name abbreviation type subtypeOnset a antialig

*AlignR(APSuffix,Foo *AlignAP a antialig*HL a prosodicAlign(#,Foot) a morpholoAlign([+ATR],L,Word, Align-L a featural

Align-to-Foot a morpholoAlign-in-Stem a morpholo

Align([RTR],L,Word,L RTR-Left a featuralAlign([RTR],R,a,R) RTR-to-a a featuralAlign([RTR],R,Word,R RTR-Right a featural

Align-X a morpholoAlign([αATR],L,PrWd, Align-L[αATR] a featuralAlign([αATR],R,PrWd, Align-R[αATR] a featuralAlign(+,σ) a morpholoAlign(+high,root-L) Align(+hi) a featural

Align-R a morpholoAlign(Aff,R,σ,L) α-Head a morpholoAlign(Affix,R,PrWd,R Align-Affix-R a morpholoAlign(Affix,R,'σ,L) α-Head a segmentaAlign(Affix[pre],L,P Pre-Accent a morpholo

a morpholoAlign(Affix-L,Stem-L) a morpholoAlign(C-Edge,PrWd-Edge) a phonotac

(Clf-Stem) a morpholoAlign(Clitic,L,Foot, Clitic a morpholoAlign(Colour-R,Word- Align-Colour a featural

(Cnj-Stem) a morpholoa featural

Align Edges a metricalAlign(F-Hd,L,C,L) a prosodicAlign(Foc,R,P,R) Align-Foc a syntactiAlign(Ft,L,C) AlignFt-O a metricalAlign(Ft,L,PrWd,L) Align-L a metricalAlign(Ft,R,PrWd,R) Align-Ft a metricalAlign(Ft,σ) a metricalAlign(GCat,GEdge,PCa Align a general/

Align(H*,[…]sfxa tonal/moAlign(H,L,PrWd,L) Align-L a tonal/pr

*AlignL(σ,μs)

Align([POSS]Af,L,Ft',R)Align([POSS]Af,R,Stem,R)

Align([X]Af,Edge,Stem,Edge)

Align(µ-R,σ-R)

Align(affixgrade,R,stem,R)

Align(Classifier-R,Stem

Align(Conjugation-R,StemAlign(coronal,L,σ,L)Align(Edges,level 0,PrWd,X

Align(H*,R,[…]sfx,R)

Align(H,L,Stem,L) a tonal/moAlign(H,R) AHTR a tonal/prAlign(H,R,PP,R) Align-R a tonal/pr

a morpholoAlignSFt a metrical

Align(high,root-L) Align(hi) a featuralAlign(-high,root-L) Align(-hi) a featural

a morpholoAlign(H-R,PrWd-R) Align-R(H,wd) a tonal/prAlign(I,R,Head(I),R) Head-I a prosodic

Align-In-Foot a morpholoAlign(L(Lex,PrWd)) AlignL a prosodicAlign(L(P-stem,σ)) Stem a morpholo

Align-R a morpholoa metrical

Align(morph,R,morph, Al-MM a morpholoAlign(Mrph,L,V,L) a morpholoAlign(Mrph,L,σ,L) a morpholo

Neg-Stem a morpholoAlign(OC,R,Stem,R) Align-R-OC a morpholoAlign(P,L,H,R) a prosodicAlign(P,R,Head(P),R) Head-P a prosodicAlign(Peak,R,PrWd,R) Align-R(Pk,PrWda metricalAlign(PFeat,GCat) a prosodicAlign(Phrase-R,H-R) Align-R(pr,H) a prosodicAlign(plural,R,stem,R) a morpholoAlign(Prom,L,PrWd,L) Init-Prom a metrical

Pro-Stem a morpholoAlign(PrWd,Edge,H(Pr Align-Head a prosodicAlign(PrWd,L,Ft,L) Align-PrWd a prosodicAlign(PrWd,σ) a prosodicAlign(PrWd-Hd,R,PrWd,R) a metricalAlign(PrWd-L,MWd-L) Align-L a prosodic

Qual-Stem a morpholoAlign(R(Lex,PrWd)) AlignR a prosodicAlign(Red-R,Stem-L) Align-Red a morpholoAlign(root,foot,L) Initial-Foot a morpholoAlign(Root,L,PrWd,L) Align-Root a morpholoAlign(Root,R,C,R) C-Final-Root a morpholoAlign(round,R) Align(rnd,R) a featuralAlign(Stem,L,PrWd,L) Align-Left a morpholo

Align(Hcontinuous,L,stem,L)Align(HeadPrWd-L,PrWd-L)

Align(Himperfective,R,stem,R)

Align(i-R,Ft-R)Hypo

Align(le-L,Ft-R)Hypo

Align(Main'σμ[+voc],R,minPhr)Align(Main'σμ[+voc]

Align(Negative-R,Stem

Align(Pronominal-R,Stem

Align(Qualifier-R,Stem

Align(Stem,R,σ,R) Align-Right a prosodicAlign(Stem-R,C-R) a morpholo

a morpholoAlign(subsegH-L,stem Align-L(subH,sta tonal/moAlign(subsegH-R,stem Align-R(subH,sta tonal/moAlign(Suffix,L,PrWd, Align-Sfx a morpholo

a accentuaAlign(T*,R,IP) a accentuaAlign(T,L,σ,L) Align-L(T,σ) a tonal/phAlign(T,R,σ,R) Align-R(T,σ) a tonal/phAlign(Tone,Edge,Doma Align(Tone, Edga general/Align(U,R,Head(U),R) Head-U a prosodic

Align a syntactia metricala metricala metricala metricala metrical

Align(XP,L,P,L) Align-XP,L a syntactiAlign(XP,R,P,R) Align-XP,R a syntactiAlign(XP,R,PhPhr,R) Align a syntactiAlign(μ,σ) a morpholo

AlignM1 a morpholoAlignM2 a morpholoAlignMW a morpholo

Align(σ,Ft) a phonotacAlign(σ,L,PrWd) a metricalAlign(σ,L,σ,R) a phonotacAlign(σ,PrWd) a phonotacAlign(σ-Edge,PrWd-Edge) a phonotac

Align-Coda a morpholoAlignConditionalTone Align-TD a morpholoAlignContinuant AlignCont a featuralAlignCoronal AlignCor a featuralAlignDorsal AlignDor a featuralAlignEdge(Ft,PrWd) a metricalAlign-Foot-Left Align-Ft-L a metricalAlign-Ft(Ft-R,PrWd-R) a metricalAlign-Ft(lexeme-R,fo Align-Ft a metrical

a morpholo

Align(Stem-R,μw-R)

Align(T*,HeadσIP)

Align(X0,R,PhWd,R)Align(Xlevel 1,L,level 0,PrWd)Align (x1,L)Align(Xlevel 1,R,level 0,PrWd)Align (x1,R)Align(Xlevel 2,L,level 1,PrWd)Align (x2,L)Align(Xlevel 2,R,level 1,PrWd)Align (x2,R)Align(Xlevel n+1,{R/L},level Align (Xlevel n+1,{R/L},level

Align(μH-R,M1-R)Align(μH-R,M2-R)Align(μH-R,MW-R)

Align-Coda-scnj

AlignHd{rt}

a morpholoAlignHi a featuralAlign-L Align-L(Mword,Pa morpholoAlign-L(BStem,H) Align(BStem) a tonal/moAlign-L(Complex Segm Align-L(CompSega segmentaAlign-L(CStem,H) Align(CStem) a tonal/mo

a featuralAlign-L(Foot,C) FtOnset a metricalAlign-L(Ft,FtHd) Ft-Hd-L a metricalAlign-L(Ft,Stem) a metricalAlign-L(Ft,σ) Align-L(Ft,σ) a metricalAlign-L(H,σ) a tonal/phAlign-L(P-Root,σ) PRt a prosodicAlign-L(PW,MW) a prosodicAlign-L(P-Word,σ) Align-L(P-Wd,σ)a prosodicAlign-L(Root,σ) AlignRoot a morpholoAlign-L(RStem,H) Align(RStem) a tonal/moAlign-L(Stem,Ft) a morpholoAlign-L(Tone,PWd) Align-L(Tone) a tonal/prAlign-L(Wd,Ft) a prosodicAlign-L(Wd,Σ) Align-L (Wd, Σ)a prosodicAlign-L(word,foot) Align-L(word, fa prosodic

a metricalAlignLabial AlignLab a featural

a general/a general/

AlignLo a featuralAlign-L-Red-Wd Red-L a morpholoAlignNasal AlignNas a featuralAlign-Phrase(PhPhras Align-Phr a prosodicAlignP-Stem M-STEM≈P-Stem a morpholoAlignP-Stem-σ Stem a morpholoAlign-R a featuralAlign-R Align-R(Mword,Pa syntactiAlign-R([-ant] segme Align-R([-ant],a featuralAlign-R([ATR],PrWd) Align-R([ATR],Pa featuralAlign-R(Accent,PrWd) Align-R a accentuaAlign-R(CStem,TD) Align(CStem) a morpholo

a featural

AlignHd{suf}

Align-L(f,Wd) Align-f

Align-L('σμ,PWd) Align-L(ˈσμ)

Align-Leftμ(Affix,σ) Aff-σ-Leftμ

Align-LeftSEG(Affix,σ)Aff-σ-LeftSEG

Align-R(f,Wd)

Align-R(Ft,FtHd) Ft-Hd-R a metricalAlign-R(Ft,Wd) a metricalAlign-R(Phrase,Prom) Align-R(Ph,Proma prosodicAlign-R(Prom,Word) Align-R(Prom,Wda prosodicAlign-R(PrWd,Foot) Align-R(PrWd,Fta prosodicAlign-R(PrWd,HdFt) Align-Hd-R a prosodicAlign-R(PrWd,Stem) Align-R(PrWd,Sta prosodicAlign-R(RStem,TD) Align(RStem) a morpholoAlign-R(TBU/contour, Align-R(Contoura tonal/prAlign-R(word,foot) a prosodicAlign-R(Word,Prom) Align-R(Wd,Proma prosodic

a metricalAlign-R/L(sub-σ) a phonotacAlign-R[-hi] a featuralAlign-R-Dorsal Align-R-Dor a featuralAlignRetroflex AlignRetr a featural

a general/Red-σμμ-Right-μa phonotac

a general/Align-R-Liquid Align-R-Liq a featuralAlign-R-Lo a featuralAlignRound AlignRd a featural

a morpholoAlign-Seg-Left(Affix a segmentaAlign-Seg-Left(Affix a segmentaAlign-Seg-Right(Affi a segmentaAlign-Seg-Right(Affi a segmentaAlign-Seg-Right(Root a segmentaAlignStop a featuralAlignVoice AlignVoi a featuralAlign-μ-Left(Red,PrW Leftmost-Red-μ a phonotacAlign-μ-Left(Root,Pr Leftmost-Root-μa phonotacAlign-μ-Right(Red,Pr Rightmost-Red-μa phonotacAlign-μ-Right(Root,P Rightmost-Root-a phonotacAll-σ-Right All-σ-R a phonotacAnchor-C1 a phonotacAnchor-V1 a phonotacAssimilation a featural

Align-R('σ,Pwd) Align-R('σ)

Align-RightSEG(Affix,σ)Aff-σ-RightSEG

Align-Right-μ(Affix(RedAlign-Rightμ(Affix,σ)Aff-σ-Rightμ

Align-s(s-R,σ-L)Leftmost-RedSEG

Red-σμμ-LeftSEG

Rightmost-RedSEG

Red-σμμ-RightSEG

Rightmost-RootSEG

Disyll a prosodicEdgemost(Head-F,L,Wd) a metricalEdgemost(Head-F,R,Wd) a metricalEdgemost(L/R-edge,φ) Edgemost a generalEdgemost(Pk,L/R,Wd) a metricalEdgemost(φ,E,D) a generalEdgemost-L a metricalEdgemost-Right Edgemost-R a metricalFG-L a metricalFG-R a metricalFootForm(Iamb) Iamb a metricalFootForm(Trochee) Troch a metricalFoot-PrWdAlignment Ft-Align a metricalGeneralizedAlignment GA a generalHds-L a metricalHds-R a metricalHI a prosodicHP a prosodic

a prosodicLabialize a featuralLeftmost a metricalLeftmostness a morpholoLxWd≈PrWd P-Wd a prosodicMain-Stress-Left MSL a metricalMainStressRight MainStressR a metricalMcat=Pcat a general/Mcat=PrWd a morpholoMWord=PWord a morpholo

a morpholoNo-intervening[+back No-Int+B a featural

No-intervening[-back No-Int-B a featural

Non-Align-PrWd-L a antialigPHeadAlignment a prosodicPrWd-L a prosodicPrWd-R a prosodicRED=Ft a morpholo

a morpholoRightmost RtMost a metrical

I-Stem≈P-Stem

MWordLex=PWord

RED=σμ

Rightmostness a general/Sfx-to-PrWd a prosodicStrongAnchor a segmentaStrongAnchorEdge SAnchorE a segmentaStrongAnchorLeft SAnchorL a segmentaTone-to-FootAlignmen Tone-to-Ft a tonal/meWord-R-Alignment WRA a prosodicImperativeTruncation ImpTrunc af segmenta

af prosodicaf tonalaf prosodicaf tonalaf prosodicaf tonal/auaf tonal/au

T→S af segmentaf segmentaf segmenta

*Delete *Del f segmenta*Merge f general/*Mutate *Mut f featural*Weak-Length f prosodic

f featuralf featuralf segmentaf general

{Right,Left}-Anchor( {Right,Left}-Anf general/σDep f prosodicσMax f prosodicAdjacent-CS Adj-CS f featuralAdjacent-IV Adj-IV f featuralAffixFaith f general/

f segmentaAnchor f segmentaAnchor f segmentaAnchor f segmenta

f generalAnchoring f featuralAnchor-L f segmentaAnchor-L Root f segmenta

ØDep(Prom)ØDep(Tone)ØMax(Prom)ØMax(Tone)ØNoFlop(Prom)ØNoFlop(Tone)ØNoSpread(Tone)

$-Max$-Max-V

{Ident([-back]){Ident-V([-back]) {Ident-V([-bk]){Integrity{Sym

Affixnom-Max-OO

Anchor(CI,CO,E)

Anchor-L(Plural,σ) Anchor(Pl) f morpholoAnchor-Left Anchor-L f phonotacAnchor-R(HdFt,PWd) Anchor-HdFt f metrical

Anchor-R f prosodicAnchor-Right-σ' f metricalAnchor-Stem f segmentaB/R-Max-Initial-Syll B/R-Mx-O1 f segmentaBasehood f morpholoBase-Identity f general/BeSimilar[release] BeSimilar[rel] f featuralBeSimilar[voice] BeSimilar[voi] f featuralC-Contiguity(S,T) f phonotacContig-Sl/V f phonotacContig-Sm/V f phonotacContig-Sn/V f phonotacContig-SR/V f phonotacContig-ST/V f phonotacContig-SW/V f phonotacContiguity f segmentaContiguity(PP) f segmentaContiguity(PW) f segmentaContiguity(root) f segmentaContiguity(Stem) f segmentaContiguity(Tone-Type Contiguity(T-Tyf tonal/phContiguity-BR Contig-BR f segmentaContiguity-C f segmenta

f segmentaf segmenta

Contiguity-V f segmentaCorr(/a/) f segmenta

f general/Dep Dep f segmentaDep(Accent) f accentuaDep(Association) Dep(A) f autosegmDep(base) f segmentaDep(F) f featuralDep(Root) Dep(Rt) f segmentaDep(Tone) Dep(T) f tonal

f segmentaDep(σ) f phonotac

Anchor-R(PrWdI,FtO)

ContiguityIB ContigIB

ContiguityIR ContigIR

D-Anchor(C1,CO,E)

Dep(ʔ)

Dep[+ATR] f featuralDep[+back] f featuralDep[+front] f featuralDep[+high] f featuralDep[+low] f featuralDep[ATR] f featuralDep[-ATR] f featuralDep[-back] f featuralDep[-front] f featuralDep[-high] f featuralDep[-low] f featuralDep-Affix f segmentaDep-BR f segmentaDep-BR(C) f segmentaDep-BR(V) f segmenta

f segmentaDep-ET f tonal/seDep-H f tonalDep-IR f segmentaDepLink-μ(C) f autosegmDepLink-μ(cons) f prosodicDepLink-μ(seg) f autosegmDepLink-μ(voc) f autosegmDepM-P f segmentaDep-Mora f prosodicDep-OO f segmentaDepPath[ATR] f autosegmDep-Prom f prosodicDepRED-PCat f prosodicDep-V f segmentaDep-V/S_l f segmentaDep-V/S_m f segmentaDep-V/S_n f segmentaDep-V/S_R f segmentaDep-V/S_T f segmentaDep-V/S_W f segmentaDesignatedIdenticalS DIS f segmentaExistentialFaithfuln f segmentaExponence f morpholoFaith(initial syllable) f featuralFaith(nas) f featural

DepC

$-Faith

Faith(voi) f featuralFaith(voi)/_C f featuralFaith(voi)/_V f featural

f featuralf featural

Faith-CC f featuralFaith-OO f general/Faith-SegSeg f general/FaithStressedSyllabl Faithσ' f segmentaFDep-BR f featuralFill f segmentaFillFeature FillFeat f featuralFillLink f autosegm

f segmentaf segmenta

FillPl f featuralFill-μ f segmentaFootContribution FtContrib f prosodicFootContributionE1 FtContribE1 f prosodicFootContributionE2 FtContribE2 f prosodicGeminate-BA f segmentaGeneralizedCorrespon GC(μ,μ) f prosodicHd-Ident-BA(high) f featuralHd-Wt-Ident(C) f segmentaHd-Wt-Ident(V) f segmentaHead-Id f prosodicHead-Match f prosodicHead-Max f prosodicI-Contiguity I-Contig f segmenta

f segmentaf segmentaf segmentaf featuralf featural

Ident f prosodicIdent([+anter]) f featuralIdent([-back]) f featural

f featuralIdent([voice]) f featural

Faith(voi)Gem

Faith(voi)Sing

FillNuc

FillOns

Id[+ant]CLCR

Id[+nas]CLCR

Id[±ant]CLCR

Idcake

Idcook

Ident([Place]ons)

f featuralIdent(+cor) f featuralIdent(+round) f featuralIdent(+voi) f featural

f featuralf featuralf featuralf featural

Ident(-anterior) f featuralIdent(back) f featuralIdent(base/derivativ Ident(base/derif featuralIdent(C[−back]) f featural

f featuralf featuralf featural

Ident(cg) f featuralIdent(colour) f featuralIdent(cont) f featuralIdent(continuant) Ident(contin) f featuralIdent(continuant/#m) Ident(cont/#m) f featuralIdent(continuant/ons Ident(cont/onsef featuralIdent(-cor) f featuralIdent(CS) f featuralIdent(DADors) f featuralIdent(Dorsal) Ident(Dor) f featuralIdent-(F) f general/Ident(flap) f featuralIdent(H) f tonal/feIdent(harm/root) Id(harm/rt) f featuralIdent(high) f featuralIdent(-high) f featuralIdent(high)-Affix Ident(high)-Af f featuralIdent(high)-Root Ident(high)-Rt f featuralIdent(labæ) f featuralIdent(laryngeal) f featuralIdent(length) f featuralIdent(lo) f featural

Ident([voice]preson)

Ident(+voi)dd

Ident(+voi)Geminate Ident(+voi)Gem

Ident(+voi)gg

Ident(+voi)Singleton Ident(+voi)Sing

Ident(C[−back]ons)Ident(C[−back]preson)Ident(C[−back]prevoc)

f featuralIdent(nasal) f featuralIdent(-nasal) f featuralIdent(nuc) f segmentaIdent(Palatalization Ident(Pal) f featuralIdent(place) f featuralIdent(round) f featuralIdent(round/long V) Ident(rnd/long f featuralIdent(sg) f featuralIdent(sonorant) Ident(son) f featural

f general/Ident(stress) f featuralIdent(stricture) f featuralIdent(strident) Ident(strid) f featuralIdent(syllabic) f featuralIdent(t) f featuralIdent(Tone) f featural

f featuralIdent(voice) Faith(voice) f featuralIdent(μ) f prosodic

f featuralIdent[+/-hi]-V[-stress] f featuralIdent[+Strid] f featuralIdent[cons] f featuralIdent[high]C-V(Past) f featuralIdent[length] f prosodicIdent[Pal] f featuralIdent[-Strid] f featural

f featuralf featural

Ident-Affix f general/Ident-affix(back) f featuralIdent-affix(place) f featuralIdent-ATR f featuralIdent-BR f general/Ident-BR(continuant) Ident-BR(continf featuralIdent-BR(-cor) Ident-BR(-cor) f featural

Ident(nas)Coda

Ident(SR,SL)

Ident(tone)Root

Ident(σ1)

IdentAdj(CS)IdentAdj-BR(CS)

Ident-BR(CS) f featuralIdent-BR(F) f general/Ident-BR(high) f featuralIdent-BR(long) f prosodicIdent-BR(nasal) Ident-BR(nas) f featuralIdent-BR(place) f featuralIdent-BR(round) Ident-BR(rnd) f featuralIdentBR(subseg) f general/Ident-BR(μ) f prosodicIdent-BR[Cons] f featuralIdent-BR[syll] f featural

f featuralIdent-C([+high]) f featuralIdent-C[-back] f featuralIdent-CC(cg) f featuralIdent-CC(F) f general/Ident-CC(nasal) Ident-CC(nas) f featuralIdent-CC(sg) f featuralIdent-CC(voice) f featural

f general/f featuralf general/f featural

IdentFV f prosodicIdent-Gem[-back] f featuralIdentity(μ) Ident(μ) f prosodicIdentity:Base→Clitic Id:Ba→Cl+Ba f prosodicIdentity:Clitic+Base Id:Cl+Ba→Ba f prosodic

f general/IdentLaryngeal IdentLar f featuralIdent-OI f general/Ident-OI(cg) f featuralIdent-OI(nasal) Ident-OI(nas) f featuralIdent-OI(Round) Ident-OI(Rd) f featuralIdent-OI(sg) f featuralIdent-OI(voice) f featural

f featural

Ident-C[+back]

Ident-CLCR(F)Ident-CLCR(nasal) Ident-CLCR(nas)Ident-CRCL(F)Ident-CRCL(nasal) Ident-CRCL(nas)

Ident-KK[F]

IdentOnset

IdentOnset(laryngeal IdOnsLar f featuralIdentOnset(Place) f featuralIdentOnset(Voice) IdOnsVo f featuralIdent-Onset-Voice Id-Ons-Vce f featuralIdent-OO OO-ID f general/

f featuralIdent-OO(continuant) Ident-OO(continf featural

f phonotacIdent-OO(vowel features,morphologic f featuralIdent-OO(vowel features,phrasal) f featuralIdent-Position(F) f general/Ident-Pre f featural

f segmentaf featuralf featural

Ident-root(back) f featuralIdent-root(place) f featuralIdent-root[ATR] f featural

f general/Ident-RTR f featuralIdent-Stress f prosodicIdent-suffix[ATR] f featuralIdent-V([-back]) Ident-V([-bk]) f featuralIdent-V[+back] f featuralIdent-V-Place(dors) f featural

f segmentaIdent-μ f prosodicIdent-σ(high) f featural

f featuralf featural

Ident-φ f general/f featuralf featuralf featuralf featural

Integrity f segmentaIntegrity(T) f tonal/feL-Anchor f general/

IdentOO([cg])

IdentOO(Nuc)

IdentQ

Identrel-[Place]Identrel-BR[Place]

IdentRt(F)

IdentV1

Ident-σ1(hi)Ident-σ1(Round)

Idpope

Idteat

Idtoot

Idtote

Left-Anchor-RB Lt-Anchor-RB f general/Linearity f segmentaLinearity f tonal/phLinkFaith f autosegmLocal f tonal/phLocality Loc f phonotacMatch(V) f featuralMax f segmentaMax([-back]) f featural

f segmentaf segmentaf segmenta

Max(+nas)n f segmentaf segmenta

Max(+nas)ŋ f segmentaMax(Accent) f accentuaMax(Association) Max(A) f autosegmMax(base) f segmentaMax(C)/¬V_V f segmentaMax(C)/Contr:F f segmentaMax(C)/V f segmentaMax(C,non-stop) f segmentaMax(coron,-anter) f featuralMax(Prom) f prosodicMax(seg) f segmentaMax(seg)σ f segmentaMax(subseg) f featuralMax(subseg/root) f featuralMax(Tone) Max(T) f tonal/fe

f segmentaMax(μ) f prosodicMax[+back] f featuralMax[+front] f featuralMax[+hi]-/u/ f featuralMax[+high] f featuralMax[+low] f featuralMax[ATR] f featuralMax[-ATR] f featuralMax[-back] f featuralMax[CG] f featural

Max({)Max({-O)-VMax(+nas)(ni) (1≤i≤k)

Max(+nas)NP(ni) (1≤i≤k)

Max(ʔ)

Max[CG]-Ons f featuralMax[CG]-μ f featuralMax[coronal] Max[cor] f featuralMax[Dors] f featuralMax[F] f general/Max[-front] f featuralMax[-hi] f featuralMax[L] f tonal/feMax[labialǀdorsal] Max[labǀdors] f featuralMax[-low] f featuralMax-{A} f featuralMax-{I} f featural

f featuralf featural

Max-{U} f featuralMax-affix f segmenta

f segmentaMax-BR f segmentaMax-BR(PW) f segmentaMax-BR(stem) f segmentaMax-BR-Rt f segmentaMax-C f segmentaMax-C(base) f segmenta

f segmentaMax-ET f tonalMaxFricativeDistinct MaxFricDist f featuralMax-H f tonal/feMaxHeadμ[T] f tonal/prMaxHeadσ[H] f tonal/feMaxHeadσ[L] f tonal/feMaxHeadσ[T] f tonal/ph

f segmentaf segmentaf segmenta

Max-l/S_V f segmentaMaxLex f segmentaMaxLinkMora[T] f tonal/auMaxLink-μ(C) f prosodicMaxLink-μ(cons) f prosodic

Max-{O-{I}Max-{O-{U}

Max-BORed

Max-CBR

MaxIB

MaxIR

Max-KK

MaxLink-μ(obs) f prosodicMaxLink-μ(seg) f prosodicMaxLink-μ(son) f prosodicMaxLink-μ(voc) f prosodicMax-Long-V f prosodicMax-m/S_V f segmentaMaxMI f segmentaMax-MP f morpholoMaxM-P f segmentaMaxMS f segmentaMax-n/S_V f segmentaMax-OO f segmenta

f segmentaf prosodic

MaxP f general/MaxPath[ATR] f featural

f segmentaMax-Prom f prosodicMax-Prom(affix) f prosodicMax-Prom(root) f prosodicMax-R/S_V f segmentaMaxRED-PCat f prosodicMax-root f segmentaMax-Root Max-Rt f segmentaMaxSeg(stem) f segmentaMaxStopDist f featuralMax-T/S_V f segmenta

f segmentaMax-V f segmentaMax-V(base) f segmentaMax-V-A f segmenta

f segmentaMax-W/S_V f segmentaMaxWI f segmentaMax-ə f segmenta

f prosodicf prosodicf prosodic

Max-OO(ʔ)Max-OO-μ

MaxPAV

MaxV

Max-VBR

Max-μMax-μ3SG

Max-μAffix

Max-φ f segmentaMDep f morpholoMDep-BR f segmentaMinimalContribution MinContrib f segmentaMoraFaith f prosodicNoFlop(Prom) NoFlop f autosegmNo-Flop-Prom(root) f autosegmNoLink[Place] f featuralNucleus-Ident-BA(μ) Nuc-Id-BA(μ) f phonotacO-Contiguity O-Contig f segmentaOnsetMax(seg) f segmentaOO-Id(μ/cons) f prosodicOO-Integrity OO-Int f segmentaOO-Linearity f segmenta

f prosodicOverwrite f autosegmOverwrite f prosodic

f featuralParse f segmentaParse(ATR) f featuralParse(C) f segmentaParse(clitic) f morpholoParse(dur>0) f prosodicParse(dur>150) f prosodicParse(hi) f featuralParse(low) f featuralParse(Tone) f tonal/auParse(V) f segmentaParse-B f segmentaParseFeat f featuralParseFoot Parse-Ft f prosodicParseLink f autosegm

f prosodicParse-R f segmentaParse-μ f prosodicPI-Faith PI-F f general/

f featuralPI-Integrity f segmentaPI-Max f segmentaPres(pl(_C)) f featural

OO1-Id(stress)

P10–P100

PARSE-medial-μ

PI-IdentV

Pres(pl(_cor)) f featuralPres(pl(_lab/dor)) f featuralPres(pl(_V)) f featuralPres(pl(cor)) f featuralPres(pl(dor)) f featuralPres(pl(lab)) f featuralPres(pl[cor,_#dors]), f featuralPres(pl[cor,_dors]) f featuralPres(pl[cor,_lab]) f featuralPres(pl[lab#]) f featuralPreserve f general/Preserve(F) Pres(F) f featuralPreserve(F0) Pres(F0) f featuralPreserve[F]/_+ f featuralPriority f segmentaPron(C) f prosodicPron(μ) f prosodicPros-Faith f prosodicPros-Faith(root) f general/ProsodicAffix f prosodicProsodicFaithfulness Pros-Faith f general/R≤Root f morpholoRealise(T) f tonalRealiseAffix f morpholoRealize-μ f segmentaRight-Anchor-RB Rt-Anchor-RB f general/

f segmentaRootFaith f general/SegmentMaximality SegMax f phonotacSmax-BR f segmentaSpec(Tone) f tonal/auSRole f phonotacSrole-CC f prosodicStress-ID f prosodicStructuralRole StRole f prosodicSyllableContiguity SyllContig f segmentaUniformity f autosegmUniformity(non-adjac Unif(n-a) f featuralUniformity(Tone) f tonal/auVocalicPattern VPattern f prosodic

Right-AnchorRoot R-AnchorRt

VowelWeightIdentity VWt-Id f prosodicWeight-Ident-BR f prosodic

lc:a/morpholoAdj-CS & Ident(voice) lc:f/featuralIdent(Color) & Ident Ident (Color) &lc:f/featural

lc:f/featurallc:f/segmentalc:f/featurallc:f/featurallc:f/segmenta

MaxPath[hi/atr] lc:f/autosegmlc:m/featural

*[high,front,RTR] RTR/Hi&Fr lc:m/featural*## Culminativity(em metrical*#[ ]C m segmenta*#[+approx,+ant] m featural*#[-main] EndRuleLeft m metrical*#[-main][^-long,+main] m prosodic*#[-stress] m prosodic*#V m featural*(back) m featural*(C)ə m featural*(H on depressed syllable) m tonal/fe*(pharyngeal) m featural*[ ][ ] Culminativity(um metrical*[ ][^-cont,-voice,+lab][+cons] in m segmenta*[ ][+cont] in Onset m segmenta*[ ][+cor][^+approx, m segmenta*[ ][+long] m prosodic*[ ][+stress,-heavy] m prosodic*[ ][+stress]# m prosodic*[ ][+strid] m featural*[ ][+voice] in Onset m featural*[ ][-back] in Onset m featural*[ ][-stress][^-long,-main,+stress] m prosodic*[^+long,+main][-stress][-stress] m featural*[^-high,-low][-high,-low] m featural*[^-long,-stress]# m prosodic*[^-long,-stress][+stress] m featural

Align-L(RED,PCat)∩Align-R(RED,PCat)

Ident(high) &1 Ident(ATR)Parsedur>0&Parsedur>150

Parsehi&ParseATR

Parselow&ParseATR

SMax∩FDep

*σ/Son≥e,o &1 Ident(high)

*[^-low,+back][-high,-low,+back] m featural*[^-voice,+ant,+strid][-approx] in m featural*[+ round,-high] *[+rnd,-hi] m featural*[+ant,+strid][-ant] in Onset m featural*[+approx,-ant]# m featural*[+back,-syl]C in intervocalic posi m featural*[+back] m featural*[+cont,+voice,+cor] in Onset m featural*[+cont,+voice,-ant] in Onset m featural*[+cont,+voice][ ] in Onset m featural*[+cont,-cons]/geminates m featural*[+cont,-strid] in Onset m featural*[+cont,-strid][^+approx,-ant] in O m featural*[+dors]# m featural*[+dors][+cor] in intervocalic posi m featural*[+dors][+lab] in intervocalic posi m featural*[+dors][-syl,+son] in intervocalic m featural*[+front,-partially *[+fr,-p.l.] m featural*[+high,+front] m featural

m featuralm featural

*[+high,+syll][^+son,+cor]# m featural*[+high][ ][-high,-low] m featural*[+lab]# m featural*[+lab][^+approx,+cor] in Onset m featural*[+lab][+dors] in intervocalic posi m featural*[+lab][+son,+lab] in intervocalic m featural*[+lab][+son,-syl] in intervocalic m featural*[+lab][-son,+cor] in intervocalic m featural*[+long,-main] m prosodic*[+long][ ]# m prosodic*[+low][ ][-high,-low,+back] m featural*[+low][ ][-high,-low] m featural*[+main][ ] EndRuleRight m prosodic

m featural*[+son,+dors] in Onset m featural*[+son][ ] in Onset m featural*[+sonor] m featural*[+spread][^+back] in Onset m featural*[+strid][-ant] in Onset m featural

*[+high,+front]new

*[+high,+front]old

*[+nasal] [-nasal,vocalic]*NVoral

*[+voice][^+approx,+cor] m featural*[a+] m segmenta

m featural*[-ant][^+approx,-ant] m featural*[-ant][+ant] in intervocalic posit m featural*[-approx,-ant][+lab] in intervocal m featural*[-approx,-ant][+son,+dors] in inte m featural*[-approx][+son,+ant] in intervocal m featural*[-back,+syl][^+son,+cor]# m featural*[-back,+syl][-cons][^-long,+back] m featural*[-back][ ][-high,-low,+back] m featural*[cg] m featural*[-cons,-syl][+ant] in intervocalic m featural*[-cont,-ant][ ] in onset m featural*[-cont,-voice,+cor][^+approx,-ant] m featural*[coron,-anter] m featural*[f' m featural*[HH]σ m featural*[-high,-back][+high,-back] m featural*[-high,-low,+back][+high,+back] m featural*[-high,-low][ ][+high,-low,-back] m featural*[-high,-low][+high,-back] m featural*[-high] m featural*[-lat]# m featural*[-lat][+son,+ant] in intervocalic m featural*[LL]σ m featural*[-long,+stress]# m prosodic*[ŋ m segmenta

m segmenta*[Round,-high] *RoLo m featural*[š m segmenta

m featural*[-son]# m featural*[-son]C in intervocalic position m featural*[-sonor] m featural*[-strid][+cont] in Onset m featural*[-syl,+back]# m featural*[T] m tonal*[TT]μ m tonal/ph

*[æː]

*[ŋw

*[s+stop]σ

*[TT]σ m tonal/ph*[Vk] m segmenta*[x] m segmenta*[x]...[-sonorant,+c *[x]...[+continm segmenta*[xx] m prosodic*[μμ]T m prosodic

m phonotacm segmentam segmenta

*µ/Consonant *µ/Cons m segmenta*µ/liquid m segmenta*µ/nasal m segmenta*µ/obstruent m segmenta*2-Prenas m featural*3μ m segmenta*a m featural*A m featural*Ă m prosodic*A>B(Syl#) m prosodic

m featural*AccPrep m accentua*AdjacentHighVocoids *AdjHiVoc m segmenta*æ m segmenta

m segmenta*ai m segmenta*Append(to-PrWd) m prosodic*Append(to-σ) *Append m prosodic*Appendix m featural*Appendix[periph] m featural*au m segmenta*č m segmenta*C[+approx,-syl] in intervocalic po m featural

m segmenta*CC# m phonotac*CC[-syl,+son] in intervocalic posi m phonotac*CCC m featural*CG m featural*CG m featural

*[σCC*[σCCC*[σʔC

*Aç]σ

*æː

*ɔː

*CG/Son m featural*Clash-Head m segmenta*CLG m segmenta*Coda([u]) m segmenta*Coda-n m featural*CodaObs m segmenta*Coda-r m segmenta*Coda-t m segmenta*Coda-w,j m segmenta*Complex m segmenta

m segmentam segmenta

*Contour m tonal/fe*CorCor m featural*Cor-Hi m featural

m featural*C-Place m featural*C-Son# m featural*CVVC# m segmenta*Cw m segmenta

m segmenta*Cy m featural*D[-hi] m featural*Domain m tonal/fe*Dorsal *Dors m segmenta

m featural*Dors-FrontV m segmenta*ə m segmenta

m segmenta*ExtendedLapse m metrical*ExtendedLapseRight *ExtLapseRight m metrical*Fall m tonal/fe*Fall m featural*Float m tonal/au

*FtFt *FtFt m metrical*Ft-Overlap m prosodic

m segmenta*GemCont m featural

*Complexnew

*Complexold

*CoronalAff

*CxCx]σ

*DorsalAff

*ə]σ

*ɡ

*Geminate m segmenta*H m tonal/fe*H.H m prosodic*Half-long m prosodic

m prosodic*Heavy-Lapse m prosodic*Hi/RTR m featural*High m featural*HL[+RD] m featural*I m segmenta*i m segmenta*I m segmenta*Ĭ m segmenta

m segmenta*Indep([-sonor]) m featural*Indep([w]) m featural*InitialGeminate m segmenta*InitialIdentity m featural

m featuralm featural

*ji m segmenta*k m segmenta

m segmenta*kʲ m segmenta*K-K m segmenta*K-K-Prenas m featural*K-K-Son m segmenta*K-K-Stric m segmenta*K-K-Vce m segmenta

m segmenta*L m tonal/fe*l(+cor) m segmenta*L.L m prosodic*Lapse m metrical*LAPSE m metrical*Lapse m prosodic*Lapse (*ww) m prosodic*LapseEdge *Lapse m prosodic*LapseLeft m prosodic

*Hdα /vF

*io

*io ʌ*io ʌ

*kio

*kvk

*LapseRight m prosodic*Lar m featural*LaryngealCoda m featural*Lo/ATR m featural*Low-Glide m featural*M m featural*M(V[-high]) m featural*M/V m segmenta*MedialLight m segmenta*Mid m featural*Mora[cons] m prosodic*Mora[high] m prosodic*Mora[liq] m prosodic*Mora[low] m prosodic*Mora[mid] m prosodic*Mora[nas] m prosodic*Mora[obs] m prosodic*Mora[plaincont] m prosodic*Mora[plainstop] m prosodic*Mora[seg] m general/*Mora[son] m prosodic*Mora[vdcont] m prosodic*Mora[vdstop] m prosodic*Mora[voc] m prosodic*MoraicCoda m segmenta*MoraicOnset m prosodic

m segmentam segmenta

*NasCoda m segmentam segmenta

*Non-Hd/H m prosodicm general/

*NonHiFullV m featural*Non-nasCoda m featural*NT/lT m featural*ŋ m segmenta*O m segmenta*Ŏ m segmenta*Onset([u]) m segmenta*OTO m featural

*Lar]σ

*Mu

*ɲ]σ

*NC

*Non-Hdα /vF

*P m featural*p m segmenta*P(ft)/Diph m prosodic*P(ft)/Hi m prosodic*P(ft)/Low m prosodic*P(ft)/Mid m prosodic*P(ft)/Mon m prosodic*P(PW)/σμ m prosodic*P/a m prosodic*P/C m prosodic*P/ə m prosodic*P/e,o m prosodic

m prosodic*P/i,u m prosodic*P/VC-μ m prosodic*P/σμ m prosodic*P/σμμ m prosodic*pʲ m segmenta*PL/Cor m featural*Pl/Dorsal m featural*PL/Lab m featural*Pl/Pharyngeal *Pl/Phar m featural*Place m featural*Placeless-μ m featural*Plateau m featural*P-P m featural*P-Phrase m prosodic*P-P-Prenas m featural*P-P-Son m featural*P-P-Stric m featural*P-P-Vce m featural*PrefinalV m featural

m prosodicm prosodicm segmentam prosodic

*r m segmentam segmenta

*Repeat m segmenta*Rise m tonal/fe

*P/io

*Prom[X[X]R]σ

*Prom[[X]R]σ

*pvp*PW[V

*ɾ

*RoLo m featural*R-Sonorant *R-Son m segmenta*Rt m featural*š m segmenta

m featural*SecondaryArticulati *SecArtic m featural*SibSib m featural*skVk m segmenta*SoftDorsal *Soft-Dor m featural*Soft-Lab m featural*SoftRhotic m featural*spVp m segmenta*SS m featural*Struc m general*Struc-σ m prosodic*stVt m segmenta

m segmentam segmenta

*Ternary m prosodic*TI(new) m segmenta*TI(old) m segmenta*tj m segmenta*ts' m segmenta*T-T m featural*T-T-Prenas m featural*T-T-Son m featural*T-T-Stric m featural*T-T-Vce m featural

m segmenta*u m segmenta*ü m segmenta*UltimateStressOfB *BStr m prosodic*V.Vwnd m segmenta

NoHiatus m phonotacm prosodicm prosodicm phonotac

*VdV m phonotac*Velar m featural*VhV m phonotac

*š' ž'

*Soft-r

*tʃ*tʃʲ

*tvt

*V]σ[σV*V]ω

*Vː*VCvoicelessV

m featural*Voice *Vo m featural*VoicedCoda m featural*VoiObs m featural*VoiObsGem m featural

m featuralm featural

*VV m phonotac*VwV m phonotac

m prosodicm segmenta

*w m segmenta*Weak-æ m featural*Weak-C m featural

m segmentam segmentam segmentam segmentam featuralm featuralm segmenta

*μ(D) m segmenta*μ/a m segmenta*μ/æ m segmenta

m segmentam segmenta

*μ/ε m segmenta*μμ/V m prosodic

m prosodicm prosodicm segmentam segmentam segmentam segmentam phonotacm phonotac

*Vnas

*Voral

*V-Placeweak *V-Plweak

*Vμμμ

*Vμμμ-BEN

*XL

*ʒ*ʔ*ʔ]σ

*ʔ]σ new

*ʔ]σ old

*ʔ-in-Comp

*μ/ɪ*μ/ʊ

*σ/{ɐ,ə}*σ/{e,o,ε,ɔ}*σ/Son≥a*σ/Son≥e,o*σ/Son≥i,u*σ/Son≥ε,ɔ*σ[CxCx

*σ][σCC

m segmenta/l/ is dark m featural[σ σ] m phonotac

m phonotac{A}=V m segmenta1μ/C m prosodic3μ m prosodica=Vowel m prosodicæ-Backing m segmentaAffix≤σ m prosodic

m prosodicAfx-to-Ft m prosodicAgree m phonotacAgree(place) m phonotacAgree/C m phonotacAgree/Stop m featuralAgree[backness] m featuralAgree[Feat] m general/Agree[Pal] m featuralAgree[Voi] m featuralAgree-T-Ft m tonal/prAgree-T-σ m tonal/prAgree-T-ω m tonal/prAlliterate m segmentaAntihomophony m phonotacApocope m phonotacAspirate Asp m featuralAspiration m featuralBackness m featuralBound m phonotacBroadFocus m syntactiC(Contr:F&Contr:G)↔V m general/C(Contr:F)↔V m general/C(Contr:F+G)↔V m general/

m featuralC.G.Coda→L m featuralC↔V m phonotacCFin m phonotacCInit m phonotacClash m tonal/fe

*ә]word

[σμμ σ]

Affix≤σRed

C(Contr:Ø)↔V

Clash(Avoidance) Clash m prosodic-Cod m prosodicCoda/μ m prosodic

m featuralCodaCondition Coda-Cond m phonotacCodaCondition CodaCond m featuralCoda-Condition Coda-Cond m segmentaCoda-Condition Coda-Cond m featuralCoda-Condition Coda-Cond m featuralCoincide(contour,final vowel) m tonal/phCoincide(contour,long vowel) m tonal/phCoincide(contour,stressed vowel) m tonal/phCoincide(contour,syllable in short m tonal/phCoincide(contour,VR rime) m tonal/phCompoundStress CompStr m prosodicCopy m segmentaCoronalization Coronaliz m featuralCoronalPalatalizatio CorPal m featuralCorr-C↔C m general/Corr-Č↔S m segmentaCorr-Č↔Z m segmentaCorr-D↔K' m segmentaCorr-D↔T' m segmentaCorr-K↔D m segmentaCorr-K↔T m segmentaCorr-K↔T' m segmentaCorr-Kh↔T m segmentaCorr-M↔D m segmentaCorr-M↔N m segmentaCorr-M↔Z m segmentaCorr-N↔B m segmentaCorr-N↔D m segmentaCorr-N↔L m segmentaCorr-N↔MB m segmentaCorr-N↔N m segmentaCorr-N↔ND m segmentaCorr-Š↔Z m segmentaCorr-Seg↔Seg m general/

CodaCondcoronal

Corr-T↔D m segmentaCorr-T↔T m segmentaCorr-T↔T' m segmentaCorr-T'↔T' m segmentaCorr-Th↔T m segmentaCorr-Th↔Th m segmentaCrispEdge m autosegmCrispEdge(PCat) m general/CrispEdge(segment,[R CrispEdge(seg,[m segmentaCrispEdge(segment,co CrispEdge(seg,cm segmentaCrispEdge(σ) m prosodicCrispEdge(σ,[Round]) Tautosyll(Rd) m autosegmCulminativity m prosodicCVLinkage m featural

m featuralDestress-Given DG m prosodicDistal[B] m featuralDistal[F] m featuralDistinctGlide m phonotacə/#_ m segmentae-Depalatalisation e-Depal m featuralElsewhereL m featuralEupody m metricalEurhythmy m prosodicExh(PrWd) m prosodicExhaustivity Exh m prosodicExhaustivity(Word) Exh(Wd) m prosodic

m general/Extend(H-R) m tonal/feFinal-C m prosodicFinal-C! (crisp) m prosodicFinalLight FinalLt m prosodicFinalStress m prosodicFin-Short m prosodicFirstMora m metricalFlapping m featuralFoc m prosodicFocus m syntacti

Dark /ɫ/ is Postvocalic

Exhaustivity(Xn)

FootBinarity FtBin m prosodicFoot-Foot m prosodicFootMaximum(μ) FtMax(μ) m prosodicFoot-Minimality m prosodicFootMinimum(μ) FtMin(μ) m prosodicFootSalience FtSal m prosodicFoot-to-Head Ft-to-Head m prosodicFreeVowel Free-V m segmentaFric/Vce m featuralFt/PWd m prosodicFtForm m prosodicFt-Form m prosodicFtMin(σ) m prosodicGeminate=Moraic G=M m prosodicHard m featuralHardAffricates m featuralHardDentalAffricates m featuralHardFricatives m featuralHardPosteriorAffricates m featuralHardPosteriorFricatives m featuralHarmonicNucleus HNuc m prosodicHarms' generalizatio Harm's genl. m featuralHavePlace m featuralHavePlace(onset) m featuralHavePlace-μ m prosodicHd/Specify Hd/Spec m tonal/meHeadedness Head m prosodicHeadedness m prosodicHeadGap m prosodicHeadMax m prosodicHeight m prosodic

m featuralm featuralm featural

HiG m featuralHLink m tonal/prHomorganic m featuralHomorganicSequenceConstraintSchema m general/HRed=μμ m prosodicIambic m metrical

Hi/ATRMacro-stem

Hi/ATRRoot

Hi/ATRStem

IambicLengthening IL m prosodicIFS=/a/ /a/ m segmenta

m metricalInitialGridmark InitGr m metricalIntBin m prosodicInterpretability[αAT Interpret m segmentaKager's Law m prosodicL% m accentuaLapse m metricalLapse m metricalLapse m tonal/feLayeredness m prosodicLazy m featuralLazy m featuralLength-to-Prominence LP m prosodicLenition m featural

Lic(+high) m featuralLicense(F,S-Pos) m general/License(Voice) License m featuralLicense(μ) m prosodicLicense(Ф) m general/License-RoLo Lic-RoLo m featuralLight-Diphthong Light-Diph m featuralLink(round) m featuralLink[ATR] m featuralLo/R m featuralLocal[B] m featural

m featuralLocal[F] m featuralLocal[i] m featuralLocal[NN] m featuralLocal[ε] m featuralLocality m segmentaLx≈Pr(MCat) Lx≈Pr m prosodicM2=Ft m morpholoMapGM(F) m metricalMapGM(μ) m metricalMapGM(ω) m metricalMapGridmark MapGM m metricalMarkedness m segmenta

IGrid(xF,μ,ω)

License([+high]post-tonic

Local[eː]

Min m prosodicMinimality m prosodicMinimalWord MinWd m prosodicMinimumWord MinWd m prosodicMinPrWd m prosodicMinWd m prosodicMonoheadedness m prosodicMoraicCoda m prosodicMorpheme-to-Stress P MSP m morpholoMorphemicDisjointnes MorphDis m morpholoMorphologicalGeminat Morph-Gem m morpholoMorphologicalParse M-Parse m morpholoM-Parse m morpholoMW=PrWd m prosodicNarrowFocus m syntactiNas/CGl m featuralNas/Cont m featuralNas/Vce m featuralNasalAssimilation NA m featuralNasalLicenser/Prosod NasLic/PWd m prosodicNasalVoicing NasVoi m featuralNasHarm-R/L m featural

m metricalm metricalm metrical

No(V) m segmentaNo[a] m segmentaNo[r,l]{C,#} m featuralNoBranch m prosodicNoBranch m prosodicNoCMora m prosodic

m prosodicNo-Complex-Coda m phonotacNoComplexNucleus NoCplxNuc m segmentaNoComplexOnset NoCplxOns m segmentaNoContinuant NoCont m featuralNoContinuantCoda NoContCoda m featuralNoContour-Ft NoCont-Ft m tonal/meNoContour-σ NoCont-σ m tonal/prNoContour-ω NoCont-ω m tonal/pr

NFin(xF,μ,ω)NFin(xω,F,ω)NFin(xω,μ,ω)

NoCodaRed

NoCoronal NoCor m featuralNoCoronalCoda NoCorCoda m featuralNoDental m featuralNoDiph m prosodicNoDiphthongs NoDiph m prosodicNoDorsalCoda NoDorCoda m featural

m prosodicNoFinalFoot m prosodicNoFinalStress m prosodicNoFinal-V/G m prosodicNoFinal-V/G (PP) m prosodicNoFinal-V/G (PW) m prosodic

m featuralm featuralm featural

NoFront m featuralNoGap m phonotacNo-GC-Link m phonotacNo-Gem m prosodicNoHi m featuralNoLabial NoLab m featuralNoLabialCoda NoLabCoda m featuralNoLateral NoLat m featuralNo-LC-Link m phonotacNoLineCrossing m autosegmNoLo m featuralNoLongClosed NoLongCl m prosodicNoLongHigh NoLongHi m featuralNo-Long-Tone No-Long-T m tonal/pr

NoLongVowels NLV m prosodic

m prosodicNoLow m featuralNo-Multiple-Link *Mult-Link m prosodic

NoFinalCμ

NoFinal-V[-low]

NoFinal-V[-low] (PP)NoFinal-V[-low] (PW)

NoLongVRed

NoNasal NoNas m featuralNoNasalCoda m featuralNo-NC-Link m phonotac

m metricalm metricalm metricalm metricalm metricalm metrical

NonFinal m prosodicNon-Final(H,PrWd) Non-Fin(wd) m tonal/prNonfinality m prosodic

m prosodicNonInitial m prosodicNon-Initial(H,stem) Non-Init(st) m tonal/prNonmoraicOnsets m prosodicNonrecursivity Nonrec m prosodicNonrecursivity NonRec m prosodicNoPalatal NoPal m featuralNoProjComplex m prosodicNoProjLongHigh m prosodicNoPronLongCl m prosodicNoPronV[k]+V m featuralNoRetroflex m featuralNoRound NoRd m featuralNoS.G. m featuralNoSharedMora m prosodicNoStop m featuralNoStopCoda m featuralNoV m segmentaNoV[k]+V m featuralNoVcdCoda m featuralNo-VC-Link m phonotac

m featuralNoVoice NoVoi m featuralNoVoiceCoda m featuralNo-V-Place m featuralNo-σCV[j]# m featural

Non-fin(xF,xμ,σ)Non-fin(xF,μ,F)Non-fin(xF,μ,σ)Non-fin(xF,μ,ω)Non-fin(xF,σ,ω)Non-fin(xμ,μ,σ)

Non-Finality('σlight) NF('σL)

NoViGi

Nuc Nuc m prosodicNuclearHarmony Hnuc m featuralNucleus-a Nuc-a m segmentaNucleus-e Nuc-e m segmentaNucleus-i,u Nuc-i,u m segmentaObligatoryContourPri OCP m featuralObligatoryContourPri OCP(grid) m featuralOCP(+cor) m featuralOCP(+voi) m featuralOCP(color) m featuralOCP(Place) m featural

m featuralOCP/S[hi] m featuralOCP/S[rd] m featuralOCP/V[hi] m featural

m featuralOCP/V[rd] m featural

m featuralOCP-[C-Adj] m segmentaOCP-Cor m featuralOCP-Cor[+son] m featuralOCP-Cor[-son] m featuralOCP-Cor[-son][αcont] m featuralOCP-Cor[αson] m featuralOCP-Cor[αstric] m featuralOCP-Cor[αvoice] m featuralOCP-Dor m featuralOCP-Dor[αson,βstric] m featuralOCP-Dor[αson] m featuralOCP-Dor[αstric] m featuralOCP-Dor[αvoice] m featural

m featuralOCP-Lab m featuralOCP-Lab[αson,βstric] m featuralOCP-Lab[αson] m featuralOCP-Lab[αstric] m featuralOCP-Lab[αvoice] m featuralOCP-Phar m featuralOCP-Place m featural

OCPf

OCP/V[hi]ɸ

OCP/V[rd]ɸ

OCPf

OCP-Place m featuralOCP-Sib m featural

m featuralm featural

OCP-σ m featuralOnset Ons m phonotacOnsetL m featural

m segmentaOpenness m phonotacOverkill[-back] m featuralPal m featuralPalatalisation-i Pal-i m segmentaPalatalisation-j Pal-j m segmentaPalatalization m featuralPal-e m featuralPal-e-Voc m featuralPal-i m featuralPal-i-Voc m featuralPal-j m featuralParse-Seg m prosodicParse-σ m prosodicPeak/μ m prosodicPeak-Prominence Pk-Prom m prosodicPeripheral m featuralPeripherality m prosodicPhBin m prosodic

m morpholoPhonologicalParse (Ph)-Parse m prosodicPhrase-Final Lengthe Phrase-Final m prosodicPhrase-FinalC m prosodicPhraseNon-finality PhraseNon-fin m tonal/phPlateau m featuralPolar(VowelHeight,bi Polar(bin) m featuralPolar(VowelHeight,qu Polar(quat) m featuralPolar(VowelHeight,te Polar(tern) m featural

m segmentam segmentam segmenta

Posterior m featuralPosteriority Posterior m featural

OCPst

OCP-um

Onset-r

PHead=MWordLex

Poss-Coda(πCod)Poss-Mark(πOns)Poss-Nuc(πNuc)

PosteriorStridency Post-Strid m segmentaPostVcls m featuralPreconsonantalReduct Pre m prosodicPretonic /l/ is Light m featuralPrevocalic /l/ is light m featuralPrimaryStress Prim m featural

Prokosch's Law m prosodicm prosodicm prosodicm prosodicm prosodic

ProsodicBranching PrBranch m prosodicProsodicLicensing ProLic m prosodicProsodicLicensing m prosodicProsodicStemMinimali Min m prosodicProsodicStemMinimum PS-Min m prosodicProsodicWordMinimali PWdMin m prosodicProsodicWord-to-Head PrWd-to-Head m prosodicProximity m segmentaPrWd=Ft m prosodicPrWd≥CC m segmentaPrWdCon m prosodic

m prosodicPV m featuralPVP m featuralPWordSize m prosodicPwordsMinimality Min m prosodicQuantity Q m prosodicR=Sfx m morpholo

m prosodicRaising m featuralRealizeTone m tonal/seRED=Ft m prosodicRED=InflectedStem I-Stem m prosodicRED=σ m prosodic

m prosodic

Prom[[X[+voice]X]R]σ

Prom[[X[-voice]X]Rime]σ

Prom[[XX]Rime]σ

Prom[X[-voice][XX]Rime]σ

PrWdÉRoot

R=σμμ

Red=σμ

m prosodicReduce m prosodicReduce m segmentaReduce m featuralRedup m segmentaReduplicant=MinimalW Red=MinWd m morpholoRelativeProminence RP m prosodicRhythm m metricalRhythmicHarmony RhHrm m prosodicRhythmicType=Iamb RhType=I m prosodicRhythmicType=Trochee RhType=T m prosodicRootFinalHeavy m prosodicRound/αHigh m featuralRt/μ m prosodicRTR/Hi m featuralRTR/Lower-VT m featuralRt-Sfx-Segregation m morpholoSecondaryStress Sec m featural

Seg-Head m prosodicSegmentLicenser/Syll SegLic/σ m segmentaSFootSalience SFtSal m tonal/prShell m prosodic

m featuralSoftPosterior Soft-Post m featuralSoftStridency Soft-Strid m featuralSon m featuralSonCoda m featuralSonorantVoicing SonVoi m featuralSonorFin m featuralSonorInit m featuralSonority Son m featural

SonorityFall SonFall m featuralSonoritySequencingGe SSG m featuralSpecify m featuralSpecify m prosodicSpecify(harm/root/V) m featural

RED=σμμ

Short ε

Spread(+high)-if-post-tonic m featuralSpread(Place) m featuralSpread[Rd]if[-hi] m featuralSpread-Color m featuralSpreadHi m featuralSpreadLiquid SpreadLiq m featuralSpreadLo m featuralStem/Foot Stem/Ft m prosodicStem=Foot m prosodicStem=PrWd m prosodicStemShape1: prosodic shape m prosodicStemShape2: nasality m featuralStemShape3: place of articulation m featuralStemSize m prosodicStop(Contr:F)↔V m general/Stop↔V m featuralStress-Focus SF m prosodicStress-Focus' SF' m prosodic

m prosodicm prosodic

StressSegment StressSeg m prosodicm prosodic

Stress-to-pitch m metricalStress-to-Stem m prosodicStress-To-Weight SWP m prosodicStressXP m prosodic

m prosodicStrict-Layer m prosodicStridency Strid m featuralSurfaceCorrespondenc SCorrI m segmentaSurfaceCorrespondenc SCorrP m segmenta

m prosodicSyll=µ m prosodicSyllableBinary SyllBin m prosodicSyllableContact SyllCont m prosodicTemplate m segmentaTemplate m prosodicTemplate=CVCVC m prosodic

Stress-Focuscontrast SFcontrast

Stress-Focusnew SFnew

Stress-to-i

StressXPAll

SWPL

Trochaic m metricalTrochaicQuantity TrochQu m metricalTrough[V-V] Trough m featuralTrunc m segmentaUniform[Rd] m featuralUniqueness m segmenta

m featuralVoiceAssimilation VA m featuralVowel-Nucleus V-Nuc m featuralVPhonemic m prosodicVPhonetic m prosodic

m phoneticWdBin m metricalWdCon m prosodicWeakening m featuralWeakLayeringWell-For WLWF m prosodicWeight m prosodicWeight-by-Position/R WbyP/Root m prosodic

WbyP/σ1 m prosodicWeight-to-Stress Pri WSP m metricalWord-Initial Lengthe Word-Initial m prosodicWrap-XP m prosodic

m prosodicWt-Identity Wt-Iden m prosodicμ/σ m prosodicσ/Ft m prosodic

m featuralm prosodic

*Trimoraic m prosodic*V m segmenta*[20.0 Erb]/s/ o perceptu*[long vowel duration] /obs,-voice/ o perceptu

o featuralo featural

PreserveContrast o general/PreserveContrast(Pit o featuralPreserveContrast(Reg o featuralSpace(color)≥1/1 Space≥1/1 o featural

Vce/CClass 1,3a,4,9,11,15 Vce/CCl-b

W0·1x–W1x

Weight-by-Position/σ1

WSPPrWd

σContSlope*FinalCμ

{CumulF

{-DiffF

PCout

PCout(Pitch)PCout(Register)

Space(color)≥1/2 Space≥1/2 o featuralSpace≥1/3 o featural

UseListed o morpholoSpace(color)≥1/3

definition violatedsyllables must not be left aligned with a strong (nuc ndi-ya-[onwone violation for any foot that right-aligns with an upile-ra→(ua heavy syllable aligns with the right edge of the fo L(HL)stem-internal morphological boundaries occur at foot ka+RED+raika→(ka ra)(raikthe left edge of every [+ATR] specification is alignethe left edge of the possessive morpheme coincides wi (goba)ment-kathe right edge of the possessive morpheme coincides w (goba)-ka-mentany instance of [RTR] is aligned initially in Word ballaaSany RTR span must end on the vowel aany instance of [RTR] is aligned finally in Word Snaafthe (L or R) edge of the specified affix must coincid for -um- anot defined in the textnot defined in the text ε-risikestem-internal morphological boundaries occur at sylla no examples givenevery [+high] specification must be aligned with the CaCiCthe right edge of every morpheme is aligned to the ri <kalu>-ka.the right edge of an affix must be aligned with the lthe affix must be aligned with the right edge of the /a/ must be in a prefinal syllable p237the left edge of pre-accented suffixes (a lexically mthe verb grade affix coincides with right edge of the p255the left edge of an affix is aligned with the left edevery consonant must be aligned with the edge of some ta.tanot defined, discussed p 199 p199the left edge of the clitic is adjacent to the right every instance of Colour (= [round, back]) is final inot defined, discussed p 199 p199a coronal feature dominated by a vocalic root node mu p51the edges of level 0 of grid marks in a prosodic wordthe left edge of the head syllable of every foot is a (a.be)(bi.ri)each focused constituent is right-aligned with a phonevery foot must begin with a consonant (an onset) [(VCV)(CV)align the left edge of every foot with the left edge ta.(ta.ta)every foot stands in final position in the prosodic w [(σσ)σ] geany foot edge must coincide with a syllable edge ta(m.ta)m.tam.tamthe GEdge of any GCat must coincide with PEdge of some PCat, where GCat ≡ Grammthe right edge of a pitch-accented syllable must cointhe left edge of each tone (defined as the left edge i bángá

rɔro

Sabaaħ

ŋɪ-kor

RED-kɔɔw→k_.kɔɔwc1vc2, iered→c

( . x)wəna | nukpre

taaff, pestem→ pe.ta

wabubu=ʔa→(wabu)(buʔa)/dub-mi/ → dubmi

2 x1 x x x[Vfoc NP PP]

{ˌjimm}ˌaʔ'tsiːˌta

the left edge of every H tone must be aligned with th /[pa.ta, H+ta, H]/→pá.ta.align the right edge of every high tone with the righ ni magogothe right edge of each tone (defined as the right edg rámuntuthe continuous H coincides with the left edge of the not defined, discussed p. 251every parsed [high] specification must be aligned wit CeCiCevery [-high] specification must be aligned with the CaCeCthe imperfective H coincides with the right edge of talign the right edge of a H within the macrostem with p306align the right boundary of every intonational phrase one violation for every p

(dávi)d-ifor any Lex there is a PrWd such that the left edges (ta[ta.ta])align the left edge of a prosodic stem with the left ndi-y-[o.nwábisa

da(vid-le)a primary stressed light syllable (one containing a s isso,baalign the right edge of morpheme X with the left edge p728all morphemes begin with vowels ater-en-Red→a.ter.en.te.rthe left edge of a morpheme coincides with the left e ater-en-RED→a.te.re.ne.renot defined, discussed p199 p199the right edge of every OC morpheme coincides with thalign the left edge of each phonological phrase with align the right boundary of every phonological phrase one violation for every pthe right edge of every stress peak must coincide wit pə-yax-qala prosodic feature is aligned with some grammatical c p344align the right edge of a phonological phrase with th p298the plural suffix (including the plural tone melody) p253-4the left edge of every stress prominence must coincid yax-əmnot defined, discussed p199 p199the edge of the prosodic word aligns (L or R) with it [(máni)la] violates Alignthe left edge of each prosodic word must match the le [σ(σσ)]any Prosodic word edge must coincide with a syllable p.tathe right edge of the head foot of every prosodic wor p250not defined, discussed p184not defined, discussed p199 p199for any Lex there is a PrWd such that the right edges ([ta.ta]ta)the reduplicant subcategorises for a following Stem p3every root has an initial foot gu.(ra.ŋgul)the left edge of the root must coincide with the left any prefixthe right edge of every root coincides with the rightalign the feature [+round] with the right edge of the tu.taevery stem must begin at the left edge of a prosodic di+koréksi→(dìko)(réksi)

/Hcontinuous, ngohor/ → ngohor, p249me(ˈséec)

/Himperfective, buri/→burì, p249

align the right edge of i with the right edge of a foot

align the left edge of le with the right edge of a foot

há.ʔ-a.ʔ-kʷp( → L p(

/d|yæ:n/→.[ε]d.yæ:n

ʔiRTʔiAFbəšRT

the final edge of the stem corresponds to the final e parent-al→pa.ren.talevery stem ends in a consonant tata]taevery stem ends in a weak mora p423align the left edge of a H tone whose input correspon p320align the right edge of a H tone whose input correspo p320the left edge of every suffix coincides with the righ na-piroa pitch accent falls on the head syllable of a phrase p199a pitch-accented syllable is aligned with the right e p189align the tone at the left edge of the syllable p139align the tone at the right edge of the syllable p139generalized alignment constraint for tones p139align the right boundary of every utterance phrase wi one violation for every pthe right edge of a X0 coincides with the right edge of a phonological wordevery grid mark of level 1 is aligned with the left eevery grid mark of level 1 is aligned with the right every grid mark of level 2 is aligned with the left eevery grid mark of level 2 is aligned with the right

for each XP there is a P (phonological phrase) such tfor each XP there is a P (phonological phrase) such tthe right edge of a XP coincides with the right edge of a phonological phraseevery morpheme edge coincides with a syllable boundar p158not defined, discussed p230not defined, discussed p230not defined, discussed p230any syllable edge must coincide with a foot edge (tam.ta)m.tam.tam gets * the main stressed syllable coincides with the left edthe left edge of each syllable must coincide with the ta.t.tapany syllable edge must coincide with a prosodic word tatata gets 6*'s for Levery syllable must be aligned with the edge of some ta.ta.ta

p204not defined in the textevery feature [+continuant] is word-initial æksevery feature [+coronal] is word-initial kætevery feature [+dorsal] is word-initial tækthe edges of each foot align with the edges of the pr (cip-i)-lealign the left edge of a foot with the left edge of t (σσ)(σσ)align the right edge of the foot with the right edge (la.vo).roalign the right edge of a lexeme to the right edge ofthe right edge of the root coincides with the right e

2 x1 x x x2 x1 x x x2 x1 x x x2 x1 x x xevery grid mark of level n + 1 is aligned with the {right, left} edge of level [X1 XP2 XP3

[X1 XP2 XP3

lanen]M1á]MW

lan]M1en]M2á]lanén]M1a]MW

pɔrá:mə

scnj should be a coda

[ta.ta]lex + [bi]ʔaiʔo→(ʔái)ʔo

the right edge of the suffix coincides with the rightevery feature [+high] is word-initialthe left edge of a grammatical word should be alignedthe leftmost TBU of the (input) BStem is linked to a p12complex segments are initial. Formally: for all complthe leftmost TBU of the (input) CStem is linked to a p12

foot-initial syllables must have onsets (áu).taalign the L edge of every foot with the L edge of a fthe left edge of every foot coincides with the left e CV.(CVVC)the left edge of every foot must be aligned with a syllablethe left edge of every H tone must coincide with the biialign the left edge of a prosodic root with the left n{[osampi.osampithe left edge of a prosodic word must coincide with t o-lima→oo[lima]align the left edge of a prosodic word with the left a.b(a.da)the left edge of the root coincides with the left edg u-ita→ui.tathe leftmost TBU of the (input) RStem is linked to a p12the left edge of every stem coincides with the left e ke.(tEbb)a tone is linked to the leftmost TBU. Formally: for eall prosodic words must begin with feet Ta-(f***in)-(tama)(goucheprosodic words begin with bimoraic feetnot defined in the texta light stressed syllable should be word-initial. Forevery feature [+labial] is word-initialthe leftmost element in every affix is the leftmost element in sthe leftmost segment in every affix is the leftmost segment in severy feature [+low] is word-initial dzèndathe left edge of the reduplicant must occur as close every feature [+nasal] is word-initial stiŋkalign the right edge of a phonological phrase with th {tat}the morphological stem is aligned with the prosodic stem (not defined in the teAlign-L(P-Stem,σ)no vowel intervenes between the right edge of [back] tata, whenthe right edge of a grammatical word should be aligne[-ant] is a suffix. Formally: for all [-ant] segmentsnot defined in the text εrisik; 2* for εthe right edge of every accent coincides with the right edge of some prosodic wthe right edge of the CStem is aligned with the right p25

see Align-R-Dorsal, Align

ʔalaur-a→ʔa(láu)radʒo:ni[(ɡba.ɡbé)MW(.o.mo)]PW,MW

{tata,[-ant]}

every feature f is word-initial

bu'wɔh

{ta.ta,LH}→ta.tá

. (x) (. x)xa('kaː)('noʔ)a.ta.ˈtaækbaɹ

ma.va.vit

e(ry-e.s= [e).sera

[(ɡba.ɡbé)MW(.o.mo)]PW,MW

{tata,[-ant]}→ t

every feature f is word-final

align the R edge of every foot with the R edge of a fall feet must occur at the end of a word (Tata)-(f***in)-ma(gouchethe final syllable in a phrase is prominentprominent syllables are word-finalthe right edge of the prosodic word coincides with a L(H)Lthe right edge of the prosodic word aligns with the rthe right edge of the prosodic word coincides with th FF→F<F> (<F> is an unparsthe right edge of the RStem is aligned with the right p25contours are linked to the rightmost TBU. Formally: fnot defined in the text |('po.o)ni|the final syllable in a word is prominent (x .)a stressed syllable should be word-final. Formally: falign the R/L edge of the lexical word to the R/L edg van i→vá.nalign the feature [-high] to the right edge of a word lasievery feature [+dorsal] is word-final ka-bukir-anevery feature [+retroflex] must be word-initialthe rightmost segment in every affix is the rightmost segment inthe rightmost mora in any Red is the rightmost mora ithe rightmost element in every affix is the rightmost element inevery feature [+liquid] is word-final a.r-u.m-alevery feature [+low] is word-final um.-grad.wetevery feature [+round] is word-initial

.skart.the leftmost segment in every Red is the leftmost segthe leftmost segmental root node in any Red is the lethe rightmost segment in every Red is the rightmost sthe rightmost segmental root node in any Red is the rthe rightmost segment in every Root is the rightmost every feature [-continuant] is word-initial æskevery feature [+voice] on an obstruent must be word-ithe leftmost mora of Red is aligned with the leftmostthe leftmost mora of the root is aligned with the lefthe rightmost mora of Red is aligned with the rightmothe rightmost mora of the root is aligned with the riall syllables are final p156the first consonant of the stem must coincide with the first consonant of the wthe first vowel of the stem must coincide with the fi

buwɔh

. (x x). (x)

('bu)(ˌwɔh)

{ta.ta,LHL}→ tǎ.tá

ˈta.ta

ækbaɹ

ni.ki.-ni.kid

dʒiːnoalign the right edge of the copular particle s with the left edge of a syllable

nap.na-.na μμna μ.-nap.nao.mo.ko.-mo.kople μ-pμ]σμμ.léː.giso.mo.kon.-mo.kon

ækbaɹjiμ.-gaμ-.gaj-iμm.g-iμm.gao.mo.-o μ.moo.mo.ko.-mo

ma.va.vitin a sequence coronal1-coronal2, align left edge of coronal2 gestures with left edge of coronal1lzɣiir cf. zzɣiir

the left and right edges of the Reduplicant must cointhe most prominent foot in the word is at the left ed (ta.ta).(ta.tá)the most prominent foot in the word is at the right e (ta.tá).(ta.ta)the linguistic element φ should be positioned at left/right edgesa peak of prominence (stress) lies at the L|R edge of ta.tá.tathe item φ is situated at the edge E of domain Dmain stress lies at the left edge of the word {an.ci.}qumain stress lies at the right edge of the word lá.vo.rothe left edge of every foot-level gridmark is aligned p352the right edge of every foot-level gridmark is aligne p352the right edge of every foot coincides with the same (tá.ta)the left edge of every foot coincides with the same e (ta.tá)every foot must be aligned to the edge of some prosodic word containing it

see specific instancesthe left edge of every foot-head is aligned with the p322the right edge of every foot-head is aligned with the p322align the right boundary of every I-phrase with its h p134align the right boundary of every P-phrase with its h p134the I-stem is aligned with the P-stemthe [+rnd] feature-morpheme must be aligned with the stress must occur on the leftmost syllable of a proso ta.táprefix is located at left edge of wordthe left and right edges of lexical word are aligned so.[(kia)Align(Head(PrWd),L,PrWd,L) (ta.tá)(ta.ta)align the right edge of the head (foot containing pri (ta.tá)(tat)Mcat=Pcat where Mcat ≡ Morphological Category ≡ Prefix, Suffix,Mcat=PrWd where Mcat = Root, Stem, LexWdfor any MWord, there exists some PWord, such that the

nov→nov (without any prosno vowel intervenes between [+back] and the right edg

no vowel intervenes between a [-back] feature and the

the word does not begin with a foot [(ta.ta).ta.ta]Align(PConstituent-R,H(PConstituent)-R) p81the left edge of every prosodic word is aligned with p326the right edge of every prosodic word is aligned with p328the Reduplicant is a (binary) footthe edges of the Reduplicant must coincide with the ethe right edge of the main stressed syllable coincide tá.ta

no-naa–naa

" Cat1 $ Cat2 such that Edge1 of Cat1 and Edge2 of Cat2 coincide, where Cat1, Cat2

e(ry-e.s= [e).serask,ää,[+rnd]

gru.mad.wet

naš studio→[naš [stûdio]for any MWordLex, there exists some PWord, such that the left edge of MWord

koti-nä hiéroglyfi-ä

ra–ra|.u.l|-u.lampoy

suffixes must fall at the right edge of the stemthe Base of suffixation is a Prosodic Word, i.e., the na-(piro), cf. (naTA)-(pi

there is correspondence between the segments at the lthere is correspondence between the segment at the lealign high tone with the head of the footalign the R edge of every word with the R edge of som ni magogonot every segment in the Future base (input) has a coobligatory insertion of prominence (pre- and post-acc p232obligatory insertion of tone (pre- and post-accentuat p232obligatory deletion of prominence (dominance effects p231obligatory deletion of tone (dominance effects for to p232it is not the case that corresponding prominences hav p232it is not the case that corresponding tones have corr káál-ə→kááləobligatory insertion of links (morphological tone spr p232when a noun ends in [t] in the citation form, change every input segment has an identical correspondent so banda→wandaeach underlying vowel must have a correspondent somewdon't delete vowels osa+i+ssa→(no word of the output has multiple correspondents in inventory:don't mutate vowels mansikka+i+an output-to-output faithfulness constraint that bans lévy/lé:vioutput correspondents have the same specification forinput [-back] on a vowel must be preserved in the outno element of S1 has multiple correspondents in S2 inone violation mark for each faithfulness violation th p115any element at the designated periphery of S1 has a correspondenevery syllable in the blend must have a correspondent gues<s•e>stimate=guesstimevery syllable in both elements of the base must have e<stimate•gue>ss=essan input element and its correspondent output element wiil;a[-coan input element and its correspondent output element p350metaconstraint for faithfulness constraints referring to affixesevery nominal affix segment in S1 has a correspondent p109the initial element in R [the reduplicant] is identicthe edgemost (outermost) segment of the reduplicant i mutul+DENOstem-initial segments have input correspondents p604

in RED+Base, the initial element in R is identical to naTA –naTAany element at the left edge of a morpheme in the inpan element at the left edge of the root corresponds t

[(siwa)]–ka–

there is correspondence between the segment at edgei of the base and the segment at edgeRED+s1am2→s1

RED+s1am2→s1

sviil]M1a]MW

ti-ftaxImp→tiftax

tikio t, tikio t-e

ʔupuɹik→ʔup.ɹik

n+æ→ɲa ({ candidate=ɲæ)x+i→xio ({ candidate=ʃ'i)p'a → p'ja (

s-RED-ikuk→s

any element at the designated edge of CI has a correspondent at the same edge of C

ɡbaɡbé omo→[(ɡba.ɡbé)]PW[(.e.mo)]PW

jə-ktf-o→jəktio fo

the left edge of the plural morpheme has a correspond never violated in this arassign a violation if and only if: (a) there is an outhe right edge of the head foot has a correspondent at the rightalign the right edge of the prosodic word in the inpuif a stressed syllable in the output bears a tone T' a word must begin with stem material in+spin→inspin cf. sinpinthe onset of the initial syllable of the stem must haa base consists of all and only base segmentsgiven an input structure [X Y], output candidates are ('σ),('σσ)strings of sounds in correspondence should be similarstrings of sounds in correspondence should be similarif a sibilant precedes a stop in one form, the correspondent of S in the other adjacent sibilant-[l] sequences in one form must not um+slip→suadjacent sibilant-[m] sequences in one form must not smV...→simadjacent sibilant-[n] sequences in one form must not snV...→sinadjacent sibilant-liquid sequences in one form must n srV...→siradjacent sibilant-stop sequences in one form must not in+spin→siadjacent sibilant-glide sequences in one form must no swV...→siwRED corresponds to a contiguous substring of Base tasoŋk→taŋall contiguous input segments in a phonological phras nvud→nə.vudall contiguous input segments in a prosodic word must nvud→nə.vudall contiguous input segments in a root must be conti none giventhe output for the stem corresponds to a contiguous s fan-hyper-tasticif a sequence of tones in the input forms a continuouall contiguous input segments in a base must be conti none givena contiguous string in the input may not be separated traka→tran.kathe portion of the base standing in correspondence tothe portion of the reduplicant standing in corresponda contiguous string in the input may not be separated traka→tar.kaevery input /a/ has an output correspondent a→Ø

every segment of the output has a correspondent in th pt→patan accent in the output has a corresponding accent in ka→káan association [line] in the output must have a corre [tichá][verenga]→[tichá][a segment in the output of the base has a corresponde roti-RED-v→vroti-vrotievery feature of the output has a correspondent in the inputdo not insert root nodes taa→ta.taall output tones have correspondents in the input (no

all output syllables have correspondents in the input i banga→i i banga

H1 H2 H1

→(da(vidǁ-i)H1 H2 H

ho.do.daiC1VC2+RED→[{C

tsijp˹→tsip˺zɪɡzæɡ˺→tsikio tsæk˺

n-á-vá-téheey-a→n-a-

RED+d1o2a3→dRED+d1o2a3→d

any element at the designated edge of CI has a correspondent that is adjacent to an element at the opposite edge of C

H1 H2 H1 L H →do not epenthesize the segment ʔ basa-en→ba.sa.ʔen

every occurrence of [+ATR] in the output has a corres tarn→tarinevery occurrence of [+back] in the output has a corre tarn→tarunevery occurrence of [+front] in the output has a corr tarn→tarinevery occurrence of [+high] in the output has a corre tarn→tarinevery occurrence of [+low] in the output has a corres tarn→taranevery [ATR] feature of the output has a correspondentevery occurrence of [-ATR] in the output has a corres tarn→tarεnevery occurrence of [-back] in the output has a corre tarn→tarinevery occurrence of [-front] in the output has a corr tarn→taronevery occurrence of [-high] in the output has a corre tarn→tarenevery occurrence of [-low] in the output has a corres tarn→taronevery output segment affiliated with an affix has a correspondent in the inputevery segment of the reduplicant has a correspondent /RED+tax/→every consonant of the reduplicant has a correspondenevery vowel of the reduplicant has a correspondent in RED-toyan→a consonant in the output must have a correspondent ievery tone has a correspondent tone-bearing elementevery high [tone] in the output has to have a correspevery segment of the reduplicant has a correspondent s-RED-ikukassign a violation mark if an output consonant–mora a p457do not add a mora to a consonant that it did not have p377

p377do not add a mora to a vowel that it did not have und p377every element of the prosodic stem has a corresponden ndi-[y-{onwábisa, cf. tha mora in the output has a correspondent in the inputevery segment in the derived form has a correspondent p766an output path between [+ATR] and an anchor has an in p149

every weight unit (syllable nucleus if PCat is not quevery vowel of the output has a correspondent in the fijl→fijəlassign one violation mark for every vowel in the outp slV→silVassign one violation mark for every vowel in the outp smV→simVassign one violation mark for every vowel in the outp snV→sinVassign one violation mark for every vowel in the outp srV→sirVassign one violation mark for every vowel in the outp spV→sipVassign one violation mark for every vowel in the outp swV→siwVa blend must have one consonant that has corresponden br<eakfast•l>unch=bruncheach input segment must have all of its specifications preserveda morpheme must be overtly realized no no→no <the initial syllable in the output is identical to th RED+Wič-l'metaconstraint for faithfulness constraints involving the feature [nasal]

ε-mɔ-It→ε-mɔ-it

RED-toyan→ʔo:doyan

aPAV,sal,+a→wasal-a

[brodă]MW →

let ζj be segments, Sk phonological representations, S1

loμk-kuμ→loμ

every prominence in S2 must have a corresponding prominence in S1

ery-RED-esa

metaconstraint for faithfulness constraints involving the feature [voice]metaconstraint for faithfulness constraints involving the feature [voice] in semetaconstraint for faithfulness constraints involving the feature [voice] in semetaconstraint for faithfulness constraints involving the feature [voice] in gemetaconstraint for faithfulness constraints involving the feature [voice] in simetaconstraint for constraints requiring identity of structure aa family of constraints that requires derived words t kam-he i→hmetaconstraint for constraints requiring identity of structure acorresponding stressed syllables are segmentally identhe features (F) of each segment of RED must have a csyllable positions are filled with segmental material a→taall features are part of the inputall association relations are part of the inputnucleus positions are filled with underlying material VCVC→<V>.CV.C.onset positions (when present) are filled with underl VCVC→.V.CV.<C>a PL node must not be empty (unassociated to any feat {Place,Cor}→[]<Cor>every moraic position must be filled by segmental mat ta,μμ→ [ta]μ[ ]μeach element of the base must contribute a foot to th de.mo.kra<t•dik.ta.>tor=delement 1 must contribute a foot to the blend xo<f•bug>relement 2 must contribute a foot to the blend bugra<čov•

tatta→tataunderlying moras map to surface moras p10

tata→tattatata→taata

the location of the head syllable of the output shoul

the head syllable of each input morpheme must correspthe portion of S1 standing in correspondence forms a xyz→xzfor any CC-correspondent pair, both consonants are [-for any CC-correspondent pair, both consonants are [+for any CC-correspondent pair, both consonants are [-

cake→catecook→coot

the stem of the derived word must be identical to the rǽndəm-ajz→rəndowmajzoutput correspondents have the same specification foroutput correspondents have the same specification for ræ→ramandates the preservation of the input [Place] featur anka→antathe value for [±voice] on the segment in the input mu

ti-.káxImp→tkáxeri-RED=humira→eri-(hum+a

for α Î base and β Î affixed form, if α is a consonant and α

for α Î base and β Îε affixed form, if α is contained in a prosodic word-head and is [γhigh], and if αsensin-na→sinsennafor α Î input and β Î output, if β is a consonant contained in a head and αfor α Î input and β Î output, if β is a vowel contained in a head and α

kərupt-ájz→korəpt-ájzif α is in H'(PrWd) and αÂβ, then β is in H'(PrWd) (main-stressed vowels must be in correspondence)(rá2ko4)→ra2

səɹb-ájz→səɹbajz

zi...ʃi

bumiidiazi...ʃi

for the word cake, output correspondents must have identical feature values to their input correspondentsfor the word cook, output correspondents must have identical feature values to their input correspondents

n+æ→ɲæ

litʃ+b+a→lidʒ.ba

the value of [±voice] on the segment in the input mus frantsuz+k+a→fran.tsu.zgaan input [+cor] segment is also [+cor] in the outputa segment that is [+round] in the input corresponds t u→a

baggu→bakkutadda→tattabaggu→bakkubaggu→bakkubagii→bakii

an input correspondent with the feature [-anterior] ca segment in the output has the same specification fooutput correspondents have the same specification for mirak-ka→m[-back] on a consonant in the input must be preserved[-back] on a consonant in the input must be preserved[-back] on a consonant in the input must be preserved[-back] on a consonant in the input must be preservedlet α be a segment in the input and β be any correspotwo segments standing in IO correspondence have ident dub-mi→dubmucorrespondent IO segments have identical values for t wiil;a[-cooutput correspondents have the same specification forword-initial output correspondents have the same spec ka.ka→xa.koutput onset correspondents have the same specificati ba→waan input [-cor] segment is also [-cor] in the outputcorresponding segments must have identical values on input [DADorsal] on a consonant must be preserved in input dorsal on a segment must be preserved in the ououtput correspondents of the input [γF] segment are a p→boutput correspondents have the same specification forif y is the output correspondent of x and x is [αT], p314correspondent input and output harmonic root vowels houtput correspondents have the same specification foroutput correspondents have the same specification for trio→triwa segment in an affix in the output and its correspon bev-i→bévea segment in a root in the output and its corresponde bev-i→biviæ is preserved after labials bæ→baoutput correspondents have the same specification for k→k'output correspondents have the same specification for appa→apacorrespondent segments in input and output are identi ta.ta→te.ta

kε→kɔ

let S1 be an input string and S2 be an output string, and let Slet S1 be an input string and S2 be an output string, and let Slet S1 be an input string and S2 be an output string, and let Slet S1 be an input string and S2 be an output string, and let Slet S1 be an input string and S2 be an output string, and let S

pan→paɳbuːç→buːx

ʑεm'→ʑεmʑεm'+a→ʑε.maʑεm'+a→ʑε.maʑεm'+a→ʑε.mat'at'a→txat

yə-xfio r→yə-kfio r

k→tɕc1a2t3→c1a2i3

x-i→ʃike→tʃ'e

d→ɾ

haz+nεk→hεz.nεkRED-soʔ→su-suʔ

segments in I-O correspondence show exactly the same ãn→ana segment that is [-nasal] in the input corresponds t bum-id-a→buminathe nucleus in the input must be preserved in the out ræ→riæcorresponding input and output segments have identica ki→kʲioutput correspondents have the same specification forcorresponding input and output segments have identica viiz+hoz→v

ii→uulet α be a segment in the input and β be any correspooutput correspondents have the same specification for b→w

reduplicaninput should have the same stress as output salt and 'pepper→'salt anoutput correspondents have the same specification foroutput correspondents have the same specification foroutput correspondents have the same value for the feaan input [t] must have a corresponding output [t] tietä-i→ti

sá→saa root vowel in the output is tonally identical to it lùkùr-e→lùoutput correspondents have the same specification for rad→ratcorrespondent vowels in Input and Output have identicdon't change the tone on a root-initial syllable p258an input [+/-high] must have an identical output corr las-i→l(ase)if an input segment is [+strident] then the corresponoutput correspondents have the same specification for salir→sa'lijcorresponding consonant and vowel have identical valuthe length specifications in the input match the lengoutput correspondents have the same specification forif an input segment is [-strident] then the corresponcorresponding segments must have identical or adjacensegments in the reduplicant must have identical or adcorrespondent affixal segments have identical featural specificaoutput segments in affixes have the same specificatio -tu→-tioutput segments in affixes have the same specificatio -ta→-kaa segment that is underlyingly [ATR] must remain socorresponding segments in base and reduplicant are id mo+RED+raicorrespondents in the reduplicant have the same specia base [-cor] segment is also [-cor] in the reduplica

let S1 be an input string and S2 be an output string, and let S1 and S2 stand in correspondence. Let y Î S2. For all x Î S1 where x is a correspondent of y and y is in a coda, x and y have the same value for the feature [nasal].ʃobo+μ+ri→ʃombori

ʔ→k'

output Vː correspondents have the same specification for [round] as the inputthampa→tampa

let SR be a segment in the output and SL be any corresponding segment of S

tʃ→ʃyə-xfio r→yə-xpio rtaʔo-en→taʔ.wen

if mora x bears tone T in the input, then the output correspondent of

μi μj μ →

dɪstsipliːn→dɪstipliːn

Future-te.rédnaː→naap-putji→apnegatjoːn→negatsjoːnc1a2t3→c1a2i3

RED-cat→ʔi3-c1a2t3

ballaaS→ballaaS

RED+xt→kətxio tRED-ka→tɕi-ka

segments in the reduplicant must have identical valuereduplicant correspondents of the base [γF] segment a RED+pat→bareduplicants have the same specification for high as a segment in the reduplicant has the same value for tevery segment of the reduplicant has the same nasalit RED+nak→naplace specifications in the reduplicant are the same every segment of the reduplicant has the same specifilet α be a subsegment in B, and β be a correspondent riw-RED;o[the reduplicant has the same number of moras as the bevery segment of the reduplicant has the same specifi mow-moulreduplicants have the same specification for syllabic HeavyRED+rinput [+back] on consonants must be preserved as outpinput [+high] on a consonant must be preserved in the p'a → painput [-back] on consonants must be preserved as outp

preservation of the features of the final vowel ata→ati[-back] on an input geminate must be preserved as [-bcorresponding input/output vowels are moraic aulu→aw.lufeet of the isolation form must be matched with feet /pa=ta.ta.ta/→(pa.ta)(ta.feet of the clitic+base construction must be matched p432

tag.tag→tag.dagoutput segments and their Input correspondents must alet α be a segment in the input and β be any correspolet α be a segment in the input and β be any correspolet α be a segment in the input and β be any correspolet α be a segment in the input and β be any correspolet α be a segment in the input and β be any correspolet α be a segment in the input and β be any correspoinput and output correspondents in the onset of a syl ta→da

RED-cat→ʔi3-c1a2t3

RED-soʔ→su-soʔRED+bwaja→buː.bwa.ja

RED-dumuːga→ʔundumuːgask,ää,[+rnd]

s-RED-duːkw→s-du-duːk

ty+i→t'i

t'+i→ ty+ilet Ci be a segment in the output and Cj be any correspondent of Ci in the output. If Ci is [cg], then Cj is [cg].wio dək→wio txək'x

let Ci be a segment in the output and Cj be any correspondent of Cnandε→nxandx

let Ci be a segment in the output and Cj be any correspondent of Cnandε→nxandx

let Ci be a segment in the output and Cj be any correspondent of Cthampa→thxamplet Ci be a segment in the output and Cj be any correspondent of Cbepo→bxepxolet CL be a segment in the output and CR be any correspondent of Csim-idi→simlet CL be a segment in the output and CR be any correspondent of Csim-idi→simlet CL be a segment in the output and CR be any correspondent of Cku-dumuk-ila→kudlet CL be a segment in the output and CR be any correspondent of Cku-dumuk-ila→kud

l'l'εʃ→llεʃ

if a word contains two substrings S1 and S2 that are coupled [in reduplication], and if a segment in St→th

bepo→bebowio dək→wio t'ək'nandε→nanεɡɔra→ɡɔrɔthampa→thampbepo→bebo

consonants in the position stated in the Laryngeal Cooutput segments in onset position and their Input cor ta→haconsonants that are tautosyllabic with a following so tazlas→tasassign a violation mark to an onset whose voice speci bam.bam→baidentity between base and truncated surface word mustsegments in O-O correspondence show the same specifica radical consonant in the frequentative has the same p582the nucleus must be preserved in O-O correspondence lu+o→lu→lwvowel features remain the same across morphological p p75vowel features remain the same across phrasal paradig p75let β be an output segment in a privileged position P and α the assign a violation mark to an onset whose specificati

let S be a [+release] segment in the output. Then thelet S be a [+release] segment in the reduplicant. Theoutput segments in roots have the same specification tu→tioutput segments in roots have the same specification ta→kalet β be an output segment in a root and α the input

a segment that is underlyingly [RTR] must remain so Sabaaħ→sabaaħ

let β be an output segment in a suffix and α the inpu ε-dεm-ε→ε-input [-back] on a vowel must be preserved in the out ke→kəinput [+back] on vowels must be preserved as output [input V-Place[dors] on a segment must be preserved inpreservation of the mora and features of the first st

p432a segment in a stressed syllable in the output and it bev-i→bivia segment in the root-initial syllable in the output ti.ta→te.tlet α be a segment in the input and β be any correspo qola→qalado not alter the features of a segment within a foot kaarta-i→(káar.si)

pope→poteteat→teektoot→tooktote→toke

no element of S1 has multiple correspondents in S2 (n x→yzevery input tone has only one output correspondent tátulukumukthe left edge element of the Input corresponds to the

ɡut→kut

mæ.sə.tʃu.sεts→mεss obed+ɪ→ʔobet→sobedi

ndampa→dampaa segment in S1 and its correspondent set in S2 have identical quantities (no. of C slots0)aPAV,mill,+tu→mal-tu {PAV=perfect active voice marker)

RED-puɔni→ pûn-tûɔnìRED-ɡe→də-ɡê

ε-risik→ε-rɪsɪklet SI and So be corresponding segment of the input and output, where Sson-lAr→{[san-lar]

if α is stressed, then f(α) must be stressed ta.tá→ ta.ta

io →iʃi→ʃ'i ata→iita

let x be a segment in S1 and y be any correspondent of x in S

for the word toot, output correspondents must have identical feature values to their input correspondentsfor the word teat, output correspondents must have identical feature values to their input correspondentsfor the word toot, output correspondents must have identical feature values to their input correspondentsfor the word tote, output correspondents must have identical feature values to their input correspondents

ta.pe→ pe.ta

the leftmost element of the base has a correspondent RED+apan→pS1 is consistent with the precedence structure of S2, xy→yxinput precedence relations in a tone melody are prese tata,HL→ta

p353if an input tone T has an output correspondent T', so rámuntu→raone violation is assessed for each segment S that intoutput correspondents of input V are featurally ident a→ievery segment of the input has a correspondent in the tax→tathe feature [-back] in the input string must be attes n+æ→nado not delete a segment that is contained in the sympevery vowel in the sympathetic candidate must corresp

p439if /n/ is in the input, then [+nasal] must be in the

p438if /ŋ/ is in the input, then [+nasal] must be in the an accent in the input has a corresponding accent in ká→kaa tone association in the input must have a corresponevery segment of a base's input has a correspondent i tax→tadon't delete a consonant in non-intervocalic contexts bebek+n→bedo not delete a consonant that contrasts in some feature F with an adjacent segdo not delete a consonant that is adjacent to a voweldo not delete a consonant that is not a stop als→al[coronal,-anterior] of the input must be preserved in p99no deletion of prominencedon't delete a segment tapa→tapdon't delete a segment from a stressed syllable ti.'pam→tievery subsegment in the input has a correspondent in every subsegment which belongs to a root morpheme in no deletion of input tones

every mora of the Input has a correspondent in the Ouevery occurrence of [+back] in the input has a corres tarun→tarnevery occurrence of [+front] in the input has a corre tarin→tarnan input [+high] in /u/ must have an output correspon u→oevery occurrence of [+high] in the input has a corres tarin→tarnevery occurrence of [+low] in the input has a corresp taran→tarnan input F-element [+ATR] must have an output corresp p165every occurrence of [-ATR] in the input has a corresp tarεn→tarnevery occurrence of [-back] in the input has a corres tarin→tarnif the feature [constricted glottis] is found in the

if the number of syllable positions linked to Si = n, and S

RED+tɺoɡi→tɺoɺ.ɡi

fijɹ→fijə ({ candidate=fijəɹ)fijɹ→fijɹ ({ candidate=fijəɹ)

if a segment ni is in the input, then [+nasal] must be in the outputCVn+ɻ→Cvɻ

if a segment s induces a nasal percept that is greater than or equal to NP(nCVŋ+ɻ→CVɻ

H1 H2 H →

VC1C2#→VC2

kac;o[+vce]→okac (cf. oɡac)hiid+bk→hiidH1 H2 H1

→ʔ in the input corresponds to ʔ in the output taʔo-en→ta.wensita→sit

ʔja→ja

if the feature [constricted glottis] is found in the if the feature [constricted glottis] is found in the p75a feature specification of coronal present in the inp son kars→soŋ.karsthe feature [dorsal] in the input corresponds to [dor kε→tçεa feature [F] in the input must have a correspondent in the outpevery occurrence of [-front] in the input has a corre taron→tarnan input [-high] must have an output correspondent a→ievery [L] tone in the input has a correspondent in tha feature specification of labial or dorsal present i tiŋ paw→tim.pawevery occurrence of [-low] in the input has a corresp taren→tarndo not delete a {A} elementdo not delete a {I} elementthe output must have a parse of the {I} element of ththe output must have a parse of the {U} element of thdo not delete a {U} elementevery segment of an affix's input has a correspondent -ta→-a

métgot → mevery segment of the base has a correspondent in the RED+tax→taevery segment of the stem has a correspondent in the p59every segment of the prosodic word has a correspondent in the reEvery element of a root in the base is also in the reevery consonant of an input has a correspondent in th rako→raoevery consonant of a base's input has a correspondent tax→taevery consonant of the base has a correspondent in thevery tone-bearing element has a correspondent tone ta,H→taan input fricative has an output correspondent with i mãsa→mãsã where the outpua high tone in the input must have a correspondent indo not delete a tone from the head morado not delete a H tone from the head syllable of the naá→naado not delete a L tone from the head syllable of the naa→naado not delete a tone from the head syllable of the phraseevery segment of the input has a correspondent in the RED-doa→doevery segment of the input has a correspondent in the RED-doa→do

assign one violation mark for every [l] in the input slV→sVevery input segment in a lexical word or morpheme musdo not lose an association between a mora and a tone náa→naáassign a violation mark if an input consonant–mora asdo not delete an underlying mora from a consonant

ʔja→ja

naː,L→naː

a-rmay-a→ra.maːu-qwil-a→quː.lau+qwil+a→quː.la ({ candidate=qiːla)a+qwal+ta→qal.ta (u-qwil-a→quː.la

every element of the independent base (BO) has a correspondent in the reduplicated form (Red)

sasaqw'

RED-dumuːɡa→ʔundumuːɡa

tá → ta

if a word contains two substrings S1 and S2 that are coupled, then every segment in Strata→[tra]

CV1##V2C→CV1

VμCμVμ→VμCVμ

baμtμiμ→baμti

do not delete an underlying mora from an obstruentdo not delete an underlying mora from a segmentdo not delete an underlying mora from a sonorantdo not delete an underlying mora from a voweldo not delete a long vowelassign one violation mark for every [m] in the input smV→sVevery morpheme-initial input segment in the input mus

every element of the morphological stem has a corresp ndi-y-oyisa→ndi-y-o.yisa.every input segment which is the only segment in its assign one violation mark for every [n] in the input snV→sVevery segment of the base has a correspondent in its

every mora in the base has a correspondent in the der p751favors preservation of segments in certain morphological or prosinput anchor-path-[+ATR] representations have output p173

see Max-Pr

assign one violation mark for every liquid in the inp sRV→sVevery weight unit of the RED string (syllable nucleusevery segment of a root's input has a correspondent i ta→aevery root node of the input has a correspondent rootif α is a segment in the stem, then α must have a coran input obstruent stop has an output correspondent w makan→mããnassign one violation mark for every stop in the input stV→sVthe stem vowel must have a correspondent in the outpuevery vowel of an input has a correspondent in the ou rako→rakevery vowel of a base's input has a correspondent in tata→tata vowel in the input of an affix has a correspondent dam-ie→damevery vowel of the base has a correspondent in the re RED-jε→jijassign one violation mark for every glide in the inpu sWV→sVevery word-initial segment in the input must have a ca segment consisting of /ə/ in the input should correevery mora in the input has a correspondent in the ouevery input mora affiliated with a 3rd singular affix p755every input mora affiliated with an affix must have a p752

əμμnio μ→əμnio μya-bɡay-uː→yab.ɡay

CV1+V2C→CV1Clet m be a variable ranging over morphemes, p be a variable ranging over phonological elements, and M and P be the related morphological and phonological structures of a given output. Let mÂp mean that m is in a correspondence relation with p. Then for every m that is an element of M there exists some p that is an element of P [mÂp].RED-ɡarkɔwna→ɡarkɔwna

CV1+V2→CV1

ɡadal→ɡadelʔ in an output of a paradigm is present in another output in the same paradigmtaʔo-en→tawen (paradigm includes taʔo)

/aPAV/ must have a correspondent in the output aPAV,mill,+a→mill-a (PAV=perfect active voice marker)every prominence in S1 must have a corresponding prominence in Severy prominence in an S1 affix must have a corresponding prominence in an S2 affix x1 x2 (x

ʔáyu+qá→ʔáyu-qaevery prominence in an S1 root must have a corresponding prominence in an S2 root x1 x2 (. xʔáyu+qá→ʔayu-qáery-RED-esa

ɡbaɡbé omo→[(ɡba.ɡbo)]PW[(.o.mo)]PW

CVn+ɻ→Cvɻ

aPAV,mill,+a→ma

CV1##V2C→CV1

tə→tamtasa+xe+kaka

do not delete footed segments (véti)→(vét)the morphological parse of the RED string matches theevery element of RED has a correspondent that is a mo pa+tá→pá.peach element must contribute at least one syllable to br<eakfast•l>unch=brunch

corresponding prominences have corresponding sponsors and linkscorresponding prominences in roots must have corresponding spons

the portion of S2 standing in correspondence forms a xz→xyzdo not delete segments in the onset letkujaw→letujawthe moraicity of the coda must be preserved between ono segment of one output form has multiple correspond mill→mall-the output is consistent with the precedence structurcliticised forms have the same stress placement as coassociation lines in the underlying form may not be delinkedfeet built on the first step in a derivation must be (σ),(σσ)(σ

no material may be left out of an output form ta→<t>aa→e

consonants are parsed into syllables RED+kalu→ka<lu>-.ka.ludo not delete a clitic si si→siif the duration of a segment in the input is greater a→Øif the duration of a segment in the input is greater a→i

a→ia→e

every tone has a TBU; formally: for all x(if x is a ta vocalic Root node is parsed (by a mora) V→Øone violation mark for each segment of the base that an input feature must be parsed into a root node {Place,Cor}→[]<Cor>assign one violation mark for each foot not parsed at FF→<F>F (<F> is an unparsall input association relations are kept (no delinkinPrWd-medial moras must be parsedone violation mark for each segment of the full copy underlying moras must be syllabifiedmetaconstraint for faithfulness constraints involving perfect-imrequires identity in vowels across perfect-imperfect contextsacross perfect-imperfect contexts, no element of S1 h mud→mamadperfect-imperfect stem realizations consist of the sapreserve acoustic place cues before a consonant violated w

bindul-a→({

if the number of moras linked to Si= n, and SiÂSo, then the number of moras linked to SCVμC→CVμCμ

let input segmental tier= i1i2i3…im and output segmental tier=o1o2o3…on. Let input Place tier=p1p2p3…pq and output Place tier=P1P2P3…Pr. Assign one violation mark for every pair (Py, oz) where Py is associated with oz, pw is in correspondence with Py, ix is in correspondence with oz, and pw is not associated with ix.nadʒum-to→na.dʒun.to (violated when elements present but unlinked in the underlying representation become linked in the output)for α, a stressed nucleus of the base, and β, a stressed nucleus of the affixed form, where αta-ta→taata

gas+oso→ga.{soː.}so.

md1ud2→ya-mudfatevele→fa.{té.ve.}le., cf. {fáː.}te.

preserve constraints P10–P100 require maintaining a given percentage of place of articulation information (in increasing order)

for all α Î {+,-,0}, if feature [ATR] is specified α in the input, it is specified α in the output

for all α Î {+,-,0}, if [high] is specified α in the input, it is specified α in the outputfor all α Î {+,-,0}, if [low] is specified α in the input, it is specified α in the output

ta,LH→ta

/RED+taɡtaɡ/→taɡtaɡ-taɡta(ɡ)

kaɡi→kakitaaanchi→taa<a>n.c/RED+taɡtaɡ/→taɡta(ɡ)-taɡtaɡtaːtataː→(taː)(tata)

m1m2Vd→ya-m2

preserve acoustic place cues before [coronal] violated wpreserve acoustic place cues before [labial] or [dors violated wpreserve acoustic place cues before a vowel violated wpreserve acoustic place cues to [coronal] violated wpreserve acoustic place cues to [dorsal] violated wpreserve acoustic place cues to [labial] violated wpreserve acoustic place cues to coronals across word violated when articulatorpreserve acoustic place cues to coronals before dorsa violated when articulatorpreserve acoustic place cues to coronals before labia violated when articulatorpreserve acoustic place cues to word-final labials violated when articulatorpreserve acoustic cuesfor all α ε {+,-}, for each αF specification in the istands for the set of Preserve constraints for F0 dim p104a feature immediately preceding a morpheme boundary i am→ãrespect lexical priority (ordering) of allomorphsevery consonant must be pronounced bebek+n→bebe<k>n (where <every mora must be pronounced

related root strings are required to 'match' in lexicany prosodic prespecification in the input must have related strings are required to 'match' in lexical and surface pthe Reduplicant contains only the root n-osampi-Rall tones must be realised p280affixes must be realiseda morpheme must have some phonological exponent in ththe rightmost element of the base has a correspondent paa+RED→paany segment at the right edge of the root in the inpumetaconstraint for faithfulness constraints referring to rootsevery segment in the base elements has a corresponden e<stimate•gue>ss=essevery segment of the Base has a correspondent in the every TBU has a tone; formally: for all x(if x is a T ta,H→taa segment in R(eduplicant) and its correspondent in B RED-pu.sa→pus-pu.sacorresponding consonants must have identical syllablegiven a compound [X Y], where X and Y are its immedia ('σ),('σσ)→('σ#σσ)the segments in the Reduplicant occupy the same positfor any pair of segments x and y dominated by the sam RED+kalu→k<a>lu-.ka.luno element of S2 has multiple correspondents in S1 (n xy→zno feature specification in the output has multiple c p309correspondence between input and output tones must bethere must be correspondence between the vocalic patt p313

tʰa→ta or ta→tʰa

pɔzá-{ɾ>n,l,t,s}-u→puzá-n-u

ʔiliː+l→ʔileːl (with length projected but not pronounced)every prominence in the input must have a correspondent in the output and vice versaʔasuɡal→(ʔásu)ɡal

suʔiš→suʔiš[za[nju]PW]PW

CVn+ɻ→CVnRED-ɡarkɔwna→ɡarkɔwna

ʃiεb→ʃiε

eri-RED=humira→eri-(hum+a

somp-ila→som

ɲá.la.ŋ-aŋ.

H1 H2 H →

if α ε Domain(f) and α is a vowel, if α is monomoraica vowel in RED must maintain the weight of the correslocal conjunction of Align-L(RED,PCat) and Align-R(RE p25local conjunction of the constraints Adjacent-CS and local self-conjunction of Ident(Color), violated when u→iif a segment violates Ident(high), it must not violat

a→Øa→ia→e

local conjunction of MaxPath[atr] and Hi/ATRbev-i→béve

[RTR] segments cannot be both high and frontexactly one syllable bears main stressno initial consonant clusters trano initial [r] or [l] rathe syllable at the left end of the word has the main ta.táno initial syllable that does not have main stress isevery word must begin with a stress ta.táno word initial vowel a.tasegments with the feature back are prohibited uno stressed schwa in open syllables tə.taassign one violation mark for every H tone that is assegments with the feature pharyngeal are prohibited ʕnot defined p411only [p] occurs between a C and a [+cons] C in an ons .skla.one violation mark for any [+cont] segment preceded b .sfa.only [r] may follow a C and then a [+coronal] C in an .stwa.no non-initial [+long] syllablelight syllables may be stressed only if initial ta.táno polysyllabic word with last syllable [+stress] ta.tástridents must be initial in a clustervoiced obstruents may not cluster with a preceding C .sba.[j] may not cluster with a preceding C in the onset .dja.no unstressed syllable followed by a syllable other tonly a [+long,+main] syllable before two unstressed s ta.ta.taone violation for any sequence with a non-mid V follo aodisallow a final syllable that is not [-long,-stress]only a [-long,-stress] syllable before a stressed syl

wiik-lik→wik-likwii.wi.ar

wiil,a[-cont]

nɔv-u→nuvulocal conjunction of Parsedur>0 and Parsedur>150

local conjunction of Parsehi and ParseATR

local conjunction of Parselow and ParseATR

every segment of the Base has a correspondent in RED andtu-hum-ir-è→[kI-[[kali]Root]Stem]Word→kɪkaːlɪ

if a segment violates *σ/Son≥e,o, it must not violate Ident(high) and vice versaSayyaad, where [σσ

tamáː

ni maɡoɡo

tamaː

stʃ

ta.ta.táː.ta

tamáːtaː.tá

one violation mark for any sequence in which a V that aoone violation mark for any [-approx] segment preceded .kta.assign one violation mark for every segment that is bsibilants must agree in anteriority with a following .sra.no word final [+approximant,-anterior]no intervocalic sequence of consonants beginning with awna[+back] segments are prohibited uno voiced coronal fricative in the onsetone violation mark for any [+cont,+voice,-ant] segmenvoiced fricatives must be final in an onset .vra.adjacent identical sequences of [+cont,-cons] are pro φφone violation for any segment [θ, ð] in an onset .θa.[θ, ð] may only be followed by [r] .θwa.no final dorsals takno intervocalic dorsal-coronal cluster aktano intervocalic dorsal-labial cluster akpano intervocalic sequence of a dorsal C followed by a aŋmanot defineddon't be a high front vowel idon't be a high front vowel that was not in the input ta→tidon't be a high front vowel that was in the input ti→tino [+high] V before a word-final C that is not a sono up#one violation for any VXV sequence: [+high][ ][-high, itono final labials tapthe only consonants that may follow labials in an ons .pwa.no intervocalic labial-dorsal cluster apkano intervocalic sequence of a [+lab] followed by a [+ ammano intervocalic sequence of a labial followed by a [- apnano intervocalic sequence of a labial followed by a co aptathere is no [+long] nucleus without main stressno [+long] penultimate syllableone violation for any VXV sequence: [+low][ ][-high,- atoone violation for any VXV sequence: [+low][ ][-high,- atethe syllable at the right end of the word has the mai tá.taassign one violation mark for each [+nasal] segment f naone violation mark for any [+son,+dors] segment in an .ŋa.one violation mark for any sonorant segment followed .rta.[+sonorant] segments are prohibited w[h] may only cluster with [w] in an onset .hra.no strident followed by [-ant] C in an onset

{[son-lor]+BK

taɻ

.ʒa.

.ʒa.

oliŋ

maːmaːta

.ʃra.

voiced obstruents may only be followed by [l,r] .gwa.[a] must not precede a stem-internal boundary mo+RED+raika→(mo-ra)-(rai

only [r] may follow nonanterior coronalsno intervocalic sequence of a [-anterior] C followed no intervocalic sequence of a [-approx,-ant] before ano intervocalic sequence of a [-approx,-ant] before [no intervocalic sequence of a [-approx] C followed by annano [-back] V before a word-final C that is not a sono ip#no [-back] V before [j, w] then anything other than a ijpone violation for any VXV sequence: [-back][ ][-high, etodo not have the feature [constricted glottis]no intervocalic sequence of a glide before a [+anteri ajna

[t] is not followed by a consonant other than [r] in .twa.ban segments that are [+coronal,-anterior]f' is not parsed as the primary place of articulation {Place,Cor,Lab'}→[Lab']<Ctwo high tones within the same syllable domain are pr nááone violation mark for any sequence in which a [-high eione violation mark for any sequence of a mid back V f ouone violation for any VXV sequence: [-high,-low][ ][+ etione violation mark for any sequence in which a mid vo oinon-high vowels are prohibited ano final [-lateral] consonants farno intervocalic sequence of a [-lateral] C followed b arnatwo low tones within the same syllable domain are pro naano final syllable that is [-long,+stress] tatáinitial ŋ prohibited ŋa

cooccurrence of the features [Round] and [-high] is p qolaš prohibited in onsets šačmisdo not allow the sequence [s+stop] in a syllable stekno final obstruents tapthe first member of an intervocalic cluster must be a atna[-sonorant] segments are prohibited ʔone violation mark for any sequence of a [-strid] seg .dla.no word final [-syl,+back] tawdo not have a tone nátwo tones within the same mora domain are prohibited

do not be the long vowel nucleus æː ræː.ʃla.aɲdaaɲpaaɲŋa

di.ʔa

[tʃ] and [dʒ] must be final in an onset .tʃra.

ʃ'

initial ŋw prohibited ŋwa

nǎː

two tones within the same syllable domain are prohibipostvocalic velar stops prohibited barixukkaone violation mark for each segment [x]one violation mark for each [x] followed by a -sonorageminate velar fricatives prohibited barixuxxatwo moras within the same tonal domain are prohibitedno complex onset in an initial syllable dvir.vera syllable does not have a triconsonantal onset tftax

moraic coda consonants prohibitedmoraic liquids prohibitedmoraic nasals prohibitedmoraic obstruents prohibitedtwo occurrences of prenasalization prohibitedno trimoraic syllables hauptone violation mark for each [a] in the output ano stressed syllables with underlying low vowels áno unstressed syllables with underlying low vowels taA should not be longer than B pepper andone violation mark for each instance of a back vowel .aç.tən.do not accent a preposition fox 'in socksprohibits a sequence of high vocoidsassign one violation mark for each segment [æ] kæt

[ai] prohibited aiprohibits coda consonants linked directly to the PrWd (xar.)(mašprohibits coda consonants linked directly to the syll {xar.}{máša syllable may not be bimoraic with a non-moraic coda[peripheral] is non-occurring in the appendix[au] prohibited kauč prohibited čthe second member of an intervocalic cluster must not atja

no final consonant clusters artno intervocalic sequence of CC[-syllabic,+sonorant] antmaassign a violation mark for every sequence of three c emptypenalizes onsets consisting of a consonant followed b tyospecifications of the feature [constricted glottis] a

nâː

.buːx.yə-xfio r

náː

ban the sequence ʔ followed by a consonant in the onsetta.ʔwenCVC (heavy σ)talμ.tanμ.tasμ.ndampa

du.ʕiw.na

one violation mark for each æː ræːsa

siːb.hafiːlk

one violation mark for each ɔː fɔː.ko

ʔjama

specifications of the feature [constricted glottis] a l'no stressed syllable may be adjacent to the head syll ta.táa sequence of consonant-liquid-glide is ungrammatical klwe[u] cannot be in the coda paw.za[n] prohibited in syllable coda tan.an obstruent in a coda position is unlicensed rep[r] prohibited in syllable coda tar.[t] prohibited in syllable coda tat.[w],[j] prohibited in syllable coda taw.no more than one C or V may associate to any syllable ttat, taat, tattdon't be a tautosyllabic cluster that was not in the tarka→tra.kadon't be a tautosyllabic cluster that was in the inpu traka→tra.kaone violation for each contour tonea sequence of two coronal obstruents within a word is tçεtεno sequence of features [+coronal][+high]don't be coronal in an affix ko.lum.-daprefer shared structure over an epenthetic consonant p525a word final sonorant consonant must be preceded by a tatnno final superheavy syllablepenalizes onsets consisting of a consonant followed bsyllable codas do not consist of geminates mall-tupenalizes onsets consisting of a consonant followed ba voiced obstruent cannot be [-high] ladea H tone may not be realized on a prefix pa+ta.ta,Hsegments do not have the feature [dorsal] kætdon't be dorsal in an affix dut-kijo where -kijo is aa sequence of [dorsal] plus front vowel is ungrammati kεassign one violation mark for each stressed schwa tətəlaw'il[ə] cannot occur in open syllables RED+paga→pá.pə.gaa string of more than two consecutive stressless syll kihiberea maximum of two unstressed syllables separates the r σσσσσone violation for each falling tone tâsonority must not fall within a syllable onset lbifa tone must be associated with a syllable (no floatin

contiguous feet prohibited (feet must not be adjacent (ta.ta)(taa syllable is not part of more than one foot L(L(L)L)

ɡgeminate continuant consonants are prohibited laawwi

ta21

čio pos

ra.maːtmwatεŋɡa

myatεŋɡa

H1 H2

i banga

[ɡ] prohibited

consonants must be singletons ttaassign a penalty for each occurrence of H (a high ton táno consecutive heavy syllables tap.tap

sequences of unstressed syllables are forbidden if ththe association of the two feature values [+high] and*[+high,-low] ti

do-doavé.ti

don't be a high front unrounded vowel ino stressed syllables with underlying high vowels ino unstressed syllables with underlying high vowels tidon't be a high back unrounded vowel iothe features of an obstruent in coda position must be nok.tethe features of [w] must be dependent on an adjacent pa.pwasinitial geminates are prohibited tto.lothe first two consonants of the root are non-identica nanasvowels which are [+back] and [-low] must be specifiedif a vowel is non-low and unrounded, it must be front[j] must not be an onset of an [i] syllable m'ji[k] prohibited ki

[kʲ] prohibited kʲiassign a violation mark to a sequence of consonants iassign a violation mark to a sequence of consonants i g-kassign a violation mark to a sequence of consonants iassign a violation mark to a sequence of consonants iassign a violation mark to a sequence of consonants ido not allow two [k]s separated by only a vowel kekassign a penalty for each occurrence of L (a low tone tasequences of [l] and a [+cor] segment are prohibited pil-tapno consecutive light syllables ta.taevery weak beat must be adjacent to a strong beat or prohibits stress lapseextraprosodic segments may not be adjacent po<o><i>-.po.no.tithe binomial should not have more than one consecutiv pepper anda cover constraint for *LapseRight, *LapseLeft, *ExtendedLapseRighta maximum of one unstressed syllable separates the le σσσσσ

[-long]→[-partially long] V→Vˑassign a violation for every segment in Hdα that is [wF], where v is a substring of wu violates *HdFt/io ,ə,i·u,e·o

bil.ɡaa.libʊk-ɔr

for a sequence VxVx+1 where one of the two vowels is [+round], Vx must not be higher than Vx+1

no short i

vio ːz-naːlkotio na

[kio ] prohibited kio

ŋ-ɡ

ɡ-kɡ-kŋ-ɡ

(a.ri).hi.hi.(bé.e)ʔitʃi=mataʃ=wa

a maximum of one unstressed syllable separates the ri σσσdo not have laryngeal features, e.g., voiced obstruenlaryngeal codas are dispreferredassociation of the two feature values [+low] and [+AT e-ræm-elow glides are prohibited in output candidatesthe higher |λ|, the more marked the association M/λ .iát. retunon-high vowels cannot be margins, i.e. cannot be gliV may not associate to margin nodes (onset and coda) .aé.

*[-high,-low] tedo not associate a mora with a consonant tatdo not associate a mora with a high vowel tido not associate a mora with a liquid taldo not associate a mora with a low vowel tado not associate a mora with a mid vowel tedo not associate a mora with a nasal tando not associate a mora with an obstruent tatdo not associate a mora with a plain continuant tasdo not associate a mora with a plain stop tatdo not associate a mora with a particular type of seg tado not associate a mora with a sonorant tando not associate a mora with a voiced continuant tazdo not associate a mora with a voiced stop taddo not associate a mora with a vowel tamoraic consonants are forbiddenmoraic onsets are prohibited[u] cannot occur in the syllable margin .ut.palatal nasal codas are dispreferrednasal codas are prohibited ivena sequence of a nasal followed by a voiceless consona ntabinon-heads do not have high tone p279

p153the combination of constraints producing the disprefenon-nasal codas are prohibited ivelan obstruent may not be voiceless following a nasal o kelti[ŋ] prohibited ŋno stressed syllables with underlying mid vowels ono unstressed syllables with underlying mid vowels to[u] cannot be in the onset in.tu.wino inter-obstruent stops lisp-d

ɡuthoh.dai

bas.aen

rio

no light syllable containing [io ] preceded by a light syllablejio kio βəsio s

(fuμrμ)(fuμroV.CːμV

ɲuɲ.matʃ

assign a violation for every segment in non-Hdα that is [RED+lɔ→lə-lɔ

the lower |λ|, the more marked the association P/λ .i.át. re[p] prohibited pino foot peak has a nuclear mora dominating two [-cons (ta.tái)no foot peak has a [+high,-low] vowel (tit)no foot peak has a [-high,+low] vowel (tát)no foot peak has a [-high,-low] vowel (tét)no foot peak has a nuclear mora dominating a single [ (tá.tai)avoid light syllables as word peaks (tá.ta)[a] is not stressedC may not associate to Peak (Nuc) nodes .t.[ə] is not stressed[e,o] are not stressed

[i,u] are not stressedno foot peak has a branching mora dominating a [-cons (át.ta)no foot peak consists of a light syllable (tá.ta)no foot peak consists of a heavy syllable (tát.ta)[pʲ] prohibited pʲiCoronal cannot be associated with a PLACE node tadorsal consonants prohibited kLabial cannot be associated with a PLACE node papharyngeal consonants are prohibited ʕ

kasegments in coda position are specified for place feaassign a violation mark for every sequence of two seg bdifassign a violation mark to a sequence of consonants i m-passign one violation mark for each phonological phrasassign a violation mark to a sequence of consonants i m-passign a violation mark to a sequence of consonants i b-passign a violation mark to a sequence of consonants i m-passign a violation mark to a sequence of consonants i m-bcover name for the set of constraints that disallow fsyllables with an onset must not be stressed tásyllables lacking an onset must not be stressed ho.'ai.pido not allow two [p]s separated by only a vowel popprosodic-word-initial short onsetless syllables are p [olima][r] is prohibited draw[r]ing

identical syllables cannot be adjacenta syllable cannot bear a Rising tone

[io ] is not stressed (ˌpio )(ˌma)(ˈtɔ)

place feature specifications are prohibited in Output forms, where Place ʔaɡ-paː-pa.ʔid (2 violations)

[X1 XP2 XP3]

sɔ.lɔɡ

flap [ɾ] prohibited maɾamotɡeɡetulipeělá

vowels should not be simultaneously specified [+round to.tuno [r]-sonorant sequencesdo not be a root node iia = 3*š prohibited šnon-anterior coronal continuants cannot be [-back]secondary articulation prohibited, i.e., V-Place canna sequence of two sibilants is prohibiteda monosyllabic word cannot begin in [s] plus a dorsaldon't be a [-back] dorsal k'εdon't be a palatalized labial p'adon't be a palatalized [r’] kuxar'aa monosyllabic word cannot begin in [s] plus a labial spabsequences of sibilants are prohibited within the word lips-smilitates against the presence of (all phonological) structureno syllables hihiwil (3a monosyllabic word cannot begin in [s] plus a corona stεt

prosodic constituents are at most binary (pá.ran.ti)sequence [ti] prohibited everywhere but in the fully tietä-i→tisequence [ti] prohibited in the fully faithful candid tietä-i→ti[tj] is prohibitedanterior affricates cannot be [-back] ts'assign a violation mark to a sequence of consonants i t-dassign a violation mark to a sequence of consonants i n-tassign a violation mark to a sequence of consonants i t-sassign a violation mark to a sequence of consonants i t-dassign a violation mark to a sequence of consonants i n-ddo not allow two [t]s separated by only a vowel tut[u] prohibited kudon't be a high front rounded vowel üB should not have ultimate (primary) stress salt and pthe first vowel in the prosodic word must not be foll oumsequences of vowels prohibited se.o.ludo not parse a vowel into an unstressed prosodic word ŭ#assign one violation mark for every long vowel

pa.piintervocalic [d] prohibited madamotone violation mark for each segment with the feature letkujawassign one violation mark for each sequence of a vowe aha

kio rm

š'ilyaː.toɪndigεstsjoːnskaɡ

[tʃ] prohibited tʃi[tʃʲ] prohibited tʃʲi

negatjoːn

taːa VCvoicelessV sequence prohibited

assign one violation mark for each nasalized vowel ãvoiced (obstruent) segments are prohibited datcodas are not voiced radassign one violation mark for every voiced obstruentassign one violation mark for every voiced geminate oassign one violation mark for each vowel that is not aplace-bearing vowels prohibited in either of the metrno vowel sequences taeintervocalic [w] prohibited awaa vowel is not linked to three morasa vowel in a benefactive verb may not be linked to ththe segment [w] is prohibited u.waavoid [-back] with [+syllabic,+low], except after lab pan-æavoid obstruents in pre-obstruent position letkujawassign a violation mark to any instance of X that con p378

ʒʔ

ban glottal stop in coda positiondon't be a syllable final glottal stop that was not idon't be a syllable final glottal stop that was in tha glottal stop does not appear in a complex syllabic do not associate a mora with a voiced stopfinal stressless [ă] is nonmoraic ă=μ

avoid long vowels

ŏ[a] must not belong to an unstressed syllable séra[e,o] must not belong to an unstressed syllable serár[i,u] must not belong to an unstressed syllable sári

sεrársyllable onsets do not consist of geminates mmad-ano complex onset in a medial syllable dvir.dvir

baɡiibaɡɡu

|(i'tʃin)('kaŋ)('min)|

aːː[lêːːr]BEN

one violation mark for each ʒassign one violation mark for each ʔ

taʔ.wentaʔo+en→taʔ.wentaʔlak→taʔlakt<a>ʔazovVμDμVμ

final stressless [æ] is nonmoraic æ=μfinal stressless [ɪ] is nonmoraic ɪ=μfinal stressless [ʊ] is nonmoraic ʊ=μfinal stressless [ε] is nonmoraic ε=μ

εːdon't parse {ɐ,ə} into an unstressed syllable ədon't parse {e,o,e,ɔ} into an unstressed syllable

[ε,ɔ] must not belong to an unstressed syllable

word-final schwa is prohibited ivәlateral segments are dark lthe shape of the denominal output must consist of two ki.de.CVCthe shape of the denominal output must consist of two li.kek{A} must be linked to a moraeach segment is linked to its own mora when occurringa syllable can contain no more than three moras haupta is not linked (directly) to σ, i.e., a is linked tono [æ] after nonlabials ræthe phonological exponent of an affix is no larger th p129the phonological exponent of an affix is no larger ththe base of 'possessive' is a foot [(siwa)(naobstruent clusters should agree in voicingadjacent segments have the same specification for pla ŋnadjacent consonants have total identity rmalveolar stops and nasals must agree in certain featu tma consonant closure of release must have the same val tutadjacent segments must share the same value of a featureobstruent sequences must have the same specification tautosyllabic obstruent sequences must have the same tapdthere can be only one tone per foot p283there can be only one tone per syllable p283there can be only one tone per word p283prominent syllables have identical onsets p741adjacent homophonous morphemes are prohibited ...[ta]ω [ta]ω…phonological words cannot end in a vowel ta.taa stop is [+spread glottis] iff it is [-voice], occur

tasalt and p

successive syllables in a tone span must be in differ [tichá][vérénga]the direct object always receives a nuclear accent p162a consonant that only contrasts in some feature F wit p21a consonant that only contrasts in some feature F wit nsa consonant that only contrasts in some features F an p21a consonant that contrasts in no features with a neig p21constricted glottis coda segments must be associated p146a consonant is adjacent to a vowelA should not have more final consonants than B (more salt and pA should not have more initial consonants than B (mor dry and hothere is no H sequence on adjacent TBUs

kaoːto.faμɪμn. cf. .faμɪμnμ.

maμa→maɰ

RED+japetsoʔs→ja.pe.ja.pe.tsoʔs

ra[tɡ]eber

ad-ɡjautji

pɪlif F[-cont,-voice], then [+spr gl]A's main stressed vowel should not be backer than B's: u, o, ɔ, ʌ, ʊ, r, ɑ > æ, ε, e, ɪ, i

VC1C2

báɡá

avoid stress on adjacent syllables ('σ)('σσ)syllables do not have codas .tat.the coda is moraicassign one violation mark for every token of coronal son.karsa coda consonant can have only Coronal place or else ap.assign one violation mark for every token of Place th son.kars

[fijl]pharyngeal consonants are prohibited in coda position yehzaqa coda consonant is a nasal homorganic to a followingcontour tones are licensed only word-finally sǎkamcontour tones are licensed only on a long vowel tǎcontour tones are licensed only on a stressed vowel tatǎcontour tones are licensed only on a syllable in a sh p236contour tones are licensed only on a sonorous rime p236primary stress is enhanced; secondary stress is contr (ta.tá)(ta.tá)every segment appears twice in the stem vrad.rada consonant and a following front vowel must agree in xicoronal consonants must be prepalatal before front vo si

any two consonants that are both [+coronal,+strident,any two consonants that are both [+coronal,+strident]

any two consonants that are both [+voice,-continuant]

any two consonants that are both [+voice] must be in

any two consonants that are both [+coronal,+strident,

aμtμ]σ

a syllable may not end with [jl], [jɹ]

.čhik.wai.

let S be an output string of segments and let Ci, Cj be consonants that share a specified set of features F. If Cbepo→bxepyotʃi...sj

tʃi...zj

let S be an output string of segments and let X and Y be segments specified [-sonorant,-continuant], where one is an ejective and the other is a plain stopk'ada→k'xadlet S be an output string of segments and let X and Y be segments specified [-sonorant,-continuant,αPlace], where one is an ejective and the other is a plain stopt'ada→t'xadlet S be an output string of segments and let X and Y be segments specified [-sonorant,-continuantbepo→bxepyolet S be an output string of segments and let X and Y be segments specified [-sonorant,-continuant,αvoice]. If X, Y Î S, then X is in relation with Y; that is, X and Y are correspondents of one another.wio dək→wio t'xək'y

let S be an output string of segments and let X and Y be segments specified [-sonorant,-continuant,-voice], where one is an ejective and the other is a plain stopt'ata→t'xaklet S be an output string of segments and let X and Y be segments specified [-sonorant,-continuant,-voice], where one is aspirated and the other is notthampa→thxamp

bumiidjalet S be an output string of segments and let X and Y be nasalsmana→mxanya

bumiidjalet S be an output string of segments and let X and Y be segments, where one is a nasal and the other is a voiced oral stop. If X, Y sim-idi→simlet S be an output string of segments and let X and Y be segments specified [αPlace], where one is a nasal and the other is a voiced oral stop. If X, Y ku-dumuk-ila→kudlet S be an output string of segments and let X and Y be segments specified [αPlace], where one is a nasal and the other is an approximant consonant. If X, Y nik-ulu→nxikullet S be an output string of segments and let X and Y be segments, where one is a nasal and the other is a prenasalized stop. If X, Y maŋga→mxaŋgy

let S be an output string of segments and let X and Y be nasals specified [αPlacenana→nxanyalet S be an output string of segments and let X and Y be segments specified [αPlace], where one is a nasal and the other is a prenasalized stop. If X, Y nandε→nxandy

zi...ʃj

let S be an output string of segments and let Ci, Cj be segments that share a specified set of features F. If Cbepo→bxepyo

multiple linking between prosodic categories is prohi i.a→i.jap228

a segment has crisp edges with respect to any occurrea segment has crisp edges with respect to any occurredo not associate across syllable edgesa syllable has crisp edges with respect to any occurran accentual phrase must have at least one pitch acce koobe-kko→a back vowel and a following dorsal consonant are req

a given phrase is prosodically nonprominent*[+back]X[-back] (assess a violation when a [+back] vassess a violation when a [-back,+round] vowel is folthe onset glide cannot be a copy of the nucleus jithe vowel following a stem-external boundary must be RED+paga→pápagaconsonants must be hard before [ε] n'εj*[+back,+lateral] al.tano resolution, i.e. no light+heavy trochee ['lumot]['tui]hinalternating syllables are stressed ['kaar]tuvaevery element must belong to some PrWd (prohibits ski

assign one violation mark for every syllable that is |('pa.ta)ka|

the rightmost TBU associated with a H in the input mua PrWd must end in a consonant .ta.a PrWd must end in a consonant. In multiply linked st see-inga prosodic word cannot end with a heavy syllable (ta.ta)(ta.tat)the final syllable in the prosodic word is stressed σσσvowels in word-final position must be shortin a stressed syllable, the foot-level gridmark occur ba.dué.bi.rì

ataa Foc-marked phrase contains an accentif F is a focus and DF is its domain, then the highes

let S be an output string of segments and let X and Y be segments specified [-sonorant,-continuant,αPlacebepo→bxepyolet S be an output string of segments and let X and Y be segments specified [-sonorant,-continuant,αvoice,αPlacetata→txatyalet S be an output string of segments and let X and Y be segments specified [-sonorant,-continuant,-voice,αPlace], where one is an ejective and the other is a plain stopt'ata→t'xatlet S be an output string of segments and let X and Y be segments specified [-sonorant,-continuant,-voice,+cg,αPlacet'at'a→t'xat'let S be an output string of segments and let X and Y be segments specified [-sonorant,-continuant,-voice,αPlace], where one is aspirated and the other is not.khusku→khxusklet S be an output string of segments and let X and Y be segments specified [-sonorant,-continuant,-voice,+sg,αPlacethata→thxaty

let /A/ be a terminal substring in a phonological representation, nɔːdaː→[nwɔː]RddaːRED+teː→[ti-teː]Cor

deμs.('hiμwμ

tɔŋdɔ

kuː[+bk]ç[-bk]əndark /ɫ/ is postvocalic light with a dark ɫ

[with a purple Chevro'let]fɔrmεrglykoːz-nεk

{(sun)}(ʔia) where parentheses delimit feet and braces mark PrWd'sno Ci immediately dominates a Cj, j < i - 1, e.g., a phonological phrase may dominate only a PWd(iniskána)PWd

assign one violation mark for every constituent of type Xm that is immediately dominated by a constituent of type Xu-ku-wándul-a

CVCVː

if U[...[-cons][+cons,-cont,+cor,+ant]V...] then [+son,+voice][play their game [in[[jèdnaF]PW [lásta]

feet are binary at some level of analysis (μ, σ) (ta.tá.ta)a syllable not included in foot structure does not oc ta.(ta.ta)feet contain at most two moras, μμ (ta.tat)feet have more than one mora (μ)feet contain at least two moras, μμ (ta)a foot should be associated with a tone (σσ)Link(Foot,Head(Ft)): every foot dominates a head elem (tá.ta)(ta.ta)word-final vowels must not be parsed (in the nominati wite→.wi.tif a fricative, then not [+voice] zevery foot is licensed by a Prosodic Word p416|σσ| > |H| > |L| la.{vo.}rofeet are iambic (ciri)feet are minimally binary at the syllable level (tái)a geminate is moraic

posterior affricates must be [+back]dental affricates must be [+back] p103posterior fricatives must be [+back]posterior affricates must be [+back] p103posterior fricatives must be [+back]the peak of a syllable may not be [+consonantal] zvtvoiced obstruents must be closer than voiceless to th kætz

hevery onset segment in the Output must have some Plac nihapaa moraic consonant must have place featuresheads must have a tone specified p279a prosodic word must dominate a [binary] foot (ta)

p459for every two adjacent moras, one must be the head mo p258Link(Head(Ft),Head(PrWd)); every stressed syllable mu (ta.ta)(ta.tá)

salt and pfor specifications morphologically affiliated with a for specifications morphologically affiliated with a for specifications morphologically affiliated with a glides must be [+high]a high (tone) may not be linked to more than two moranasals are homorganic with a following consonant kamkam

p316a heavy reduplicant must have 2 moras rwa.rwa.ŋansyllables must be parsed into iambic (right-headed) f (tá.ta)

lok.ku cf. lok[ʃ ʒ tʃ dʒ ts dz] must be [+back] piɕeʃ cf. piʃeʃ

tʃ'i

ʃ'i

ʃ'i

every segment must have some feature f Î Place

kʲoμʔμwiμnlaμhtheμ

any Ci must dominate a Ci-1 (except if Ci = σ or μ in some cases), e.g., 'a PrWd must dominate a F'

B's main stressed vowel should not be higher than A's, where i, u, ɪ, ʊ > e, o, ε, ɔ, ʌ, r > æ, ɑ[[rɪ-[[sεːsa]Rt]St]MSt]Wd

[rɪ-[[lɪban]Rt iːr-a]St]Wd

[rɪ-[[lɪban]Rt iːr-a]St]Wd

seomáliná

assign a violation mark to a sequence of non-identical consonants that both have a place of articulation P and agree in specification for S, where P

the second syllable of an iamb must be bimoraic (ta.tá)the inflectional final suffix is realized as /a/ eri-RED= ha foot-level gridmark occurs over the initial mora of (σ'σ)(σ'σ)a foot-level gridmark occurs over the leftmost syllab (σ'σσ)('σσ)('σσ)intonational phrases (lines) branch once p735all vowels must bear a specification for tongue root ŋI-kOrstressless syllables are light tătphrase begins and ends with a value around the F0 flo stressed syllable=250 Hzadjacent unstressed (metrically weak) syllables must (ta.tá)(tano sequence of three adjacent stressless syllables tătătă

p459articulatory gestures are reduced, ideally to Ø (with aba→abaminimise articulatory effort stressed sif long, then in a domain with prominence[-cont,-son] obstruents are forbidden intervocalicall aba[+high] in a post-tonic syllable must be associated w bévifeature [F] is licensed by association to strong position Sthe feature [voice] must be licensed kami, where m is linked tall moras must be licensed by syllablesthe phonological feature Ф must be licensedthe features [Round,-high] must be linked to the rootlight diphthongs must rise in sonority raok[round] may be linked to a short (monomoraic) mid froan F-element [+ATR] must be on a path to prosodic stra low vowel is [round] iff it is short and back nak*[+back][-back] (assess a violation when the closest

assess a violation when the closest vowel following aassess a violation when the closest vowel following a p77*[-back][-back][+back]: assess a violation when two [assess a violation when the closest vowel following a p77

akd,Pl→kaka member of the morphological category Mcat correspon .a.qua. (with no metricalthe M2 morphological constituent must correspond to aa foot-level gridmark occurs within the domain of eve p309a mora-level gridmark occurs within the domain of eve p292a prosodic word-level gridmark occurs within the doma p291a foot-level gridmark occurs within the domain of eve (σ)('σσ)('σσ) cf. ('σ)('σassign one violation mark for each segment in the out

there is no non-H sequence on adjacent TBUs (*LL, *LLH, *ØL, etc.) (one violation assessed for each lapsing pair of TBUs)káraɡano Ci dominates a Cj, j > i, e.g., 'no σ dominates F'

ttata+atat→{ttata}{[átat]}

(ɡil)tμ.la

Ca[Co]Rd

viiz+hoz→viiz-höza-[ma-hεːmbε]Wd with [+ATR] floating

fɔrmεrassess a violation when the closest vowel following an [eː] is [+back]haːdeːl-nɔk

ʃoføːr-nɔk

aːɲiveːl-nɔk

no segment that is not itself in a correspondence relation MorphThe copied portion of the base and the corresponding reduplicant must be adjacent.

[(luu)dost]

sɡ.lɔɡ = 5 violation marks

the P-Stem must minimally contain two syllablesa prosodic word must contain at least two syllables o[lja]a blend must contain at least one disyllabic foot br<eakfast•l>unch=brunchthe minimum word is bimoraic ta(μ)there is minimal structure at the level of the prosod FF→F (rececover term for the templatic constraints of minimal b damimeprosodic constituents are uniquely headed (más)(tá.ba)all coda consonants must be dominated by a moralet M, a morpheme, consist of a string of segments s1distinct instances of morphemes have distinct content s-RED-ikuk→sik-sikuk, cf.morphological gemination is required barix-u-ka→barixuxa cf. bevery output must assign morphological structure {re,N}→Ømorphemes are parsed into morphological constituentsthe morphological word constituent corresponds to a pgiven terms (verb, direct object) do not receive a nu p162if [+constricted glottis], then not [+nasal]if [+nasal], then not [+continuant]if [+nasal], then not [-voice]nasals and stops agree in [place] anpathe licenser of a nasal consonant is a prosodic word p457a nasal segment does not license voice kamifor any segment/syllable X in a word, if X is specifi mãtano foot-level gridmark occurs over the final mora of p272no prosodic word-level gridmark occurs over the final p252no prosodic word-level gridmark occurs over the final fá cf. fáaassign one violation mark for each vowel any vowelno [a] in open syllables a→adon't be a preconsonantal or word-final liquid sa'lirno mora can be linked to more than one segment p60a root node must not be linked to a mora and to a fol lu-e→lu.wethe head of a mora must be a vowelreduplicant syllables do not have codas pat-.pa.ta.kacomplex codas prohibited sittassign one violation mark for every complex nucleusassign one violation mark for every complex onsetassign one violation mark for every continuant segmenassign one violation mark for every continuant segmen æskthe foot is only associated to one tone p281no contour tones (one tone per syllable) p280the word is only associated to one tone p283

ery-e-(sa.s+a

aμt]σ cf. aμ

(mu-msi)ɡo

{ŋgu, yaɽa}→Ø[broda]MW→[broda] with no footing

fomƥayfonrewfoŋkoor

aμtμ]σ

θriːθriːθriː

assign one violation mark for every coronal segment stiŋkassign one violation mark for every coronal segment i æskassign one violation mark for every dental segmenttautosyllabic sequences of non-identical vowels are p baiktwo tautosyllabic moras linked to two distinct vowelsassign one violation mark for every dorsal segment in æksfinal consonants may not be linked to a mora directly associated with the word no PrWd has a foot at its right edge (ta.ta)(ta.ta)no PrWd has a stressed syllable at its right edge (ta.ta)(ta.tá)an unstressed vowel or a glide must not be in final p mág.rəan unstressed vowel or a glide must not be in final p mag.rəan unstressed vowel or a glide must not be in final p mag.rəan unstressed [-low] vowel must not be in final posit ván.ian unstressed [-low] vowel must not be in final posit ván.ian unstressed [-low] vowel must not be in final posit ván.iassign one violation mark for every segment that is [ kæt*(α β γ) where α and γ are both linked to feature F, a glide and consonant are not linked to the same feat p600long consonants are disallowed maddaassign one violation mark for every segment with the assign one violation mark for every labial segmentassign one violation mark for every labial segment inassign one violation mark for every segment with the a liquid and consonant are not linked to the same fea p600association lines do not crossassign one violation mark for every segment with the don't be a long vowel in a closed syllabledon't be a long high vowela tone may be associated with at most one syllable

two moras linked to one vocalic root node prohibited

a vowel in the reduplicant must not be associated wit*[+lo]V aicandidates in which one melodic segment is linked to idiot→i.di.jot

θriː

[ViVj]σ

maɡi, where [voice] is linked to m and ɡ but not to a

θriːflaɪæpɡaɹflaɪ

flaɪʔiliːlʔiliːl H

ramuntuσ

μ μ

V(náa)(náa)(toʔs)

assign one violation mark for every segment with the ka-bukir-anassign one violation mark for every [+nasal] segment stiŋka nasal and consonant are not linked to the same feat šinde, where n and d are no foot-level gridmark occurs over the final mora-lev p300no foot-level gridmark occurs over the final mora of p290no foot-level gridmark occurs over the final mora of p289no foot-level gridmark occurs over the final mora of p290no foot-level gridmark occurs over the final syllable p296no mora-level gridmark occurs over the final mora of p292the head foot of the prosodic word must not be final la.{vo.ro}the final TBU of a prosodic word must not be H-toned ukuwánduulano head of PrWd is final in PrWd/the PrWd-final sylla ta.ta.táword-final stressed light syllables are prohibitedphonological phrases begin with unfooted syllables (x)( . . x)the initial TBU of the stem may not bear a H tone tulisákuliionsets are not moraicany two phonological phrases that are not disjoint ina prosodic word may not dominate a prosodic word (ta(ta.ta)assign one violation mark for every palatal segmentdon't project a consonant cluster even if not pronoun bebek+n→bebeknlong high vowels must not project two morasassign a violation for every long vowel in a closed sdon't be a pronounced intervocalic velar stop bebekinassign one violation mark for every retroflex segmentassign one violation mark for every segment with the assign one violation mark for every segment with the moras should be linked to single segments p66assign one violation mark for every stop segment kætassign one violation mark for every stop segment in a æksno V in open syllables a→adon't be a morpheme final intervocalic velar stop bebek+n→bebekina coda cannot be [+voice] pad.maa vowel and consonant are not linked to the same featdon't be a sequence of high vowel + homorganic glide sa'lijassign one violation mark for every voiced obstruentforbids voiced coda consonantsplace feature specifications in a short vowel in an o V,low→a, wdon't be a polysyllabic glide-final word with non-fin kansej

|(i'tʃi)(na'ka)(ŋu'mi)('na)|

tμaμ]σ

[X1 XP2 XP3]

dʒiːno

ʔiliːlʔiliːl

θriːdʒoːnihɪ.s-əz

aɡi, where a and ɡ are both linked to [voice]

dʒiːno.bʊnd.

syllables must have nuclei .t.syllable nuclei must be high in sonority .ptk.[a] must be in syllable nucleus position[e] must be in syllable nucleus position[i],[u] must be in syllable nucleus position see[j]ingadjacent identical elements are prohibited his-zidentical grid-adjacent elements are prohibited {(ta.ta),Hcooccurrence of coronals in successive syllables is ptwo voiced obstruents cannot cooccur within a single separate instances of matching color features (backne

adjacent fricatives are prohibited asxno adjacent [high] segments (mán.si).(kìs.sa)no adjacent [round] segments p15no adjacent [high] nuclei (á.pi).(nìno adjacent [high] nuclei within a foot p15no adjacent [round] nuclei keitto-lo-no adjacent [round] nuclei within a foot (o.sois).sa sequence of adjacent identical segments is disallow madadano adjacent coronals t-nno adjacent coronal sonorants l-nno adjacent coronal obstruents t-sno adjacent coronal obstruents agreeing in continuanc t-dno adjacent coronals agreeing in sonorancy s-dno adjacent coronals agreeing in stricture n-tno adjacent coronals agreeing in voice n-dno adjacent dorsals ŋ-xno adjacent dorsals agreeing in sonorancy and strictuno adjacent dorsals agreeing in sonorancyno adjacent dorsals agreeing in stricture ŋ-kno adjacent dorsals agreeing in voiceadjacent fricatives are prohibited mtas_]xe]kno adjacent labials m-fno adjacent labials agreeing in sonorancy and strictu b-pno adjacent labials agreeing in sonorancy f-bno adjacent labials agreeing in stricture m-pno adjacent labials agreeing in voice m-badjacent pharyngeals are prohibitedconsonants with identical place specification (labial

[ae]σ

[ea]σ

tɕitabaɡiitɯ-[t]Cor[eː]Cor

adjacent identical features f, g Î Place are prohibitedb[labial]p[labial]

ɡ-kx-ɡ

ŋ-ɡ

h-ʔsijeɡ

adjacent identical place features are prohibited f t b (labno adjacent identical sibilants ssadjacent identical stops are prohibited kak_]k_]na

assign a penalty if an OCP violation is found within p324syllables must have onsets u.la.lam.poy*[+back,+lateral] in onsets

the primary stressed syllable of B should be closed dry and hibans more than one occurrence of [-back] on a segment i'a dorsal consonant followed by a vowel with the featua consonant and a following high vowel agree in backna consonant and a glide in the onset must agree in baconsonants preceding front vowels must be palatal(ize næa consonant and a following mid vowel must agree in b kεa consonant and a following mid vowel must agree in [ p123a consonant and a following high vowel must agree in xia consonant and a following front vowel must agree in p121a consonant and a following j must agree in backness pjaall segments are parsed into syllables lad.nevery syllable must be incorporated into a metrical f pa(trici)a returns 2 violthe peak is moraic ε→Øword peaks (stress) must be intrinsically prominent ĹHvowels are peripheral teunderlying moras must occur at the edges of feet in tphonological phrases (half-lines) branch once

p87every output must assign phonological structure (i.e. {re,N}→Ø

phrases end in a consonant sahkuthe right edge of a phrase-final syllable does not co ti-[thandize=RED,H→-[than*HM, *LM (i.e. a vowel preceding a mid vowel must be iteVht = 0 or 100 Vht = 50Vht = 0, 33, 67, or 100 Vht = 60Vht = 0, 50 or 100; revised as Vht = 0-12, 45-53, or Vht = 67

none given.ai. wherenone given

*[coron,+anter,-back] (anterior palatalized coronals t'εdon’t be a palatalised anterior coronal t'

*mum, *wum: sonorant labials are not allowed in consecutive onsetsmumeri

ta.ɫar must be in a syllable onset [fijəɹ] ("fear")

kεsɪtɣ+ikɣje

kïμ→(kïμμ) . (x)(. x)(. x)

a PWord with prosodic head status must be a MWordLex

V]Phrase→[+partially long] V]Phrase

segments with sonority greater than πCod may not be parsed as codassegments with sonority greater than πOns may not be parsed as marginssegments with sonority less than πNuc may not be parsed as peaks

no posterior nonstrident coronals p100posterior stops must be voicelessstressless preconsonantal vowels are nonmoraicpretonic /l/ is lightprevocalic /l/ is lightall vowels have the same specification for [±back] as

stressed syllables are heavy tásyllables with a voiced onset must carry stress dăsyllables with a voiceless onset must carry stresssyllables with a branching rime must carry stress ho.ai.'pisyllables with a voiceless onset and a branching rime

every phonological unit is licensed by a higher proso ta.[ta.(taeach segment must be associated with a syllable or mo (ta.tat)xprosodic stem can be no smaller than two syllables ndi-y-o-ma[mathe prosodic stem must contain at least two prosodic a prosodic word minimally contains one footLink(PrWd,Head(PrWd)): every PrWd must dominate a heacorrespondent segments are located in adjacent syllabthe prosodic word has exactly one foot (cip-i)-lea prosodic word consists of at least two consonants wafor any PrWd P there exists some lexical stem S such each PrWd contains a rootan underlying labial stop is realised before a vowel lisp-dan underlying labial stop is realised next to a vowel lisp-da PWord is minimally disyllabicwords can be no smaller than two units (such as moras u[(de)<i>syllables are bimoraicthe Reduplicant is a suffixreduplicant is a heavy (bimoraic) syllable s-RED-ikuk→s-i.k-ikukmaximize vowel height (in verbs when occurring with c a→etones must be associated to a segment that can suppor p149i) the RED string is coextensive with a foot; ii) thethe reduplicant string (RED) is dominated by the Inflthe Reduplicant is a syllablethe reduplicative morpheme is a light syllable

ɡaraɪμClight with a dark ɫ ɫahiéroglyfi-ä

ʔa.ba.'ɡi

kaa.'ɡaiPCat i must not be coextensive with a single member of PCat [kam]PW

on+e+RED→{one}[ɡba]PW[(.ɡbo.mo)]PW

(ʔad)(wi.ya)(tu.hu)(maa), where there is no stresstunxikinxi

{(sun)}{(ʔia)} where parentheses delimit feet and braces mark PrWd'siŋkomaRoot-ako-i→[iŋkoma]

[nȁš]PW cf. [nȁše]PW

εμ

asi-asi, cf. asi-

eri-RED=humiraeri-RED=humiraj–imɡ–imɡanRED+komoʔs→(kom.ko)(moʔs)

the Reduplicant is a bimoraic syllableminimize the duration of a short vowel in an open syl a→aminimize the duration of light (CV) syllables*[-Vht>20] (i.e. no very low vowels) in fast speech Vht=0a word must contain some substrings that are coupledthe reduplicant is equivalent in prosodic size to thegiven [X Y]P, where X, Y are lexemes and P is a phras {[nváli]}{[metrical heads of Prosodic Words should be separated length is favored at the end of constituents (HL)binary feet are iambic (right-headed) (tá.ta)binary feet are trochaic (left-headed) (ta.tá)assign one violation mark for every final light sylla ta.ta

every segment is licensed by a mora p416a segment which is [+high] cannot be [+RTR]the segment targeted by spreading must bear a Lower Va root and a suffix cannot be wholly contained in a sall vowels have the same specification for [±back] as

every head of a syllable must itself be headed gəramathe licenser of a segment is a syllable

a nucleus must not be flanked by speech sounds with i Parisiseshort non-high unrounded front vowels are low and lon viiz+hoz→ no palatalized anterior coronals ts'ino palatalized non-strident coronals t-i→t'i(a) a sonorant consonant in the syllable onset may on ladncodas are [+sonorant] ivәta sonorant segment does not license voice n,[voice]

pepper andcheese and

all vowels have the same specification for [±back] as

diphthongs have a falling sonority profile po.nuarelements of an onset must rise in sonority; elements spukssegments should be specified for features tA all syllables should be associated with a tone p279harmonic root vowels (low or round) must be specified mAz

ka–kaʔot

(gil)tμ.la

trata cf. [tra]t jilparku-t

ˈta.ta | ta.ˈta

every path including [roundi] includes [αhigh], i.e. every token of [round] must be linked to vowels of the same height/bok'mi/ → bok'mu

ʕaTšaan where underlined segments are [+RTR]Sabaaħ where underlined segments are [+RTR]i-.ta–i.hiéroglyfi-ä

t.taσ

headPrWd has to be associated with a high tone (ˈme)(seec)

the final segment of A should not be more sonorous than the final segment of B (vowels, ʔ > h > j > w > r > l > nasals > fricatives > stops)the initial segment of B should not be more sonorous than the initial segment of A (vowels, ʔ > h > j > w > r > l > nasals > fricatives > stops)

hiéroglyfi-ä

[+high] associated with a post-tonic vowel must be as doluriNp

for any vowel in a word linked to both a [Round] autofor any segment in a word linked to color features (bthe feature [high] must not be linked to more than on kuttibthe feature [liquid] must not be linked to more than aralthe feature [low] must not be linked to more than one aral

dy+a+RED→(the output form of the stem must be a single binary f (ca.pi)(tal)stems are mapped to PrWds p129the base may not contain a heavy syllable followed by taa.ta

ta.tanta.pat

the base may not contain more than two syllables ta.ta.taa stop that only contrasts in some feature F with a n nta stop is adjacent to a vowel punt

focus must receive the highest prosodic prominence but it can sha focused phrase with contrastive content has the hig p144a focused phrase with new content has the highest pro p144the nucleus of a stressed mora must be a FULL segment

the most prominent (i.e. nuclear stressed) syllable o every syllable (includingstress occurs within the stem RED+paga→pápagaa stressed syllable must be heavy táeach lexically headed XP must contain a phrasal stres p699a lexically headed XP must contain phrasal stress acr p737segments are grouped into syllables*[coron,+anter,-strid] (palatalized nonstrident anter t'ε

assign a violation mark to every light stressed syllasyllables are monomoraicsyllable weight should not exceed two morasthe onset of a syllable must be less sonorous than th t.lthe template for the imperfect of the derived frequen sxr,cCaccəthe suffixed form must be one syllablethe shape of the perfect must be CVCVC mall-a

for all features f Î Place in a prosodic word, if f is linked to any segment, it is linked to all segmentsɡɔratɯ-[teː]Cor cf. [ti-teː]Cor

*σstem]σfoot); a binary foot cannot contain the right edge of a stem

in C1VC2VC3 bases, C2 and C3 agree in nasalityin C1VC2VC3 bases, C2 is coronal. C3 is either labial or velar.

for any XPf and YP in the focus domain of XPf, XPf is prosodically more prominent than YPJohn has [written a letter]

[(hidod)](arequires stress on the nominalizer i ( .

x)

s[ʔi]σ[di]σ[jo]σ[tem]σ

if S is a stem, Cx & Cy Î S, and Cx & Cy are identical, then Ckivkev→[{k1

if S is a stem, Ca & Cb and Cx & Cy Î S, Ca & Cb are identical and Ckivkev→[{k1

(já.ja)(pé.tsoʔs)vaoaμμtμ]σ

CVn+ɻ→CCVn.ɻ

syllables must be parsed into trochaic (left-headed) (ta.tá)in a rhythmic unit [S W], |S| = |W|enforces vowel height harmony, p60the output string, Trunc, must contain fewer segmentsa [Round] autosegment may not be multiply-linked to va blend must be phonologically distinct from each of breakf<ast•f>ast=breakfasthe initial consonant of noun stems in classes that cobstruent clusters must agree in their value for [±vo zkaevery [-cons] segment must be linked to N ja

pepper andpepper andp406

phonological words (verse feet) branch once ([ . ][ . every morphosyntactic word must be parsed as a prosod pataka→pa.ta.ka (not |('pconserve articulatory effort p401no two adjacent phonological units unlicensed by thei kak_]k_]naA's main stressed syllable should not be heavier than salt and pa coda consonant in a root syllable is moraica coda consonant in the first syllable of a word is mheavy syllables are prominent in foot structure (ĹH)

each XP is contained in a phonological phraseheavy syllables receive primary stressmonomoraic input vowels are monomoraic in the output;every mora is licensed by a syllableevery syllable is licensed by a foot p418the greater the slope in sonority between the onset a t.tfinal consonants may not be moraic ta(μ)t(μ)syllables may not have more than two moras ta(μ)a(μ)tthe final vowel of morpheme in the input may not occu {[sivi][té

sthis is a cue constraint, in which it is the duration

one violation for every output that fails to maintain p136one violation for every output that fails to maintain p138one violation for every output that fails to maintain p138potential minimal pairs differing in vowel color (bac inventory:

[(luudost)]yilam-ile→ yilam-inita.ta→ta.tavɔlmɪ→vɔlmʊ

wiil;a[-cont]

A's main stressed vowel should not be longer than B's main stressed vowel (phonemic, two levels of distinction: phonemically short vowels: æ, ε, ɪ, ʌ, ʊ; phonemically long vowels and diphthongs: ɑ, e, i, o, u, ɔ, æʊ, aj, oj, r, Vr)A's main stressed vowel should not be longer than B's main stressed vowel (phonetic, six levels of distinction: ɪ, ʊ < ʌ, ε < i, u, r < e, ɑ, ɔ < æ, o < aɪ, aʊ, ɔɪ, Vr)weakening constraints W0·1x–W1x prohibit producing gestures whose effort cost is above a given amount (in decreasing order)

áμlaμʃsəμndéːμμxəμ

[WordV→[+partially long] [WordV[X1 XP2 XP3](ˌbːu)(ˈwɔh)CVːCV→CV.CVš[wam]σ[ka]

one of a set of 161 perceptual cue constraints, rising in increments of 0.1 Erb, which connect all spectral mean values from 20.0 to 36.0 Erb to the two English sibilants /s/ and /ʃ/. For perception, *[20.0 Erb]/s/ = "an auditory spectral mean of [20.0 Erb] should not be perceived as the surface phonological category /s/". For phonetic implementation, *[20.0 Erb]/s/ = "a surface form /s/ should not be realised with a spectral mean of [20.0 Erb]". 20.0 Erb = 1789 Hz.aːt

given an IO faithfulness constraint óF which selects a sympathetic candidate {-CandF, to evaluate a candidate E-Cand: E-Cand is cumulative with respect to {-CandF. That is, {-CandF has a subset of E-Cand's IO faithfulness violations.dešʔ→dešgiven an IO faithfulness constraint óF which selects a sympathetic candidate {-CandF, to evaluate a candidate E-Cand: every IO faithfulness violation incurred by E-Cand is also incurred by {-CandFdešʔ→deš

potential minimal pairs differing in vowel color (bacpotential minimal pairs differing in vowel color (bac p57a lexically-listed entry must be employed (blocking the possibil

inventory: pi pio pu (2 violations)

comment author(s) year journal numbersame as Onset Downing 1998 NLLT 1could be handleBuckley 1998 LI 2

Cabré & Kenstowicz1995 LI 3ka+RED+raika→(ka ra)(raikKennedy 2008b LI 4

Archangeli & Pulle2002 Phono 5(goba)ment-ka McCarthy & Prince 1993a 6(goba)-ka-ment McCarthy & Prince 1993a 7

S=[RTR] McCarthy 1997 LI 8S=[RTR] McCarthy 1997 LI 9S=[RTR] McCarthy 1997 LI 10assessed gradieMcCarthy & Prince 1993a 11

Noske 2000 NLLT 12Noske 2000 NLLT 13

no examples given Kennedy 2008b LI 14Beckman 1997 Phono 15

claimed to be fKennedy 2008a Phono 16Temiar Gafos 1998a,LI/NLLT 17

Gafos 1998b NLLT 18Temiar Gafos 1998b NLLT 19

Alderete 2001b NLLT 20McCarthy & PrinZoll 2003 LI 21Seereer-Siin McLaughlin 2000 Phono 22Chaha Rose 2000a Phono 23Athabaskan Hargus & Tuttle 1997 Phono 24

Buckley 1998 LI 25McCarthy 1999 Phono 26

Athabaskan Hargus & Tuttle 1997 Phono 27Proposed by ZubRubach 2000a Phono 28

Gordon 2002 NLLT 29(a.be)(bi.ri) Hyde 2007a LI 30

Truckenbrodt 1999 LI 31[(VCV)(CV) Downing 1998 NLLT 32

McCarthy & PrinKenstowicz 1995 Phono 33assessed gradieMcCarthy & Prince 1993a 34

ta(m.ta)m.tam.tam McCarthy & Prince 1993a 35the GEdge of any GCat must coincide with PEdge of some PCat, where GCat ≡ GrammMcCarthy & Prince 1993b 36

one violation mGordon 2003 Phono 37assessed gradieMyers 1997 NLLT 38

vc2, iered→c1i.c2ec2

( . x)wəna | nukpre

wabubu=ʔa→(wabu)(buʔa)/dub-mi/ → dubmi

2 x1 x x x

foc NP PP]VP→ ( )

/[pa.ta, H+ta, H]/→pá.ta.Myers & Carleton 1996 Phono 39Kisseberth 2007 Lang 40

assessed gradieMyers 1997 NLLT 41McCarthy & PrinZoll 2003 LI 42

Zec 1999 Phono 43Beckman 1997 Phono 44Beckman 1997 Phono 45

McCarthy & PrinZoll 2003 LI 46Namwanga Bickmore 2000 Phono 47

one violation for every pSamek-Lodovici 2005 NLLT 48for hypocoristiBat-El 2005 Phono 49

(ta[ta.ta]) Parker 1999 Lang 50ndi-y-[o.nwábisa Downing 1998 NLLT 51

for hypocoristiBat-El 2005 Phono 52Gordon 2003 Phono 53Mascaro 2007 LI 54

ater-en-Red→a.ter.en.te.rBreen & Pensalfini1999 LI 55ater-en-RED→a.te.re.ne.reBreen & Pensalfini1999 LI 56

Athabaskan Hargus & Tuttle 1997 Phono 57Urbanczyk 2006 NLLT 58Truckenbrodt 1999 LI 59

one violation for every pSamek-Lodovici 2005 NLLT 60pə-yax-qal Alderete 2001b NLLT 61

Seereer-Siin McLaughlin 2000 Phono 62Namwanga Bickmore 2000 Phono 63McCarthy & PrinZoll 2003 LI 64

Alderete 2001b NLLT 65Athabaskan Hargus & Tuttle 1997 Phono 66

[(máni)la] violates AlignMcCarthy & Prince 1993a 67McCarthy & Prince 1993a 68McCarthy & Prince 1993a 69

Hyde uses the sHyde 2007a LI 70Causley 1994 Hargus & Tuttle 1997 Phono 71Athabaskan Hargus & Tuttle 1997 Phono 72

([ta.ta]ta) Parker 1999 Lang 73Kinande Downing 2000 Phono 74

gu.(ra.ŋgul) Kennedy 2008b LI 75any prefix McCarthy & Prince 1993a,b 76

Urbanczyk 2006 NLLT 77realized on theKirchner 2000 Lang 78

di+koréksi→(dìko)(réksi) McCarthy & Prince 1993a,b 79

ʔ-a.ʔ-kʷ

ʔiAFbəšRT

parent-al→pa.ren.tal Prince & Smolensky1993/1993a 80Piro Lin 1997 Phono 81Piro Lin 1997 Phono 82Namwanga Bickmore 2000 Phono 83Namwanga Bickmore 2000 Phono 84

McCarthy & Prince 1995 85Gordon 2003 Phono 86Gordon 2003 Phono 87Morén & Zsiga 2006 NLLT 88Morén & Zsiga 2006 NLLT 89Morén & Zsiga 2006 NLLT 90

one violation for every pSamek-Lodovici 2005 NLLT 91the right edge of a X0 coincides with the right edge of a phonological word Golston 1995 Phono 92

Gordon 2002 NLLT 93Gordon 2002 NLLT 94

calculated by cGordon 2002 NLLT 95calculated by cGordon 2002 NLLT 96general constraGordon 2002 NLLT 97

Truckenbrodt 1999 LI 98Truckenbrodt 1999 LI 99

the right edge of a XP coincides with the right edge of a phonological phrase Golston 1995 Phono 100similar to AligKennedy 2005 Phono 101

Zec 1999 Phono 102Zec 1999 Phono 103Zec 1999 Phono 104

(tam.ta)m.tam.tam gets * McCarthy & Prince 1993a 105Prince & SmolenGordon 2004 LI 106

McCarthy & Prince 1993a 107tatata gets 6*'s for L McCarthy & Prince 1993a 108

Chaha Rose 2000a Phono 109Athabaskan; thiHargus & Tuttle 1997 Phono 110conjoined with Downing 1998 NLLT 111

Golston 1996 Lang 112Golston 1996 Lang 113Golston 1996 Lang 114

Ussishkin 2000 Bat-El 2005 Phono 115two alternativeDuanmu 1997 NLLT 116Italian D'Imperio & Rosent1999 Phono 117Leti Hume et al. 1997 Phono 118

Buckley 1998 LI 119

2 x1 x x x2 x1 x x x

XP2 XP3]XP1→( ) XP2 XP3]XP1→( )

lanen]M1á]MW

lan]M1en]M2á]MW

lanén]M1a]MW

ʔo→(ʔái)ʔo

Buckley 1998 LI 120Golston 1996 Lang 121

assessed gradieOrie & Pulleyblank2002 NLLT 122Downing 2003 Phono 123Zoll 1997 Phono 124Downing 2003 Phono 125

see AlignCont, Golston 1996 Lang 126Buckley 1998 LI 127

Prince 1997 Topintzi 2008 NLLT 128Golston 1996 Lang 129

conjoined with Downing 1998 NLLT 130Alderete 2001a Phono 131

n{[osampi.osampi Downing 1998 NLLT 132o-lima→oo[lima] Odden 2006 Phono 133

Downing 1998 NLLT 134u-ita→ui.ta Buckley 1998 LI 135

Downing 2003 Phono 136Golston 1996 Lang 137Zoll 1997 Phono 138

Ta-(f***in)-(tama)(goucheGolston 1996 Lang 139Middle English Golston 1998 NLLT 140

McCarthy 2008c NLLT 141Zoll 1997 Phono 142Golston 1996 Lang 143

generalized affCrowhurst 2004 NLLT 144generalized affCrowhurst 2004 NLLT 145

Golston 1996 Lang 146evaluated gradiRiggle 2006 NLLT 147

Golston 1996 Lang 148Leti Hume et al. 1997 Phono 149

the morphological stem is aligned with the prosodic stem (not defined in the teDowning 1998 NLLT 150Kinande Downing 2000 Phono 151Hungarian; consRingen & Vago 1998 Phono 152assessed gradieOrie & Pulleyblank2002 NLLT 153

Zoll 1997 Phono 154εrisik; 2* for ε Noske 2000 NLLT 155

the right edge of every accent coincides with the right edge of some prosodic wAlderete 2001a Phono 156Downing 2003 Phono 157

see Align-R-Dorsal, AlignGolston 1996 Lang 158

alaur-a→ʔa(láu)ra

{tata,[-ant]}→tatya

{ta.ta,LH}→ta.tá

'kaː)('noʔ)

{tata,[-ant]}→ tyat

Prince 1997 Topintzi 2008 NLLT 159(Tata)-(f***in)-ma(goucheGolston 1996 Lang 160

Golston 1998 NLLT 161Middle English Golston 1998 NLLT 162

Cabré & Kenstowicz1995 LI 163Topintzi 2008 NLLT 164

FF→F<F> (<F> is an unparsCabré & Kenstowicz1995 LI 165Downing 2003 Phono 166Zoll 1997 Phono 167

|('po.o)ni| McCarthy 2008c NLLT 168Golston 1998 NLLT 169Zoll 1997 Phono 170

Bonet and LloreCardinaletti & Rep2008 LI 171Paster 2004 Phono 172

ka-bukir-an Golston 1996 Lang 173Golston 1996 Lang 174

generalized affCrowhurst 2004 NLLT 175one * when Red Crowhurst 2004 NLLT 176generalized affCrowhurst 2004 NLLT 177

a.r-u.m-al Golston 1996 Lang 178um.-grad.wet Golston 1996 Lang 179

Golston 1996 Lang 180Hall 2002 Phono 181

Hendricks 1999;Crowhurst 2004 NLLT 182Hendricks 1999;Crowhurst 2004 NLLT 183Hendricks 1999;Crowhurst 2004 NLLT 184one * when Red Crowhurst 2004 NLLT 185one * for everyCrowhurst 2004 NLLT 186

Golston 1996 Lang 187Golston 1996 Lang 188

one * per mora Crowhurst 2004 NLLT 189one * per mora Crowhurst 2004 NLLT 190one * per mora Crowhurst 2004 NLLT 191one * per mora Crowhurst 2004 NLLT 192

Kennedy 2005 Phono 193the first consonant of the stem must coincide with the first consonant of the wRiggle 2006 NLLT 194

Riggle 2006 NLLT 195Rose 2000b LI 196

bu)(ˌwɔh)

{ta.ta,LHL}→ tǎ.tá

iir cf. zzɣiir

McCarthy & Prince 1993b 197(ta.ta).(ta.tá) Prince & Smolensky1993 198(ta.tá).(ta.ta) Prince & Smolensky1993 199

the linguistic element φ should be positioned at left/right edges McCarthy & Prince 1993b 200Prince & Smolensky1993 201Prince & Smolensky1993 202

Prince & SmolenRosenthall & van d1999 NLLT 203Italian Rosenthall & van d1999 NLLT/Pho 204

Hyde 2002 Phono 205Hyde 2002 Phono 206Crowhurst & Michae2005 Lang 207Crowhurst & Michae2005 Lang 208

every foot must be aligned to the edge of some prosodic word containing it Ussishkin 2005 NLLT 209see specific instances McCarthy & Prince 1993a 210

Hyde 2002 Phono 211Hyde 2002 Phono 212Féry & Samek-Lodov2006 Lang 213Féry & Samek-Lodov2006 Lang 214

Kinande Downing 2000 Phono 215Chaha Gafos 1998b NLLT 216

Kenstowicz 1995 Phono 217McCarthy & Prince 1993b 218Downing 1998 NLLT 219

(ta.tá)(ta.ta) Crowhurst & Michae2005 Lang 220(ta.tá)(tat) Crowhurst 1996 Phono 221

constraint scheMcCarthy & Prince 1993b 222imposition of wMcCarthy & Prince 1993b 223

Zec 2005 Phono 224nov→nov (without any prosZec 2005 Phono 225

Finnish Ringen & Heinämäki1999 NLLT 226

Finnish Ringen & Heinämäki1999 NLLT 227

[(ta.ta).ta.ta] Elenbaas & Kager 1999 Phono 228cf. McCarthy & Zec 2005 Phono 229

Hyde 2002 Phono 230Hyde 2002 Phono 231McCarthy & Prince 1993b 232McCarthy & Prince 1993b 233Kenstowicz 1995 Phono 234

no-naa–naa

u.mad.wet

naš studio→[naš [stûdio]PW

u.l|-u.lampoy

McCarthy & Prince 1993b 235na-(piro), cf. (naTA)-(piMcCarthy & Prince 1993a,b 236

Ussishkin 2000 Bat-El 2006 LI 237Ussishkin 2000 Bat-El 2006 LI 238Ussishkin 2000 Bat-El 2006 LI 239

Zec 1999 Phono 240Kisseberth 2007 Lang 241Bat-El 2002 Lang 242Alderete 2001a Phono 243Alderete 2001a Phono 244Alderete 2001a Phono 245Alderete 2001a Phono 246Alderete 2001a Phono 247

káál-ə→káálə Alderete 2001a Phono 248Alderete 2001a Phono 249

Kang 2002 Kang 2003 Phono 250banda→wanda Kennedy 2008b LI 251

existential faiRiggle 2006 NLLT 252combines Max(loAnttila 2002 NLLT 253word-level corrPadgett 2003 NLLT 254combines Ident(Anttila 2002 NLLT 255OO faithfulnessBurzio 2001 LI 256sympathy, McCarRubach 2000b LI 257sympathy, McCarRubach 2003 LI 258sympathy, McCarRubach 2003 LI 259sympathy, McCarRubach 2007 LI 260general constraMcCarthy & Prince 1995 261

gues<s•e>stimate=guesstimBat-El 1996 Phono 262e<stimate•gue>ss=ess Bat-El 1996 Phono 263

Seereer-Siin McLaughlin 2000 Phono 264Seereer-Siin McLaughlin 2000 Phono 265McCarthy & PrinGolston 1996 Lang 266Mbe, OO faithfuWalker 2000b Phono 267Kinande, BR faiDowning 2000 Phono 268its effect is eKennedy 2005 Phono 269

Kennedy 2008b LI 270McCarthy 2003b Phono 271

BR faithfulnessMcCarthy & Prince 1993b 272Orie & Pulleyblank2002 NLLT 273

Chaha Rose 2000a Phono 274

[(siwa)]–ka–nak

sviil]M1a]MW

ti-ftaxImp→tiftax

has a correspondent at the same edge of C

ɡbé omo→[(ɡba.ɡbé)]PW[(.e.mo)]PW

never violated in this arYu 2005 Phono 275Myers 1997 NLLT 276

part of Anchor Yu 2005 Phono 277Bat-El 2005 Phono 278Myers 1997 NLLT 279

in+spin→inspin cf. sinpinZuraw 2007 Lang 280BR faithfulnessRiggle 2006 NLLT 281

Bat-El 2006 LI 282Kenstowicz 1997Duanmu 1997 NLLT 283

Kang 2003 Phono 284Kang 2003 Phono 285

if a sibilant precedes a stop in one form, the correspondent of S in the other Zuraw 2007 Lang 286Fleischhacker 2Zuraw 2007 Lang 287Fleischhacker 2Zuraw 2007 Lang 288Fleischhacker 2Zuraw 2007 Lang 289Fleischhacker 2Zuraw 2007 Lang 290Fleischhacker 2Zuraw 2007 Lang 291Fleischhacker 2Zuraw 2007 Lang 292BR faithfulnessMcCarthy & Prince 1993b 293

nvud→nə.vud Cardinaletti & Rep2008 LI 294nvud→nə.vud Cardinaletti & Rep2008 LI 295

positional faitMcCarthy & Prince 1995 296fan-hyper-tastic Golston 1996 Lang 297

Myers 1997 NLLT 298BR faithfulnessMcCarthy & Prince 1995 299

traka→tran.ka Coetzee 2006 Phono 300McCarthy & PrinFitzgerald 2000 LI 301McCarthy & PrinFitzgerald 2000 LI 302

traka→tar.ka Coetzee 2006 Phono 303Orgun 1995 Kirchner 1996 LI 304

McCarthy 2003b Phono 305constraint famiMcCarthy & Prince 1995 306Alderete 1999a Alderete 2001 Phono 307

[tichá][verenga]→[tichá][Myers 1997 NLLT 308roti-RED-v→vroti-vroti Nevins 2005 LI 309

McCarthy and PNoske 2000 NLLT 310apparently equiRubach & Booij 2001 Lang 311

Myers 1997 NLLT 312Boersma & Hayes 2001 LI 313

i banga→i i banga Myers 1997 NLLT 314

H2 H1

→(da(vidǁ-i)Ft)PrWd where ǁ is the right edge of the input H2 H1,2

VC2+RED→[{C1VC2copy}VC2]

p˺ = unreleased, English loanword in Koreank˺ = unreleased, English loanword in Korean

n-á-vá-téheey-a→n-a-vá-te

has a correspondent that is adjacent to an element at the opposite edge of C

H2 H1 L H2

→basa-en→ba.sa.ʔen

tarn→tarin Coetzee 2006 Phono 315tarn→tarun Coetzee 2006 Phono 316tarn→tarin Coetzee 2006 Phono 317tarn→tarin Coetzee 2006 Phono 318tarn→taran Coetzee 2006 Phono 319

Noske 2000 NLLT 320tarn→tarεn Coetzee 2006 Phono 321tarn→tarin Coetzee 2006 Phono 322tarn→taron Coetzee 2006 Phono 323tarn→taren Coetzee 2006 Phono 324tarn→taron Coetzee 2006 Phono 325

every output segment affiliated with an affix has a correspondent in the input Ussishkin 2005 NLLT 326BR faithfulnessMcCarthy & Prince 1995 327BR faithfulnessGafos 1998a LI 328BR faithfulnessGafos 1998 LI 329

Gafos 2003 Lang 330McCarthy & Prince 1995 331Zec 1999 Phono 332

prevents epenthMcCarthy & Prince 1995 333Morén 2001 Yu 2005 Phono 334Kashmiri Morén 2000 Phono 335Kashmiri Morén 2000 Phono 336Kashmiri Morén 2000 Phono 337

ndi-[y-{onwábisa, cf. th Downing 1998 NLLT 338Leti Hume et al. 1997 Phono 339Benua 1997, OO Gouskova 2007a,LI/Phono 340

Archangeli & Pulle2002 Phono 341Alderete 2001b NLLT 342

Kinande, in thiDowning 2000 Phono 343Boston English Orgun 2001 NLLT 344Fleischhacker 2Zuraw 2007 Lang 345Fleischhacker 2Zuraw 2007 Lang 346Fleischhacker 2Zuraw 2007 Lang 347Fleischhacker 2Zuraw 2007 Lang 348Fleischhacker 2Zuraw 2007 Lang 349Fleischhacker 2Zuraw 2007 Lang 350

br<eakfast•l>unch=brunch Bat-El 1996 Phono 351existential faiRiggle 2006 NLLT 352cf. M-Parse Golston 1995 Phono 353positional faitZoll 2002 LI 354

metaconstraint for faithfulness constraints involving the feature [nasal] Kawahara 2006 Lang 355

ɔ-It→ε-mɔ-it

,sal,+a→wasal-a

[brodă]MW → [(brod)ă]MW

must have a corresponding prominence in S1

metaconstraint for faithfulness constraints involving the feature [voice] Kawahara 2006 Lang 356metaconstraint for faithfulness constraints involving the feature [voice] in seKawahara 2006 Lang 357metaconstraint for faithfulness constraints involving the feature [voice] in seKawahara 2006 Lang 358metaconstraint for faithfulness constraints involving the feature [voice] in geKawahara 2006 Lang 359metaconstraint for faithfulness constraints involving the feature [voice] in siKawahara 2006 Lang 360

OO faithfulnessRose & Walker 2004 Lang 361Benua 1995 Ussishkin 2005 NLLT 362OO faithfulnessRose & Walker 2004 Lang 363Steriade's 1999Bat-El 2002 Lang 364Kinande, BR faiDowning 2000 Phono 365

Prince & Smolensky1993 366discussed p586 Ito et al. 1995 LI 367discussed p588 Ito et al. 1995 LI 368

VCVC→<V>.CV.C. Tesar & Smolensky 1998 LI 369VCVC→.V.CV.<C> Tesar & Smolensky 1998 LI 370{Place,Cor}→[]<Cor> Prince & Smolensky1993 371ta,μμ→ [ta]μ[ ]μ Prince & Smolensky1993 372de.mo.kra<t•dik.ta.>tor=dBat-El 1996 Phono 373

one half of theBat-El 1996 Phono 374one half of theBat-El 1996 Phono 375Chamorro Crosswhite 1998 Phono 376

Hammond 1997 Lang 377Chamorro Crosswhite 1998 Phono 378Chamorro Crosswhite 1998 Phono 379Chamorro Crosswhite 1998 Phono 380adapted from AlOrgun & Sprouse 1999 Phono 381positional faitMcCarthy 2000b NLLT 382

Orgun & Sprouse 1999 Phono 383rules out deletMcCarthy & Prince 1995 384Rose & Walker 2Hansson 2007 LI 385Rose & Walker 2Hansson 2007 LI 386Rose & Walker 2Hansson 2007 LI 387

Coetzee 2008 Lang 388Coetzee 2008 Lang 389

rǽndəm-ajz→rəndowmajz Orgun & Sprouse 1999 Phono 390Rubach 2000b LI 391Rubach 2000b LI 392

positional faitRubach 2008 Phono 393Rubach 2008 Phono 394

b-ájz→səɹbajz

ʃ+b+a→lidʒ.ba

frantsuz+k+a→fran.tsu.zgaRubach 2008 Phono 395McCarthy & Prince 1995 396Rubach 2004 LI 397

baggu→bakku Kawahara 2006 Lang 398tadda→tatta Kawahara 2006 Lang 399baggu→bakku Kawahara 2006 Lang 400baggu→bakku Kawahara 2006 Lang 401bagii→bakii Kawahara 2006 Lang 402

Burzio 2001 LI 403Merchant 1996 LI 404

OO faithfulnessKirchner 2000 Lang 405Rubach 2008 Phono 406

positional faitRubach 2008 Phono 407Rubach 2008 Phono 408Rubach 2008 Phono 409Rose & Walker 2004 Lang 410

dub-mi→dubmu McCarthy 1999 Phono 411Seereer-Siin McLaughlin 2000 Phono 412

Kenstowicz & Banks1999 LI 413positional faitKirchner 2000 Lang 414positional faitKirchner 2000 Lang 415

McCarthy & Prince 1995 416hierarchy, CS1 Alderete et al. 1999 LI 417DA=designated aRubach 2007 LI 418

Rubach 2003 LI 419constraint famiMcCarthy & Prince 1995 420

McCarthy & Prince 1995 421Namwanga Bickmore 2000 Phono 422Hungarian Ringen & Vago 1998 Phono 423

McCarthy & Prince 1995 424Rubach 2000b LI 425

positional faitWalker 2005 NLLT 426positional faitWalker 2005 NLLT 427

Rubach 2000b LI 428McCarthy & Prince 1995 429Kirchner 2000 Lang 430

ta.ta→te.ta Beckman 1997 Phono 431

εm'+a→ʑε.maεm'+a→ʑε.ma

t'at'a→txatxa

yə-xfio r→yə-kfio r

RED-soʔ→su-suʔ

positional faitKawahara 2006 Lang 432McCarthy & Prince 1995 433

bum-id-a→bumina Hansson 2007 LI 434Rubach 2000b LI 435Padgett 2003 NLLT 436McCarthy & Prince 1995 437

Hungarian Ringen & Vago 1998 Phono 438Kirchner 2000 Lang 439Rose & Walker 2004 Lang 440Kirchner 2000 Lang 441

this is a generYu 2005 Phono 442salt and 'pepper→'salt anBenor & Levy 2006 Lang 443

McCarthy & Prince 1995 444Kenstowicz & Banks1999 LI 445Boersma & Hayes 2001 LI 446

Finnish Anttila 2006 NLLT 447de Lacy 2002 Phono 448

Beckman 1998, AZoll 2003 LI 449Hale & Reiss 1998 LI 450Rosenthall 1997b NLLT 451

Casali 1996, BeZoll 2003 LI 452las-i→l(ase) Paster 2004 Phono 453

Hall 2006 NLLT 454salir→sa'lij Baković 2007 Phono 455

OO faithfulnessBat-El 2002 Lang 456Gouskova 2004 Phono 457Baković 2005 Phono 458Hall 2006 NLLT 459

hierarchy, CS1 Alderete et al. 1999 LI 460BR faithfulnessAlderete et al. 1999 LI 461general family Ussishkin 2005 NLLT 462positional faitMcCarthy & Prince 1995 463positional faitMcCarthy & Prince 1995 464McCarthy & PrinMcCarthy 1997 LI 465BR faithfulnessKennedy 2008b LI 466BR faithfulnessKenstowicz & Banks1999 LI 467BR faithfulnessMcCarthy & Prince 1995 468

ampa→tampa

yə-xfio r→yə-xpio ro-en→taʔ.wen

μj μi μj

→

stsipliːn→dɪstipliːn

ap-putji→apji-putjinegatjoːn→negatsjoːn

BR faithfulnessAlderete et al. 1999 LI 469BR faithfulnessMcCarthy & Prince 1995 470BR faithfulnessMcCarthy & Prince 1995 471BR faithfulnessBoersma & Hayes 2001 LI 472BR faithfulnessMcCarthy & Prince 1995 473BR faithfulnessAlderete et al. 1999 LI 474Chaha, BR faithGafos 1998b NLLT 475Seereer-Siin, BMcLaughlin 2000 Phono 476BR faithfulnessAlderete et al. 1999 LI 477BR faithfulnessKennedy 2005 Phono 478BR faithfulnessCoetzee 2006 Phono 479Russian Rubach 2000a Phono 480

Rubach 2003 LI 481Russian Rubach 2000a Phono 482OO faithfulnessRose & Walker 2004 Lang 483OO faithfulnessRose & Walker 2004 Lang 484OO faithfulnessRose & Walker 2004 Lang 485OO faithfulnessRose & Walker 2004 Lang 486OO faithfulnessRose & Walker 2004 Lang 487OO faithfulnessRose & Walker 2004 Lang 488OO faithfulnessRose & Walker 2004 Lang 489OO faithfulnessRose & Walker 2004 Lang 490OO faithfulnessRose & Walker 2004 Lang 491Yaka Hyman 1998 Phono 492

Rubach 2005 Phono 493McCarthy & PrinRosenthall 1997a LI 494

/pa=ta.ta.ta/→(pa.ta)(ta.Kenstowicz 1995 Phono 495Kenstowicz 1995 Phono 496

tag.tag→tag.dag Zuraw 2002 Phono 497Lombardi 1995 Parker 2001 Phono 498

Rose & Walker 2004 Lang 499Rose & Walker 2004 Lang 500Rose & Walker 2004 Lang 501Walker 2001b NLLT 502Rose & Walker 2004 Lang 503Rose & Walker 2004 Lang 504Padgett 2002 Lang 505

l'l'εʃ→llεʃ

dək→wio t'ək'

ampa→thampha

Lombardi 1999 NLLT 506Lombardi 1995 Parker 2001 Phono 507positional faitWetzels & Mascaro 2001 Lang 508positional faitCoetzee & Pater 2008 NLLT 509cover identity Duanmu 1997 NLLT 510Benua 1995, 199Rubach 2000b LI 511OO faithfulnessKenstowicz & Banks1999 LI 512Benua 1995, 199Rubach 2000b LI 513Hayes 2000 Boersma & Hayes 2001 LI 514Hayes 2000 Boersma & Hayes 2001 LI 515Beckman 1997, cNoske 2000 NLLT 516positional faitCoetzee & Pater 2008 NLLT 517Arabic Gafos 2003 Lang 518Mbe Walker 2000b Phono 519Mbe, BR faithfuWalker 2000b Phono 520positional faitMcCarthy & Prince 1995 521positional faitMcCarthy & Prince 1995 522positional faitNoske 2000 NLLT 523

Padgett 2002 Lang 524Sabaaħ→sabaaħ McCarthy 1997 LI 525

Pater 2000 Phono 526positional faitNoske 2000 NLLT 527

Rubach 2003 LI 528Russian Rubach 2000a Phono 529unified featureRubach 2007 LI 530Yaka Hyman 1998 Phono 531Katayama 1998 Ussishkin 1999 Phono 532positional faitWalker 2005 NLLT 533positional faitBeckman 1997 Phono 534positional faitWalker 2001b NLLT 535

kaarta-i→(káar.si) Anttila 2006 NLLT 536Coetzee 2008 Lang 537Coetzee 2008 Lang 538Coetzee 2008 Lang 539Coetzee 2008 Lang 540McCarthy & Prince 1995 541

McCarthy & Prinde Lacy 2002 Phono 542equivalent to TYu 2000 Phono 543

son-lAr→{[san-lar]+BACK}-ROUND

ta.tá→ ta.ta

RB faithfulnessMcCarthy & Prince 1995 544McCarthy & Prince 1995 545

McCarthy & PrinZoll 2003 LI 546Watson 2007 Phono 547

this is a type Myers 1997 NLLT 548Steriade 1988, Riggle 2006 NLLT 549Orgun 1995 Kirchner 1996 LI 550reformulates PaMcCarthy & Prince 1995 551Lombardi 1998 Rubach 2000b LI 552Boston English,Orgun 2001 NLLT 553Boston English,Orgun 2001 NLLT 554Chinese Zhang 2000 Phono 555Chinese Zhang 2000 Phono 556Chinese Zhang 2000 Phono 557Chinese Zhang 2000 Phono 558Alderete 1999b Alderete 2001a Phono 559

Myers 1997 NLLT 560Gafos 1998b NLLT 561

"questionable" Baković 2007 Phono 562do not delete a consonant that contrasts in some feature F with an adjacent segCôté 2004 Phono 563

Côté 2004 Phono 564Côté 2004 Phono 565Rubach 2007 LI 566

Alderete 1999b Alderete 2001a Phono 567Coetzee 2006 Phono 568

Beckman 1997, pCoetzee 2006 Phono 569Seereer-Siin McLaughlin 2000 Phono 570Hungarian Ringen & Vago 1998 Phono 571

Myers 1997 NLLT 572Boersma & Hayes 2001 LI 573Rosenthall 1997b NLLT 574

tarun→tarn Coetzee 2006 Phono 575tarin→tarn Coetzee 2006 Phono 576

Paster 2004 Phono 577tarin→tarn Coetzee 2006 Phono 578taran→tarn Coetzee 2006 Phono 579

Archangeli & Pulle2002 Phono 580tarεn→tarn Coetzee 2006 Phono 581tarin→tarn Coetzee 2006 Phono 582

Howe & Pulleyblank2001 Phono 583

H2 H1

→

H2 H1

→o-en→ta.wen

positional faitHowe & Pulleyblank2001 Phono 584Howe & Pulleyblank2001 Phono 585

son kars→soŋ.kars McCarthy 2008b Phono 586Hall 2006 NLLT 587

general constraMcCarthy & Prince 1995 588taron→tarn Coetzee 2006 Phono 589

Paster 2004 Phono 590Morén & Zsiga 2006 NLLT 591

tiŋ paw→tim.paw McCarthy 2008b Phono 592taren→tarn Coetzee 2006 Phono 593

Rosenthall 2006 LI 594Rosenthall 2006 LI 595

sympathy, McCarRosenthall 2006 LI 596sympathy, McCarRosenthall 2006 LI 597

Rosenthall 2006 LI 598positional faitMcCarthy & Prince 1995 599OO faithfulnessKlein 1997 LI 600BR faithfulnessMcCarthy & Prince 1995 601BR faithfulnessMyers & Carleton 1996 Phono 602BR faithfulnessMyers & Carleton 1996 Phono 603

Urbanczyk 2006 NLLT 604McCarthy 2000b NLLT 605Gafos 1998b NLLT 606

BR faithfulnessAlderete et al. 1999 LI 607McCarthy & Prince 1995 608

mãsa→mãsã where the outpuPiggott 2003 Phono 609Zec 1999 Phono 610

general constraMorén & Zsiga 2006 NLLT 611Morén & Zsiga 2006 NLLT 612Morén & Zsiga 2006 NLLT 613

general constraMorén & Zsiga 2006 NLLT 614McCarthy & PrinFitzgerald 2000 LI 615McCarthy & PrinFitzgerald 2000 LI 616

Zuraw 2002 Phono 617Fleischhacker 2Zuraw 2007 Lang 618

Casali 1997 Lang 619Morén & Zsiga 2006 NLLT 620

Morén 2001 Yu 2005 Phono 621Kashmiri Morén 2000 Phono 622

a-rmay-a→ra.maːu-qwil-a→quː.la

u-qwil-a→quː.la

trata→[tra]α[ta]α

##V2C→CV1C

Kashmiri Morén 2000 Phono 623Kashmiri Morén 2000 Phono 624Kashmiri Morén 2000 Phono 625Kashmiri Morén 2000 Phono 626

Rosenthall 2006 LI 627Fleischhacker 2Zuraw 2007 Lang 628

Casali 1997 Lang 629also called ReaWalker 2000b Phono 630

ndi-y-oyisa→ndi-y-o.yisa.Downing 1998 NLLT 631Casali 1997 Lang 632

Fleischhacker 2Zuraw 2007 Lang 633OO faithfulnessUssishkin 2005 NLLT 634OO faithfulnessBoersma & Hayes 2001 LI 635OO faithfulnessFlack 2007 LI 636constraint famiCasali 1997 Lang 637

Archangeli & Pulle2002 Phono 638Arabic Gafos 2003 Lang 639also called ProAlderete 2001b NLLT 640positional faitAlderete 2001b NLLT 641positional faitAlderete 2001b NLLT 642Fleischhacker 2Zuraw 2007 Lang 643Kinande Downing 2000 Phono 644positional faitMcCarthy & Prince 1995 645

Orie & Pulleyblank2002 NLLT 646Chinese, positiZhang 2000 Phono 647

makan→mããn Piggott 2003 Phono 648Fleischhacker 2Zuraw 2007 Lang 649Arabic Gafos 2003 Lang 650

McCarthy 2000b NLLT 651Gafos 1998b NLLT 652

positional faitNevins 2005 LI 653BR faithfulnessAlderete et al. 1999 LI 654Fleischhacker 2Zuraw 2007 Lang 655positional faitCasali 1997 Lang 656Athabaskan Hargus & Tuttle 1997 Phono 657Piro Lin 1997 Phono 658

Flack 2007 LI 659positional faitFlack 2007 LI 660

ya-bɡay-uː→yab.ɡay

+V2C→CV1C

ɡbé omo→[(ɡba.ɡbo)]PW[(.o.mo)]PW

(véti)→(vét) Anttila 2006 NLLT 661Kinande Downing 2000 Phono 662BR faithfulnessMyers & Carleton 1996 Phono 663

br<eakfast•l>unch=brunch Bat-El 1996 Phono 664Broselow et al. 1997 Phono 665

Alderete 1999b Alderete 2001 Phono 666positional faitAlderete 2001 NLLT 667

McCarthy 2008b Phono 668Chamorro, positCrosswhite 1998 Phono 669

McCarthy & Prince 1995 670letkujaw→letujaw Rubach 2004 LI 671

Italian, OO faiD'Imperio & Rosent1999 Phono 672Arabic, OO faitGafos 2003 Lang 673OO faithfulnessGafos 2003 Lang 674Italian D'Imperio & Rosent1999 Phono 675

Kenstowicz 1995 Phono 676Kenstowicz 1995Duanmu 1997 NLLT 677gradient constrKochetov & Pouplie2008 Phono 678

Prince & Smolensky1993 679Kirchner 1996 LI 680

RED+kalu→ka<lu>-.ka.lu Kennedy 2008a Phono 681Italian Ackema 2001 LI 682

Kirchner 1996 LI 683Kirchner 1996 LI 684

McCarthy 1993b Kirchner 1996 LI 685McCarthy 1993b Kirchner 1996 LI 686Prince & SmolenZoll 1997 Phono 687McCarthy 1993b Kirchner 1996 LI 688Full Copy ModelMcCarthy & Prince 1995 689

{Place,Cor}→[]<Cor> Prince & Smolensky1993 690FF→<F>F (<F> is an unparsCabré & Kenstowicz1995 LI 691

Ito et al. 1995 LI 692McCarthy & Prince 1993b 693

Full Copy ModelMcCarthy & Prince 1995 694Prince & Smolensky1993 695

Arabic Gafos 2003 Lang 696Arabic Gafos 2003 Lang 697Arabic Gafos 2003 Lang 698

Gafos 2003 Lang 699fixed hierarchyKochetov & So 2007 Phono 700

ʒum-to→na.dʒun.to (violated when elements present but unlinked in the underlying representation become linked in the output)

McCarthy & Prince 1993b define this as "a given element must be dominated by an appropriate node in the prosodic tree" (also called Parse-

taaanchi→taa<a>n.chi

tataː→(taː)(tata)

Vd→ya-m2Vd-na

fixed hierarchyKochetov & So 2007 Phono 701fixed hierarchyKochetov & So 2007 Phono 702fixed hierarchyKochetov & So 2007 Phono 703fixed hierarchyKochetov & So 2007 Phono 704fixed hierarchyKochetov & So 2007 Phono 705fixed hierarchyKochetov & So 2007 Phono 706

violated when articulatorKochetov & Pouplie2008 Phono 707violated when articulatorKochetov & Pouplie2008 Phono 708violated when articulatorKochetov & Pouplie2008 Phono 709violated when articulatorKochetov & Pouplie2008 Phono 710

Jun 1995, generKochetov & So 2007 Phono 711general constraKirchner 1997 Phono 712

Kirchner 1997 Phono 713Hume & Tserdanelis2002 Phono 714Mascaro 2007 LI 715

bebek+n→bebe<k>n (where <Baković 2007 Phono 716Baković 2007 Phono 717

McCarthy 1997, Yu 2000 Phono 718Alderete 2001b NLLT 719

Inkelas et al. Zec 2005 Phono 720cover constrainAlderete 2001b NLLT 721BR faithfulnessMcCarthy & Prince 1993b 722Yip 2002b Pearce 2006 Phono 723Chinese Zhang 2000 Phono 724Mbe Walker 2000b Phono 725RB faithfulnessMcCarthy & Prince 1995 726Mbe Walker 2000b Phono 727McCarthy & PrinGolston 1996 Lang 728

e<stimate•gue>ss=ess Bat-El 1996 Phono 729BR faithfulnessDowning 2000 Phono 730Prince & SmolenZoll/Myers 1997 Phono/NL 731

RED-pu.sa→pus-pu.sa Gafos 1998b NLLT 732OO faithfulnessRose & Walker 2004 Lang 733

('σ),('σσ)→('σ#σσ) Duanmu 1997 NLLT 734McCarthy & Prince 1993b 735

RED+kalu→k<a>lu-.ka.lu Kennedy 2008a Phono 736McCarthy & Prince 1995 737

Namwanga Bickmore 2000 Phono 738Myers 1997 NLLT 739Bat-El 1996 Phono 740

zá-{ɾ>n,l,t,s}-u→puzá-n-u

iliː+l→ʔileːl (with length projected but not pronounced)

iš→suʔiš

á.la.ŋ-aŋ.

H2 H1,2

→

Borowsky & Harvey 1997 Phono 741BR faithfulnessCrowhurst 2004 NLLT 742Kinande, local Downing 2000 Phono 743local conjunctiMcLaughlin 2000 Phono 744local conjunctiPadgett 2003 NLLT 745Italian, local Walker 2005 NLLT 746local conjunctiKirchner 1996 LI 747local conjunctiKirchner 1996 LI 748local conjunctiKirchner 1996 LI 749Kinande, BR faiDowning 2000 Phono 750local conjunctiArchangeli & Pulle2002 Phono 751Italian, local Walker 2005 NLLT 752Archangeli & PuMcCarthy 1997 LI 753

Hayes & Wilson 2008 LI 754Hayes & Wilson 2008 LI 755Hayes & Wilson 2008 LI 756Hayes & Wilson 2008 LI 757

initial window Hayes & Wilson 2008 LI 758Hayes & Wilson 2008 LI 759Hayes & Wilson 2008 LI 760McCarthy & Prince 1995 761

Elenbaas 1999 Elenbaas & Kager 1999 Phono 762Yip 2002b Kisseberth 2007 Lang 763

McCarthy & Prince 1995 764refers to stresHayes & Wilson 2008 LI 765in effect, onlyHayes & Wilson 2008 LI 766

Hayes & Wilson 2008 LI 767in effect, onlyHayes & Wilson 2008 LI 768

Hayes & Wilson 2008 LI 769Hayes & Wilson 2008 LI 770Hayes & Wilson 2008 LI 771Hayes & Wilson 2008 LI 772

the discussion Hayes & Wilson 2008 LI 773Hayes & Wilson 2008 LI 774

*Lapse, in a reHayes & Wilson 2008 LI 775^ indicates theHayes & Wilson 2008 LI 776vowel harmony, Hayes & Wilson 2008 LI 777^ indicates theHayes & Wilson 2008 LI 778^ indicates theHayes & Wilson 2008 LI 779

wiik-lik→wik-lik

vowel harmony, Hayes & Wilson 2008 LI 780^ indicates theHayes & Wilson 2008 LI 781Kirchner 1993, Padgett 2002 Lang 782

Hayes & Wilson 2008 LI 783Hayes & Wilson 2008 LI 784Hayes & Wilson 2008 LI 785Rubach 2002 LI 786Hayes & Wilson 2008 LI 787Hayes & Wilson 2008 LI 788Hayes & Wilson 2008 LI 789

the example impKirchner 2000 Lang 790Hayes & Wilson 2008 LI 791

^ indicates theHayes & Wilson 2008 LI 792Hayes & Wilson 2008 LI 793Hayes & Wilson 2008 LI 794Hayes & Wilson 2008 LI 795Hayes & Wilson 2008 LI 796

p96 Kirchner 1997 Phono 797Coetzee 2006 Phono 798

comparative marCoetzee 2006 Phono 799comparative marCoetzee 2006 Phono 800

Hayes & Wilson 2008 LI 801vowel harmony Hayes & Wilson 2008 LI 802

Hayes & Wilson 2008 LI 803^ indicates theHayes & Wilson 2008 LI 804

Hayes & Wilson 2008 LI 805Hayes & Wilson 2008 LI 806Hayes & Wilson 2008 LI 807Hayes & Wilson 2008 LI 808

Weight to StresHayes & Wilson 2008 LI 809Hayes & Wilson 2008 LI 810

vowel harmony Hayes & Wilson 2008 LI 811vowel harmony Hayes & Wilson 2008 LI 812

Hayes & Wilson 2008 LI 813McCarthy & Prince 1995 814Hayes & Wilson 2008 LI 815Hayes & Wilson 2008 LI 816Rubach 2002 LI 817

^ indicates theHayes & Wilson 2008 LI 818Hayes & Wilson 2008 LI 819

no final [ɻ]

the discussion Hayes & Wilson 2008 LI 820mo+RED+raika→(mo-ra)-(raiKennedy 2008b LI 821

Rubach 2000b LI 822^ indicates theHayes & Wilson 2008 LI 823

Hayes & Wilson 2008 LI 824Hayes & Wilson 2008 LI 825Hayes & Wilson 2008 LI 826Hayes & Wilson 2008 LI 827Hayes & Wilson 2008 LI 828Hayes & Wilson 2008 LI 829

vowel harmony Hayes & Wilson 2008 LI 830Rubach 2000b LI 831Hayes & Wilson 2008 LI 832Hayes & Wilson 2008 LI 833

^ indicates theHayes & Wilson 2008 LI 834Rubach 2007 LI 835

{Place,Cor,Lab'}→[Lab']<CPrince & Smolensky1993 836Morén & Zsiga 2006 NLLT 837

vowel harmony Hayes & Wilson 2008 LI 838vowel harmony Hayes & Wilson 2008 LI 839vowel harmony Hayes & Wilson 2008 LI 840vowel harmony Hayes & Wilson 2008 LI 841

McCarthy & Prince 1995 842Hayes & Wilson 2008 LI 843Hayes & Wilson 2008 LI 844Morén & Zsiga 2006 NLLT 845

Nonfinality, exHayes & Wilson 2008 LI 846McCarthy & Prince 1995 847McCarthy & Prince 1995 848Walker 2001b NLLT 849McCarthy & Prince 1995 850Coetzee 2008 Lang 851Hayes & Wilson 2008 LI 852Hayes & Wilson 2008 LI 853Rubach 2002 LI 854Hayes & Wilson 2008 LI 855

no final [w] Hayes & Wilson 2008 LI 856Morén & Zsiga 2006 NLLT 857

Yip 2002b, One-Morén & Zsiga 2006 NLLT 858

no final [r] or [ɻ]

Morén & Zsiga 2006 NLLT 859Rose 2000b LI 860Merchant 1996 LI 861Kenstowicz & Banks1999 LI 862

Kirchner 1998 Rose 2000b LI 863Bickmore 1996, Morén & Zsiga 2006 NLLT 864

Bat-El 2006 LI 865Bat-El 2002 Lang 866Boersma & Hayes 2001 LI 867

Sherer 1994 Rosenthall & van d1999 NLLT 868harmony scale uRosenthall & van d1999 NLLT 869harmony scale uRosenthall & van d1999 NLLT 870harmony scale uRosenthall & van d1999 NLLT 871

Coetzee & Pater 2008 NLLT 872Hall 2002 Phono 873Rosenthall 2006 LI 874

Anttila 1997a,bBoersma & Hayes 2001 LI 875Anttila 1997a,bBoersma & Hayes 2001 LI 876English binomiaBenor & Levy 2006 Lang 877

Merchant 1996 LI 878fox 'in socks German et al. 2006 Lang 879

Rosenthall 2006 LI 880Hale & Reiss 1998 LI 881Burzio 2001 LI 882

Finnish Anttila 2002 NLLT 883extraprosodicitRosenthall & van d1999 NLLT 884 Sherer 1994 Rosenthall & van d1999 NLLT 885

McCarthy 2008b Phono 886Hall 2002 Phono 887

universal rankiPadgett 2003 NLLT 888McCarthy & Prince 1995 889Hayes & Wilson 2008 LI 890Burzio 2001 LI 891Hayes & Wilson 2008 LI 892Hayes & Wilson 2008 LI 893Coetzee 2008 Lang 894

Casali 1994 Casali 1997 Lang 895Howe & Pulleyblank2001 Phono 896

Howe & Pulleyblank2001 Phono 897name suggested Pater 2000 Phono 898

Hall 2006 NLLT 899Rubach 2000b LI 900

fixed sonority-Orgun 2001 NLLT 901Piggott 2003 Phono 902

Halle and IdsarOrgun 2001 NLLT 903fixed sonority-Orgun 2001 NLLT 904fixed sonority-Orgun 2001 NLLT 905

ttat, taat, tatt Prince & Smolensky1993 906tarka→tra.ka Coetzee 2006 Phono 907traka→tra.ka Coetzee 2006 Phono 908

Yip 2001 Barrie 2006 LI 909Hall 2006 NLLT 910

Fitzgerald 1997Yu 2000 Phono 911ko.lum.-da McCarthy 2008b Phono 912

McCarthy & PrinBlevins 1996 LI 913Chaha Rose 2000a Phono 914

Rosenthall 2006 LI 915Casali 1997 Lang 916Gafos 2003 Lang 917Casali 1997 Lang 918Paster 2004 Phono 919

the domains of Myers & Carleton 1996 Phono 920Smolensky/Golston 1996 LI/Lang 921

dut-kijo where -kijo is aMcCarthy 2008b Phono 922Hall 2006 NLLT 923

tətəlaw'il Alderete et al. 1999 LI 924RED+paga→pá.pə.ga Kennedy 2008b LI 925

Gordon 2002 NLLT 926Gordon 2002 NLLT 927

Yip 2001 Barrie 2006 LI 928universally outCoetzee 2008 Lang 929

Myers 1997 NLLT 930

Kager 1994 Rosenthall & van d1999 NLLT 931Cabré & Kenstowicz1995 LI 932McCarthy & Prince 1995 933Prince & Smolensky1993 934

Chamorro Crosswhite 1998 Phono 935Namwanga, Yip 2Bickmore 2000 Phono 936Anttila 1997a,bBoersma & Hayes 2001 LI 937

Kirchner 1997 Phono 938de Lacy 2004 Phono 939Kennedy 2008b LI 940

Archangeli and Noske 2000 NLLT 941Beckman 1997 Phono 942Fitzgerald 2000 LI 943

Finnish Anttila 2006 NLLT 944Russian Rubach 2000a Phono 945Anttila 1997a,bBoersma & Hayes 2001 LI 946Anttila 1997a,bBoersma & Hayes 2001 LI 947Russian Rubach 2000a Phono 948

Burzio 2001 LI 949Burzio 2001 LI 950Kennedy 2008a Phono 951

Everett & BerenUssishkin 1999 Phono 952Ringen & Vago 1998 Phono 953

Finnish Ringen & Heinämäki1999 NLLT 954Kawasaki 1982, Rubach 2003 LI 955universal rankiPadgett 2003 NLLT 956

Padgett 2003 NLLT 957universal rankiPadgett 2003 NLLT 958

Coetzee & Pater 2008 NLLT 959Coetzee & Pater 2008 NLLT 960Coetzee & Pater 2008 NLLT 961Coetzee & Pater 2008 NLLT 962Coetzee & Pater 2008 NLLT 963Coetzee 2008 Lang 964

Namwanga Bickmore 2000 Phono 965McCarthy & Prince 1995 966

Anttila 1997a,bBoersma & Hayes 2001 LI 967Elenbaas 1999 Elenbaas & Kager 1999 Phono 968

Hargus & Beavert 2006 Phono 969po<o><i>-.po.no.ti Kennedy 2008a Phono 970

English binomiaBenor & Levy 2006 Lang 971a cover constraint for *LapseRight, *LapseLeft, *ExtendedLapseRight Gordon 2002 NLLT 972

Gordon 2002 NLLT 973

u violates *HdFt/io ,ə,i·u,e·obil.ɡaa.li

ʃi=mataʃ=wa

Gordon 2002 NLLT 974Lombardi 1999 NLLT 975Riggle 2006 NLLT 976

Archangeli andNoske 2000 NLLT 977Boersma & Hayes 2001 LI 978

Peak/Margin HiePrince & Smolensky1993 979Prince & SmolenRubach 2000b LI 980

Prince & Smolensky1993 981Chaha Rose 2000a Phono 982

Beckman 1997 Phono 983Kashmiri Morén 2000 Phono 984Kashmiri, part Morén 2000 Phono 985Kashmiri, part Morén 2000 Phono 986Kashmiri, part Morén 2000 Phono 987Kashmiri, part Morén 2000 Phono 988Kashmiri, part Morén 2000 Phono 989Kashmiri, part Morén 2000 Phono 990Kashmiri, part Morén 2000 Phono 991Kashmiri, part Morén 2000 Phono 992Kashmiri, generMorén 2000 Phono 993Kashmiri, part Morén 2000 Phono 994Kashmiri, part Morén 2000 Phono 995Kashmiri, part Morén 2000 Phono 996Kashmiri Morén 2000 Phono 997

Kennedy 2005 Phono 998Muller 1999, CrTopintzi 2008 NLLT 999Russian Rubach 2000a Phono 1000

Riggle 2006 NLLT 1001Lombardi 2002 Phono 1002

Pater 1999 Baković 2007 Phono 1003de Lacy 2002 Pearce 2006 Phono 1004general constrade Lacy 2004 Phono 1005cover constrainWalker 2000b Phono 1006

Lombardi 2002 Phono 1007Paster 2004 Phono 1008McCarthy & Prince 1995 1009

Anttila 1997a,bBoersma & Hayes 2001 LI 1010Anttila 1997a,bBoersma & Hayes 2001 LI 1011

Rubach 2000b LI 1012Anttila et al. 2008 Phono 1013

μrμ)(fuμroμk)

Peak/Margin HiePrince & Smolensky1993 1014universal rankiPadgett 2003 NLLT 1015

Crowhurst & Michae2005 Lang 1016Crowhurst & Michae2005 Lang 1017Crowhurst & Michae2005 Lang 1018Crowhurst & Michae2005 Lang 1019Crowhurst & Michae2005 Lang 1020

it is claimed tCrowhurst & Michae2005 Lang 1021Kenstowicz 1997Topintzi 2008 NLLT 1022

Prince & Smolensky1993 1023Kenstowicz 1997Topintzi 2008 NLLT 1024Kenstowicz 1997Topintzi 2008 NLLT 1025

Topintzi 2008 NLLT 1026Kenstowicz 1997Topintzi 2008 NLLT 1027

Crowhurst & Michae2005 Lang 1028Crowhurst & Michae2005 Lang 1029Crowhurst & Michae2005 Lang 1030

universal rankiPadgett 2003 NLLT 1031Prince & Smolensky1993 1032Gafos 1998b NLLT 1033Prince & Smolensky1993 1034Gafos 1998b NLLT 1035

Lombardi 1995 Parker 2001 Phono 1036Crowhurst 2004 NLLT 1037

universally outCoetzee 2008 Lang 1038Coetzee & Pater 2008 NLLT 1039

a member of theTruckenbrodt 1999 LI 1040Coetzee & Pater 2008 NLLT 1041Coetzee & Pater 2008 NLLT 1042Coetzee & Pater 2008 NLLT 1043Coetzee & Pater 2008 NLLT 1044

Temiar Gafos 1998a,LI/NLLT 1045Gordon 2005 NLLT 1046Gordon 2005 NLLT 1047Coetzee 2008 Lang 1048Odden 2006 Phono 1049

Boston English Orgun 2001 NLLT 1050McCarthy & Prince 1995 1051

Yip 1995 Kennard 2004 Phono 1052Namwanga, cf. PBickmore 2000 Phono 1053

io )(ˌma)(ˈtɔ)

-paː-pa.ʔid (2 violations)

universal ranking *Prom[universal ranking *Prom[

Kaun 1995 Beckman 1997 Phono 1054Chaha Rose 2000a Phono 1055

Rubach 2000b LI 1056McCarthy & Prince 1995 1057

Russian Rubach 2000a Phono 1058Rosenthall 1997b NLLT 1059Hall 2006 NLLT 1060Coetzee 2008 Lang 1061

Zubritskaya 199Rubach 2003 LI 1062Rubach 2003 LI 1063Rubach 2008 Phono 1064Coetzee 2008 Lang 1065Anttila et al. 2008 Phono 1066

a general constMcCarthy & Prince 1993b 1067Zoll 1996 Urbanczyk 2006 NLLT 1068

Coetzee 2008 Lang 1069Padgett 2003 NLLT 1070Padgett 2003 NLLT 1071

(pá.ran.ti) Anttila 2006 NLLT 1072comparative marAnttila 2006 NLLT 1073comparative marAnttila 2006 NLLT 1074

Hall 2006 NLLT 1075Russian Rubach 2000a Phono 1076

Coetzee & Pater 2008 NLLT 1077Coetzee & Pater 2008 NLLT 1078Coetzee & Pater 2008 NLLT 1079Coetzee & Pater 2008 NLLT 1080Coetzee & Pater 2008 NLLT 1081Coetzee 2008 Lang 1082Padgett 2003 NLLT 1083

Russian Rubach 2000a Phono 1084English binomiaBenor & Levy 2006 Lang 1085wnd=window; perRaffelsiefen 2004 Phono 1086

Orie & Pulleyblank2002 NLLT 1087Coetzee 2006 Phono 1088Bat-El 2002 Lang 1089McCarthy 2008c NLLT 1090McCarthy & Prince 1995 1091Burzio 2001 LI 1092McCarthy & Prince 1995 1093

ndigεstsjoːn

universal ranking *tʃʲ >> *tʃuniversal ranking *tʃʲ >> *tʃ

universal ranking *u » *io

McCarthy & Prince 1995 1094Wetzels & Mascaro 2001 Lang 1095Hale & Reiss 1998 LI 1096

Alderete 1997, Kawahara 2006 Lang 1097Nishimura 2003 Kawahara 2006 Lang 1098

McCarthy & Prince 1995 1099McCarthy 2008c NLLT 1100Hayes & Wilson 2008 LI 1101McCarthy & Prince 1995 1102Flack 2007 LI 1103

Dinka Flack 2007 LI 1104Rubach 2002 LI 1105Burzio 2001 LI 1106Burzio 2001 LI 1107

Pater 2006 Gouskova 2007b Phono 1108Rose and WalkerHansson 2007 LI 1109

McCarthy & Prince 1995 1110Boersma & Hayes 2001 LI 1111Coetzee 2006 Phono 1112Coetzee 2006 Phono 1113Bat-El 2002 Lang 1114Yu 2005 Phono 1115

nonmoraic finalHammond 1997 Lang 1116nonmoraic finalHammond 1997 Lang 1117nonmoraic finalHammond 1997 Lang 1118nonmoraic finalHammond 1997 Lang 1119nonmoraic finalHammond 1997 Lang 1120

Hammond 1997 Lang 1121Coetzee 2006 Phono 1122

Crosswhite 2000Coetzee 2006 Phono 1123Walker 2005 NLLT 1124Walker 2005 NLLT 1125Walker 2005 NLLT 1126Walker 2005 NLLT 1127Gafos 2003 Lang 1128Bat-El 2006 LI 1129

|(i'tʃin)('kaŋ)('min)|

o+en→taʔ.wenlak→taʔlak

Crosswhite 2000, 2001; part of universally fixed sonority hierarchy: *σ/a » *σ/{e,o,ε,ɔ} » *σ/{i,u} » *σ/{ɐ,ə}

universal ranking *σ/Son≥a » *σ/Son≥ε,ɔ » *σ/Son≥e,o » *σ/Son≥i,uuniversal ranking *σ/Son≥a » *σ/Son≥ε,ɔ » *σ/Son≥e,o » *σ/Son≥i,uuniversal ranking *σ/Son≥a » *σ/Son≥ε,ɔ » *σ/Son≥e,o » *σ/Son≥i,uuniversal ranking *σ/Son≥a » *σ/Son≥ε,ɔ » *σ/Son≥e,o » *σ/Son≥i,u

Lombardi 2002 Phono 1130Hayes 2000 Boersma & Hayes 2001 LI 1131Modern Hebrew Gafos 1998b NLLT 1132Modern Hebrew Gafos 1998b NLLT 1133 McCarthy & PriRosenthall 1997b NLLT 1134

Hall 2002 Phono 1135Hall 2002 Phono 1136

a member of PriMcCarthy & Prince 1993b 1137Rubach 2000b LI 1138

generalized temCrowhurst 2004 NLLT 1139Gouskova 2007 Phono 1140

Ulwa McCarthy & Prince 1993b 1141Lombardi 1999 NLLT 1142Alderete et al. 1999 LI 1143Mascaro 2007 LI 1144Mascaro 2007 LI 1145Flemming 2003 Phono 1146

constraint famiBaković 2005 Phono 1147Baković 2005 Phono 1148Baković 2005 Phono 1149Pearce 2006 Phono 1150Pearce 2006 Phono 1151Pearce 2006 Phono 1152

Middle English Golston 1998 NLLT 1153...[ta]ω [ta]ω… Golston 1995 Phono 1154

Rubach & Booij 2001 Lang 1155Kirchner calls Kirchner 1997 Phono 1156

Jensen 2000 Phono 1157English binomiaBenor & Levy 2006 Lang 1158

[tichá][vérénga] Myers 1997 NLLT 1159German et al. 2006 Lang 1160

general constraCôté 2004 Phono 1161general constraCôté 2004 Phono 1162general constraCôté 2004 Phono 1163

Côté 2004 Phono 1164Morén & Zsiga 2006 NLLT 1165Côté 2004 Phono 1166

English binomiaBenor & Levy 2006 Lang 1167English binomiaBenor & Levy 2006 Lang 1168Prince 1983, SeZoll 2003 LI 1169

μɪμn. cf. .faμɪμnμ.

RED+japetsoʔs→ja.pe.ja.pe.tsoʔs

ra[tɡ]eber

Duanmu 1997 NLLT 1170typically callePrince & Smolensky1993 1171universally outHammond 1997 Lang 1172

McCarthy 2008b Phono 1173Lardil Prince & Smolensky1993 1174

McCarthy 2008b Phono 1175Boston English Orgun 2001 NLLT 1176Arabic, Hebrew McCarthy & Prince 1993a 1177Axininca Campa McCarthy & Prince 1993b 1178Zoll 1996, ZhanZoll 2003 LI 1179Zoll 1996, ZhanZoll 2003 LI 1180Zoll 1996, ZhanZoll 2003 LI 1181Zoll 1996, ZhanZoll 2003 LI 1182Zoll 1996, ZhanZoll 2003 LI 1183

(ta.tá)(ta.tá) Kenstowicz 1995 Phono 1184cf. Yip 1998 ReBat-El 2006 LI 1185DA=designated aRubach 2007 LI 1186

Rubach & Booij 2001 Lang 1187Walker 2000a, 2Rose & Walker 2004 Lang 1188Rose & Walker 2Hansson 2007 LI 1189Rose & Walker 2Hansson 2007 LI 1190similarity-baseRose & Walker 2004 Lang 1191similarity-baseRose & Walker 2004 Lang 1192similarity-baseRose &Walker 2004 Lang 1193similarity-baseRose & Walker 2004 Lang 1194similarity-baseRose & Walker 2004 Lang 1195similarity-baseRose & Walker 2004 Lang 1196Rose & Walker 2Hansson 2007 LI 1197similarity-baseRose & Walker 2004 Lang 1198Rose & Walker 2Hansson 2007 LI 1199similarity-baseRose & Walker 2004 Lang 1200similarity-baseRose & Walker 2004 Lang 1201similarity-baseRose & Walker 2004 Lang 1202similarity-baseRose & Walker 2004 Lang 1203similarity-baseRose & Walker 2004 Lang 1204similarity-baseRose & Walker 2004 Lang 1205Rose & Walker 2Hansson 2007 LI 1206general constraRose & Walker 2004 Lang 1207

similarity-baseRose & Walker 2004 Lang 1208similarity-baseRose & Walker 2004 Lang 1209similarity-baseRose & Walker 2004 Lang 1210similarity-baseRose & Walker 2004 Lang 1211similarity-baseRose & Walker 2004 Lang 1212similarity-baseRose & Walker 2004 Lang 1213Ito & Mester 19Rubach 2002 LI 1214

Noske 1997 Phono 1215Ito & Mester 19Walker 2001b NLLT 1216Ito & Mester 19Walker 2001b NLLT 1217Ito & Mester 19Yu 2005 Phono 1218Ito and Mester Walker 2001b NLLT 1219a "constraint bAlderete 2001a Phono 1220

Noske 1997 Phono 1221Hayes 2000 Boersma & Hayes 2001 LI 1222

Féry & Samek-Lodov2006 Lang 1223Hayes & Londe 2006 Phono 1224Hayes & Londe 2006 Phono 1225Rubach 2002 LI 1226

RED+paga→pápaga Kennedy 2008b LI 1227Rubach 2005 Phono 1228

elsewhere = notKirchner 2000 Lang 1229['lumot]['tui]hin Hanson & Kiparsky 1996 Lang 1230['kaar]tuva Hanson & Kiparsky 1996 Lang 1231

McCarthy 2000b NLLT 1232Selkirk 1995 Parker 1999 Lang 1233

|('pa.ta)ka| McCarthy 2008c NLLT 1234prosodic constrMcCarthy 2008c NLLT 1235Namwanga Bickmore 2000 Phono 1236

McCarthy & Prince 1993b 1237Ito and Mester Orgun 2001 NLLT 1238

(ta.ta)(ta.tat) Parker 1999 Lang 1239Bat-El 2005 Phono 1240

Prieto-Vives 19Myers & Hansen 2007 NLLT 1241ba.dué.bi.rì Hyde 2007a LI 1242

Jensen 2000 Phono 1243German et al. 2006 Lang 1244

Truckenbrodt 19Zec 2005 Phono 1245

general constraint family, Ito and Mester

[+bk]ç[-bk]ən

[with a purple Chevro'let]

glykoːz-nεk

{(sun)}(ʔia) where parentheses delimit feet and braces mark PrWd's

[play their game [inF t]F]FOC

(ta.tá.ta) Prince & Smolensky1993 1246ta.(ta.ta) Crowhurst & Michae2005 Lang 1247

Crowhurst 1996 Phono 1248Kennedy 2008b LI 1249Crowhurst 1996 Phono 1250Zec 1999 Phono 1251

(tá.ta)(ta.ta) Crowhurst 1996 Phono 1252Lardil Prince & Smolensky1993 1253Seereer-Siin McLaughlin 2000 Phono 1254Piro Lin 1997 Phono 1255Italian D'Imperio & Rosent1999 Phono 1256

McCarthy & Prince 1993b 1257Crowhurst & Michae2005 Lang 1258

Leti Hume et al. 1997 Phono 1259Rubach & Booij 2001 Lang 1260

Avanesov 1968 Rubach 2003 LI 1261part of constraRubach 2007 LI 1262Avanesov 1968 Rubach 2003 LI 1263part of constraRubach 2007 LI 1264part of constraRubach 2007 LI 1265

Rubach & Booij 2001 Lang 1266Harms 1973 Lombardi 1999 NLLT 1267Ito & Mester 19Padgett 2002 Lang 1268Padgett 2002 Parker 2001 Phono 1269

Gordon 2004 LI 1270Yip 2002b Pearce 2006 Phono 1271Selkirk 1995 Parker 1999 Lang 1272Selkirk 1995 Alderete 2001b NLLT 1273finer-grained vHyde 2007a LI 1274

(ta.ta)(ta.tá) Crowhurst 1996 Phono 1275English binomiaBenor & Levy 2006 Lang 1276

Archangeli & Pulle2002 Phono 1277Archangeli & Pulle2002 Phono 1278Archangeli & Pulle2002 Phono 1279

Casali 1995 Casali 1997 Lang 1280Zec 1999 Phono 1281Duanmu 1997 NLLT 1282

general constraCoetzee & Pater 2008 NLLT 1283rwa.rwa.ŋan Coetzee 2006 Phono 1284

Kenstowicz 1995 Phono 1285

eʃ cf. piʃeʃ

μʔμwiμnlaμhtheμ

ɪ-[[sεːsa]Rt]St]MSt]Wd

-[[lɪban]Rt iːr-a]St]Wd

-[[lɪban]Rt iːr-a]St]Wd

Kenstowicz 1995 Phono 1286Kinande Downing 2000 Phono 1287

(σ'σ)(σ'σ) Hyde 2007a LI 1288(σ'σσ)('σσ)('σσ) Hyde 2002 Phono 1289

Middle English Golston 1998 NLLT 1290Noske 2000 NLLT 1291Golston 1998 NLLT 1292

stressed syllable=250 Hz Kirchner 1997 Phono 1293Green & KenstowKenstowicz 1995 Phono 1294

Golston 1998 NLLT 1295Zoll 2003 LI 1296

Selkirk 1995 Alderete 2001b NLLT 1297Kirchner 2000 Lang 1298

violations asseKirchner 1997 Phono 1299Leti Hume et al. 1997 Phono 1300

Kennedy 2008b LI 1301Walker 2005 NLLT 1302

Zoll 1996, geneWalker 2005 NLLT 1303kami, where m is linked tIto et al. 1995 LI 1304

Watson 2007 Phono 1305a family of feaIto et al. 1995 LI 1306

Walker 2001b NLLT 1307 Rosenthall 199McCarthy 2000b NLLT 1308Hungarian Ringen & Vago 1998 Phono 1309

Archangeli & Pulle2002 Phono 1310Hungarian Ringen & Vago 1998 Phono 1311

Hayes & Londe 2006 Phono 1312Hayes & Londe 2006 Phono 1313Hayes & Londe 2006 Phono 1314Hayes & Londe 2006 Phono 1315Hayes & Londe 2006 Phono 1316Hayes & Londe 2006 Phono 1317

Riggle 2004 Yu 2005 Phono 1318.a.qua. (with no metricalPrince & Smolensky1993 1319

Zec 1999 Phono 1320Hyde 2007b Phono 1321Hyde 2007b Phono 1322Hyde 2007b Phono 1323

(σ)('σσ)('σσ) cf. ('σ)('σHyde 2002 Phono 1324cover constrainGafos 1998 LI/NLLT 1325

a-[ma-hεːmbε]Wd with [+ATR] floating

deːl-nɔkoføːr-nɔk

iveːl-nɔk

[(luu)dost]M2

Kinande Downing 2000 Phono 1326Downing 1998 Odden 2006 Phono 1327

br<eakfast•l>unch=brunch Bat-El 1996 Phono 1328Borowsky & Harvey 1997 Phono 1329

specific to hypCabré & Kenstowicz1995 LI 1330Nevins 2005 LI 1331

(más)(tá.ba) Crowhurst 1996 Phono 1332Broselow et al. 1997 Phono 1333Fitzgerald 2002 Phono 1334

s-RED-ikuk→sik-sikuk, cf.McCarthy & Prince 1995 1335barix-u-ka→barixuxa cf. bRose 2000b LI 1336

Prince & Smolensky1993 1337McCarthy & Prince 1993b 1338Zec 1999 Phono 1339German et al. 2006 Lang 1340

Seereer-Siin McLaughlin 2000 Phono 1341Seereer-Siin McLaughlin 2000 Phono 1342Seereer-Siin McLaughlin 2000 Phono 1343

Rubach 2008 Phono 1344Terena Piggott 1997 Phono 1345

Ito et al. 1995 LI 1346Piggott 2003 Phono 1347

a type of anti-Hyde 2007a LI 1348a type of anti-Hyde 2007a LI 1349a type of anti-Hyde 2007a LI 1350

Baković 2005 Phono 1351Orgun 1995 Kirchner 1996 LI 1352

Baković 2007 Phono 1353Hall 2002 Phono 1354

lu-e→lu.we Hall 2006 NLLT 1355Broselow et al. 1997 Phono 1356

pat-.pa.ta.ka Gouskova 2007b Phono 1357Rose 2000b LI 1358Golston 1996 Lang 1359Golston 1996 Lang 1360Golston 1996 Lang 1361Golston 1996 Lang 1362

Yip 2002b Pearce 2006 Phono 1363Yip 2002b Pearce 2006 Phono 1364Yip 2002b Pearce 2006 Phono 1365

]σ cf. aμtμ]σ

(mu-msi)ɡo

{ŋgu, yaɽa}→Ø[broda]MW→[broda] with no footing

Golston 1996 Lang 1366Golston 1996 Lang 1367Golston 1996 Lang 1368

Ito 1986, RosenCasali/Rosenthall 1997/1Lang/LI 1369Rosenthall 1997b NLLT 1370Golston 1996 Lang 1371

final consonants may not be linked to a mora directly associated with the word Watson 2007 Phono 1372(ta.ta)(ta.ta) Crowhurst & Michae2005 Lang 1373(ta.ta)(ta.tá) Crowhurst & Michae2005 Lang 1374

McCarthy & PrinCardinaletti & Rep2008 LI 1375Cardinaletti & Rep2008 LI 1376Cardinaletti & Rep2008 LI 1377Cardinaletti & Rep2008 LI 1378Cardinaletti & Rep2008 LI 1379Cardinaletti & Rep2008 LI 1380Golston 1996 Lang 1381Ito et al. 1995 LI 1382Ito et al. 1995 LI 1383Rose 2000b LI 1384Golston 1996 Lang 1385Golston 1996 Lang 1386Golston 1996 Lang 1387Golston 1996 Lang 1388Ito et al. 1995 LI 1389

Goldsmith 1976,Zoll 2003 LI 1390Golston 1996 Lang 1391Baković 2007 Phono 1392Baković 2007 Phono 1393Myers 1997 NLLT 1394

McCarthy & PrinRosenthall/Borowsk1997b/NLLT/Pho 1395

Gouskova 2007b Phono 1396Hammond 1997 Lang 1397

idiot→i.di.jot Rubach 2000b LI 1398

i, where [voice] is linked to m and ɡ but not to a

(náa)(náa)(toʔs)

ka-bukir-an Golston 1996 Lang 1399Golston 1996 Lang 1400

šinde, where n and d are Ito et al. 1995 LI 1401a type of anti-Hyde 2007b Phono 1402Kager 1995; a tHyde 2007b Phono 1403a type of anti-Hyde 2007b Phono 1404a type of anti-Hyde 2007b Phono 1405adapted from PrHyde 2007b Phono 1406a type of anti-Hyde 2007b Phono 1407Italian D'Imperio & Rosent1999 Phono 1408Cassimjee & KisBickmore 2000 Phono 1409

Prince & Smolensky1993/1993b 1410McCarthy 2008c NLLT 1411

(x)( . . x) Golston 1998 NLLT 1412Namwanga Bickmore 2000 Phono 1413may be part of Hammond 1997 Lang 1414

Truckenbrodt 1999 LI 1415Selkirk 1995 Parker 1999 Lang 1416

Golston 1996 Lang 1417bebek+n→bebekn Baković 2007 Phono 1418

Baković 2007 Phono 1419Baković 2007 Phono 1420Baković 2007 Phono 1421Golston 1996 Lang 1422Golston 1996 Lang 1423Golston 1996 Lang 1424Broselow et al. 1997 Phono 1425Golston 1996 Lang 1426Golston 1996 Lang 1427

Orgun 1995 Kirchner 1996 LI 1428bebek+n→bebekin Baković 2007 Phono 1429

McCarthy 2008b Phono 1430Ito et al. 1995 LI 1431Baković 2007 Phono 1432Golston 1996 Lang 1433Golston 1996 Lang 1434

McCarthy 1993b Kirchner 1996 LI 1435Baković 2007 Phono 1436

|(i'tʃi)(na'ka)(ŋu'mi)('na)|

XP2 XP3]XP1→((X1 XP2)P XP

i, where a and ɡ are both linked to [voice]

Prince & Smolensky1993 1437Prince & Smolensky1993 1438

part of the sonOrgun 2001 NLLT 1439part of the sonOrgun 2001 NLLT 1440part of the sonOrgun 2001 NLLT 1441Leben 1973 Golston/Myers & Ca1996 Lang/Pho 1442claimed to replMyers & Carleton 1996 Phono 1443

McCarthy & Prince 1995 1444Kawahara 2006 Lang 1445Walker 2001b NLLT 1446Padgett 2002 Lang 1447

Piro Lin 1997 Phono 1448(mán.si).(kìs.sa) Anttila 2002 NLLT 1449

Anttila 2002 NLLT 1450Anttila 2002 NLLT 1451Anttila 2002 NLLT 1452Anttila 2002 NLLT 1453Anttila 2002 NLLT 1454Rose 2000b LI 1455

Pater & CoetzeeAnttila 2008 NLLT 1456Pater & CoetzeeAnttila 2008 NLLT 1457Pater & CoetzeeAnttila 2008 NLLT 1458Pater & CoetzeeAnttila 2008 NLLT 1459Coetzee & PaterAnttila/Coetzee & 2008 NLLT 1460Coetzee & PaterAnttila 2008 NLLT 1461Coetzee & PaterAnttila 2008 NLLT 1462Coetzee & PaterAnttila/Coetzee & 2008 NLLT 1463Coetzee & PaterAnttila 2008 NLLT 1464Coetzee & PaterAnttila 2008 NLLT 1465Coetzee & PaterAnttila 2008 NLLT 1466Coetzee & PaterAnttila 2008 NLLT 1467Piro Lin 1997 Phono 1468Coetzee & PaterAnttila/Coetzee & 2008 NLLT 1469Coetzee & PaterAnttila 2008 NLLT 1470Coetzee & PaterAnttila 2008 NLLT 1471Coetzee & PaterAnttila 2008 NLLT 1472Coetzee & PaterAnttila 2008 NLLT 1473McCarthy 1988 Coetzee & Pater 2008 NLLT 1474

Ussishkin 1999 Phono 1475

-[t]Cor[eː]Cor

[labial]p[labial]

universal ranking: OCP/V[hi]universal ranking OCP/V[hi]universal ranking: OCP/V[rd]universal ranking: OCP/V[rd]

McCarthy 1988, Frisch et al. 2004 NLLT 1476Mascaro 2007 LI 1477

Piro Lin 1997 Phono 1478Tagalog Orgun & Sprouse 1999 Phono 1479Namwanga Bickmore 2000 Phono 1480

u.la.lam.poy Prince & Smolensky1993/1993b 1481Kirchner 2000 Lang 1482

McCarthy 1993a,Orgun 2001 NLLT 1483English binomiaBenor & Levy 2006 Lang 1484

Rubach 2005 Phono 1485McCarthy & Prince 1995 1486

Russian Rubach 2000a Phono 1487Russian Rubach 2000a Phono 1488

Rubach 2000b LI 1489Rubach 2000a Rubach 2003 LI 1490Unified FeatureRubach 2007 LI 1491Rubach 2000a Rubach 2003 LI 1492Unified FeatureRubach 2007 LI 1493Rubach 2000a Rubach 2003 LI 1494

Hall 2002 Phono 1495pa(trici)a returns 2 violPrince & Smolensky1993/1993b 1496

Hammond 1997 Lang 1497cf. WSP Prince & Smolensky1993 1498Chamorro Crosswhite 1998 Phono 1499

Kenstowicz 1995 Phono 1500Middle English Golston 1998 NLLT 1501

Zec 2005 Phono 1502cf. M-Parse Prince & Smolensky1993 1503as opposed to bKirchner 1997 Phono 1504

Lombardi 2002 Phono 1505ti-[thandize=RED,H→-[thanDowning 2003 Phono 1506

Yaka Hyman 1998 Phono 1507Vht=0 is the loKirchner 1997 Phono 1508Vht=0 is the loKirchner 1997 Phono 1509Vht=0 is the loKirchner 1997 Phono 1510Peak/Margin HiePrince & Smolensky1993 1511Peak/Margin HiePrince & Smolensky1993 1512Peak/Margin HiePrince & Smolensky1993 1513

Rubach 2003 LI 1514Rubach 2005 Phono 1515

universally outranks Coda/

Rubach 2007 LI 1516McCarthy & Prince 1995 1517Hammond 1997 Lang 1518

Hayes 2000 Boersma & Hayes 2001 LI 1519Hayes 2000 Boersma & Hayes 2001 LI 1520Finnish Ringen & Heinämäki1999 NLLT 1521

Golston 1998 NLLT 1522Gordon 2005 NLLT 1523Gordon 2005 NLLT 1524Gordon 2005 NLLT 1525Gordon 2005 NLLT 1526Ussishkin 2005 NLLT 1527

Piro Lin 1997 Phono 1528Ito 1986 Myers 1997 NLLT 1529

ndi-y-o-ma[ma Downing 1998 NLLT 1530Myers & Carleton 1996 Phono 1531Orie & Pulleyblank2002 NLLT 1532Crowhurst 1996 Phono 1533Rose & Walker 2004 Lang 1534

alternate wordiBat-El 2005 Phono 1535Hargus & Beavert 2006 Phono 1536McCarthy 2000b NLLT 1537McCarthy & Prince 1993b 1538Anttila et al. 2008 Phono 1539Anttila et al. 2008 Phono 1540Zec 2005 Phono 1541

Everett 1995 Downing 1998 NLLT 1542Hammond 1997 Lang 1543McCarthy & Prince 1993b 1544

s-RED-ikuk→s-i.k-ikuk McCarthy & Prince 1995 1545Kirchner 1996 LI 1546Morén & Zsiga 2006 NLLT 1547

Kinande Downing 2000 Phono 1548Kinande Downing 2000 Phono 1549

McCarthy & Prince 1993b 1550McCarthy & PrinGouskova 2007 Phono 1551

universal ranking Prom[[Xuniversal ranking: Prom [[X[-voice]X]Rime]σ » Prom [[X[+voice]X]Rime]σ

on+e+RED→{one}PS{(one)Ft}PS

ba]PW[(.ɡbo.mo)]PW

ad)(wi.ya)(tu.hu)(maa), where there is no stress

{(sun)}{(ʔia)} where parentheses delimit feet and braces mark PrWd'siŋkomaRoot-ako-i→[iŋkoma]PrWd

š]PW cf. [nȁše]PW

asi-asi, cf. asi-si satisfies this constraint

imɡ–imɡan

McCarthy & Prince 1993b 1552[a] is longer tKirchner 1996 LI 1553Kiparsky 2003 Watson 2007 Phono 1554

Kirchner 1997 Phono 1555Zuraw 2002 Phono 1556

Diyari Ussishkin 2005 NLLT 1557Leti Hume et al. 1997 Phono 1558Tuttle 1992 Hargus & Tuttle 1997 Phono 1559

Prince & Smolensky1993 1560Prince & Smolensky1993 1561Prince & Smolensky1993 1562Bat-El 2002 Lang 1563McCarthy 1999 Phono 1564

Piro Lin 1997 Phono 1565Davis 1995 McCarthy 1997 LI 1566Davis 1995 McCarthy 1997 LI 1567

McCarthy & Prince 1993b 1568Finnish Ringen & Heinämäki1999 NLLT 1569

Ito & Mester 19Alderete et al. 1999 LI 1570Terena Piggott 1997 Phono 1571

Zec 1999 Phono 1572Vennemann 1988,Raffelsiefen 2004 Phono 1573Hungarian Ringen & Vago 1998 Phono 1574

Rubach 2007 LI 1575Rubach 2007 LI 1576

Raffelsiefen 19Hall 2002 Phono 1577Sonority HierarLombardi 2002 Phono 1578

Ito et al. 1995 LI 1579English binomiaBenor & Levy 2006 Lang 1580English binomiaBenor & Levy 2006 Lang 1581Finnish Ringen & Heinämäki1999 NLLT 1582

Rosenthall 1994Rosenthall 1997a LI 1583Bat-El 1996 Phono 1584

Kaun 1995 Ringen & Vago 1998 Phono 1585Yip 2002b Pearce 2006 Phono 1586Hungarian Ringen & Vago 1998 Phono 1587

trata cf. [tra]α[ta]α

/bok'mi/ → bok'mu

me)(seec)

Italian Walker 2005 NLLT 1588Padgett 2002 Lang 1589Walker 2001b NLLT 1590Walker 2001b NLLT 1591Golston 1996 Lang 1592Golston 1996 Lang 1593Golston 1996 Lang 1594

Crowhurst 1994:Myers & Carleton 1996 Phono 1595(ca.pi)(tal) Bat-El 1996 Phono 1596

generalized temCrowhurst 2004 NLLT 1597Tiene; part of Orgun & Sprouse 1999 Phono 1598Tiene; part of Orgun & Sprouse 1999 Phono 1599Tiene; part of Orgun & Sprouse 1999 Phono 1600Tiene Orgun & Sprouse 1999 Phono 1601general constraCôté 2004 Phono 1602

Côté 2004 Phono 1603Samek-Lodovici 2005 NLLT 1604

a weaker versioSamek-Lodovici 2005 NLLT 1605Féry & Samek-Lodov2006 Lang 1606Féry & Samek-Lodov2006 Lang 1607

Alderete 1999b Yu 2000 Phono 1608Cupeno Alderete 2001b NLLT 1609

every syllable (includingKirchner 1997 Phono 1610RED+paga→pápaga Kennedy 2008b LI 1611

Prince 1990 Yu 2005 Phono 1612Truckenbrodt 19Samek-Lodovici 2005 NLLT 1613

Samek-Lodovici 2005 NLLT 1614Nespor & Vogel Rubach 2000b LI 1615

Rubach 2003 LI 1616Bat-El 2006 LI 1617Bat-El 2006 LI 1618Gouskova 2007b Phono 1619

combines No-CodMcCarthy 2000b NLLT 1620Broselow et al. 1997 Phono 1621

Clements 1990 Bat-El 1996 Phono 1622Kenstowicz & Banks1999 LI 1623

Chinese Zhang 2000 Phono 1624McCarthy 1979, Gafos 2003 Lang 1625

-[teː]Cor cf. [ti-teː]Cor

John has [written a letter]

kivkev→[{k1iv2k3}ev2copy]kivkev→[{k1iv2k3}ev2copy](já.ja)(pé.tsoʔs)

CCiVGiVC (G=geminate)

Kenstowicz 1995 Phono 1626Prince 1990 Zec 1999 Phono 1627Yaka Hyman 1998 Phono 1628Fitzgerald 1997Yu 2000 Phono 1629Kaun 1995 Walker 2001b NLLT 1630

breakf<ast•f>ast=breakfasBat-El 1996 Phono 1631Seereer-Siin McLaughlin 2000 Phono 1632

Rubach 2008 Phono 1633Rubach 2000b LI 1634

English binomiaBenor & Levy 2006 Lang 1635English binomiaBenor & Levy 2006 Lang 1636gradient constrKochetov & Pouplie2008 Phono 1637Middle English Golston 1998 NLLT 1638

pataka→pa.ta.ka (not |('pMcCarthy 2008c NLLT 1639inserted in PreKochetov & So 2007 Phono 1640Piro, replaces Lin 1997 Phono 1641English binomiaBenor & Levy 2006 Lang 1642

Gordon 2004 LI 1643Gordon 2004 LI 1644

cf. Pk-Prom Prince & Smolensky1993/1993b 1645as opposed to bKirchner 1997 Phono 1646

Truckenbrodt 1999 LI 1647McGarrity 2003 Topintzi 2008 NLLT 1648 McCarthy 1995 Rosenthall & van d1999 NLLT 1649Piro Lin 1997 Phono 1650Piro Lin 1997 Phono 1651

Bat-El 1996 Phono 1652Borowsky & Harvey 1997 Phono 1653

Chamorro Crosswhite 1998 Phono 1654Leti Hume et al. 1997 Phono 1655Escudero & BoerBoersma & Hamann 2008 Phono 1656cue constraintsBoersma & Hamann 2008 Phono 1657

McCarthy 1999 Phono 1658McCarthy 1999 Phono 1659

Łubowicz 2003 Barrie 2006 LI 1660Łubowicz 2003 Barrie 2006 LI 1661Łubowicz 2003 Barrie 2006 LI 1662universal fixedPadgett 2003 NLLT 1663

ndéːμμxəμ

XP2 XP3]XP1→(X1 XP2)P(XP3)

sympathy theory, fixed universal ranking: {CumulF » {DiffF

sympathy theory, fixed universal ranking: {CumulF » {DiffF

universal fixedPadgett 2003 NLLT 1664universal fixedPadgett 2003 NLLT 1665Zuraw 2000 Hayes & Londe 2006 Phono 1666