder for gay men and lesbians
from Italian backgrounds to come out. I love
my parents and don’t want to hurt them. I say
things like “Of course I’ll get married one
day, I’m just waiting for the
right girl”. How can two old people who’d
need to have the word ‘homosexual’ explained
to them ever come to terms with their gay
child? They’d think it was something we’d
picked up from Australian friends.
They’ve lived through poverty, war, hunger.
They come to a country where they have to
start again in everything. They make a
thousand sacrifices for the kids they
cherish. After all that, I haven’t got it in
me to break their hearts.
(Pallotta-
Chiarolli, 1991: 23).
21
I am an overseas student and have been
having some difficulties. Since arriving in
Perth, I have realised that I am gay. This is
something I think I’ve always known, but
recently I’ve been having some strong
feelings about it. I don’t know what to do
about these feelings. I have become very
homesick for my country and I miss my family
greatly. I am not sure how to deal with all
these feelings and to make the best of my
time here in Australia. I feel very alone.
(Speculations, June-July 1996:
5)
The son must carry the name of the family,
he must keep the blood of the family living.
But if they knew he was gay, the family name
would be disgraced. And his blood...
John is a tightrope walker, taking calculated
risks in his determination to live out his
22
realities, his truths as gay, as ‘ethnic’, as
HIV positive. He deals with daily bouts of
anger, silence, denial, paranoia with his
Muslim-Lebanese family, his Anglo-Australian
lover, his job, his church, his ‘ethnic’
straight friends, his Anglo-Australian gay
friends. How can ‘non-ethnics’ understand
what he cannot understand: ‘My family is so
loving and supportive that I can’t ask them
to support me’; ‘My family is so united that
nothing must break this unity’; ‘I want to
belong to my community even if it means not
being all that I am to them’.
(Pallotta-Chiarolli, 1994: 2).
Gloria and I are sitting on her back veranda
eating her home-made tiramisu. Her husband,
Sam, is swinging their kids on the
clothesline inbetween cooking the meat on the
barbecue. Both sets of grandparents are in
the garden discussing tomatoes, wine-making
23
and basking in the satisfaction of sitting
in the backyard of married children, knowing
they have fulfilled their parental duties in
getting their children to this stage of
‘sistemazione’. Gloria shrugs. “Sam and I are
bisexual, we occasionally have other lovers
in ongoing relationships, we are very happily
married, and we love being Italian and hope
our children cherish their cultural heritage
the way we do. But all these contradictions
are not meant to exist. …From when Sam and I
were teenagers, we knew we were different.
Not only different but supposedly non-
existent. It’s as if we were the only kids on
the whole planet who were not gay and not
straight, who wanted to have the good old-
fashioned Italian wedding and raise an
Italian family but not accept what would’ve
been traps for us like needing to be
monogamous and heterosexual. Well, we still
feel like we’re the only Italian-Australians
24
that have ever been through this and it’s so
isolating sometimes. There’s no one else to
talk to, no one else to tell you your lives
and mixed identities are realities, your
sort of marriage exists, your adolescent
feelings have matured into complex but
enriching adult roles. … These days it’s all
about multicultural identity and gay identity
and every now and again there’s stuff about a
multicultural gay identity, but neither the
multiculturalists nor the gay activists are
prepared to publicly discuss our
complexities…I love being married, I love
being bisexual, I love being Italian-
Australian. They can co-exist and they do
right here in this suburban [Adelaide]
backyard.’
(Pallotta-Chiarolli, 1995: 140-
141).
25
In each situation, class, migration, place of
residence, constructions of gender, familial
and marital expectations, intergenerational
relations, the convergence and divergences of
sexual identification and sexual practices,
the exclusionary and inclusionary codes and
practices of various communities, are all
interwoven and acted upon by NESB MSM.
Let’s take a more specific look at some of
the issues that were presented and discussed
by persons and groups participating in the
audit.
Ethnic identity and community
In order to provide effective services for
NESB MSM, it is necessary to ask:
26
· What is the range of knowledges, assumptions
and expectations within a particular ethnic
culture in relation to sexuality?
· What is the range of assumptions and
expectations among diverse ethnic cultures
uncomfortably lumped together as non-English
speaking background, and often presented as
in total opposition to the other
uncomfortable classification of Anglo-
Australian?
· How do children born into these cultures live
out their realities and make their decisions
about sexuality? How and why do they comply,
negotiate, resist and create positions for
themselves in relation to the messages and
lack of messages from their ethnic backgrounds
and from the wider society?
Family relationships and expectations
27
For many NESB MSM, family relationships and
expectations are very significant in personal
identity formation.
The confluence of filial piety, obedience and
age facilitates behaviour patterns which are
more directed to family than personal well-
being, where the advice of older relatives is
sought and respected and where older male
relatives are obeyed. ...concepts of self
stress social obligations and a socially
constrained presentation of self and these take
precedence over the individual (McMahon, 1996:
15).
The model of family is often defined in
Anglocentric sociology as “extended” from the
normative nuclear definition of family, as it
includes grandparents and other relatives. In
Australia, importance is placed on men getting
married and continuing the family and community
in this new land. Notions of collectivism
rather than individuality are dominant as
28
members of a family and community rely on each
other in negotiating external alien official
and unofficial socio-economic structures and
realities. Moreover, immigrant communities tend
to be more socially and religiously
conservative than the countries they have left
as maintaining the traditions and values of
their home country at the time of their
departure becomes a signifier of the cohesion
of their families and community. Linked to
ethnicity and family expectations is religion.
The breaking of religious regulations may mean
that NESB MSM may experience years of guilt,
intimidation and excommunication from the
family and community if their sexual behaviours
are disclosed (Poetschka et al, 1995; Tribes
Research Project, 1996).
It is important to remember that some of the
social stigma against gay men in ethnic
communities is not based on notions of
29
sinfulness or sickness but on anxiety about gay
men’s existence outside the family structure
and its support mechanisms. Parents fear they
and their gay sons will be left alone and
unprovided for in their old age, therefore
encouraging gay men to have children and/or
foster intergenerational interdependence (The
Last Coming Out, 1992; Sabri, 1994; Marg
Sutherland, interview). Minority groups
concerned with increasing the population of the
community in Australia and sustaining
intergenerationally supportive families can
sometimes have their fears allayed if gay sons
become parents (Chris Daniel, interview). It is
also important to put issues of sexuality
ostracism into context alongside other “social
disgraces” which may include poverty,
unemployment, divorce and adultery. These are
all signifiers of issues which work against
family and community strength, cohesion and
30
honour (Camit, interview; Farquharson,
interview).
‘Coming out’
Coming from traditional cultures where family
honour and shame are major signifiers of social
positioning, and having this accentuated by the
need to have status in a smaller migrant
community as well as status within the wider
Australian society, there is great pressure on
NESB MSM not to disclose their sexual
practices. This also prevents some NESB MSM
from seeking an alternative community of
support within the gay community. For example,
older men having sex with men are more likely
to have values that reflect a very traditional
and conservative community and a deeply
religious one (Trotter, 1993; Pullen, 1993;
Hood et al, 1994; Poetschka et al, 1995;
Mahat, 1997).
31
However, the individual process of ‘coming out’
or acknowledging one’s sexual preferences is
not only influenced by the centrality of ethnic
and family identity. Being seen to be
culturally different from the Anglo-Australian
norm of personal identity is also significant.
Moreover, there are strong negative attitudes
towards homosexuality in the community and
wider society, particularly as it is seen to
deflect men from their roles as sons, fathers
and husbands (McMahon, 1997).
Indeed, the model of ‘coming out’ is only
pertinent in a society where homosexuality is
constructed as an identity alongside a sexual
behaviour. The loss of ties that would result
in identifying as or ‘being homosexual’ would
be too difficult given the centrality and
personal need for belonging to a family and
community. Perhaps, in relation to NESB MSM, it
32
may be useful to reconsider the application of
the ‘coming out’ model with its linear
assumption of moving from one fixed point of
negativity, the ethnic family and community, to
its polarity, a fixed point of positivity, the
gay family and community. Moreover, for many
NESB MSM, ‘coming out’ is also about ‘coming
in’ to various communities and their cultural
and structural boundaries and regulations
(Pallotta-Chiarolli, 1994c; McMahon, 1996;
Gilbert, 1997). Both these processes are
occuring simultaneously and in multiple ways.
For example, NESB MSM may ‘come out’ from their
ethnic community in order to ‘come out/come in’
to the gay community. On the other hand, they
may also ‘come in/come out’ to informal and
underground networks of MSM within the ethnic
community as well as within the gay community.
Membership of these underground and informal
networks may not be perceived by NESB MSM as
problematic or necessitating some sort of
33
‘coming out’ process as they are not separating
from or attaching to either the ethnic or gay
community. They are participating in a sort of
sexual underground that exists separately from
the gay community (Hood et al, 1994; Prestage
et al (undated a); McMahon, 1995).
As a consequence of not ‘coming out’ to their
ethnic community, or of being less able to
openly discuss their sexual practices with men
even if not identifying as gay, many NESB MSM
are unable to seek assistance and support from
either their ethnic families or their ethnic
communities. Some NESB MSM who do identify as
gay may face forms of violence such as physical
assault or being thrown out of home.
My parents have discovered that I am gay
through a friend of theirs who saw me kissing a
man outside of the Mars Bar. They demanded that
I stop doing this and reluctantly I agreed.
There was a big rave about how I had brought
34
shame to the family and that I’d have to go and
see the priest and confess and do the
appropriate penance. They started restricting
my ability to go out and gave me the third
degree about all my friends. What really pissed
me off was that one of my uncles had made me
suck him off since I was thirteen, that stopped
about three years ago. Things had got so bad at
home that I just blurted it out, my father
struck me across the face and called me a
filthy liar attempting to cover up my own
faults. My father locked me in my room and went
to call the priest. I climbed out and haven’t
been home since.
(Waterford, 1997).
Hence, ‘coming out’ to families may be a time
of negative self-perceptions, alienation and
suicidal thoughts:
I feel like I’ve thrown away my whole future,
my study plans, my job plans, my part in the
35
family to be part of the gay community which so
far I’ve found is unable to even begin to
replace what I’ve lost.
There are implications for safer sexual
practice related to these feelings:
During the time after telling my parents, I
went out and had a lot of sex and did not care
about getting AIDS because I did not feel like
life was worth living anyway.
I just wanted someone to love me and I thought
if I asked him to have safe sex they would
think I had AIDS and I couldn’t stand the
rejection at that time.
Families may also undertake therapies and other
actions to save their sons from a ‘fate worse
than death’ (Waterford, 1997).
Whether they ‘come out’ or not, many NESB MSM
may move away from home and detach themselves
to a significant degree from their ethnic
36
communities. This causes levels of guilt and a
sense of loss for NESB MSM who may genuinely
want to remain part of families and
communities which provide much nurturance,
identity and love. The large family unit may
provide financial and emotional security as
well as a supportive structure from which to
face the world. Also, for many migrants and
refugees, other concerns such as employment,
housing, and schooling become more important
than dealing with sexual preference and sexual
identity. There appears to be an overlap of
NESB attitudes to homosexuality and masculinity
and working-class ESB views. Sexual
identification may be peripheral and perceived
by lower socio-economic NESB MSM and ESB MSM to
be linked to socio-economic positions of
affluence. Support and acceptance are not
always found in other groups, causing further
stress. Gay friends and networks may demand as
much commitment and conformity as ethnic
37
communities and not allow for difference due to
one's cultural backgrounds, values and
attitudes (Sabri, 1994; Pallotta-Chiarolli,
1994b; 1995; Prestage, undated a; Lackman,
1997; Peatfield, 1997).
‘Coming out’ is also dependent on the ethnic
community’s level of openness and understanding
about homosexuality. Attitudes tend to be more
open and tolerant in communities whose members
are relatively wealthy and well-educated, and
have come from more urbanised, industrialised
countries. The greater the level of
urbanisation and industrialisation in their
‘home’ countries, the more likely is exposure
to and incorporation of Western constructions
of homosexuality, and therefore less likely
is the construction of Western homosexuality as
alien. Of course, the types of Western material
made available on homosexuality may be framed
within medical and Christian discourses where
38
homosexuality is pathologised as a disease or
constructed as sinful (Yamine & Elias-
Schneider, 1995).
It is also interesting that while many in non-
Western cultures see homosexuality as a result
of Westernisation and colonialism, the very
processes of colonialism and Westernisation,
particularly in Christian missionary forms,
have been a significant contributor to the lack
of knowledge of pre-colonial and other cross-
cultural meanings of sexuality within these
non-Western cultures. For example, in some
cultures, there is much positive religious
significance attributed to transgender beings,
special social positions for transgender and
homosexual persons, and important roles for
homosexual practices in rituals and traditions
(Alley, 1996). Likewise, some members of non-
Western cultures consider ‘coming out’ to be a
Western construction based on Western notions
39
of homosexual behaviour as identity, and thus
not relevant to their own cultural
understandings of sexual practices and
diversity.
Significance of literacy
Literacy is also a significant issue in
accessing information in relation to sexual
health and sexuality in both community
languages and English. The migration process
itself is a significant factor linked to
literacy. Recently arrived migrants and
refugees are unfamiliar with English-speaking
service systems, and their lower levels of
English language competence prevent the
accessing of information and networks. In
relation to languages other than English, no
proper translations for words such as
homosexual may be available, apart from a
generic meaning of ‘pervert’(Farquharson,
40
interview; Safe Not Sorry: Cultural Applications, 1994;
Working With Diversity, 1995).
Transient NESB MSM
While some NESB MSM wish to negotiate the
worlds of their ethnic communities and sexual
desires, finding bridging points to straddle
the two, other NESB MSM, including overseas
students, come to Australia to escape their
families and often may feel isolated and
detached from their communities. They may also
have planned this deliberate escape to
Australia from their families in order to feel
free and be able to sexually experiment. These
feelings of isolation and escape may be felt
simultaneously in overseas students. Transient
NESB MSM face specific issues. Illegal
immigrants, tourists, businessmen, diplomats
and overseas students face isolation, and often
do not tell partners, families or friends of
41
unsafe sexual practices (Nathan W, 1997). Some
come to Australia deliberately to ‘come out’
while others ‘come out’ after experiencing
Australian constructions of gay culture and
community (Pallotta-Chiarolli, 1997).
Thus, in considering the above issues of
belonging to ethnic families and NESB
communities that are generally structurally and
culturally homophobic, the major concerns that
many HIV/AIDS services need to deal with in
relation to sexual health can be summarised as:
* how to build up a sense of gay identity for
NESB men if they so desire;
or
* how to assist NESB men in negotiating and
constructing a lifestyle with family and
community, based on having sex with men while
not identifying as gay.
42
I am not implying that the Anglo-Australian
society generally structurally and culturally
homophobic. Rather, it is more pluralistic and
urbanised, with values in regard to adult
independence and nuclear couple-based families
that make it easier, especially in the middle
classes and some upper classes, to negotiate
their sexualities with less constraints.
Socio-cultural constructions of masculinity
Because he is straight, I must be the girl... I
do the cooking like a girl...he is the first
one to fuck me there [anal sex]...without a
condom because we did not know...In Vietnam if
you are gay you must be the girl...wearing the
girl thing (McMahon, 1997: 16).
As this example illustrates, constructions of
masculinity, and their interconnectedness with
sexual behaviour, identity and expression, vary
according to socio-cultural and other factors.
43
The negotiation of gender and sexuality occurs
not only within the expectations and
assumptions of an ethnic group. The patriarchal
and heterosexist norms of the wider Anglo-
Australian host society also elicit responses
of compliance and resistance from both non-
English speaking and English speaking
backgrounds. Gender codes and regulations of
sexuality in both groups are constructed within
the overarching framework of patriarchal and
heterosexist socio-cultural, political and
economic structures and perspectives
(Pallotta-Chiarolli and Skrbis, 1994:
260).
Dominant English-speaking background (ESB) and
NESB heterosexual constructions of male
sexuality include emphasis on its
uncontrollability and its need for constant
expression. Therefore, situational
homosexuality may be tolerated as a form of
44
release when sex with women is not available.
Situational homosexuality for new migrants may
occur until they come into contact with the
wider NESB community and decide to get married
and have a family. In some cultures,
situational homosexuality is accepted as a
phase and/or reality in men’s lives such as in
a pre-marital context (Camit, interview).
Insertive partner/receptive partner differentiation
In some cultures the insertive
partner/receptive partner differentiation in
anal intercourse is considered an indicator of
heterosexual and homosexual masculinities. For
example, in some Arabic cultures, only the
receptive partner in a homosexual relationship
is considered “effeminate” or gay. The stigma
of homosexuality is attached to the act of
being penetrated because it is “having sex like
a woman”, rather than to the sex act itself.
45
Hence, this is based on gendered relations of
power and status (Elizabeth, interview;
McMahon, 1996). Confusion between gender
identity and preferred sexual practice may be
apparent. NESB MSM may lack assertiveness or
consider it taboo to request that their female
partners penetrate them anally with dildos and
other objects, or their female partners may not
want to engage in this form of insertive anal
sex. This may lead unsafe practices with men
and confusion over gender. There is a need to
counsel and educate these NESB MSM in relation
to sexuality about “claiming and reclaiming”
their sexuality, not necessarily coming out as
gay, and not necessarily having to go through
medical processes to change gender. Very few of
the NESB men seen at Foley House for gender
medical interventions and the Gender Centre,
for example, want to identify as homosexual or
want to belong to a gay culture. Most are
basically interested in broadening their sexual
46
practices (Elizabeth, interview; Bill Robinson,
interview).
In relation to sexual health, insertive
partners may miss and even deliberately avoid
safe-sex messages targeted at gay men as they
do not perceive themselves as gay (George,
1992). Married men with children, for example,
who have casual sex at beats may not consider
themselves as gay. They may not think much
about the sexual contact and are unlikely to
see themselves as presenting any danger (Hauff,
1993; Hood et al, 1994; Voukelatos, 1996).
Thus, heteronormative constructions of
masculinity impact upon sexual identity, sexual
practice and sexual health of NESB MSM in
various ways. Men may be seen as the providers
and protectors in families and leaders in the
community. Sons are inheritors, expected to
provide life-long support to the family, to
47
marry and carry on the family name, and worship
family ancestors. The responsibility of the son
on the death or absence of father may be to
head the family. These are examples of socio-
cultural constructions of heteronormative
masculinity that may need to be negotiated by
NESB MSM (Working With Diversity, 1995; Peatfield,
1997).
Female partners
Female partners of NESB MSM may be frightened
to raise sexual health issues with husbands,
and the raising of issues has sometimes
resulted in domestic violence. Yet, it is often
women who request information from health
services on how men have sex with men and
sexual health for themselves and their male
partners. In keeping with the constructions of
power and invincibility, men may be reluctant
to address AIDS for themselves but they will be
48
more receptive if it is presented in the light
of family protection. In other words, HIV/AIDS
could affect their families (parents,
relatives, friends, children) and as protectors
they need to make this their responsibility
((Lubowitz, interview; Men Who Have Sex with Men,
1992; Surgey, 1992; Alley, 1995; Lubowitz,
1995; Educational Resource for Women Partners of Bisexual
And/Or Gay Men, 1997).
Sara Lubowitz, from the Women of Bisexual
Partners Project at the AIDS Council of New
South Wales (ACON), reports that approximately
16 out of 100 women on her mailing list are of
NESB background and mostly married to NESB men.
She says that these women may have difficulty
accessing support services such as the Women of
Bisexual partners Project as they may have
children and other family responsibilities as
well as possibly being employed outside the
home, may lack mobility, and will not come to
49
organisations such as ACON. NESB women tend to
stay with their partners because they have no
family or other support, or in order to
maintain the family’s honour within the
community. They have children and see them as
the prime responsibility. Hence, there may be a
range of cultural and religious pressures for
women to stay together with NESB MSM. Men may
use the women as a front in their own
community. However, where women know
beforehand, are able to articulate how they
feel about the sexual practices of their
husbands, and equitably negotiate boundaries
and expectations, the relationships may be very
successful and relatively unproblematic
(Lubowitz, interview).
Gay identity and community
‘Men who have sex with men’ is a broad category
that can be split into groups (George, 1992):
50
1. men who identify as homosexual or gay
2. men whose main sexual practice is with other
men but who do not see themselves as
homosexual or gay
3. bisexual and heterosexual identifying men
whose main sexual practice is with women, but
who occasionally have sex with men.
Terms of sexual identification like
heterosexual, homosexual and bisexual arise
from a Western medico-historical context. As
already discussed, other cultures may not
categorise sexualities in this way. Some may
construct homosexuality along two related pairs
of roles: active/passive; masculine/feminine.
These structure the organisation of
homosexuality at the sexual and social level
(McMahon, 1997).
For ethnic communities, the gay community is
seen as being distinctive and outwardly
51
identifiable as Aboriginals are from Vietnamese
people (McMahon, 1996: 69). NESB MSM may
decide upon various levels of attachment to and
detachment from the gay community according to
how close to or different from the visual and
cultural representatives/representations of gay
communities and cultures they believe
themselves to be. Using the gay community
recreationally and attaching no other
importance to it is quite common among NESB MSM
as it is among some ESB MSM (Poetschka, 1995;
Prestage et al, undated a; Prestage et al,
undated b) . Attending gay venues and beats,
and having access to gay papers, does not
necessarily mean that NESB MSM feel part of a
gay culture . They often wish to seek out other
members of their own ethnicities in the wider
gay community. ‘While all were glad to have
found Oxford Street, gay is what these men do
rather than who they are’ (McMahon, 1997: 16).
Friendship networks seem to be constructed
52
along ethnic and racial lines as much as along
sexual identity lines. ‘Going to an Asian gay
nightclub is a gay thing they do, eating out in
Chinatown is one of the Asian things that they
do’ (McMahon, 1997: 16). However, some NESB MSM
may deliberately avoid associating with men
from their own communities. This may be because
of internalised racism whereby men from their
own cultural background are considered socially
inferior and less sexually attractive than ESB
men. Deliberate avoidance may also occur
because of the fear of being disclosed to
members of their own ethnic communities via
their sexual partners from these communities
(Ken Wong, interview).
Many NESB MSM want to keep a low profile within
the gay scene so as not to attract attention to
themselves and in so doing ‘out’ themselves.
This reluctance to be part of the wider gay
community often means that individuals are
53
reluctant to use support services or attend
educational workshops, thereby limiting their
access to support in dealing with their
sexuality and to the latest HIV/AIDS
information (Camit, 1994; 1996b).
Inner city gay culture
That most activity in the gay community occurs
around the venue scene is problematic to some
NESB individuals. Going to venues may incur
not only breaking taboos against homosexuality
but also against the use of alcohol and other
drugs. Many men want to meet other gay men in
non-scene related activities such as support
groups or social outings. The fact that most
gay activities occur late at night may also be
difficult for many younger men, as well as for
men who need to get to work the next morning.
Many are tied to the home because of family
responsibilities and the activities of their
54
ethnic communities may also occur at these
times (Waterford, 1997).
One of the major factors that may alienate NESB
MSM from situating themselves within a gay
community and culture is not always about
cultural alienation but also about the
construction and perception of inner city gay
culture as middle class, affluent and well-
educated. As Gifford et al. state,
“socioeconomic status (SES) is frequently
confounded with ethnicity” (1994: 29). The
schism may be not so much between traditional
Anglo and non-Anglo understandings of MSM but
between post-Stonewall Americanised gay
identity and traditional MSM identities (Camit,
interview; McGee, interview; Todaro and Savdie,
interview).
Cultural ignorance, racism and Anglocentrism
55
NESB MSM who have made decisions other than
coming out have faced blackmail and
heterophobia within the gay community. This
appears contradictory as sexual fluidity is
increasingly considered appropriate for Anglo-
Australians but not for NESB persons. Not
identifying as gay is immediately considered to
be a result of familial and social coercion in
their situation rather than a self-deliberated
choice (Hood et al, 1994; Pallotta-Chiarolli,
1996b).
Within the gay community, stereotypical
thinking can be quite problematic such as the
common belief that Asian men are passive and
feminine. Cultural ignorance and Anglocentrism
are problematic. Australian gay men may show
little understanding or appreciation of the
diversity of political systems, geography,
cultural systems, religion and family systems.
Ethnocentrism, cultural avoidance or a
56
reluctance to engage with or become part of
NESB men’s ethnic cultures are seen to be
denigrating the valued culture of NESB men and
mean that any form of relationship is to be
conditional upon the acceptance of white
cultural norms (Gilbert, 1997).
When I actually get to talk to gay men they try
to impress me with their knowledge of what they
presume to be my culture. One man went on about
Eva Peron and how wonderful he thought she was
and how bad it was that the death squads killed
homeless children and got away with it. Trouble
was that she was Argentinian not Chilean and
they were most probably referring to the street
kids of Brazil. Most Westerners don’t know much
about Chile but they sure like to pretend
they’re worldly wise.
Because of my interest and participation in the
Greek community I’ve found it hard to find a
long term partner who wanted to share that
57
aspect of my life...I am still deeply attached
to my community and most of the men I’ve met
are afraid of being part of it and that limits
their ability to relate to and understand me.
(Waterford, 1997:
pages unnumbered).
Many NESB MSM also experience racism within the
gay community:
This man cornered me in the toilet and demanded
I suck his dick, when I said no he punched me
in the face and told me to fuck off and go back
to my commie homeland where all you nips
belonged
(Waterford, 1997: pages unnumbered).
On occasion, the racism may become overt with
some men, particularly Asians, being the
subject of minor physical assaults and threats
of physical intimidation (Gilbert, 1997; Camit,
interview).
58
Objectification and exoticisation are also
concerns. Certainly, they can be flattering and
acceptable to some NESB MSM , while others may
find this sexual interest exploitative and
dismissive of other aspects of their lives
(Gilbert, 1997; Waterford, 1997).
Communication difficulties may also surface.
Sometimes, Anglo-Australian gay men may not
approach NESB men because of perceived language
difficulties and the stigma attached to mixing
with ‘foreigners’ (Gilbert, 1997; Waterford,
1997). However, Anglo-Australian gay men may
deliberately approach NESB men because the
lower level of English literacy among the
latter may give ESB men a sense of power and
superiority. Thus, while some NESB men may
deliberately select ESB men as they provide
access into and connections to social networks,
ESB men may take advantage of the low literacy
of a NESB sexual partner. Low literacy men may
59
mean being less able to articulate concerns in
regard to sexual practices and being less able
to negotiate sexual safety, thus meaning the
ESB sexual partner may have power and control
over the sexual encounter or relationship (Ken
Wong, interview).
In concluding this section, I will quote from
the Gay Education Strategies Project which
summarises the concerns that have been raised
above, particularly in relation to Asian men:
. . .
3. A power dynamic exists between Caucasian and
non-Caucasian men in the Australian gay
community, which is detrimental to the social
and sexual situations many Asian gay men are
in.
4. This leaves many Asian gay men with fewer
options regarding sexual partners and
behaviours and/or less able to be assertive
than many Caucasian men.
60
5. Many Asian gay men may not have the language
and other communication skills to enable them
to negotiate sex, sexuality, and safe sex with
non-Asian men.
6. ‘Asian’ and/or ‘gay’ are labels which many
members of the target group may not necessarily
use to describe themselves. The label ‘Asian’
emerged in a Western cultural situation. ‘Gay’
originated in and has greater history and
resonance in Western cultures.
(Gilbert, 1997: 7).
Location and position within the wider
Australian society
Being marginal to a NESB community that may
itself be outcast and misunderstood in the
wider Australian society is problematic in
constructing feelings of divided loyalties and
betrayal. The NESB community’s denial of the
existence of homosexuality may also be a denial
61
of Western constructions of this sexuality, or
a need to maintain the NESB community’s public
unity and image in the wider Australian
society. The public acknowledgment of one’s
sexual identity may be the problem, rather than
private behaviours that do not become publicly
known. Denial and silence are therefore forms
of internal community control and also group
cohesion, the construction of a united front,
against the real and/or imagined pressures from
the wider Australian society.
Living in a new country where there is little
that is familiar, ethnic identity and beliefs
may be the only strategy available for
psychological and emotional comfort. ...Tight
cultures, intolerant of ‘deviant’ behaviour,
attitudes and values, combined with an emphasis
on collectivism, produce a conservative culture
that is reluctant to change
(Voukelatos, 1996: 36).
62
Change is equated with assimilating to the host
culture’s norms and losing one’s own cultural
self, of losing the remnants of the ‘home’ that
was left behind in the migration or refugee
process. Suspicion of external authorities and
groups are also factors that increase the
insulation of the ethnic community (Axell &
Perkons, 1994; Farquharson, interview). The
need to protect offspring from the negative
impacts of the wider society can be seen in
other issues such as concerns over the links to
drug use and drug-using groups in the wider
community (Tribes Research Project, 1996).
Combinations of heterosexism, racism and ethnocentrism
Silence in the wider community in relation to
NESB MSM is also problematic. The combination
of heterosexism, racism and ethnocentrism
results in media distortions and the lack of
NESB role models, writings, visibility and
63
other cultural representations with which a
NESB MSM can identify. This is particularly so
as any portrayals and most visible gay men and
MSM continue to be from ESB, and thus there are
no available visual models for the wider NESB
families and communities with which to become
familiar. Isolation ensues whereby NESB MSM
cannot network with other men of similar NESB
to seek solace in shared cultural
understandings and concerns, and devise
strategies to deal with their specific cultural
dilemmas (Pallotta-Chiarolli, 1994c; 1995;
1996d).
Homophobic intimidation from not only the
ethnic community but the wider community is
also prevalent: ridicule, jokes, harassment,
threats, humiliation. Physical violence such as
attacks in the home and in the street, the
denial of life’s necessities such as employment
and housing, are also threatening realities.
64
Health services and organisations
Apart from the factors discussed in the above
sections, the inability to negotiate safe sex
can be based on low self-esteem related to body
image, depression, fear, wanting a partner,
fear of disclosure, blackmail and flawed
personal risk-reduction strategies. These
factors need to be taken into account in
relation to NESB MSM by health services
(Waterford, 1997; McKay, interview).
Cultural understandings and traditions related to illness
Voukelatos (1996) presents reasons based on
specific cultural constructions for why NESB
MSM may not be accessing health services. In
the Greek community, for example, illness is a
time to seek advice from friends and family and
the doctor is called in the last resort.
65
Usually, the doctor is also seen as a member of
the family. Confidentiality has little meaning
where ‘illness is a means of social interaction
rather than a professional relationship’
(Voukelatos, 1996: 14). Hence, disclosing
one’s sexual health concerns to a doctor is
often disclosing to the family and community
and running the risk of losing that support.
From the Greek community’s cultural
understandings and traditions related to
illness:
the personalised nature of many sexual health
clinics, intended to make use of their services
less alienating, may be actually keeping some
Greek background clients away. STDs are a set
of illnesses that most Greek background clients
do not want their kin to know about. The ‘home-
like’ ambience of some clinics may be
undermining the security clients feel in being
anonymous
66
(Voukelatos, 1996: 14).
There may be very few gay-friendly doctors
within NESB communities. Some clients may want
to see doctors in inner city areas or wherever
else there is a large gay clientele. They may
have found that suburban doctors have
insufficient information or are prejudiced.
Health services need to have a list of NESB
community doctors to whom MSM can go as some
NESB MSM are not seeking medical attention from
either their local sexual health services or
general practitioners (Samaha, interview).
Women’s health centres are also useful in the
dissemination of information as women are
generally less homophobic, may be the prime
teachers within their community, and as
cultural teachers may be creating attitudinal
shifts (O’Shea, interview).
67
There is also a need for support groups that
are not necessarily gay identifying or
associated with AIDS councils (Clews, 1993;
Hauff, 1993; Matsumoto et al, 1996; Yew,
1997) .
Successsful HIV/AIDS interventions for gay men
in Sydney have drawn on Anglo-American gay
culture. So, too, will interventions for gay
men from other cultures be successful if they
draw on and are relevant to a diversity of
cultural backgrounds
(McMahon, 1997: 18).
Building a constructive relationship with the
target group means understanding the beliefs of
the group, involving representatives from the
target group and being sensitive to the target
group (Sutherland, 1997).
I have encountered a stereotype of people of
Vietnamese background which views them as close
knit, secretive and unwilling to speak about
68
issues such as sexuality. It has been my
experience that if data collection methods are
culturally sensitive, they may succeed in
gathering information about issues such as
sexuality from Vietnamese background men
(McMahon, 1996: 37).
Language barriers
The use of interpreters is very important but
may also present issues that need to be
addressed such as the need for colloquial,
accessible languages and dialects rather than a
level of ‘home’ language that reflects a more
educated or particular class use of language.
Direct translations from English to other
languages do not work in health pamphlets and
other material as they can be culturally
inappropriate and offensive. For example, in
relation to Arabic, there is a need to use
69
‘broken Arabic’, ‘street-Arabic’ instead of
classical Arabic, or possibly a mixture of
Arabic and English. That was the problem with
the ACON brochure- classical Arabic which many
could not read (plus there were mistakes in it
like misplacing the accent marks). However,
whose street-Arabic is to be used? Egyptian,
Algerian, Yemenian, Jordanian, Moroccan,
Lebanese, Turkish, Tunisian, Sudanese, Saudi
Arabian, Kuwaitian, etc? (Tribes Research
project, 1996; Samaha, interview) There is also
a need to have more bilingual psychologists,
therapists and counsellors who speak particular
dialects. On the other hand, for second and
third generation NESB MSM, it must not be
overlooked that English may be their first
language (George, 1992; Eisenberg and Lee,
1994; Camit, 1996a; Prestage et al, undated b).
However, as Marg Sutherland writes, ‘it’s
possible to play a key role in the development
70
of health promotion programs without being
bilingual, trilingual, etc...providing you are
able to use a process that ensures linguistic
and cultural relevance’ (1997, unnumbered).
Thus, while it may not be financially viable to
translate resources for very small NESB
communities, there is a responsibility to adopt
a process and explore other strategies that
incorporate Access and Equity principles.
Barriers to applying Access and Equity in health services
Another major concern is the problem with
short-term ad hoc health and community
projects. There is little continuity and ad hoc
projects do not build up levels of trust and
confidence between client and service
(Farquharson, interview; Migrant Health
Service, interview).
71
Many workers believe that a major problem is
that NESB MSM issues are low priority in NESB
communities, AIDS Councils, Commonwealth, and
other health services (Gifford et al, 1994;
Mitchell et al, 1997). The lack of
collaborative work, the silences and lack of
organisational responses are major obstacles.
There is a lack of data with which to develop
projects and gain funding. Rather than
dismissing this lack of data as saying there is
no need, there is a need to ask why aren’t the
data there? As discussed in the introduction to
this document, data collection methods require
further breakdown into specific cultures as at
present the general homogenised discussions
means specific groups are not targeted
effectively and money is being wasted (Temple-
Smith & Gifford, 1996).
Access and Equity itself is still framed by a
cultural deficit model, defining NESB as the
72
problem only ameliorated by assimilating to ESB
norms. This leads to defensive and
justificatory responses from NESB communities.
There is still a lack of NESB representatives
on councils, and the use of the word
‘disadvantaged’ itself leads to alienation.
Thus, there is a need to apply Access and
Equity to AIDS Councils and other health
services in more useful ways that address
cultural diversity rather than position NESB
cultures as inferior ( Eisenberg et al, 1993;
Pallotta-Chiarolli, 1994a; National AIDS
Bulletin, 1997a, 1997b; McGee, 1997). The lack
of appropriate Access and Equity is reflected
in difficult client/worker relations, the lack
of organisational responses to NESB MSM
specificities, and the process of
marginalisation of certain issues and groups.
The split between community-based services and
health department (area services), the former
defined as gay and the latter defined as non-
73
gay, often means that NESB MSM fall into a gap
between them. Funding requirements also prevent
branching out and forming relationships with
other groups (Clews, 1993; Eisenberg et al,
1993; McGee, 1997; McMahon, 1997; McGee,
interview).
Mandatory cross-cultural workshops are required
in health services as well as training for
managers such as how to set program objectives
and indicators for NESB accessibility. At the
time of preparing this report, Patrick McGee of
AFAO is producing such a report and training
manual based on the cross-cultural training
program being conducted at the Victorian AIDS
Council. VAC’s program will then be used as a
national model (see also McGee, 1997).
Some agencies working with NESB MSM also
perceive a dilemma whereby government services
want statistical and quantitative approaches in
74
health services but this may not be the way to
work with ethnic communities where NESB MSM
request very local, confidential, one-to-one
personal approaches. Public health work is
considered by many health workers and their
clients to be too quantitative, alienating and
official (Migrant Health Service, interview;
Multicultural HIV/AIDS Education and Support
Centre, interview). These government services
will often say that working with NESB MSM
issues is a difficult area rather than examine
their own policies, practices and assumptions,
including the belief that one strategy will
work for all NESB MSM groups rather than
explore the need for different strategies for
various groups. Qualitative work,
autobiographical narratives and in depth
evidence of the lives of NESB MSM are required.
For example, the Ethnic Youth Issues Network of
Victoria, the Victorian AIDs Council
multicultural groups and the Migrant Health
75
Service in South Australia have put out calls
for submissions regarding anthologies of NESB
MSM and lesbians to be used by health services
as a means of peer support and NESB community
education.
It is very important to determine appropriate
levels of cultural sensitivity that avoid
cultural inappropriateness which may alienate
NESB communities. However, oversensitivity that
results in less useful service provision also
needs to be avoided. Hence, the issue of
cultural sensitivity needs to be
contextualised. Is the rhetoric about being
culturally sensitive being used to prevent
useful work being done? Is it an excuse for not
dealing with an issue by an organisation?
According to whose measure of what is
culturally sensitive? According to which
statistics and research? Health services must
be wary of not being dictated to by community
76
gatekeepers and must seek out broader community
opinions and perceptions (Pugh, 1993; Sturgess,
1993; Sutherland, 1997; Grant Farquharson,
interview; Marg Sutherland, interview). Some
health workers and health services may be
overly culturally ‘sensitive’, more so than
their clients warrant or want. For example,
this concern has been raised by overseas
students who believe their international
student advisers and university health services
may use ‘cultural sensitivity’ and ‘cultural
appropriateness’ in a patronising manner and to
cover their own homophobia and other
discomforts (Pallotta-Chiarolli, 1997).
Materials do need to avoid cultural and sexual
stereotypes, however.
Just as it is important not to homogenise NESB
MSM but focus on cultural specificity, there is
also a concern with the response to AIDS being
incorporated into a broader homogenised
77
strategy. This mainstreaming is meant to
normalise HIV and treat it like anything else
but it could also exclude it and alienate NESB
clients. AIDS still carries enormous stigma and
so there is a need for health services to be
specific about it rather than mainstream it
when it is not regarded as such. Normalising
sexual health services is difficult for NESB
persons who will not go into general health
clinics requesting HIV/AIDS information and
medical attention (Multicultural HIV/AIDS
Education and Support Centre, interview; McGee,
interview).
3. Strategies
Although many of the following strategies have
already been addressed , I wish to highlight
and detail those that are proving effective in
many services and organisatiosn across
Australia.
78
Access and Equity strategies
Services need to have Outreach, Access and
Equity, Cross-Cultural training, and Cross-
Cultural Awareness programs. They need to
question the degree to which unsuccessful
service provision is due to the culture of the
ethnic group and/or due to the culture of the
health/gay organisation. Services and
strategies may still be working within an
assimilative ESB linear model that says we need
to understand NESB MSM in order to move them
from an inferior polar NESB position to the
opposite superior ESB position. There is a
subtle distinction between this model and a
culturally pluralist model that empowers and
franchises its members by making the teaching
of English available in appropriate ways.
79
The development of appropriate safe sex
educational resources is a prime area of need.
Resources need to go beyond the translation
model to take into consideration cultural
understandings, cultural appropriateness, and
intracultural differences such as levels of
education and the types of dialects spoken
(Eisenberg, Painter, Todaro, 1993). It is
unreasonable to expect ethnic communities to
develop an understanding of HIV and sexuality
by simply providing them with a few pamphlets
in their languages.
Strategies for the dissemination of information within NESB
communities
The use of autobiographies and personal
narratives is a very useful strategy in
educating NESB MSM. The use of ethnic radio,
press, television as vehicles for these stories
is important: interviews, talkback, dramatic
80
sketches; regular features in mainstream ethnic
and mainstream press are ways of reaching MSM
who may then not feel as stigmatised and who
may have been raised within a culture where
storytelling and personal anecodotes are used
as teaching and learning strategies
(Sutherland, 1997; Sutherland, interview;
McGee, interview).
Encouraging cultural leaders/community
leaders/religious leaders to make public
statements is also very effective. However, as
mentioned in the previous section, it cannot be
assumed that community gatekeepers speak for
all members of their communities. The
homophobia expressed by often middle class
heterosexual male and religious leaders
claiming to be representative of the whole
community may not be representative at all
(Sutherland, 1997; Sutherland, interview).
Community members may not be able to publicly
81
challenge these views because of the need to
maintain group cohesion and honour in the wider
society as well as among themselves, but they
may have developed informal networks and
smaller groups that are actively challenging
and resisting such public homogenous
representation. For example, Tadgh McMahon, in
the process of his research, came across an
informal network of South East Asian young men
(late teens to early twenties) that operated
outside any formal organisation or structure
but the members would get together to socialise
and support each other (McMahon, 1996). Making
personal contact with community members,
recognising the diverse groups and factions
within each community, and not necessarily
working with gatekeepers but seeking other
existing networks are all effective strategies
(Sutherland, 1997).
82
One strategy that helps counteract the
construction of HIV/AIDS as Western,
particularly by gatekeepers, is the use of data
from countries of origin, using international
statistics, maps and charts (Camit, interview;
McCorriston, interview).
Peer-based informal networks, clients telling
each other about the service, building up the
local community’s trust, community networks and
understandings of confidentiality are all
important factors (Migrant Health Service,
interview; Multicultural HIV/AIDs Education and
Support Centre, interview). According to
Priscilla McCorriston (1997, interview),
setting up confidentiality contracts such as
not having to disclose one’s real name to the
worker, not needing to know everything, only
what the client wants workers to know, are also
strategies encouraging NESB MSM to access the
services. She found that being a woman, being
83
gay-friendly and culturally-friendly, were also
considered to be significant factors. This is
because researchers and service providers as
outsiders are often considered less likely to
invade personal and community spaces NESB MSM
inhabit and where their acquaintanceship would
have to be explained. In other words, they are
less anxious that the worker is someone he will
meet in other NESB community circumstances and
events.
Indeed, the mainstream ESB construction of
counselling which involves meeting in an office
or clinic, attending group sessions, and
following interview procedures, may be alien to
NESB and need to be reconsidered. Many NESB MSM
prefer a one-to-one conversational approach
either by face or by telephone, and in a public
space such as a coffee shop or a private space
such as in the home. Word-of-mouth networking
in the community is also an effective strategy
84
when official channels are resisted due to
risking disclosure (Migrant Health Service,
interview). The dissemination of information to
NESB MSM can also occur via community
businesses such as bakeries and shops to
distribute information to all NESB community
members. Therefore, there is less taboo than is
associated with information only being
available from doctors and at sex venues
(Farquharson, interview). However, some NESB
health services question how effective these
strategies may actually be. Information on
sexual practices and sexual health on display
in general public shops and other places may be
considered offensive and unacceptable, and it
may be unlikely that NESB MSM would pick up
such material due to the stigma and
implications.
The impact of new technologies such as
chatlines, websites and email may also be
85
utilised for information dissemination and
networking, particularly for younger and
overseas student NESB MSM (Pallotta-Chiarolli,
1997).
Images used in HIV/AIDS material are often not
representative of the group. For example,
people with low self-esteem, poor English,
geographic isolation and who are HIV positive
are not being visually represented. Images may
still be of inner city, affluent, ‘trendy’ club
scene young men. This lack of diverse visual
representation is linked to the lack of
ownership of labelling and identity by NESB MSM
in campaigns and organisations (Gilbert, 1997;
Camit, interview). There is a need to find
strategies that allow the people affected to
get involved. The development of a brochure for
Arabic MSM from the Cabramatta Community
Centre, co-ordinated by John Samaha, required
devising group meetings with health workers and
86
other interested parties at the Centre, and
separate one-to-one meetings with Arabic MSM in
their own homes as they did not wish to be
publicly identified. The suggestions and
recommendations from the Arabic MSM were
reported to the meetings by a mediator.
Likewise, doctors and key informants from
communities need to be consulted in ways that
do not compromise or harm their community
positions.
There is a need for more training for workers
in these fields, particularly in finding
alternative ways to structure and undertake
projects that do not create risks of disclosure
and community ostracism for NESB MSM. Just
because workers may be from NESB does not mean
they understand the dynamics of the interwoven
factors.
For example, the use of interpreters is itself
a good strategy but there needs to be an
87
awareness that interpreters may have their own
value judgments; may not want their communities
to look bad; and indeed may have a sense of
superiority to NESB MSM due to higher education
and a ‘better’ use of their own language
(Sutherland, interview; McGee, interview).
Peter Todaro and Wa’el Sabri from the
Multicultural HIV /AIDS Education and Support
Centre, and Marg Sutherland from Centre for
Social Health in Victoria stress the need to
train workers to hold one-to-one meetings with
community leaders to build respect, bonding,
and a sense of knowing each other; and the need
to walk the fine line with cultural sensitivity
issues- who is sensitive to whom? It cannot be
just ESB sensitive to NESB but both ways.
Shared meanings means the use of euphemisms may
be better than specific/explicit words and
labels, and workers need to be aware of these
and be able to use them. AIDS education is a
88
cultural construct. There are numerous ways of
getting the message across and the many
successsful projects working with and targeting
various sectors of NESB communities (including
both HIV positive and negative NESB MSM)
undertaken by the Multicultural HIV/AIDS
Education and Support Centre staff of
researchers, health workers, community workers,
designers, writers and artists, testify to this
multi-sited and multi-strategic approach
(Multicultural HIV/AIDS Education and Support
Centre Biannual Reports).
4. Conclusion:
Beyond Problematising Cultures and
Culturalising Problems
Is the focus too much on cultural differences
at the expense of similarities and other
differences? In doing this audit, there was
the constant two-pronged dilemma: that of
89
‘Problematising the Culture’ and ‘Culturalising
the Problem’; the fine line between presenting
problems in a NESB group without problematising
the NESB group or ethnicity or cultural
diversity itself; and the need to be
constantly aware of other factors than culture.
Significant factors in NESB MSM successfully
negotiating their various identities and
communities appear to be one or more of the
following: strong support networks and
friendships with other NESB MSM of same and/or
similar cultural backgrounds; drawing from both
the gay and ethnic communities while
transcending both to live with a code of their
own; making strategic and shifting choices in
relation to “coming out” to families and
receiving acceptance and support for those
choices from gay friends and ethnic friends;
and uncovering role models and historical facts
about NESB MSM from their own cultures.
90
In any work with NESB MSM, it is important
that it does not become an exercise in blaming
the culture but that workers are aware of the
factors that contribute to the cultural
situation of the NESB MSM and that many of the
issues apply to other men- such as ESB working
class men- who are not considered to adhere to
dominant constructions of masculinity. The aim
is not to assimilate a culture to Western
constructions but to deal with the realities of
sexual health and emotional health. Likewise,
it is important to remember that NESB codes are
framed by wider ESB codes that may often
support and reflect the same prejudices. For
example, with the second generation:
sexual behaviours and marital choices may be
monitored by parents and ethnic community in
order to maintain ethnic purity, family
cohesion and the continuation of community
91
strength. We also found that this is framed by
the wider society’s need to monitor sexual
behaviours and choices in order to maintain the
established patriarchal heterosexist
structures
(Pallotta-Chiarolli and
Skrbis, 1994: 270).
As McMahon succinctly summarises,
The notion of “access and equity” provides the
policy framework for interventions targeting
gay men from culturally diverse backgrounds.
There is also more than a decade of experience
to draw upon for guidance and advice. All that
is now required is the commitment to work with
this diversity of men who have sex with men
(1997:
18).
92
Appendix A: Existing Projects and
Strategies
I will now outline some existing projects and
strategies that exemplify various ways of
meeting the concerns outlined in the two
sections above.
1. Multicultural HIV/AIDS Education and Support Service
As stated above, the Multicultural HIV/AIDS
Education and Support Centre in Sydney leads
the way in Australia in regard to implementing
Access and Equity in relation to NESB
communities. Since its inception in 1991,
numerous education sessions, community
development intitiatives, training programmes,
media campaigns, research projects and
publications, collaborative ventures with other
organisations have been undertaken that
specifically address NESB MSM as well as
93
incorporating their issues into broader NESB
community initiatives. The annotated
bibliography at the end of this report will
illustrate the role the Centre has played in
many research and publication projects, and the
need for continuity and longevity in order to
gain the respect, trust and confidence of NESB
community gatekeepers and MSM in order to
undertake productive and useful projects.
2. ACON Spanish-speaking Project
In relation to the need for project and program
continuity, Grant Farquharson has been in the
ACON Spanish-speaking Project for 7 years. He
sees this continuity as very important for
clients in issues of trust, confidentiality,
shared history, and the building up of informal
networks. Most HIV positive Spanish-speaking
persons are migrants who come to Australia with
HIV, and have arrived in the last 15 years. As
migrants, they do not know how medical and
94
health systems work, may bring with them
baggage about the social superiority of
doctors, the importance of staying with one
doctor despite poor treatment due to not
wanting to betray him, and the need to be
obedient and passive in health care. It is
essential to have a person available over a
lengthy amount of time that the client can turn
to for advice and mediation.
3. Spectrum: AIDS Council of Western Australia
Several health organisations have created
structures that deal with the
multipositionings of NESB MSM. The AIDS
Council of Western Australia has a group for
NESB men called Spectrum, a social support
group which also has a regular publication. It
is co-ordinated by Bruce Maguire who is also
from the Ethnic Affairs Council. Spectrum has
over 130 members in a multicultural support
group which accentuates commonalities rather
95
than differences between ethnic groups. It
began as the ‘Asian & Friends’ group but the
term Asian was not acceptable to many members
as it was not seen as respecting the cultural
diversity of the Asian region of 57-60% of the
members. Many members are Southern European and
African, and identifying specifically as Indian
and Sri Lankan rather than Asian. Anglo
membership is low, not consciously, but this is
considered a good thing by the members. The
group includes men with permanent residency and
identifying as Australian, men who are second
generation or more, and overseas students
(Maguire, interview).
According to the flier, Spectrum seeks ‘to
increase the visibility and the voice of gay
multicultural men, while promoting integration
into the general community.’ It provides
advocacy, education and support in a safe
environment. Back copies of Speculations, produced
96
on behalf of Spectrum, reveal an array of
issues discussed on the problem pages,
articles that establish education and advocacy
as main goals, celebrations of culturally-
specific events such as the Chinese New Year,
fun articles, international news, prose and
poetry, and Spectrum events. Here is a run-down
of the content of some of the issues:
June-July 1997: Hong Kong politics and
homosexuality, international drinks,
depression, Tas gay law reform and WA
responses, gay myths and facts, interview with
drag diva, sauna etiquette, deaf and gay.
April-May 1997: older gay men, aphrodisiacs,
religions and homosexuality, Hep C, weight and
gay culture, attractions to Western men.
Jan-Feb 1997: transgenderism in Indian movies,
Hanson and Multiculturalism, useful internet
97
sites, French condom use advice, legal
situation in WA, homosexuality in Chinese
culture, permanent residence in Australia and
HIV.
Nov-Dec. 1996: cross-cultural relationships,
deaf sign language, internet, Indonesia and
AIDS, immigration news.
Aug-Sept 1996: relationships with Western men
and power dynamics.
June-July 1996: Immigration news, gays in Asian
families in Australia, male rape, body-
piercing.
In 1998, Spectrum hopes to develop cross-
cultural awareness training packages for
delivery to WA AIDS Council staff and volunteer
workers plus gay community organisations;
98
provide lectures to TAFE; and establish a Web
page.
4.Multicultural Men’s Group: AIDS Council of South Australia
A similar group is run by Stephen House from
the AIDS Council of South Australia, the
Multicultural Men’s Group. The group aims for
confidentiality, discretion and trust in its
sharing of stories. It also discusses
Australian behaviours, values and attitudes and
how they affect NESB gay-identifying men. The
group is also developing displays and hoping to
conduct workshops for specific organisations.
The group has stated that it does not want ESB
men involved including partners who may be ESB
unless it is an open social occasion (Stephen
House, interview).
The South Australian AIDS Council acknowledges
that very few NESB MSM use its services (Peter
McKay, interview). Some NESB MSM say that the
99
concept of coming to an AIDS Council is
‘horrific’. Those who do come in specifically
request working with ESB persons. The AIDS
Council is not really geared up to work with
NESB MSM issues as it encourages men to be
upfront about being gay which clashes with
cultural issues of discretion. Generally, the
material produced is explicit, targeting white
middle class men and thus is not necessarily
appropriate for other men. However, according
to the Chief Executive Peter Kay, there is
anecdotal evidence in South Australia that
sero-conversion used to be a middle class white
gay men phenomenon but now it is related to MSM
under extreme stress occasioned by
unemployment, being NESB and juggling
identities, and married men coming to terms
with their preferred sexual practices. It is no
longer about the lack of information but about
engaging in behaviours that are known to be
100
unsafe. Factors such as those outlined above
over-ride knowledge of unsafe practices.
5. Culturally specific groups: Victorian AIDS Council
Attached to the Victorian AIDS Council and co-
ordinated by Vic Perri are a number of
culturally specific groups such as:
Greek and Gay- launched a poster
Italian and Gay- about to launch an
anthology project of personal stories
Aleph- Jewish gay men’s group
Circulo Latino- gay and lesbian of Latin
background
Multicultural Gay Group
Silk- Asian men’s group
Positive Asian Men.
a/ The poster for ‘Greek and Gay’ is an
interesting and successful example of taking
into consideration culturally sensitive ways of
getting HIV and homosexuality information
across to a wider ethnic community. It has a
101
photograph of an old woman embroidering a
phrase, ‘Love and Understanding’ in Greek,
while the main title says in Greek and English,
‘It's all part of the tapestry of life’.
b/ The SILK(Support, Information, Laughter and
Kinship) pamphlet discusses socio-cultural
issues - religious, political, ethnic, gender,
sexuality. An overview of topics include:
family values and expectations; coming out; gay
culture and love, sex, relationships; stress
management; safe sex information; gay white
culture; gender; legal and moral rights
regarding racial and sexual discrimination;
definitions of ‘otherness’; self-esteem; cross-
cultural relationships; immigration issues.
c/ The Italian Gay Network pamphlet explores
cultural and sexual identity and gay lifestyle
issues; raises awareness about gay lifestyle
issues within the Italian community; raises
102
awareness of Italian cultural issues within the
broader gay community. The Greek and Gay
pamphlet is very similar.
d/ The Aleph (Jewish Gay and Bisexual Men)
pamphlet stresses the group’s role in providing
guidance, support and companionship;
alternatives to gay venues; dealing with social
and ethnic differences that may pose
difficulties.
e/ Asianline is a VAC referral phone service on
HIV and sexuality also open to non-gay
identifying Asian Australians. The line is
multilingual, providing culturally sensitive
and appropriate information when it operates
each Monday night.
f/ Positive Asian Men is a peer support group,
providing information on therapies,
counselling, and family support.
103
6. Jim Sotiropoulos co-ordinates the Youth
Project in which a large number of participants
are second-generation with at least one parent
born overseas and often speaking the parents’
language. Many are Italian, Greek, German,
Slavic and a smaller number are Vietnamese and
Chinese. The second most significant group is
young men from overseas as students. Mainly
from Singapore, Hong Kong, Malaysia and
Thailand, they will often go through a ‘coming
out’ process while in Australia, yet know they
usually will not be able to be openly gay when
they return home. They will often make initial
contact with Jim’s project to find out more
about the gay scene in Melbourne and how they
can meet other young gay men. The most under-
represented are recent young male migrants to
Australia. The majority are from Latin America
followed by those born in Australia but who
left at an early age to live in another country
104
and have now returned. The main issue for young
NESB MSM is how their sexual identity can fit
in with their culture, how their families deal
with their gayness. Often they perceive it as a
struggle between ethnic background and being
gay. They feel like they need to choose one or
the other. Often, either they really want to
meet other young gay men from the same
background or they are against this idea,
especially overseas students.
7. Gay Education Strategies Project: Australian Federation of
AIDs organisations
Keith Gilbert, Project officer, Gay Education
Strategies Project for AFAO has set up
committees of Asian gay men to develop
campaigns specific for those populations.
8. Migrant Health Service
The Migrant Health Service, Adelaide also co-
ordinates several group such as:
105
GAIM (Greek and Italian men)
Unidos (multicultural group),
Mariposas (Latin-American gays and
lesbians),
Shangri-la (Asian Support).
The group co-ordinators believe it is essential
to work with specific communities according to
particular factors such as place of residence.
For example, the Greek community in Adelaide is
quite different from the Greek community in
Melbourne. The Adelaide community is more rural
and poorer in origin and this impacts on
attitudes to STDs and sexuality. They have also
found that public advertising or too much of it
can be too confronting. More discreet and one-
to-one approaches are often better. It is also
important to have people of the same
ethnicity/community group, speaking the same
language and knowing the secret networks and
informants, co-ordinating the NESB MSM
organisations and support groups. The Migrant
106
Health Service does not do ‘classroom
education’ but believes in establishing small
groups over a long-term and working one-on-one
with NESB MSM. This ensures confidentiality,
and reassures men they are respected. For
example,workers go out to meet men wherever
they are such as at home, in coffee shops, in a
park, etc. The worker is seen as a person
demonstrating care and support and dealing with
the same issues. This initial relationship then
usually leads to men feeling more comfortable
in joining a group.
The group co-ordinators state that writing
submissions for grants is proving problematic:
the communities’ needs and strategies do not
fit the submission contexts. Communities need
to have more control over projects, more
community-ownership. They need greater
flexibility to shift project perspectives and
strategies as required. Funding organisations
107
need to be more aware of the complex processes
involved in such projects.
The personal lives of workers is another issue
for the Migrant Health Service: workers have to
conceal their own sexualities or they will lose
respect of the communities and not be able to
do their work. They are juggling roles
themselves, leading double lives pertaining to
their own families, Church participation,
geographical location within the community, and
their personal and professional roles as
workers and members of NESB MSM groups.
9. Second Storey: the Adelaide Youth Health Centre
Second Storey, the Adelaide Youth Health Centre
makes links with schools who contact Second
Storey for workshops, materials, etc.,
particularly schools with high NESB populations
and/or high homophobia. Student counsellors’
understanding of issues varies from non-
108
supportive to fully supportive. It has also
received calls from rural areas in relation to
Asian youth. Its workers liaise mainly with
Health and PE teachers and University student
associations (Ben David and Oliver, interview).
The Second Storey workers face the big issue of
how to get NESB youth to ‘walk through the
door’. Usually one-off conversations are the
only contact because of the NESB youth wanting
to remain anonymous and definitely not wanting
to meet someone from their own community. They
also ask questions about the type of men who
work there: do they ‘look gay’ as they will not
want to be seen with anyone who ‘looks gay’.
10. Prostitutes Collective of Victoria
The Prostitutes Collective of Victoria (PCV)
has implemented a series of staff development
workshops which modified and adapted a model
supplied by the Ethnic Communities Inc. of
109
Victoria. It addresses many of the issues
presented in this report. The membership,
management committee, staff and service users
were consulted and participated in order to
arrive at a final version which was adopted by
the Collective (Julie Futol and Trang,
interview).
The Policy outlines the following:
1. the right to equal access to the
organisation, resources, processes and
services;
2. the responsibility of the organisation to
make its services accessible
3. that affirmative action is necessary to
ensure accessibility and to meet additional
needs.
This strategy aimed at increasing access and
involvement of NESB sex workers in PCV was then
implemented with various outcomes:
110
1. creating a welcoming environment offering
culturally relevant, multilingual signage,
posters and literature;
2. staff becoming aware of cultural
differences, sensitive to the needs of
individuals and approaching them in a non-
intrusive manner;
3. employing staff from a variety of cultural
and ethnic backgrounds- staff education,
resources in the workplace which analyse needs
and suggest best practices, skills training;
4. networking amongst NESB community and ethnic
services, such as advertising in the ethnic
media; attending multicultural festivals with
an information stall also led to many calls.
111
Appendix B. List of Persons and
Organisations
Participating in the Audit
Tasmanian AIDS Council
Todd Harper: Executive Director
Brendon Nelson
AIDS Council of Central Australia
Mary O’Shea: NESB Women and Sexual Health
Project
AIDS Action Council of the ACT
Steve Towers: Education Officer
Ian Rankin: President
Queensland AIDS Council
Jackie Hauff, from Ethnic Communities Council
Northern Territory AIDs Council
112
Barry Horwood: President
AIDS Council of NSW
Bernie Coates: Executive Director
Di Furness of ACON Northern Rivers Branch
Grant Farquharson: Spanish Counsellor
Ed Moreno: HIV/AIDS Legal Centre
Sara Lubowitz: Women Partners of Bisexual Men
Sara Bergen: Librarian
AIDS Council of Western Australia
Chris Carter: General Manager
Bruce Maguire: Spectrum
AIDS Council of South Australia
Gay and Lesbian Counselling Service and Trainee
group meeting
Peter Kay: Executive Director.
Stephen House: Multicultural Men’s Group,
Between Men project, Outreach at beats and
saunas
113
Beth Tinning: Manager of SA Sex Industry
Network. (SASIN)
Adelaide Diocesan AIDS Centre
David Waterford: Levi-Strauss Young NESB MSM
project
Victorian AIDS Council
Susan Harben: Chief Executive
Jim Sotiropoulos: Youth Project
Vic Perri: Coordinator of multicultural groups
Sue Kimberley: doing a needs analysis/resource
inventory in Victoria re AIDS services
Bev Brain: cross-cultural worker
Australian Federation of AIDS Organisations
Keith Gilbert: Project Officer, Gay Education
Strategies Project
Patrick McGee:at VAC doing a NESB HIV Services
Access Project
114
Multicultural HIV/AIDS Education and Support
Service, Sydney
Peter Todaro: Coordinator
Wa’el Sabri
Tony Savdie
Tadgh McMahon
Matthew Hua
Cross-cultural staff meeting
Ethnic Communities Council, NSW
Barry Gamba: Arts Co-ordinator
Multicultural Health Communication Service,
Sydney
Michael Camit
Migrant Health Service, Adelaide
Group meeting with Deb Thiele and coordinators
of GAIM (Greek and Italian men) and Unidos
(multicultural group), Mariposas (Latin-
115
American gays and lesbians), Shangri-la (Asian
Support)
SBS Radio
Ozen Ozuiner : Turkish Program.
Olya Booyar: Program Manager, Sydney
Aynur Cagli: Program manager, Melbourne
Centre for Culture, Ethnicity and Health,
Melbourne
Mirta Gonzalez: Director
Tonina Gucciardo-Masci
Ethnic Youth Issues Network, Melbourne
Soo Lin Quek
Macquarie University, NSW
Nassim Arage: Sexuality Officer
Griffith University, Qld
Steve: Pride organiser
116
Flinders University, SA
Gerard Meek: President of OUT
Cross Campus Sexuality Network (CCSN)
Melissa de Silva: Coordinator
University of Sydney Nursing Society
Roger Levi
University of Melbourne Student Welfare
Morag Logan: Chaplain
Carol Hogan: Chaplain to International Students
Margaret Bollen: Head of Student Services
University of Sydney
Christine Inglis: Faculty of Education
Dr Phillip Brown: Head of University Health
Services
University of New South Wales
117
Mary-Louise McLaws.
Chris McCauley: HIV Project
Mary Woolhead: EO
Brian Burke: Director of International Students
University of Newcastle
Bethne Hart: Sociology Department
Northern Sydney Institute of Technology
Peter Dwyer: Educational Support Consortium,
Course Development and Development of Student-
Based Programs
International Students Association
Patrick Willix: International Studies Co-
ordinator, University of Notre Dame
Dr Ross J Lehman: Southern Cross University
Queensland Ethnic Communities Council
Mo Mahat
118
Centre for the Study of Sexually Transmissible
Diseases, La Trobe University
Christine Bakopanos
Meredith Temple-Smith
St George Hospital, Sexual Health Clinic
Priscilla McCorriston
Family Planning, NSW
Dermott Ryan
Family Planning, NT
Bill Parlitt
Self-Health for Queensland Workers in Sex
Industry (SQWISI)
Bradley: Male Project Officer
Second Storey Health Centre, Adelaide
David Ben David and Dean Oliver: Project
Officers
119
Commonwealth Department of Health and Family
Services
Eamonn Murphy: Assistant Director, Public
Health Education Unit, National Centre
for Disease Control
Heidi Stefanoff: Public Health Education Unit,
HIV/AIDS, Hep C, Sexual Health Unit
Alan Thorpe
Liverpool Community Health Centre
Ken Wong
Cabramatta Community Centre
John Samaha: Arabic-speaking MSM project
coordinator
Arabic-speaking MSM Project group
Mary Enkababian: Fairfield/Liverpool Health
Team
Faiza Anwar: Acting Manager, Nurse
Practitioner, Family Planning at Fairfield
120
AIDS Society for Asia and the Pacific (ASAP)
Steve Lovell-Jones
Maria O’Connor (per John Dwyer)
Foley House
Bill Robinson
Elizabeth
Stephanie Taylor
Gender Centre
Craig George
Albion Street Centre, Counselling Unit
Kim Begley
Staff meeting
Asian Harm Reduction Network: McFarlane Burnett
Paul Deany: Director
Peter Deutschman
Kim Benton
121
Shanton Chang: Convenor of International
Students Association
Australasian Society for HIV Medicine (ASHM)
Beatie Pearlman
HIV and Sexual Health Social Work Service
Anthony Schembri
Social Workers in AIDS (SWAIDS)
Andrew Harvey
Sex Workers Outreach Project (SWOP)
Maggie Moylan
Maria McMahon
Polly Purser
NSW Health Department
122
Gray Sattler: Policy Analyst, AIDS and
Infectious Diseases.
Northern Territory Health Services
Sue Dubow
Tasmanian Health Department
David Coleman: Surveillance Branch
David Gardner: Migrant Health Policy
Queensland Health Department
Tania Bain
Hugo Ray
Western Australian Health Department
South Australian Health Commission
Westmead Hospital, NSW
Marianne Wyder: sexuality and suicide
researcher
123
National Centre in HIV Epidemiology and
Clinical Research
John Kaldor
Garrett Prestage
Prostitutes Collective of Victoria
Julie Futol
Trang: NESB worker
Centre for Social Research, VIC
Marg Sutherland
Australian Centre for Lesbian and Gay Research,
University of Sydney
Maude Frances
Gerard Sullivan
Peter Jackson
AusAID
Heather McDonald: Health re overseas students
124
Ann Malcolm: private consultant
Scarlet Alliance
Sue Metzenrath
Victorian Education Department
Peter Roberts and Debbie Ollis: STD/AIDS
Prevention Education Project
Ten trial schools of the project
Cultural Perspectives Consultancy, Sydney
Christine Dwyer: Principal Researcher/
Consultant
National Centre in HIV Social Research,
Macquarie University
Hedimo Santana
Edward Reis
Paul Van de Ven
Juliet Richters
125
Women in Industry and Community Health (WICH),
Melbourne
Maybe Baby Gay and Lesbian Parenting
Chris Daniel
Macquarie Sexual Health Clinic, Dubbo
Chris Bourne
South Eastern Sydney Area Health Service
Colin Clews
Irena Brozek
126
Annotated Bibliography of
Australian Material
Articles
Alley, Jo (1996). Tranys, Dicks and
Fannys: men who have sex with both men
and transgenders. Unpublished Paper.
Women’s Health Service, South Eastern
Sydney Area Health Service.
This article includes information on cross-
cultural-cultural studies of MSM which may
challenge Anglo definitions of ‘transgender’.
Refers to (1) study in Northern Thailand that
outlined 29 terms/concepts used to describe MSM
according to varying masculine/feminine traits,
desire to change gender, sexual practices and
127
roles; (2) study in Vietnam of restricting sex
with men to fellating ‘masculine’ men.
Antonakis, Steven (1994). Greek, Gay and
Positive. National AIDS Bulletin 7 (11):
26.
The writer discusses the difficulties and
concerns he had in telling his family he was
HIV positive, despite knowing they would care
for and support him. Issues of culture,
migration, family and intergenerational
relationships are explored.
Camit, Michael (1994). Positive Asians:
a hidden Minority, National AIDS
Bulletin 8 (8): 26-27.
This article addresses some of the reasons why
it is difficult to reach out to positive Asian
128
men and what makes them ‘invisible’. Issues
such as Asian heterogeneity, language barriers,
issues regarding trusting authority and
government figures, immigration rejections due
to status, internalised racism, and cultural
meanings of illness and death, are presented.
Camit, Michael (1997). Working With
Diversity, National AIDS Bulletin 11
(2), 11-13.
This article argues that improving access and
equity in HIV/AIDS services requires strategic
commitment and planning on the part of
community-based organisations. Some definitions
of ‘access and equity’ and ‘working with
diversity’ are offered, and a guide to how the
principles behind each can be put into effect.
129
Clews, Colin (1993). Multicultural
Education in Sydney, National AIDS
Bulletin 7 (2): 22-25.
This article outlines three HIV/AIDS education
projects amongst cultural and linguistic
minorities in Sydney: Vietnamese Youth Project;
Arabic Community Education Program; and the
Vietnamese Community Education Program. It
identifies the strengths and weaknesses of each
project according to a checklist of major
issues that a successful health promotions
program covers. Adequate resourcing, culturally
and linguistically specific needs assessment,
and community involvement are three key factors
in a successful HIV/AIDS prevention program.
Eisenberg, Masha; Painter, Lesley; and
Todaro, Peter (1993). The Challenge of
130
HIV/AIDS in a Multicultural Society,
National AIDS Bulletin 7 (2): 17-21.
This article presents several HIV/AIDS
challenges in a multicultural society such as:
moving beyond the translation model,
collecting NESB data reliably and publicly,
allocating funds equitably, reflecting the data
and providing sufficient long term NESB
specific service structures, NESB
representation at planning levels of AFAO,
NAPWA, etc.
Farquharson, Grant (1992). Migration,
Homosexuality, HIV and AIDS: the NESB
challenge, National AIDS Bulletin, 6
(5): 29-31.
This article explores the effect of the
socially constructed AIDS= homosexuality
131
equation on NESB persons who have HIV/AIDS.
However, the heterosexualization of AIDS by
service providers is not the solution. There
is a need to analyse the equation within
dominant Western culture, and analyse the
interaction that exists between the equation
and the cultural norms of individual cultural
groups within multicultural Australia; and work
toward modifying specific cultural attitudes
about homosexuality so that it is seen as a
reality to be understood rather than an evil to
be feared and rejected. The article also
discusses the impact of migration in relation
to migrants having to learn the workings of a
new bureaucratic system and how to fight for
their rights.
Farquharson, Grant (1993). HIV and
Multiculturalism, National AIDS Bulletin
7 (2): 14-16.
132
The author interviews two HIV positive
migrants, an Argentinian and a Brazilian. Issue
ssuch as family, migration, HIV treatments,
emotional support, are discussed.
Hauff, Jacqueline (1993). Multicultural
HIV/AIDS Awareness for Queensland.
National AIDS Bulletin 7 (2): 34-36.
The article outlines a research project
conducted with eight different ethnic
communities in Brisbane and Townsville. Four
target groups were identified for specific
education programs: the general community;
young NESB people; those engaging in ‘high risk
activities’ such as MSM, injecting drug users,
and sex workers; and recently-arrived NESB
migrants and refugees.
133
Lackmann, Annegret (1997). The Continuum
of Developmental Casework in Working
With Positive Women of NESB, Noah’s Arc:
Newsletter of the Australasian Society
For HIV Medicine, 9 (2): 20-21.
Although this article is about NESB positive
women, the issues it raises are pertinent to
the situations of NESB positive men such as:
invisibility within their own NESB communities,
issues of shame and family honour, moving away
from family and community.
McGee, Patrick (1997). Productive
Diversity?, National AIDS Bulletin 11
(2): 8-9
134
The author uses Cope and Kalantzis’ model of
productive diversity to discuss the cultural
diversity of the HIV community and how the
potential for conflict needs to be understood
and subverted by focusing on the paradox
“cohesion through diversity”. Diversity is a
strength in the HIV community that binds people
together into a cohesive group with a common
purpose.
McMahon, Tadgh (1997). Cultural
Difference and Gay Identity:
implications for HIV interventions,
National AIDS Bulletin 11 (3): 16-18.
McMahon argues that a policy framework for
meeting cultural diversity within the gay
community exists in Access and Equity, and that
there is a wealth of HIV/AIDs experiences to
draw upon to make HIV/AIDS interventions more
culturally appropriate. He uses life stories of
135
three Vietnamese men who came to Sydney from
Vietnam as teenagers to explore issues of
cultural, gender and sexual identity and
belonging.
Nathan W. (1997). Rice Queens- The Asian
Hunters, SILK Newsletter, August, pages
unnumbered.
This article uses the experiences of an Asian
student from overseas to explore exploitative
experiences involving White older men, and the
implications for HIV infections.
National Aids Bulletin (1997a). What
Access? Whose Equity?, National AIDS
Bulletin 11 (2): 19-23.
Six people working in AIDS across Australia are
asked the above question including: Sue
136
Metzenrath, Co-convenor Scarlet Alliance; Keith
Gilbert, Project Officer, Gay Education
Strategies Project, AFAO (refers to setting up
committees of Asian gay men to develop
campaigns specific to those particular target
groups); Di Furness, Manager, AIDS Council of
NSW (Northern Rivers Branch); Brendon Nelson,
Services Manager, Tasmanian AIDS Council
(speaks of problems with establishing peer
support groups with one out gay Asian man; how
to access communities with no regular venues;
the need to prioritise issues and programs);
Michael Camit, Cross-Cultural HIV/AIDS Worker,
South Eastern Sydney Area Health Service (good
section on strategies for multilingual
information and services, issues of access and
equity; need for a consistent approach to data
collection on ethnicity to reflect the
diversity of cultures within the target group).
137
National AIDS Bulletin (1997b). Case
Studies in Access and Equity, National
AIDS Bulletin 11 (2): 24-27.
Community-based HIV/AIDS organisations talk
about their efforts at improving access and
equity including: Sex Workers Outreach Project
(SWOP) (significant number of NESB female sex-
workers are not accessing SWOP and other
relevant services; about one third of sex
establishments that SWOP maintains contact
within NSW employ NESB sex workers; SWOP has
two part-time bilingual staff for resource
development; education and liaison with other
services; outreach; ‘reaching in’: staff talk
about their own cultural barriers and training
needs); Prostitutes Collective of Victoria
(PCV) (includes Thai transgender workers or
Mandarin-speaking Australian women working in
massage and other NESB sex-workers; Project
SIREN for NESB sex-workers, produced booklets
138
and tapes for Thai and Filipino workers; higher
proportions of NESB men who are clients of sex
industry; the need to access ethnic media;
attending ethnic festivals).
Pallotta-Chiarolli, Maria (1994a).
Access and Equity: multiculturalism and
HIV/AIDS, AIDS Awareness Week Bulletin
1: 4.
Written in conjunction with the Multicultural
HIV/AIDS Education and Support Centre, this is
a summary of the concerns and failures of
addressing NESB issues as part of the Access
and Equity policy. Suggestions for more
inclusive, incorporative processes of mediation
and negotiation are discussed.
139
Pallotta-Chiarolli, Maria (1994b). It’s
Not My Death I’m Worried About, AIDS
Awareness Week Bulletin 2: 2
A narrative biographical reconstruction of an
interview with John, an HIV-positive Muslim-
Lebanese man who is a client of the
Multicultural HIV/AIDS Education and Support
Centre. Issues of family, ethnic and gay
community belonging, and their impact on living
with HIV, are presented.
Pallotta-Chiarolli, Maria (1996a).
Multiculturalism meets Multisexualities:
forging our own relationship patterns,
National Biways: Australian Bisexual
Network Newsletter 5: 23.
140
This paper presents a diversity of lifestyles
and sexual identifications being lived as NESB
sexualities.
Pallotta-Chiarolli, Maria (1996b). Only
Your Labels Split The Confusion: of
impurity and unclassifiability, Critical
InQueeries 1 (2): 97-118.
This paper presents a diversity of lifestyles
and sexual identifications being lived as NESB
sexualities.
Pallotta-Chiarolli, Maria (1996c).
Landscapes of Conflict and Negotiation:
health services, ethnicities and
141
sexualities, Social Alternatives 15 (4):
20-24.
This article explores the specific issues in
relation to family, ethnic community, peer
groups and networks and the wider society non-
heterosexual persons of NESB need to negotiate
and how these factors impact upon mental and
emotional health. The limitations inherent
within national health policies and medical
services in relation to NESB sexualities are
also examined.
Pallotta-Chiarolli, Maria and Skrbis,
Zlatko(1994). Authority, Compliance and
Rebellion in Second-Generation
Individuals From Cultural Minorities,
Australia New Zealand Journal Of
Sociology 30 (3): 259-272.
142
This paper explores the multi-positionings of
second-generation individuals in relation to
ethnic, gender and sexual identifications.
Sabri, Wa’el (1994). Astride Two
Cultures, Between Two Families,
National AIDS Bulletin 7 (12): 17-18.
This piece is based on an interview between a
worker from the Multicultural HIV/AIDS
Education and Support Centre with ‘John’, a
client, who is HIV positive and from NESB
culture. Talks about cultural and other issues,
his relationships within gay community,
position of the son in his family and NESB
community, and how Sabri meets his client in
coffee shops along Oxford Street away from
where John lives with his family.
Temple-Smith, Meredith & Gifford, Sandra
(1996). Should Sexually Transmissible
143
Disease Surveillance Include Ethnicity
Data? Communicable Diseases
International 20 (10): 240-243.
This article discusses the inconsistent
collection of indicators of ethnicity in
Australian data relating to HIV and sexually
transmissible diseases. It argues that such
information is essential for effective planning
in prevention and treatment. Current ethnicity
data is examined. Suggestions are made for a
staged framework for collecting such
information and for uses of these data. The
authors also address the concerns that prevent
more specific ethnicity data from being
collected and publicised, such as
discrimination and marginalisation.
144
Trotter, Gary (1993). No Identified
Risk. National AIDS Bulletin 7 (2): 31-
33.
The author outlines the issues encountered by
ten per cent of patients in the AIDS unit of
the Royal Prince Alfred Hospital who are NESB ,
usually MSM and married with children. Issues
include denial of risk behaviours, family
relationships and disclosure, isolation from
the community, lack of culturally specific
support, death customs and rituals.
Voukelatos, Alex and Boswell,
Deborah(1997). Calling All Cultures:
where policy and practice converge,
National AIDS Bulletin 11 (2): 14-15.
This paper looks at the work of the
Multicultural HIV/AIDS Education and Support
145
Centre in NSW, its projects and use of ethnic
media.
Yueming, Li, Gold, Julian and McDonald,
Ann and Kaldor, John (1996). Demographic
Pattern of AIDS in Australia, 1991-1993,
Australian And New Zealand Journal Of
Public Health 20 (4): 421-425.
This paper shows how information is broken down
by sex, age group, country of birth and
geographic area of residence, and addresses its
findings and its limitations.
The study may have documented the ‘geographic
heterogeneity’ but it certainly has homogenised
NESB issues.
Audio-visual and Other Resources
Heart Of A Tiger
146
Cassette and Training Kit
Ethnic Youth Issues, Vic, of Youth
Affairs Council of Vic, 1995
Beng Lim speaks about being HIV positive and
Malaysian, and significant family and cultural
issues, in an interview and two public forum
presentations.
The Last Coming Out
1992, VHS 89 mins
Producer/Director/Writer: Con
Anemogiannis
Fortian Productions PTY LTD.
Looks at the multicultural communities of
Australia, showing how they have been affected
by HIV/AIDS. Examines Australia’s gay community
through the eyes of its multicultural members.
Australians from NESB reflect on living with
147
the knowledge of HIV, of having to tell their
closed communities and families. It is the last
coming out, double isolation. Also interviews
councillors and other service providers.
Ethnicity and Sexuality Segment,
Life Matters
Producer: Lorenza Bacino
Geraldine Doogue’s ABC Radio National,
February 3rd, 1997.
Interviews with ‘John’ who is NESB gay-
identifying second-generation, Happy Ho lesbian
of Chinese background and her mother, and Maria
Pallotta-Chiarolli.
Men Who Have Sex With Men
148
SBS Television and National AIDS
Campaign as part of the English at Work
series.
1992
Explores issues of HIV and STD prevention for
men who have sex with men and women. Culturally
diverse representations of doctors, clients,
etc. Centres around young married man who has
sex with football team mate.
National HIV/AIDS and Sexual Health
Video Project for NESB
Senior Project Officer: Tony Savdie
Multicultural HIV/AIDS Education and
Support Centre, Sydney
In process, 1997-1998.
A video, facilitator’s handbook, workshop
materials and board game are being developed in
149
seven languages: Chinese, Vietnamese, Tetum,
Arabic, Spanish, English and Bosnian. The video
will present jargon-free information on HIV and
STDs, and use story-telling and case studies as
additional material.
Peatfield, David (1997). Heterosexual
Men Who Have Sex With Men: an
information manual for health service
providers. Sydney: Western Sydney AIDS
Unit: HIV Education.
Has a section on heterosexual MSM of different
cultural backgrounds. Deals with different
understandings of sexual identity, marriage and
family, and gives hints about cross-cultural
undertandings such as assessing English
speaking skills.
150
Play It Safe: HIV/AIDS Awareness Project
And Report
Multicultural HIV/AIDS Education and
Support Service and Central Sydney Area
Health Service, 1996.
Video is part of a campaign using soccer as a
means of educating people about HIV/AIDS.
Soccer celebrities and other celebrities are
interviewed. It targets soccer spectators and
players, multicultural men and women usually
around 13 to 25.
Safe Not Sorry: Cultural Applications
Community Programs, Personal & Community
Services Industry Training Division,
TAFE, NSW, 1994.
151
A kit of multilingual resource sheets that
provides teachers and educators with basic
knowledge of issues which may assist them when
implementing HIV/AIDS education with people
from the following language/cultural groups:
Arabic, Italian, Greek, Macedonian, Khmer,
Loation, Thai, Vietnamese, Polish, Chinese,
Cantonese, Croatian.
Each language has a section on MSM.
Sex, Living And Dying: Cross-Cultural
Meanings and HIV/AIDS.
Audio-cassette and package by Amos Hee
for the Ethnic Youth Issues Network of
Victoria. Uses ‘Heart of a Tiger’ by
Beng Lim. 1997.
The story of Beng Lim, a young HIV positive man
from Malaysia, showing how migration, culture,
homosexuality, being young and HIV Positive
152
interact in a powerful way. Provides some
definitions of ethnicity, culture, values and
social justice; offers guidelines on how to
make organisations more accessible to young
NESB people. Also shows how shame can act as a
cultural barrier where young NESB MSM may not
disclose to workers their frequenting of beats,
for example. The issue of coming out is also
addressed. Also presents other case studies
such as ‘Mike’, young NESB MSM.
Three In A Marriage: educational
resource for women partners of bisexual
and/or gay men.
Sara Lubowitz, Women of Bisexual
Partners Project, ACON, 1997.
Several women are interviewed about their
relationships, sexual infections, and includes
153
footage from GP episode. Women are culturally
diverse.
Working With Diversity
Training Film for Health Workers
South Eastern Sydney Area Health
Service: Michael Camit and Colin Clews
NSW Health Department, 1995
Pegasus Video,
NSW Film and TV Office
Addresses some of the issues surrounding NESB
MSM using short scenarios. Includes an
accompanying training package with workshop
activities, discussion starters, essays.
154
Books/Monographs
Jackson, Peter and Sullivan, Gerard (ed)
(forthcoming, 1998). Multicultural
Queer: Australian narratives. New York:
Haworth Press.
This is a collection of theoretical essays,
autobiographical narratives, and research
papers that explore being of NESB and of
diverse sexualities in Australia. There are
some sections exploring sexual health and HIV.
Lubowitz, Sara (1995). The Wife, Her
Husband, His Boyfriend...Her Story.
Canberra: AIDS/Communicable Diseases
Branch, Commonwealth Dept of Human
Services.
155
One of the interviewed women, Zoe, is of NESB
with a bisexual husband. Talks about not being
able to tell her NESB family. Both their
families have placed much pressure on them. Has
remained friends with her husband, still loves
him.
Pallotta-Chiarolli, Maria (1991).
Someone You Know: a friend’s farewell.
Adelaide: Wakefield Press.
An autobiographical/biographical book with
AIDS, death and dying, and friendship as
primary themes. Issues of ethnicity, sexuality
and gender are also major focuses.
Pallotta-Chiarolli, Maria (1994c).
Negotiating Ethnicity, Gender and
Sexuality: the personal identity
formation of lesbians of Non-English
156
Speaking Backgrounds. M.A. in Women’s
Studies Thesis published as a monograph
in Multicultural Australia Papers (No.
73, 1994), Ecumenical Migration Centre,
Collingwood, Victoria.
Textual and empirical research on issues of
cultural conflict, cultural synthesis and the
negotiation of family, ethnic and lesbian
communities and society that is of relevance to
NESB MSM.
Surgey, Di (1992). Women Talk...About
AIDS, Sex And Sexual Health.
Melbourne: Women in Industry and
Community Health (WICH).
A bilingual book for women from Arabic speaking
communities that raises issue of husbands
157
having sex outside the marriage ‘with anyone
else’ so gender remains unspecified.
Book Chapters
Pallotta-Chiarolli, Maria (1992). What
About Me? Lesbians of Italian Background
in K. Herne, J. Travaglia and E.
Weiss(ed) Who Do You Think You Are?
Writings By Second Generation Immigrant
Women. Sydney: Women’s Redress
Press/Melbourne: Artemis Press from
1996.
158
Drawing upon interviews with four lesbians of
Italian background, the chapter explores their
negotiations, conflicts and points of synthesis
with their families, ethnic communities, wider
society, feminist and lesbian networks that are
also pertinent to NESB MSM.
Pallotta-Chiarolli, Maria (1995). ‘A
Rainbow in My Heart’: Negotiating
Sexuality and Ethnicity in C. Guerra
and R. White(eds) Ethnic Minority Youth
In Australia: challenges and myths.
Hobart: National Clearinghouse on Youth
Studies.
Explores the specific issues in relation to
family, ethnic community, peer groups and
networks and the wider society non-heterosexual
persons of NESB need to negotiate.
159
Pallotta-Chiarolli, Maria (1996d).
Landscapes of Conflict and Integration:
Negotiating Ethnicity, Gender and
Sexuality in Relation to Mental and
Emotional Health in J. Larbalestier, M.
Spongberg, M. Winn (eds) Women.
Sexuality. Culture. Sydney University
Women’s Studies Centre and United
Nations Development Fund.
Explores the specific issues in relation to
family, ethnic community, peer groups and
networks, and the wider society non-
heterosexual persons of NESB need to negotiate
and how these factors impact upon mental and
emotional health. The limitations inherent
within national health policies and services in
relation to NESB sexualities are also examined.
160
Pallotta-Chiarolli, Maria and Skrbis,
Zlatko (1995). Ethnicity, Sexuality and
Gender: Authority, Compliance and
Rebellion in J. McNamee and L. Rowan
(ed) Voices Of A Margin: speaking for
yourself. Rockhampton: University of
Central Queensland Press.
Explores the multi-positionings of second-
generation individuals in relation to ethnic,
gender and sexual identifications.
Conference Publications
161
Camit, Michael (1996a). Working With
Diversity, Out There Too: social
research and practice forum on health,
sexuality and HIV/AIDS. Adelaide, March
14-15, 1996. HIV/AIDS Progress Unit, SA
Health Commission.
Introduces the package ‘Working With Diversity’
that unpacks assumptions, generalisations, by
presenting a training video that uses dramatic
sequences to illustrate issues around
assumptions HIV/AIDS workers make about
clients. It outlines possible impacts language
and culture have on HIV/AIDS related knowledge
and behaviours; the impact of language and
culture on access to HIV/AIDS services, outline
possible strategies for linguistically and
culturally sensitive HIV/AIDS programs. Also
provides suggestions on how to incorporate
issues of diversity into the organisations.
162
Camit, Michael (1996b). An Invitation to
Yum Cha: HIV Positive Asians,
Out There Too: social research and
practice forum on health, sexuality and
HIV/AIDS. Adelaide, March 14-15, 1996.
HIV/AIDS Progress Unit, SA Health
Commission.
Discusses Asian Project of ACON: its
exploration of issues of class, geographic
isolation, culture in Western Suburbs of
Sydney; and its aim to minimise adverse impact
of HIV infection on Positive Asian gay men, and
foster and promote principles of self-
determination, empowerment and personal
responsibility. Explores strategies of indirect
recruitment to access Asian HIV positive men
and their carers, and avoid them having to
163
disclose before being reassured of ACON’s
confidentiality, trust issues.
Discusses why it’s difficult to reach out to
Positive Asians: Asians are not one homogenous
group eg. religious differences, language
barriers, internal class structures,
traditional role of family, confidentiality eg.
refusing interpreter from same culture, wary of
anyone in authority or linked to government,
immigration issues and fear of deportation,
unaware that testing and treatment is free,
seeing HIV as result of becoming Westernised,
issue of arranged marriages, sickness as
punishment for past sins or karma.
Calls for essential multilingual treatments
information being placed on the agenda of
education for HIV positive people;
acknowledgment of traditional medicine as an
option; national campaign needed to raise
164
visibility of HIV positive Asians; partnership
between HIV organisations and ethnic community
organisation to create supportive environments
and sharing of resources; quality social
research on NESB living with HIV that
recognises impact of language and culture.
Farquharson, Grant (1996). The ‘Por La
Vida’ Project: A Short History and
Recommendations, First National
Conference For Spanish-Speaking
Organisations, March.
Presents history and objectives of “Por La
Vida”, organisation for HIV awareness and
support in Spanish speaking communities. HIV+
165
clients are 98% male (55) and 1 female. 70%
identified as homosexual, 9% as bisexual, while
7% did not specify. 48% had contracted HIV
through sexual transmission.
Matsumoto, Kirsten Axell, Thiele, Deb
and Kunst, Jens-Peter (1996). Migrant
Health Service: Crossing Barriers with a
Multicultural Community Support Program,
Out There Too: social research and
practice forum on health, sexuality and
HIV/AIDS. Adelaide, March 14-15, 1996.
HIV/AIDS Progress Unit, SA Health
Commission.
Discusses HIV/AIDS Community Support Program to
work with clients from diverse cultures not
accessing mainstream HIV/AIDS information and
services. Discusses the use of peer education
model and multicultural community support model
166
as peer education model is not feasible due to
different languages, cultures and other social
complexities.
Community Support Workers are called upon to
work in community education, client support,
program advocacy and representation at
meetings, workshops, etc. They are given
Community Support training, paid for attending
meetings.
Found that successful ethnic community access
depends on liaisons with ethnic community
organisations and that informal education
processes through family and friends are
valuable and need to be documented.
Discusses ongoing development of the program
and its use by and connections to other
organisations.
167
Pallotta-Chiarolli, Maria (1993).
Landscapes of Conflict and Integration:
Emotional and Mental Health Issues for
Women of Non-English Speaking
Backgrounds in Relation to Gender and
Sexuality, Health For Multicultural
Australia (Computer Disk of National
Conference Papers, Sydney University and
Southern Sydney Area Health Services,
November, 1993)
Explores the specific issues in relation to
family, ethnic community, peer groups and
networks and the wider society non-heterosexual
persons of NESB need to negotiate and how these
factors impact upon mental and emotional
health. The limitations inherent within
national health policies and medical services
in relation to NESB sexualities are also
examined.
168
Pallotta-Chiarolli, Maria (1996e).
Landscapes of Conflict, Negotiation and
Integration: Health Services and the
Intersections of Ethnicities and
Sexualities, Out There Too: social
research and practice forum on health,
sexuality and HIV/AIDS. Adelaide, March
14-15, 1996. HIV/AIDS Progress Unit, SA
Health Commission.
Explores the specific issues in relation to
family, ethnic community, peer groups and
networks and the wider society non-heterosexual
persons of NESB need to negotiate and how these
factors impact upon mental and emotional
health. The limitations inherent within
national health policies and medical services
in relation to NESB sexualities are also
examined.
169
Pallotta-Chiarolli, Maria (1997). HIV,
Sexual Health and International Students
at Australian Universities,
International Education- In It Together:
8th International Student Advisers’
Network of Australia Conference.
Melbourne, 3rd -5th December, 1997.
This paper provides an overview on homosexually
active male International Students in relation
to HIV/AIDS and STD knowledge; and sexual
relationships and practices with particular
reference to risk practices for the
transmission of HIV and other STDs.
It outlines the types of issues that will be
explored in a research project curreently
underway in 1998 from the National Centre in
HIV Social Research, Macquarie University.
Interwoven factors of culture, gender and
170
sexuality are explored in this paper, and will
be explored in the research. It is envisaged
that the information gained from the research
will assist universities in planning and
implementing programs and other initiatives for
International Students.
Pugh, Lynette (1993). Ambiguities in
Defining Sexual Health: The Impact on
Service Delivery, Health For
Multicultural Australia Conference, 10-
12 December, 1993.
In addressing issues and strategies for NESB
women’s sexual health, this article presents
useful ideas for addressing NESB MSM:
confidentiality, low costs, personal and
unhurried services, active participation of
client groups in the service, exchange of
social and personal information (education) as
171
well as health information, need to incorporate
sexual health into broader health care and
occasionally address sexual issues indirectly,
testing our own homogenising assumptions and
stereotypes, ‘the need to balance the
culturally appropriate advice that is essential
in designing programs for cultural communities
and the traditional taboos about sexual health
topics which may never change without
challenges being made to them’, which cultural
beliefs are more correct and who decides which
beliefs should be challenged?
Project Reports
172
Alley, Jo (1995). The Missing Half:
women partners of bisexual men (WPBM),
Women’s Health Service, South Eastern
Sydney Area Health Service.
Acknowledges there is no documented information
about WPBM from NESB. Research conducted
suggests that education and support for WPBM
from lower socio-economic backgrounds and some
NESB should be a priority.
Recommends culturally specific research
conducted with women and men from NESB should
include issues related to fidelity, adultery,
power relations, help-seeking patterns,
attitudes to homosexuality, attitudes towards
husbands having sex with men, impact of
religion, etc.
Recommends development of education strategies
to reach WPBM from NESB
Little documentation available on attitudes of
NESB women towards MSM and the implications for
173
marriage and relationships. Religious beliefs
and gender relations both in Australian NESB
communities as well as in the countries of
origin have a considerable impact. Culturally
appropriate material about WPBM is required in
languages other than English. To be made
available at early childhood and other health
and communty centres.
Alpak, David I. (1995). A Report on Men
From Non-English Speaking Background Who
Have Sex With Men in the Illawarra
Region. Port kembla Sexual health
Clinic; Illawarra Area Health Service;
Multicultural HIV/AIDS Education and
Support Service.
Questionnaires, unstructured interviews with
NESB MSM and structured interviews with migrant
health workers and HIV/AIDs professionals in
174
the Illawarra region were conducted . The
research found that concealment of sexuality
was a top priority and this fear of disclosure
was a major reason for NESB MSM not accessing
HIv/AIDs services. Most migrant health workers
were not equipped to provide adequate HIV/AIDS
intervention to MSM in their communities. It
was concluded that outreach work is crucial due
to the need for concealment and that existing
migrant health services and the Multilingual
Information Line be restructured to direct
their provision to MSM.
Axell, Kirsten and Perkons, Rita (1994).
The Multicultural HIV/AIDS State
Strategy Project. Adelaide: Migrant
Health Service and Ethnic Communities
Council, HIV/AIDS Programs Unit, South
Australian Health Commission.
175
Distinguishes between explicit culture that
represents overt cultural behaviour such as
attending church or dressing in a certain way.
Implicit culture is covert behaviour learned
subtly through art, folk stories or behavioural
cues from parents and other role models. Raises
issue whether incorporation of NESB issues into
service planning leads to stereotyping cultures
or as raising awareness of diverse community
needs. Need for an individualistic response.
NESB MSM presenting late at hospitals with
infections. Ten year lag in information about
HIV in some NESB communities.
Asks if culturalist explanations of behaviour
are sometimes used to legitimise non-
intervention in the case of potentially
difficult NESB clients, and if services place
NESB issues in the ‘too hard basket’.
Need to assist and link NESB communities and
mainstream organisations in their
misunderstandings and ignorances of each other.
176
Lists the physical resources needed: eg
interpreters, funding, central points to meet,
etc.
Addresses issue that ‘workshop’ model is too
Western for some NESB people; informal contact
often better.
Eisenberg, Masha and Lee, Ilona (1994).
Eastern Sydney Multicultural HIV/AIDS
Access Project. Eastern Sydney Area
Health Service and Multicultural
HIV/AIDS Education and Support Service.
Surveyed knowledge and practice of HIV/AIDS
service providers in the area and a survey of
bilingual practitioners. Found that HIV/AIDS
staff do not always use appropriate resources
in their interactions with NESB clients.
Substantial gaps in info/training regarding
NESB issues and resources. Biggest issues were
177
language barriers and lack of understanding
cultural attitudes and beliefs such as in
relation to homosexuality.
Eisenberg, Masha, and Sabri, Wa’el
(1994). Arabic Men Social Research
Project. Sydney: Multicultural HIV/AIDS
Education and Support Service.
Study ‘measures’ the effectiveness of a half-
day workshop program in Arabic in increasing
HIV/AIDS awareness among a select group of
Arabic Christian and Moslem speaking men.
Results show it is possible to raise level of
HIV/AIDS information and change some beliefs
about its transmission and this was monitored
six weeks after the workshop. Also, men’s
attitudes and beliefs changed such as the
recognition that homosexuality was practised in
their culture. No evidence in this study that
178
either age or religion make accessing Arabic
men for HIV education difficult.
George, John (1992). A Report On A Needs
Assessment For An HIV/AIDS Education
Program For The Arabic Speaking
Community. Southern and South Western
Sydney Area Health Services and
Fraternal Society of Tripoli and Mena.
A series of interviews with individuals and
organisations in Arabic-speaking community
and/or providing HIV/AIDS services; survey of
Arabic speaking doctors; survey of Arabic
speaking high school students; confidential
phone line.
179
Gifford, Sandy; Mitchell, Anne;
Rosenthal, Doreen; and Temple-Smith,
Meredith (1994). STD And HIV/AIDS
Education For People Of Non-English
Speaking Backgrounds. La Trobe
University Centre for the Study of
Sexually Transmissible Diseases,
Melbourne and Australian Government
Publishing Service: Canberra.
This report reviews the existing research and
programs relating to the educational needs of
people of NESB in relation to STDs and
HIV/AIDS. It documents knowledge in three
areas: epidemiology, social and behavioural
research, and education strategies and
programs. Several of its recommendations
address the need to prioritise men who have sex
with men as requiring ethnographic and
qualitative studies which examine the social
180
and cultural context of sexuality and safe
behaviours; the need for AIDS councils to
develop specific strategies for targeting NESB
MSM who do not identify with the gay
community, particularly those who use beats,
and that funding be directed to specific NESB
MSM groups such as NESB sex workers, illegal
immigrants, overseas students.
Hauff, Jacqui (1993). Report On HIV/AIDS
Education For The Non-English Speaking
Background Communities Of Queensland.
Brisbane: Ethnic Communities Council.
Provides overview of initiatives in other
states and the underlying principles adopted by
Queensland: community involvement/consultation,
personalised information, provision of a non-
threatening, secure environment, ownership of
message by target group, opportunity for
diversity and adaptation of style of message to
181
target population, participation of audience at
all stages of program, need for verbal and
visual representation of information for less
literate and poor people.
In regard to Queensland NESB MSM, the report
found that none of mainstream AIDS/health
organisations had conducted any research or
employed any project officers to educate/inform
NESB MSM; and none of services are being
accessed by NESB men, often alienated by ‘gay
network/culture’, more closeted in Brisbane
than Sydney. Significance of talking in terms
of ‘risky activities’ rather than ‘risky
people’ as ethnic men may not identify with
‘gay’ labels and so believe they are not at
risk. Need to identify social/communication
networks of NESB MSM in Queensland.
182
Hauff, Jacqueline (1994). Multicultural
HIV/AIDS Awareness Evaluation Report.
Brisbane: Ethnic Communities Council.
A valuable report of the implementation of the
‘Multicultural HIV/AIDS Awareness Training and
Workshop Program’. Provides insights into
issues that arise, strategies, practicalities
that need to be considered regarding NESB
communities.
Hauff, Jacqueline (1996). Project Gemini
And Gemini Phase II. Brisbane: Ethnic
Communities Council.
Outlines overview and background of Stage I of
Project Gemini and how the recommendations have
183
been addressed, and the establishment of Phase
II.
Hood, Daryl; Prestage, Garrett;
Crawford, June; Sorrell, Tania; and
O’Reilly, Chris (1994). Report On The
Bisexual Activity/Non Gay Attachment
Research (BANGAR) Project. National
Centre in HIV Social Research, Macquarie
University: Sydney.
The project included NESB MSM; accessed by
using community-based media and strategies to
determine culture-specific aspects of
sexuality, language of sexuality and sexual
practices, and relevance of migration.
Ethnic Chinese men and Arabic/Middle Eastern
men were recruited and they generally did not
live a gay lifestyle and did not necessarily
184
participate in gay community. Found sex
partners among friends or at beats.
Found that NESB MSM do not easily relate to
messages directed at men who have sex with men,
in general.
Mahat, Mohamad (1995). Social Needs
Assessment: NESB MSM. Brisbane:
Queensland AIDS Council and Ethnic
Communities Council.
Overview of issues and existing data and
research.
Issues include: myths of Asian immunity to
HIV, arising from low incidence of reported
AIDS cases in most Asian communities provide
convenient denial escape mechanisms for some
Asian men; cultural taboos and attitudes toward
sexuality, illness, disease, death and dying;
other pressing issues are seen as more in need
of immediate attention eg. isolation and
185
loneliness, cultural differences, relationships
including family, discrimination and violence,
etc.
Project targeted 3 NESB MSM sub-groups: NESB
members of gay community, NESB persons living
with HIV/AIDS, NESB homosexually active men who
do not identify as gay.
Methodology: Face to face interviews, survey
questionnaires, telephone info line, interviews
with key individuals/agencies, Asian group
discussion.
Mahat, Mohamad (1997). Gemini Phase II-
NESB Men Who Have Sex With Men: Project
Evaluation.
Discusses need for a wholistic approach to
HIV/AIDS education and prevention in relation
to family, community, culture, religion.
Highlights how repressive social environment
where sex and homosexuality are taboo or seen
186
as perversion could only result in NESB MSM
negative attitudes or shying away from
information or services in relation to
HIV/AIDS.
5 target groups: homosexually active NESB MSM
(including rural and non-identified gay NESB
MSM); HIV positive NESB MSM, NESB youth,
general ethnic communities including health
care workers and service providers, newly
arrived overseas students.
Report provides Program Description:
objectives, strategies and context for the 5
target groups, Program Evaluation, Conclusion.
Outcomes were: increase of knowledge of
HIV/AIDS and subsequent practice of safe sex;
development of social and support networks and
formation of self-help groups for identified
NESB MSM target groups; provision of supportive
and safe environment where NESB MSM can discuss
issues pertinent to their lifestyle and where
they can be themselves; increased understanding
187
by Health Care Workers and ethnic communities
of needs and issues pertaining to NESB MSM;
increase in understanding by NESB Youth on
issues pertaining to Homosexuality and safe
sex; increase in the understanding of issues
pertaining to safe sex by the newly arrived
overseas students.
Limited success in accessing non-Asian NESB MSM
target groups, especially those with European
backgrounds.
McMahon, Tadgh (1995). Report On Non-
English Speaking Background Isolated Gay
Men. Sydney: Multicultural HIV/AIDS
Education and Support Service.
A study was conducted with MSM from Vietnamese,
Indonesian, Polish and Italian backgrounds (2
new communities and 2 established communities)
to identify gaps in services, increasing access
to services and information, and establishing
188
models to contact and survey target groups. A
phone-in strategy was selected with bilingual
gay male interviewers recruiting interviewees
through advertisements in local newspapers,
ethnic media, gay press, stickers in beats,
fliers to sex-on-premises venues.
Found that only a minority in all groups was
attached to gay community. Most went to their
doctors for information on health issues but
unclear if they do so about HIV, some from
newspapers, few used free health services.
Found that health service providers need to be
further aware of issues relating to NESB MSM,
that further research be done into health
behaviour of isolation from gay community and
effects of cultural hegemony of mainstream gay
community.
McMahon, Tadgh (1996). Issues Around
Sexuality For Men Of Vietnamese
Background Living In Sydney Who Have Sex
189
With Men. Faculty of Nursing and Health
Studies, UWS Nepean.
Comprises three life stories of Vietnamese MSM,
conducted in English.
Research indicated importance of family
identity in participants’ lives, particulalrly
responsibility sons, especially eldest sons,
have in the family structure. Oxford Street is
seen by many as culturally alien.
Importance of face-to-face meetings and
possibly one or two before people feel
comfortable being interviewed.
Importance of active/masculine and
passive/feminine roles in their experiences of
homosexuality. Bound up in gender issues and
may impact upon adoption or negotiation of safe
sex between men. Premium attached to ‘love’ and
desire to form long-term ‘marriage-like’
relationships with men may influence structure
of such relationships. Gay identity is not
190
central to their personal identity and derive
few cultural values from the gay community,
therefore materials/services designed for gay
men may not be appropriate for Vietnamese MSM,
particularly newly arrived immigrants. ‘Coming
out’ may be culturally proscribed. Issues of
racial or ethnic differences seem to have
prominence in choice of male sexual partner and
the emotive issue of “older” Caucasian men
requires further investigation.
Migrant Health Service and the Ethnic
Communities Council of South Australia
(1994). The Multicultural HIV/AIDS State
Strategy Final Report. Adelaide:
HIV/AIDS Programs Unit, South Australian
Health Commission.
Sets out four distinct sub-groups to be
targeted: long-term residents, recent arrivals,
191
children of NESB migrants, overseas students.
Addresses denial of HIV and homosexuality in
NESB communities, and issues of confidentiality
and distance as barriers to access.
Mitchell, Anne; Rosenthal, Doreen;
Walsh, Jenny (1997). Second National
Sexual Health Education Forum For People
Of Diverse Cultural And Linguistic
Backgrounds. Melbourne: La Trobe
University Centre for the Study of STDs.
Describes gay men and non-gay identifying men
as a priority group requiring issues of
identity, gay or ethnic, be addressed.
Multicultural HIV/AIDS Education and
Support Project . Biannual Reports.
Central Sydney Area Health Service: NSW
Health Department.
192
Present a series of reports on projects and
other work of the Centre.
Multicultural HIV/AIDS Education and
Support Service (1996). Chinese-Speaking
Background Beats Outreach Report.
Sydney: Multicultural HIV/AIDS Education
and Support Service.
Anecdotal evidence suggests that at some beats
up to 50% of users are of Asian background.
These beats were identified and one was chosen
in which to conduct beats outreach and have
informal talks with men of Chinese background.
50 men were chosen at random from the Chinese
background men using a particular BEAT. Aged
18-43 and most had been in Australia for 5
years or more.
193
34% engaged in anal sex; 34% never used a
condom while only 20% used a condom every time.
56% were not gay-identified. 56% had ‘good’
level of English; 46% had limited knowledge of
HIV while only 28% had good knowledge. Most men
had had only one HIV test, and 30% had never
had an HIV test. Not all of men identified as
gay actively participate in the gay community,
so a large number of Chinese background men may
not be getting HIV information. Of the men, 5
had a student visa.
Pallotta-Chiarolli, Maria (1994d).
Mediation and Negotiation: the work of
the Multicultural HIV/AIDS Education and
Support Service in New South Wales.
Sydney: Multicultural HIV/AIDS Education
and Support Service.Unpublished report.
194
Based on interviews with clients and workers,
the report details the concerns and needs of
HIV positive NESB clients and workers, and how
the Centre addresses these.
Poetschka, Neil; Costa, Robert;
Brotherton, Allan; Clews, Colin;
Prestage, Garrett (1995). The Impact Of
Language And Culture On The Knowledge
And Practice Of Safe Sex Among Men Who
Use Beats. Sydney: South-Eastern Sydney
Area Health Service.
Large numbers of non-Anglo men attend beats who
are reluctant to talk to Anglo-Australian
outreach workers; select sex partners who are
not obviously from their own immediate ethnic
community for fear of exposure and judgement;
prefer men from other cultures but not Anglo-
Australian due to alienation, language
195
difficulties, perceptions of Anglo men as
potential sources of infection. Older NESB men
more likely to be involved in ethnic
communities and dependent on them for
information, language and services as well as
cultural fulfilment, therefore fear of
ostracism heightened.
Likely to have no social or political
involvement with the gay community and more
likely to have poor knowledge of HIV issues.
Cultural and religious experience of non-Anglo
men seems to outweigh the importance or
benefits of identifying with gay community.
Less likely to identify as homosexual.
Prestage, Garrett; Crawford, June;
Sayed, Jamal; Hood, Daryl; Sorrell,
Tania (undated a) Arabic-Speaking Men
Who Have Sex With Men. (draft only)
196
45 men recruited through advertisements in
Arabic press and local newspapers and outreach
at sex venues. Tended to engage in fewer sexual
practices and more affectionate practices.
Used venues simply as means of meeting male
partners and for sexual enjoyment and did not
have any closer association with gay community.
Less homosexually-oriented than non-Arabic-
speakers. Intended to maintain and develop
family-based heterosexual lifestyle within
their respective Arabic communities. Not
interested in commitment to gay community; see
this commitment as irrelevant to their
lives.Compartmentalise their lives. Did not
want venue in their local area as concerned
about disclosure in their communities. More
comfortable with the term bisexual.
Translations of words like homosexual are a
problem as no Arabic word for an identity,
just receptive anal intercourse practice.
Homosexuality as a product of Western culture.
197
Prestage, Garrett; Crawford, June; Wong,
Ken; Hood, Daryl; Sorrell, Tania
(undated b) Chinese-Speaking Men Who
Have Sex With Men. (draft only)
Semi-structured telephone questionnaire.
Recruitment of some through Chinese press.
Tended to classify themselves as homosexual
although not identifying with or attached to
organised gay community. However, the way the
question was asked about sexual identity, had
to make a choice between labels which, in the
manner of translation, were actually more
descriptive of sexual behaviour than sexual
types. Very few had female partners.
Language appeared to be most important factor
in not participating in organised gay
community. Increases difficulty in discussing
homosexuality as issue has never really been
acknowledged, and words like ‘gay’ have no
198
proper translation. Homosexuality as a product
of ‘Western culture’.
Difficulties in interviews due to translations,
and cultural interpretations of words and
labels. Therefore dependence on English words
and labels means those with little access to
English words and labels would find
participation in gay community as irrelevant or
difficult, minimal use of personal advertising.
Greater dependence on personal networks and
friendships for finding male sex partners. Also
issues of discrimination both from within gay
community and from within NESB communities.
Often felt that Anglo men were only interested
in ‘sex’ rather than affectionate intimacy.
Pullen, Stuart (1993) The Use Of Beats
By Men Of Non-English Speaking
Background. Multicultural HIV/AIDS
Education and Support Project: Sydney.
199
Found that beat users had poorer English
skills, older men were an obvious risk for
HIV/STD infections; high education needs of
these men; ability to access redress to police
intervention in beat use or to homophobic
violence seems poor. Would not attempt to seek
medical or legal protection; difficult to
negotiate safer sex in a beat situation,
isolated from gay community; have barriers
against forming long relationships with men and
more likely to have higher numbers of partners.
Suggest local police should be made aware of
NESB issues; more information like stickers in
beats and toilets in different languages.
Schneider, Anne-Marie Elias (1994).
Korean Community HIV/AIDS Needs
Assessment In The Southern Sydney Area
Health Service. Sydney: Multicultural
HIV/AIDS Education and Support Service.
200
Identifies Korean businessmen as ‘high risk
group’ because they are travelling to countries
where there is little or no information about
HIV and they engage in unsafe practices.
Also identifies overseas students who arrive in
Australia with little information on HIV.
Very negative community attitudes toward people
with multiple partners and homosexuals (45 -
50%) with 25% males and 15% females saying
they deserved to get infected.
65% females and 70% males think homosexuality
is uncommon in Korea. 65% males and 60% females
do not feel comfortable talking to homosexual
persons.
Saw related factors such as unemployment rate,
lack of educational qualifications, low
incomes, conservative Confucian beliefs,
cultural values in relation to sexual
relationships as being very important.
For businessmen, thought the dissemination of
pamphlets through travel agents, airlines and
201
overseas embassies, and Karaoke bars; also
dissemination of literature through overseas
students’ unions.
Sturgess, Stuart (1993). AIDS Related
Knowledge, Attitudes And Behaviour
Amongst Adelaide’s Latin-American
Population. Adelaide: Second Story Youth
Health Centre.
Discusses lack of adequate data collection re
AIDS diagnosis which results in inadequate
planning and funding strategies. 1989 national
HIV awareness campaign for NESB persons by
Commonwealth government used multi-media
approach but had little impact due to low
levels of English literacy; AIDS seen by NESB
as an Anglo issue; lack of targeting for
particular ethnic groups. Differences between
groups regarding the practice of anal
202
intercourse, visiting sex workers, use of
condoms.
Found that sometimes the view that NESB groups
find questions of sexual nature too confronting
was more a reflection of Anglo-Australian
concepts/perceptions of conservatism and their
own discomfort with such topics, and even
somewhat patronising towards the culture
concerned.
No data collected on locality of respondents’
residence or socio-economic status.
Sutherland, Marg (1997). HIV/AIDS
Awareness for NESB Communities: ethnic
media project report. Melbourne: Centre
for Social Health
Documents the process used to provide
information and to raise awareness about
HIV/AIDS and related issues in five community
203
languages through the use of ethnic media. Key
strategy was the recruitment and involvement of
community working groups, and key people in
communities. Identified NESB MSM as special
needs group.
Prestage, Garrett; Campbell, Danielle;
Van de Ven, Paul; Kippax, Susan; Knox,
Stephanie; Kinder, Paul; Crawford, June;
French, Judy; Cooper, David (1996).
Ethno-Cultural Differences In Three
Samples Of Homosexually-Active Men In
Sydney, Melbourne And Brisbane,
Australia. National Centre in HIV Social
Research, Macquarie University, Sydney:
HIV AIDS & Society Publications.
Examines ethno-cultural backgrounds of men is
SMASH, MMASH, BRASH. Most men were gay
identified, had strong gay community
204
involvement and had widely disclosed their
homosexuality to relatives, friends and
acquaintances. Middle Eastern men less likely
to identify as gay, while Southern European,
South Asian and Middle Eastern men were more
likely to express some discomfort with their
sexual identity. Southern European men were
less likely to see themselves as part of the
gay community and East Asian men were less
likely to have disclosed their homosexuality to
others, while South Asian men spent less free
time with gay friends.
South and East Asian men had fewer male
partners while Middle Eastern men had a greater
number of casual partners. All engaged in
similar types and range of sexual practices
with both their casual and regular partners.
East Asian men less likely to consider anal
intercourse important.
Used a broad range of health services. South
Asian and East Asian men were less likely to
205
have been tested for HIV and less likely to
have tested HIV positive. Most men had some
knowledge of HIV transmission but less likely
to use gay press. Fewer Middle Eastern men were
able to name education campaigns or services
aimed at gay men. Condom use was high.
Unprotected anal intercourse with regular
partners was more common but mainly with
seroconcordant couples.
Tribes Research Project (1996). Drug
Users Of Arabic Background. Cabramatta:
Cabramatta Community Centre.
Generally the Arabic community does not
acknowledge a drug problem and same sex
activities do not exist. AIDS is associated
with Western community, gay community and
homosexual activities. Believe that culture and
religion will protect them. Important to
include Arabic workers and leaders in the
206
research work and also to break down
stereotypes among mainstream workers.
Voukelatos, Alexander (1996). The Greek
Men HIV/STD Research Project Report.
Central Sydney Area Health Service:
Multicultural HIV/AIDS Education and
Support Service.
81 men were interviewed about HIV/STD and
related issues. The strategy of targeting
Greek-Australian MSM through the general male
community was successful. Results indicate that
as many as 10% of all respondents could be
beats users. Although no direct questions were
about sexual behaviour with other men, an
indication of knowledge of MSM activity is
suggested by the identification of ‘beats’ as a
palce to meet others for sex. Just over 10% of
men mentioned parks, beats, public toilets, or
207
saunas as places to meet others for sex,
possibly from personal use. It would have been
easier if the Greek MSM had a formal community,
or a communal meeting place. It is even
doubtful whether Greek MSM label their sexual
behaviour as ‘sex’, making it even harder to
identify these men.
Waterford, David (1997). NESB Young Men
Who Have Sex With Men (first draft).
Adelaide: Migrant Health Service,
Adelaide Diocesan AIDS Centre and Levi-
Strauss.
Investigates relationship between young NESB
MSM (15-25) and largely White gay community in
Adelaide. Examines the impact this disparity in
resources and differences in culture have on
the ability of these young men to adequately
protect themselves from contracting HIV. Survey
208
with 30 individuals investigates interviewees
demographic backgrounds, their general
knowledge of HIV/AIDS transmission, their
sexual practices and their perceptions of
Adelaide’s gay community and the impact of
culture on these items.
Yamine, Rick and Elias-Schneider, Anne-
Marie (1995). HIV/AIDS Needs Assessments
For The Chinese And Vietnamese
Communities Across Four Area Health
Services In Sydney. Sydney:
Multicultural HIV/AIDS Education and
Support Service.
Identified Vietnamese and Chinese young people
as a higher risk group, and that Chinese and
Vietnamese communities tend to see HIV as a
punishment for immorality only affecting
homosexuals, prostitutes, injecting drug users,
209
people with many sexual partners, and that it
is largely a Western or Caucasian disease.
Vietnamese are far more likely to perceive HIV
as a homosexual disease. Research did not ask
for gay affiliation or identification. Majority
of Vietnamese (66%) see homosexuality as
uncommon in their community, as a Western or
Caucasian problem.
Found that homeless young people’s behaviour
and culture are largely about taking risks,
including sexual practices. Eg: increased
number of young Vietnamese males having sex
with other young males although do not see
themselves as gay or at risk of contracting
HIV/AIDS.
Yew, Kong Tham (1997). Preliminary
Readings into the Perceptions of the
Asian Project, ACON. (Unpublished paper)
210
Discusses issues surrounding Asian gay men and
ACON based on his time as Asian Project
Officer.
Miscellaneous
Gilbert, Keith (1997). Asian Gay Proud
Campaign: briefing to AIDS Council
campaign workers, AFAO. Courtesy of
Keith Gilbert.
Describes development of three posters and
three business cards to challenge stereotype of
what it’s like to be an Asian gay man in
Australia (eg. passive, young, unsexy, white
man’s toy-boys, living outside gay community).
Also meant to encourage more Asian gay men to
get involved in AIDS Council services. The
campaign arose out of a need for a gay
community campaign about marginalisation and
211
racism. Also intended to engender a sense of
pride amongst Asian gay men with particular
regard to their sexuality, racial and cultural
difference and community attachment, and to
increase awareness of HIV/AIDS issues amongst
Asian gay men.
1.Design Brief for Working Party Developed for
the Pride Campaign.
Three posters to deal with: Pride in
negotiating safe sex and/or drug use; Asian gay
men in relationships; sensuality. Imagery to be
sexy, powerful, having choices about
relationships and sexual health.
2.‘WHY AND HOW’ and “WHAT AND WHO’ Detailed
Briefing Kit.
Racism in gay community through lack of
representations, culturally-unfriendly
services, outright discrimination in venues and
services, complex interpersonal relationships
212
which may place Asian men at risk of violence,
coercion, HIV/STD transmission. Absent from
national HIV/STD surveillance data integral to
identifying epidemiological trends and setting
up appropriate services.
Appropriateness of language use was an issue in
poster development: words like ‘gay’ and
‘Asian’, ‘family’. Intend to push the debate
around ‘Asianness’: does the label refer to
culture, family, geography, history, identity?
What is an appropriate representation of an
Asian gay man?
Provides a list of possible campaign
activities.
3. Design Brief For Poster Series For Gay Asian
Men Living With AIDS
To increase visibility of gay Asian men living
with HIV/AIDS amongst: Asian-Australian
families and communities; the gay, lesbian and
213
PLWHA communities in Australia; and amongst
HIVpositive Asian gay men themselves.
Sub-groups of Asian gay men for consideration:
those on periphery of gay community; newly
arrived, possibly without English skills, and
having new experience of being ‘different’ in a
predominantly white, English-speaking culture;
both single men and men in relationships
(either with other Asian men or non-Asian men).
For families: that they need not feel ashamed
or isolated; that there are confidential
support and information services available. The
aesthetic needs to be in the Asian tradition,
but avoiding stereotypes
For HIVpositive Asian gay men: confidential
support services, family of origin is major
consideration for Asian gay men.
For gay communities: the issues facing Asian
gay men in gay communities, that HIV is a
‘taboo’ subject for many Asian gay men.
214
Hauff, Jacqueline (1995; 1996) Three
Documents Relating To The Application
For Funding etc For Gemini Phase II.
Includes data on Asian and Friends support
group establishment.
McGee, Patrick (1998) Treatments Issues
for HIV Positive People From Diverse
Cultural and Linguistic Backgrounds:
Planning Document. Sydney: Multicultural
HIV/AIDS Service. (In process).
This document will set out a strategic response
to the treatments needs of HIV positive NESB
specifically and ‘positive living’ issues
generally. The document will incorporate an
action plan, short term strategies and possible
outcomes, as well as identifying long term
goals and how to achieve them. Issues covered
215
will include HIV?AIDS pathogenesis, HIV
testing, viral load testing, changes in HIV
treatments and what these changes mean for NESB
HIV positive people.
National Non-English Speaking
Backgrounds Sexual Health Action Plan
(Working Document Only) October, 1996;
Public Health Education Unit.
Refers to 4 specific groups: long-term
residents; recent arrivals; children of NESB
parents; overseas visitors (students or
workers).
Sees ethnic organisations as to various degrees
the gateway to accessing broader ethnic
communities.
Lists and explores strategies for
implementation.
216
Partnerships In Practice: National
HIV/AIDS Strategy 1996-7 to 1998-99.
Commonwealth Department of Health and
Family Services.
Very few references to NESB issues:
7.1: that in effort to place HIV/AIDs
inititatives in a broader public health context
we ensure programs do not become diluted or
irrelevant to their target populations.
7.1.1: education and prevention programs in
specific communities are best delivered by the
communities involved, in partnership with
governments, health professionals, researchers.
... must take account of diversities in
cultural and linguistic backgrounds, gender,
age, sexual orientation, disability,
geographical location.
7.2.3: needs of groups of HIV+ people who may
experience difficulty in gaining access to
appropriate services need to be met.
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