A DIALECT-GEOGRAPHICAL STJRVEY

0£' TI-IE

PHONOLOGY OF ·:rHE NORTHERN SOTHO AREA

by

POTHINUS CARL MOKGOKONG Hons.B.A~, U.E.D. (S.A.)

11 Submitted to satisfy the requirements for the degree

Magister Artium

In the Department of Bantu Languages

University of South Africa

Date submitted: August, 1966

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

I wish to express, as I hereby do, my debt of

gratitude to the National Council for Social Researeh,

Department of Education, Arts and Science, Pretoria,

who assisted me through the medium of an ad hoc grant

to conduct my field research.

* * * *

C O N T E N T S

Paragraph

CHAPTER I

THE SCOPE AND METHOD OF RESEARCH 1.0.00 - l.l.09

Geographical Location ••••••.•• l.0.00 ~Classification •••.•••.••••••.• 1.0.01 - 1.0.06 , Dr N. J. Ven Warmelo 's Classi-

fication ••••••••.•.•••••.•• 1.0.02 - Prof. C .M. Doke' s Clnssifica-

tion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.0.03 '-Prof. j\fr:i.lcolm Guthrie's

Classification •••••••.••••• ~The Provisional Cl2ssification

of the Department of Bantu Languages, University of South Africa •••••••••••••••

Aim and Method of Approach •••• Semantic Differences •••••••••• Tonal Differences ••••..•••••••

\-Method of 1..nalysis •••.••••..•• Phonetic Representation •••••••

, Orthogra,phy •..................

CHAPTER II

THE HISTORY OF TRIBES SPEJu{ING THE DIALECTS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Introductory Remarks ••.••••.•• The Pedi (Bapedi) •.•••••.••••• The Tau (Batau) ••••••••.•.•••• The Roka (Baroka) •••••••.••••• The Kgaga ( B::ikga~a) ••••••••••• The Kone (Bakone) ••••••••••••• The Kopa (BRkopa) •••.•••.••••• The Tlokwa (Batlokwa) ••••••••• The Honanwa (B8.hananwa) •·••··• The Moloto/Moletsi (B~ ·Ga

~1oloto) .................. · .. . ~-- The Birwa .................... . - The Lobedu (Balobedu) ••••••••• · The Phal?,borwa (BBphalaborwa) •

The Nareng (Banarent) ••••••••• 'The Thablne (Bathabine) •••••.•• Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

CHAPTER III

1.0.05

1.0.06 1.1.00 - 1.1.09 1.1.01 1.1.02 1.1.04 1.1.06 1.1.09

2.0.00 - 2.1.49

2.0.00 - 2.0.04 2.1.00 - 2.1.05 2.1.06 - 2.1.os 2.1.09 - 2.1.11 2.1.12 - 2.1.16 2.1.17 - 2.1.22 2.1.23 - 2.1.26 2.1.27 - 2.1.32 2.1.33 - 2.1.36

2.1.37 2.1.38 - 2.1.39 2.1.40 - 2.1.43 2.1.44 - 2.1.45 2.1.46 2.1.48 2.1.49

DIALECT AND Lli.NGULGE ••..••...•••• 3.0.00 - 3.3.02 -

Definition ...................• Dialect Geography •••.•••••••••• The Dialects first used in

writing and those used Today. The Dialects to be Studied •••••

- iii -

3.0.00 - 3.0.10 3.1.00 - 3.1.01

3.2.00 - 3.2.02 3.3.00 - 3.3.02

CHAPTER IV

·· THE VOWELS OF NORTHEBJ"\J" SOTHO .......

CHAPTER V

Phonetic and Phonemic Classifi-cation .................. o •••

Alternation of ·vowel Phonemes /e/ and /E/, and /o/ and /o/

Incidence of Rising Tone .••••• Incidence of Vowel R8ising •.•• Conclusion •••••••••..•.•..••.•

4.0.00 - 4.0.01

4.0.02 - 4.0.03 4.1.00 - 4.1.04 4.2.00 - 4.2.06 4.2.07

THE CONSONANTS OF PEDI •••.•••.•••••• 5.0.00 - 5.2.00

Bantu Plosives •••••••••••....• Bantu Fricatives ••••••......•• Bantu NF.1.sals •••••.•••.••..•.•• Original Nasal Compounds •••.•• Nasal Compounds with ni- •••.. Bantu Palatals •••.•..••.•••••• Nasal Compounds •••.•.•..•••.•• The Influence of i and u •••••• The Influence of close vowels

i and U .•..................• The Influence of li ••.•••••••• Primary Consonants Before "open"

5.0.01 5.0.02 5.0.03 5.0.04 5.0.05 - 5.0.15 5.0.16 5.0.17 - 5.0.19 5.1.00

5.1.01 5.1.02 - 5.1.03

Semivowels ••••.•••...•..•.•• 5.1.04 Primary Consonants Before "close"

Semivowels •••••• ·......•..•.• 5.1.05 Nasal Compounds before Semi-

vowels .....................• Nasals Before Semivowels •••••• Conclusion ................... .

CHAPTER VI

NORTHERN SOTHO CONSONihl\JTS - COMPA-RISON . •... " •..••................••••

Introduction ••••••••••••••.••• The Semi vowels ••••.....•....•• The Nasal Consonants •••.••..•• The Ejected Explosives ••••.••• The Aspirated Explosives •••••• The Fricative Consonants .••••• The Lateral Consonants •••••••• The Rolled Consonant •••••••.•• The Affricative Consonants •••• Phonological Changes .•••.••..• Assimilation ••.•.•.....••••••• Velarization •.••...•..••...••• Palatalization •••.•.••••••••.• Nasalization ••••••.•.•.••••••• Conclusion ...........•........

- iv -

5.1.06 5.1.07 5.2.00

6.0.00 - 6.1.07

6.0.00 6.0.01 - 6.0.04 6.0.05 - 6.0.17 6.0.18 - 6.0.22 6.0.23 - 6.0.28 6.0.29 - 6.0.57 6.0.58 - 6.0.60 6.0.61 - 6.0.62 6.0.63 - 6.0.75 6.1.00 - 6.1.07 6.1.01 6.1.02 6.1.03 - 6.1.04 6.1.05 - 6.l.06 6.1.07

CHAPTER VII

CONCLUSION l~ND CLii.SSIFIC/~TION .... Geographical Location as a

Limiting Factor ••••••••••••• Linguistic Features as Deter­

minants of the Spread of Dialects ................... .

Classification •••••.•••.•..•.• Distinctive Features of the

Pedi-like Cluster ••••••.•.•• Distinctive Features of the

Tlokwa-Like Cluster ••.•••••• Distinctive Features of the

Lobedu-like Cluster ••••••••• Distinctive Features of the

7.0.00 - 7.2.04

7.0.00 - 7.0.12

7.0.13 - 7.0.15 7.1.00 - 7.1.07

7.1.02

7.1.03

7.1.04

Kopa-like Cluster ••..••.••••• 7.1.05 Kutswe-Pulana as a Fifth Cluster 7.1.06 Pai as a Sixth Cluster •••••••• 7.1.07 A Comment on Northern Sotho

Practical Orthography ••••••• 7.2.00 - 7.2.08 Practical Orthography: Suggested

Symbolization of some Digraphs and Trigraphs ••••••.••..••.• 7.2.04

Conclusion ......... ., ... o •••••• 7.2.05

1\PPENDIX •••.••............ ., ............. . page 136

T.t~BLES OF CONSONANTS page 136

DIALECT-GEOGRAPHICAL MAPS •••.•.••.••••.• ps.ge 139

LITERATURE CITED ••••••••.•••••••.•••••• page 151

***************

- V -

FOREWORD

Space does not permit the naming of all the

people who, over the past five years of investigation

and preparation of this work, have been of assistance to

me, but their help is gratefully acknowledged. Special

mention must, however, be made of the following indivi­

duals and informants:

1. Prof. Dr D. Ziervogel, my supervisor, whose advice,

encouragement and paternal interest acted as a con­

stant incentive. His guidance throughout the prepa­

ration of this dissertation was invaluable.

2. Dr J.A. Louw and Dr J.A. Ferreira, Senior Lecturers

in the Department of Bantu Languages, University of

South Africa, from discussions with whom I gleaned

valuable information regarding General Linguistics,

Phonology and methods of analysis.

3. Mr E.J.M. Baumbach, M.A. (Potch), Lecturer in the

Department of Bantu Languages, University of South

Africa, for the many illuminating discussions I had

with him about comparative Bantu Linguistics.

4. Mr A.T. Malepe, Hons. B.A. (S.A.) and Mr R.S. Dau

B.A. (S.A.) for checking my comparative references

to Tswana and Venda.

5. Mr J.M. Lenake, Hons. B.A. (S.A.) for proofreading

the dissertation.

6. Mrs J.M.A. Horak and Miss P.\J. Rontgen for their

assistance in typing an intricate manuscript so

splendidly.

- vi -

7. I am also grateful to the following people who acted

as my principal informants:

Jnformant Dialect Represented

Chief Brown Makhusane Phalaborwa

Chief Samson Moyahabo Tauyatswala Birwa

Mr Boleu Matsepe ( son of Chief Ma tsepe) Kopa

Mr R. Motsinoni Lobedu

Mr R.M. ~foagi (late) Khaga

Mr H.P. Maredi Pedi

Mr M.M. Makgaleng

Mr J. Rasebotsa

Mr C.M. Ramusi

Mr A.P. Thebethe

Mr A. Manoko

Mr C .K. Nchabeleng

Tau, Pedi

Lobedu, Khaga

Tlokwa

Ndebele-Sotho

Hananwa

Tau, Pedi

8. Finally, I must express my profound gratitude to all

the Northern Sotho students of the University of South

Africa who, from time to time, checked my examples and

greatly facilitated my task.

* * * * * * *

- vii -

CHAPTER I

THE SCOPE AND METHOD OF RESEARCH

GEOGRAPHICAL LOCATION AND CLASSIFICATION

1.0.00 Northern Sotho, which is a member of the Sotho

group of the South-eastern z-one of Bantu langua~es, 1 ) is

spoken by approximately one million people. 2 ) The boun­

dary of the Northern Sotho area is an imaginary line

drawn through Springs, Middelburg, Groblersdal, Lydenburg,

Sabie, and from there, north of the Sabie River to

Bushbuckridge as far as Klaserie and the Olifants River;

thence northwards as far as the Tsonga area, and then

westwards as far as Louis Trichardt, and again northwards

as far as Messina; then westwards to the border of

Bechuanaland, and thence southwards through Potgietersrus

district, Warmbad to Pretoria.

1.0.01 Northern Sotho is divided into dialect clusters,

i.e. a number of similar dialects bearing such resemblance

to one another that they may be unified to form one

langu.age. 3) Pr~f. Doke4) defines a language cluster as

"an aggregation of dialects whi~h contri­bute to, or use, a common literary form."

According to Prof. Doke, therefore, Northern Sotho,

Southern Sotho and Tswana are regarded as dialect clusters

of the Sotho group. This classification does not take

into consideration the closer affinities of, say, the

dialects around Sekhukhuneland, and the marked differences

1. Doke, C.M.: The Southern Bantu Languages, p. 23. 2. The 1960 census gives a total of 971,427 Northern

Sotho speaking people within the Republic of South Africa.

3. The terms 'dialect' and 'language' are discussed in Chapter III.

4. Doke, C.M.: op. cit., p. 21. - 1 -

- 2 -

that exist between these dialects and those around

Pietersburg or Letaba district .. It is convenient to

refer to each of these aggregations of dialects as

"clusters" since the term suggests a closer unity, and

to refer to Northern Sotho, Southern Sotho and Tswana as

subgroups of the Sothogroup. Since there are no dialect

clusters in Southern Sotho, however, the terms 11 cluster"

and "subgroup" in Southern Sotho are synonymous.

1.0.02 To the present only two classifications of

Northern Sotho dialects have been made, viz. one by

Dr. N.J. Van Warmelo and the other by Prof. C.M. Doke.

Dr. Van Warmelo 5 ) gives the following purely geographical

classification which, although inadequate for our purpose,

yet serves as a useful starting point:

(a) Central Sotho, which includes Pedi, Tau, Kone,

Roka, Kopa.

(b) Eastern Sotho, which includes Kutswe, Pai and

Pulana.

(c) North-Eastern Sotho, which includes Phalaborwa,

Lobedu, Mamabolo, Letswalo, Mametsa, Mahlo,

Kgaga.

(d) Northern Sotho, which includes Mphahlele, Tshwene,

1.0.03

Mathabatha, Maja, Mothapo, Natlala, Molepo,

Tlokwa, Dikgale, Moletsi, Hananwa.

Prof. Doke, 6 ) however, classifies what he

terms the Northern Sotho cluster as follows:

Pedi, Kone, Tau (Masemola), Kgaga, Kwena, Gananwa, Tlokwa, Ndebele-Sotho.

5. Van Warmelo, N.J.: A Preliminary Survey of the Bantu Tribes of South Africa, pp. 108-115.

6. Doke, C.M.: The Southern Bantu Languages, p. 24.

- 3 -

To these dialects he adds (1) Lobedu, (2) Phalaborwa,

and (3) Pai, Kutswe and Pulana, which, he says, differ

considerably from Northern Sotho.

1.0.04 Apart from the fact that Prof. Doke does not

indicate the criteria on which his classification is

based, the above classification does not account for

several other dialects which fall within the Northern

Sotho speaking area.

No attempt has been made by Prof. Malcolm

Guthrie to subdivide languages into dialect clusters or

dialects. In accordance with his 'Practical Method',

individual languages displaying similar characteristics

are classified into groups, and the groups are further

classified into zones. He defines a zone as

l.0.06

11 primarily a set of groups which have a certain geographical contiguity and which display a number7?f common linguistic fea­tures as well."

The provisional classification of the Northern

Sotho subgroup into dialect clusters by the Department of

Bantu Languages, University of South Africa, 8 ) is as follows:

(a) The Central Sotho Dialect Cluster, from whose dialects

the written Northern Sotho language has developed,

e.g. Pedi, Tau (Masemola), Kone, Mphahlele, are the

most important i.e. the dialects of Sekhukhune-

land and adjacent parts.

------------------------7. Guthrie, Malcolm: The Classification of the Bantu

languages, p. 28. 8. Ziervogel, D.~ Unisa Notes, Course II (Pr.2A)9 Book 2,

::.32. .

- 4 -

(b) The Eastern Sotho Dialect Cluster: Here the dialects

are (a) Pulana and Kutswe, and (b) Pai. These dia­

lects bear a strong impression of Tsonga and Swazi,

especially Pai.

(c) The North-Eastern Sotho Dialect Cluster: Here the

most important dialects are Lobedu and Phalaborwa,

and related languages such as Kgaga. They show a

strong influence of Venda.

(d) The North-Western Sotho Dialect Cluster: Here we

have the dialects common to the Pietersburg and

Potgietersrus districts, i.e. Hananwa, Matlala,

Tlokwa and Mamabolo. Birwa, a nearly extinct

language, may also be included.

AIM AND METHOD OF APPROACH

1.1.00 The purpose of the present survey is to classify

the Northern Sotho dialects according to their sound sys­

tems and, as an ultimate view, to consider whether the

representation of variant dialectal pronunciations in the

standard orthography is adequate or not.

1.1.01 No investigations into differences in vocabulary,

meanings of words, accidence and syntax were made, although

there is sufficient evidence that these exist. It is not

uncommon to find that in Sekhukhuneland a certain word

has acquired a totally different meaning or additional

connotation which is unknown among the dialects around

Pietersburg. For instance, the word [-k'anama] in Tlokwa

means to lie on one's back; in Pedi it has acquired an

- 5 -

added connotation, viz. to lie on one's back with a view

to having sexual intercourse. The word [sets'ipa] in

Tlokwa means men's drawers, but in Pedi it has acquired a

totally different meaning, viz. a patch; a fool. [-ip'onaJ

in all dialects means to see oneself (as through a mirror)

and to be proud; but in Pedi it has acquired an added con­

notation, viz. to menstruate. The above examples throw

light into a wealth of semantic variations which call for

more serious study by students of aialect research.

1.1.02 This survey also does not include a study of

intonation, because it is felt that this aspect calls for

a special study. Nevertheless, wherever necessary, tonal

features 9 ) of examples given in this work are indicated.

High tone is indicated by an accute accent ( 1 ) on a vowel

or after a syllabic nasal. If no tone is indicated the

vowel has low tone. The accent (v) on a vowel indicates

that it has a rising tone.

Tone can, and does, play an important role in

distinguishing dialects, cf. Pedi [-kxhs:lo"&-a] and Tlokwa

[-kxh~l6.fia] (deviate, depart from, leave the beaten path,

be unfaithful/disloyal to one's religion); Pedi

[mmotl'ana] and Tlokwa [mmoiana] (poor, helpless and

lonely person); Pedi [-t 1 6p 1a] and T~kwa [-t'op'a] (pick

up); Pedi [-kxhapha] and Tlokwa [-kxhapha] (wipe away,

e.g. liquid).

1.1.04 The method used in this analysis is the same

as that used by Meinhof.lO) First, a restatement of Pedi

9. The tone is that of a word in isolation and, in the case of a verb, that of the isolated infinitive stem.

10.Meinhof, Carl: Introduction to the Phonolo,gv of the Bantu Languages.

:.. 6 -

with regard to UrBantu is given so that certain conclusions

made in the past are confirmed or refuted. Thereafter a

survey of the speech variations of the Northern Sotho

area is made.

Only the articulatory characteristics of the

phones have been taken into consideration. The term "post­

alveolar" as applied by Prof. Ziervogelll) has been used

to describe certain sounds occurring mainly in the North­

eastern cluster, in the articulation of which the tongue

is not turned as far b3,ck as in the production of retroflex

sounds, e.g. [d] and [th] as in

Lobedu [da~a] (matter, affair), cf. Pedi [t'a~a];

Lobedu [tha~a] (mountain), cf. Pedi [tha~a].

1.1.06 Throughout this study the phonetic symbols

employed by the I.P.A. have been used including indication

of ejection. In the case of medially released consonants,

the term "medial 11 is not repeated; but where consonants

are not medially released, a full description is made.

Examples written in phonetic script are enclosed

within square brackets and only the English translations

appear within round brackets. The UrBantu examples are

underlined and not written within any brackets. Oblique

lines indicate phonemes.

1.1.08 In this work B stands for UrBantu. Other

languages and dialects referred to are written out in

full, e.g. Northern Sotho or Lobedu.

11. Zie~7ogel, D.: A Grammar of Northern Transvaal Ndeb~+.Q, p. 12, par. 02.9.

- 7 -

· 1.1.09 The official orthography for Northern Sotho is

that used by the Department of Bantu Education. 12 ) A

comment on this orthography appears in par. 7.2.00 et seq.

------------------------12. Department of Bantu Education: Terminology and

Orthography No. 2. 196?.

CHAPTER II

THE HISTORY OF THE TRIBES SPEAKING

THE DIALECTS

INTRODUCTORY REMARKS

2.0.00. The Northern Sotho speaking tribes live in seve-

ral districts of the Northern and North-eastern Transvaal,

such as Lydenburg, Pilgrim's Rest, Middelburg, Groblersdal,

Waterberg, Potgietersrus, Pietersburg, Letaba and Leydsdorp.

The most important Northern Sotho group is that formed by

the Pedi (Bapedi), Tau (Batau), Roka (Baroka) and Kone

(Bakone), who are concentrated in Sekhukhuneland and ad­

joining areas.

2.0.01 North of the Pedi area, we find the Mphahlele, (Ba

ga Mphahlele), Tshwene (Ba ga Tshwene), Mathabathe, (Ba ga

Mathabathe), Matlala (Ba ga Matlala), Dikgale (Ba ga Dik­

gale), Mothiba (Ba ga Mothiba) and Nkwana (Ba ga Nkwana)

tribes, who are all of Kone origin, as well as the Molepo

(Ba ga Molepo), Mamabolo (Ba ga Mamabolo), Tlokwa (Batlokwa),

Birwa (Babirwa), Kwena (Bakwena), Moletsi and Hananwa

(Bahananwa) tribes.

2.0.02 In the North-eastern part of the Sotho area,

there are the Lobedu (Balobedu), Phalaborwa (Baphalaborwa)

(Makhusane, Selwane, Masisimale), Nareng (Banareng)

(Sekororo and Letswalo), Maake, (Ba ga Maake), Mametsa

(Ba ga Mametsa) and Thabine (Bathabine).

2.0.03 In the eastern region, mostly in the districts

of Pilgrim's Rest, Bushbuckridge and Lydenburg, we find

- 8 -

- 9 -

the Pulana, Pai and Kutswe tribes who although compara­

tively few numerically, yet have maintained their identity.

2.0.04 In the very brief historical survey that follows,

we are concerned not with detailed genealogical and tradi­

tional relationships of these tribes; our main considera­

tion is to show what influence their geographical location,

as well as their social and political relationships, might

have had on their linguistic affinities and differences.

THE PEDI (BAPEDI)

2.1.00 The Pedi originally broke away from a Kgatla

tribe under the leadership of a certain Thobele, moved

eastwards, and finally settled in the area between the

Olifants and Steelpoort Rivers, now known as Driekop (Ga

R:itau). Here they adopted the name Bapedi, discarded

their original totem kgabo (monkey), and venerated noko

(porcupine). Today a few of them, notably the Ramoshaba,

have the tlou (elephant) as their totem.

2.1.01 Earlier inhabitants of the country around

Sekhukhuneland were the Roka of Mongatane (Baroka ba­

l'fongatane) under Masabela, who occupied the area east of

the Lulu Mountains ( Leolo) along the lower Steelpo.ort River;

the Tau who had come in from the direction of Swaziland

and settled in the country to the west of the Lulu range;

the Kone and the Matlala offshoots of the tribe resident

on the present area of Matlala 'a Thaba, west of Pietersburg.

2.1.02 After the peaceful settlement of the earlier

Pedi chiefs, Thulare, their first great chief, conquered

- 10 -

and subjugated all the surrounding tribes and united them

into a single entity. Up to that time, the chiefs of the

various tribes had chosen their principal wives from among

the Kwena. But since the Pedi were now recognised as the

paramount tribe, these tribes now had to look to the Pedi

for their wives. The issues of such marriages, namely the

succeeding chiefs, were recognised as Pedi by birth. In

this way, the various tribes were made to recognise the

paramountcy of Maroteng, the royal house of the Pedi. 1 )

2.1.03 Shortly after Thulare's death in 1824, Mzilikazi's

hordes devastated the entire area itlhabited by the Pedi.

Sekwati, Thulare's son, together with Maake, of the main

Kgaga tribe at Thiribane, fled to the Northern Transvaal,

where he lived among, and befriended, the Tlokwa under

Kgwadu for a period of four years. On his return to

Sekhukhuneland, he found that a certain Mckone leader,

Marangrang, was terrorizing the whole countryside. Fol­

lowing typical Pedi diplomacy, Sekwati sent a royal bead

( pheta ya thaga) and a girl to Mo.rangrang. The girl

induced Marangrang to cross the Olifants River, where he

was captured and slain by the Kgaga of Mphahlele. Sekwati

was then able to re-establish the old Pedi ascendancy over

Sekhukhuneland.

Sekhukhune I, Sek1.•m,ti 's son, pursued his

father's policy of complete amalgamation of the tribes in

and around Sekhukhuneland. However, fights that occurred

1. Hunt, D.R.: An Account of the Bapedi, p. 282.

- 11 -

during his period among members of the ruling caste,

caused the fall of the Pedi kingdom. In 1882, Sekhukhune

himself was assassinated by Mampuru, his half-brother and

claimant for the paramountcy. Mampuru was arrested, tried

by a Boer court, sentenced to death and later executed in

Pretoria.

2.1.05 The latter part of the history has no bearing

on the linguistic history of the Pedi, and therefore falls

outside our scope.

THE TAU (BATAU)

2.1.06 The term "Batau" is used to designate the tribes

whose totem is tau (lion), and who .~,re today represented

by the sections of Mog;:i,sua, M:asemola, Marisane, Moo pong

(Nkadimeng), Phaahla, Ntshabeleng and Kgaphola in the

districts of Nebo and Sekhukhuneland. All these tribes

have a tradition that they originally broke away from

the Swazis of Ngwane somewhere near the present town of

Wakkerstroom and that, at that time, their totem was

langa (sun), as the following excerpt from one of their

praises explains:

"Re MalRkeng-maso, masweu ka dikala." 2 ) (We, who venerate the sun, are dark in complexion, but our deeds are lightcom­plexioned i.e. different).

From Wakkerstroom the Tau passed through the

Lake Chrissie area, a fact which is preserved in a line

from another praise:

2. Ramaila, E.M.: Setlogo sa Batau, p. 4

2.1.08

- 12 -

"Re Batswako batswa Mphanama, kua Seokodi-3

) beng se se meriti-mebedi, mong wa maloba."

(We are Batswako who come from Mphanama, from the lake of two shadows, owners of day before).

Leaving the country around Lake Chrissie, they

settled for a long period along the Crocodile River, where

they prospered and became a big and powerful tribe. After

the death of Matlebjane II, quarrels over chieftainship

a.rose among his sons, ::i,nd the tribe was forced to move

north-eastwards, finally settling in the country to the

west of the Lulu range before the Pedi occupation. Today

the Tau are divided into independent chiefdoms, with

Selwane, a semi-independent satellite of the Ndebele tribe

at Sebediela.

THE R0KA (BAR0KA)

2.1.09 The Roka tribes are today found living scattered

in Sekhukhuneland and Pilgrim's Rest. Very little is

known about the origin and interrelationship of these

people, except that at one time they settled for a long

period at Bokgaga (in the Leydsdorp district). The

Nareng of Sekororo in the North-eastern Transvaal, whose

language is sometimes referred to as Seroka, are con­

sidered near relatives of the Roka.

2.1.10 Leaving Bokgaga under Chief Masabela, the Roka

trekked southwards, finally arriving at a place to the

east called Tilo on the 0lifants River. Here, Dr H.0.

Monnig observes, ,

3. Ramaila, E.M.: Setlogo s2" Batau, p. 5.

- 13 -

"the chief, Masabela, secretly crossed the river with a number of his followers whilst two of his headmen were out hunting with their followers, and was only missed when he was already in the water. When in the river, MasRbela found a crocodile (Kwena), and prompt­ly accepted this as his new totem to 6onfuse his rivals. Masabela thus founded the Monga­tane or Kwena tribe who, as the first occu­pants of the country between the Olifants and Steelpoort Rivers (the future Sekhukhu~eland) produced the chiefs of that country. 11 4)

This section of the tribe eventually settled near the Lulu

Mountains.

2.1.11. After some time Kgoboko, one of the headmen,

also crossed the river, but settled at Motsane on the

banks of the Olifants River, where he founded the tribe

from which the Phasa tribes were to be derived. Today

the largest and most important of these tribes is that

under Stephen Potlake Phasa Nkwana at Appel.

THE KGAGA (BAKGAGA)

2.1.12 The Kgaga, whose totems are phuti (duiker) and

kgaga (scaly anteater), trace their origin to Bokone.

There are two sections of the Kgaga, namely the Bakgaga

ba Mn.ake and the Bakgaga ba Mphahlele, who are offshoots

of the Bakgaga ba Maake.

2.1.13 Under the leadership of Chief Monyewethe,

the Kgaga migrated through Sekhukhuneland, where they

came into contact with the Ba ga Sejaphala, a people who

knew no fire, on the Lulu Mountains, near the Olifants

River. It was at this point that the Mphahlele group

broke away and migrated in the direction of Chuenespoort. 5)

4. Monnig, H.O.: The B2,roka Ba Nkwa]l§h (African Studies, Vol. 22, No. 4, 1963, p. 170)

5. Van Warmelo, N.J.: The Bakoni of Maake 2 Ethnologicn,::'.. Putlications, J'To. 12, p. 20.

- 14 -

The main section of the tribe moved to Iheribane, a hill

held sacred to ancestor spirits, on the banks of the

Mola~e, a tributory of the Sala1e, on Rooiwater 276, west

of the present Cottondale. Monyewethe died at Theribane, A A

and was succeeded by his son Maake.

2.1.14. As stated in paragraph 2.1.03, Maake accompanied

the Pedi chief Sekwati in his flight to the north, leaving

his three brothers, Kgako, Maboalala and Malegodi in charge

of the tribe. When Maake returned, Kgako refused to hand

over the chieftainship to him and, in the battle that

ensued, Maake was defeated. But, with the help of Chief

Legadimane of the Mafefe, Maake was able to regain chief­

tainship, and gave his daughter Mmakho1u to Legadimane in

token of homage.

2.1.15 Today the tribe is settled at Marobone in the

district of Letaba. Mention must be made here that chief­

tainness !heboye Maale Maake, who was appointed ruler of

the tribe on 30th August 1928, died on 26th June 1964.

2.1.16 The Mphahlele people, who are offshoots of the

Bakgaga or Bakone ba Maake, are today settled at Mphahlele's

location in Pietersburg district. Tradition has it that

in the olden days, Chief Maake, realising that after his

death children of his senior wives would illtreat

Mphahlele, son of his junior and favourite wife, advised

Mphahlele to leave the country and go and settle elsewhere:

"Tsea lenaka)le; ka lona o tlo tsama o iphahlela."6

(Take this horn; with it you will go about warding off danger).

In this way, the Mphahlele tribe was born.

6. Mphahlele/Phaladi: Baxa Mphahlele, p. 11.

- 15 -

THE KONE (Bil.KONE)

2.1.17 For purposes of this dissertation, we shall dis-

tinguish the following groups of Northern Sotho speaking

Kone: the Bakone ba Matlala, the Bakone ba Maserumule and

Phokwane, the Bakone ba Mametsa, the Bakone ba Marangrang.

It will be noted that, although the Maake people are some­

times referred to as Bakone, for the sake of clarity, we

have selected to treat them as Bakgaga.

2.1.18 The Bakone ba Matlala or Ba ga Matlala'a Thaba,

whose totem is tlhantlhagane/hlagahlagane (species of small

bird), trace their origin to Bokgaga. From there they

movsi gradually westwards along the slopes of the Drakens­

berg, passing through Haenertzburg and eventually settling

at what is today Matlala's location, about thirty miles

west of Pietersburg. They are also found in scattered

groups in the districts of Potgietersrus, Blauwberg and

Hammanskraal.

2.1.19 The Bakone ba Maserumule and Bakone ba Phokwane,

whose totem is also tlhantlhagane/hlagahlagane (species of

small bird), broke away from their parent Matlala tribe

under Tloke and, after settling at various places in their

south-eastward migration, eventually settled in the heart

of Sekhukhuneland. The Phokwane people live in the area

around Pokwani in the Nebo district; Maserumule's section,

which for many years lived at a place called Masadi near

Jane Furse Hospital, has recently been moved to Mohlalao­

twane (Tsimanyane) on the farm Grotvertrouen in the

Groblersdal district. Both these sections have been

strongly influenced by the Pedi, who for many years have

- 16 -

been their overlords. 7)

2.1.20 The Bakone ba Mametsa, whose totem is phuti

(duiker), originally came from Bokone, that is, from the

Nguni-speaking south-east. 8 ) Under the leadership of

Mametsa, the tribe settled at Maepa or Ga Ratsela, an

area just west of Ohrigstad, and then at Tswenyane on the

Olifants River. Here the tribe broke into two sections,

one under Moloi settling on what is known as Strassburg

167, and the other, Ba ga Moraba under Mametsa, in

Pilgrim's Rest on Nooitgedacht 20. Today the Mametsa

people are found in the Leydsdorp district.

2 .1. 21 The Eastern Kone or the Bakone ba Marangrang,

whose totems are tshwene (baboon) and phuti(duiker),

originally came to Sekhukhuneland from the Nguni-speaking

south-east, that is, the area beyond Sabie and Belfast,

where they were subjected to continual Swazi raids. During

Mzilikazi's raids, the tribe became divided, one section

settling among the Ndebele, and th~ Kgweti and the Riba

groups settling at the confluence of the Spekboom and

Steelpoort Rivers. The main bulk actually sought refuge

on the impregnable Lulu Mountains, as also on the southern

ranges towards the Dwars River (Thaba tsa Maphiri). The

Bakone ba ffaphiri are today found at places like Ga

Sedikane (de Kafferskraal No. 630, district Lydenburg),

Ga Saga (Rietfontein 130) and at Kutwaneng.

2.1.22 Other Kone groups are Ba ga Dikgale, whose

totems are phiri (hyena) and tlhantlhagane/hlagahlagane

~-~---------------------7. It is interesting to note here that Chief Frank

Maserumule, who died in August 1964, gained Government recognition only in August 1943.

8. Van Warmelo, N .J.: The Bakoni of Mame~., Ethnological Publications, No. 15, p. 42.

- 17 -

in Pietersburg and Blauwberg; Ba ga Mothiba (tlhantlha­

gane) in Pietersburg; Ba ga Nkwana (tlhantlhagane)

in Pietersburg; Ba ga Tshwene (tlou) in Pietersburg; Ba

ga Mathabatha (tlou) in Pietersburg; Ba ga Maja (phuti)

in Pietersburg; Ba ga Mothapo (tlou) in Pietersburg. Ba

ga Masa (tlou) in Strydkraal Trust Farm 569 in Groblersdal

district. Ba ga Molepane (phiri) and Ba ga Rantho (miuti)

who are under Chief Sekwati.

THE KOPA (BAKOPA)

2.1.23 The Kopa, who take their name from one of their

earliest chiefs Kope, are on one hand a section of the

Kwena tribe and their totem is kwena (crocodile), and on

the other, a section of the Rolong, whose totem is tholo

(koodoo), as part of their praise explains:

2.1.24

"Reba boKgobudi Morolong, Re bina tholo ye e tswago Maralla, Yee tswago Modimolle wa J\'Imangwato. 11

(We belong to Kgobudi's clan, a Morolong, We venerate the koodoo which comes from Maralla, Which comes from Modimolle in Bechuanaland).

According to tradition, their original home was

Borolong, i.e. the area around the present town of Mafe­

king. From Borolong they migrated eastwards in the form

of regiments and did not return to their homeland. Their

first settlement in the Transvaal was in the area between

Marapyane and Groblersdal, whence they moved to a place

called Tile on the Olifants River. Here they met, and

lived with, the Kwena of Masabela and the igag0, of Maake.

This fact probably explains why the Kopa are sometimes

referred to as Bakwena or Bakgaga.

- 18 -

2.1.25 From Tllo the Kopa moved westwards along the

Olifants River back to Groblersdal district, first settling

at a place called Sethutlo, afterwards at Ntswaneng, and

finally at Mmitse, where Boleu I was born. It was only

during the reign of Chief Boleu I that the Kopa moved to

Thabantsho (Maleeuwskop), where they lived on peaceful

terms with the Ndebele under Chief Mapogo. In 1861 a

German missionary named Gruetzner settled among the Kopa

and soon had converts who eventually moved to the Berlin

Mission station of Botshabelo in Middelburg9 ). This sec­

tion of the Kopa Christians was under Chief Joshua Ramopudu.

In 1864, in a battle against the Swazis, the

Kapa suffered irreparable losses when Chief Boleu I and

his heir, Monamudi, were killed. As a result, the tribe

was divided into two sections: Modupi and few followers

sought refuge under Chief Sekwati in Sekhukhuneland;

Matsepe and the rest of the tribe went to Nkwana. After

some time, however, both these groups merged, and to this

day they constitute the Kapa of Matsepeskop under Chief

Matsepe.

THE TLOKWA (BATLOKWA)

2.1.27 It is gener~lly accepted that the Tlokwa of

the Northern Transvaal originate in the south, perhaps

somewhere in the area around Tlokweng (Potchefstroom).10 )

There are at present Tlokwa people living in Rustenburg

and Pilansburg districts, and also in Matatiele and in

the Gaberones (Bechuanaland) with whom the Tlokwa north

------------------------9. Ram.aila, E.M.: Tsa Bophelo Bya Moruti Abraham Serote,

P• 6. 10. Van Warmelo, N.J.: Die Tlokwa en Birwa van Noord

Transvaal, p. 8.

- 19 -

of Pietersburg still claim relationship. In point of fact,

the present chief of the Tlokwa in Matatiele chose as his

principal wife,a Tlokwa woman,from the chief's kraal at

Ramokgopa.

2 .l. 28 Tradition has it that originally the Tlokwa

totem was thakadu (ant bear), which was changed to~

(leopard) after they had killed a leopard during their

migration northwards; but most of the Tlokwa groups in

the areas mentioned in paragraph 2.1.26 still retain

thakadu as their totem.

2.1.29 From Potchefstroom they passed through the

Witwatersrand and, after settling for some time in the

Potgietersrus district, went north-eastwards to Phalaborwa

before finally occupying the area around Munnik, Soekmekaar,

Groot Spelonken and Duiwelskloof. To this day the Tlokwa

chief, Matshaka, chooses his principal wife from

Rapha~helo's kraal near Soekmekaar.

At first the Tlokwa lived peacefully with the

Venda, who then occupied the country which now belongs to

the Tlokwa people. They accepted Venda customs and tra­

ditions, a point which is borne out by the fact that to

this day the Tlokwa have retained Venda names of places,

rivers and mountains.11) In fact Tlokwa vocabulary abounds

in words of Venda extraction, which are not found in other

11. Mononono (name of a river) is probably derived from

the Venda word vh~u (dampness, wetness); Moeketse (name of a river) from Venda Muengedzi <

-e~gedza (repeat); Mphakane (Matshaka's headkraal) from Venda lufhanga

(knife); •

- 20 -

dialects such as Pedi.12)

2.1.31 It was only during the rule of Kgwadu that the

Tlokwa, through their might, were freed from Venda domi­

nation.13) Kgwadu reorganised the Tlokwa people and ex­

tended his influence and power to Dikgale, Moletsi and

scattered Ndebele in the Northern Transvaai. 14) He avoided

an open clash with Mzilikazi by offering him cattle when­

ever he came, and by sending Sekwati, who had fled to the

12. mosa (courtyard)< Venda mu~a, cf. Pedi lapa;

naase (today) < Venda naasi, cf. Pedi lehono;

se~haka (cooking hut)< Venda tshi]anga cf. Pedi

mokutwana or morale; mphaka (knife) < Venda lufhanga, cf. Pedi thipa; -fomola (keep quiet)< Venda -fhumula, cf. Pedi

-homola; -thakgala (be glad)< Venda -~kala, cf. Pedi -thaba;

-apa (speak) < Venda -amba, cf. Pedi -bolela; moratho (younger brother or sister) < Venda murathu,

cf. Pedi samme or monyanana; -toko (small) < Venda -thuku, cf. Pedi -nyane. ~ _,. __

13. It would appear that during the Venda-Tlokwa clash, the Venda chief Makha~o (Makgato) fought alongside the Tlokwa, because he appears to be the only one in whose honour Tlokwa praises were composed. Bantu people generally do not laud their,enemies and rivals.

"Ha tie ka ngwedi, o tia ka letshufi, Makgato 'a Lepulana la Rathobela. 11

(He strikes not in moonlight, but in darkness, Makgato who is a Venda (who owes allegiance to Ramabulana).

14. Kgwadu wa Botokwa, molomo kgotopo, Kgwadu, atha.ma re ho bone h~one. Re bone mahalahapa a ho metsa Moloto le Poopedi wa Mothokwa.

Ore a e Tsweta, le Moletsi a tswebera.

(Kwadu of Botlokwa, arrow-like mouth, Kgwadu, open your mouth so that we can look into it see the palate that swallowed Moloto (of Moletsi) and Poopedi the Ndebele.

Being in Vendaland, he brings destruction to Moletsi).

- 21 -

north during Mzilikazi's invasions in Transvaal, into

hiding whenever Mzilikazi was about. In return for this

kind gesture to the Pedi, the Tlokwa people sought refuge

in Sekhukhuneland during the Boer wars because at that

time Sekhukhune I was the most powerful chief in the

Transvaal. It was not until the civil war between

Matshaka and Ramokgopa that many of them were persuaded

to return to their fatherland.

Because of continual strife over chieftainship,

the Tlokwa tribe has split into two chiefdoms, one under

Matshaka, with headquarters at Mphakane, and the other

under Ramokgopa, with headquarters at Mokomene. For

practical purposes, however, the Tlokwa speaking tribes

include not only the Matshaka and Ramokgopa groups, but

also the followers of Raphathelo, Senthumule (west of

Louis Trichardt), the people living on private farms

from Bochem to Karlsruhe in the Blauwberg district and

a few who live among the Seleka people on the border of

Bechuanaland.

THE HANANWA (BAHANANWA)

2.1.33 The Hananwa, who were originally Ba ha Malete,

trace their origin to Chief Malete, 15 ) a sub-chief

under Mangwato in Bechuanaland. Chief Malete had two

sons and, when a dispute arose between them over chief­

tainship, the younger fled with a section of the tribe.

They got the name "Hananwa" from the elder son who, when

he saw the fleeing brother, said: "0 tohile setshabene

------------------------15. Krige, J.D.: The Sotho of the Northern Transvaal,

Bantu Studies, Vol. XI, No. 4, Dec. 1937, P• 354.

- 22 -

sa heno; o hanane." (You have fled from your people;

you are unfortunate). The Hananwa venerate tshwene (ba­

boonl

2.1.34 After crossing the Limpopo River, the Hananwa

settled on the Blauwberg Mountains, where they found the

Tau of Madibane and also some Venda people. The previous

year there had been a serious drought in that area, but

when the Hananwa arrived, a great rain fe].l and the

Madibane people honoured Malete by making him chief,

while Madibane, the witchdoctor, performed tribal rituals.

2.1.35 For some time Malete's principal wife bore

only daughters, and there was no male heir to chieftain­

ship; so the eldest daughter had to rule, and the tribe

appointed a seed-ratser to raise progeny with her. She

bore a son, and she was renamed Mmaleboho (mother of the

hand), since now they had the hand to rule the tribe.

Gradually the name Malete was forgotten and the tribe

was known as Ba ha Maleboho. The present chief, Wilson

Maleboho, is the first regent in the history of the

Hananwa people. Regency has always been contrary to

Hananwa law and custom.

2.1.36 The Hananwa are fairly numerous but the popu-

lation is very mixed. Apart from the Madibane people,

who originally came from the east, and spoke a languBge

akin to Lobedu or Phalaborwa, there are, for instance,

the Tlokwa who have bought farms near Bochem and who

continue allegiance to Matshaka, as well as the Birwa.

t

_i 23 -

THE lvIOLOTO/MOLETsI (BA GA'·MOLOTO)

The Moloto people, whose totem is kwena

(crocodile), originally came from the south, probably

south-west of Pretoria. 16) From the land of the Kwena

they migrated northwards through Potgietersrus, first

settling near the Masasane Mountains, before moving to

their present area about eighteen miles west of Pieters­

burg. Tradition has it that they were once involved in

a war against the Tlokwa under Kgwadu, who killed their

chief Mosibudi; but later they took revenge and killed

Kgwadu. During Mzilikazi's raids, many Moletsi people

fled,northwards to Vendaland and southwards towards

Pienaars River. There are at present two divisions of

the Moletsi people: one under Moloto and another under

Nanamela.

THE BIRWA (BABIRWA)

The Birwa, whose totem is~ (buffalo),

originally came from Letswalo country betweenMamabolo - . 17)

location and Tzaneen. Coming from south-east, they

first settled at Botlokwa and then moved westward into

the .area occupied by the Hananwa people. Hereabouts

the tribe split, the larger portion moving to Bechuana­

land under Nakhura, and the.smaller settling on the

Ngwala Hills, not far from the Limpopo River. The latter

eventually settled on the farm Canton 1241 under Chief

Samson Moyahabo Tanyatswala. At the re,quest of the

------------------------16. Krige, J.D.: The Sotho of the Northern Transvaal,

Bantu Studies, Vol. XI, No. 4, Dec. 1937, p. 353. 17. Van Warmelo, N.J.: Die Tlokwa en Birwa van Noord

Transvaal, p. 24. '

..

- 24 -

Government, this group was recently moved to the Pot­

gietersrus district and settled along the Mogalakwena

River. A section of these Birwa still lives on the

farm Gemarke at the foot of the Blauwberg Mountains.

The Btrwa of the North-western Transvaal have

been absorbed by the Hananwa and speak the Hananwa dia-

1..ect. They could constitute a f~irly big tribe if they'

sorted themselves out and settled under their own chief

and organisation. As the position is at present, apart . .

from the Tauyatswala people, they are scattered among

the Tlokwa, Hananwa and Seleka people near the Bechuana­

land border, and are only distinguishable by such names

as Molaba, Makhura, Maela, Lehong, Kobe, Mamadi and

Serumula.

THE LOBEDU (BALOBEDU)

2~1.40 The Lobedu, whose totem is kolobe (wild boar),

trace their origin to Bokhalaka18) (Rhodesia), as part

of their praise explains:

"Ge baana-golobe ya le"tadza, Ge batho ba khe~obudi kha Bokhalaga, Khe khe ileho kha bona mabele, Kha re batho ge bakhumi; Kha fera, kha gwa lekh:wekhwe, Kha re batho, mmyeno ge Dzugu<}ini"

(lhey (the Lobedu) venerate a wild boar, They are an offspring of Rhodesia, Which, when it saw grain, Said that people were rich; It passed, thereafter contracted scab, And said, people, your mother is Dzugudini).

A

According to tradition, Monomotapa, ancient

ruler of the Karanga, had two sons who quarrelled over

'------------------------18. Krige, J.D.: The Realm of the Rain Queen, p. 5.

- 25 -

succession, and a daughter named Dzugu1ini, who bore a

son, Mmakhiphimo, out of wedlock. Because of this,

Dzugudini was advised by the ageing Monomotapa to flee ~

the country; but before she left, he presented her with

a chieftainship charm and a rain horn. Dzugu~ini, with

a handful of herdmen, then travelled southwards to an

unknown destination; and, after crossing the Limpopo,

first settled in the area west of Louis Trichardt. From

there they moved south-eastwards and settled for some time

at a place called Ha Khada, commonly known as Sebo1oni, A

near the present farm Triangle, at the source of the

Molototsi River. Then they migrated to a place called

Manopi (the present farm Captain Salt), before settling

on their present reserve Khethagone in Bolobedu, twenty

miles north-east of Duiwelskloof.

2.1.42 After the death of Mmakhiphimo, his son Muhale

ruled the tribe. He was succeeded by his son, Phedole,

who in turn was succeeded by Khiale. As Khiale's heir

died, his younger son, Mugodo, succeeded to chieftainship.

In fact, it was he who, fearing that his sons would fight

over chieftainship after his death and thereby destroy

the tribe, decided to appoint his daughter, Khumala,*

to succeed him. Before doing this, however, Mugodo had

to convince the elders of the tribe by feigning himself

a prophet, and prophesying that after his death there

would come black ants** from the south which would

attack the tribe, but if those ants found the tribe united,

* Historically known as Modjadji I. ** Mzilikazi's hordes.

- 26 ·-

they would fail. Thereafter there would be some white

ants* from the seas; these the tribe would not overcome

because with them they would bring the gospel light. At

that time the tribe would be ruled by someone wearing an

apron. This was the beginning of chieftainness tradition

among the Lobedu. Modjadji I was succeeded by her

daughter, Sewela; Modjadji II was succeeded by her niece,

Khesethwane; Modjadji III was succeeded by her daughter,

Makoma, the present chieftainness.

2.1.43 The people of Mmamaila, Sekhopo and Mamabolo

are all offshoots of the Balobedu. The Mmamaila people

live to the north of Modjadji's headquarters, and still

retain elements of Lobedu language and culture. The

Sekhopo people, although still under Lobedu jurisdiction,

are considerably influenced by Tlokwa. The Mamabolo

people, who broke away from the Lobedu and moved further

south-eastwards, first settling at Bjatladi in the moun­

tains near Haenertzburg, are today settled north-east of

Pietersburg _and, therefore, completely cut off from

Lobedu influence.

THE PHALABORWA (BAPHALABORWA)

The Phalaborwa, whose totem is noko (porcupine)

had their origin in Bokhalaka from where they migrated

southwards in a direction east of their present location,

and came to rest at the junction of the Letaba and

Olifants Rivers. From this point they gradually spread

westwards as far as the vicinity of Gravelotte. They

~-----------------------* White missionaries.

- 27 -

found the country occupied by the Salane, a primitive

people without a chief, who did not know the use of fire

and whom they were able to scatter easily and dispossess 1q) by setting fire to the bush. ~

The Phalaborwa today comprise the people of

Chief Brown Makhusane Malatsi on the Selati River and

those of Selwane's Reserve on the Great Letaba to the

north. The third group lives among the Shai or Tshubje

or Batubatse of Masisimale who, although they trace their

origin to the Steelpoort River in Sekhukhuneland, yet

today they are indistinguishable in culture and language

from the two Phalaborwa groups.

THE NARENG ( BANARENG)

The Nareng, whose totem is~ (buffalo) or

kgomo (bovine), comprise three sections, the Letswalo

or Mmamathola who are now settled at a place called Metz

in Tzaneen; the Mahlo or Banarene ba ha Sekororo 1 and

the Banareng ba Mmutlang, on the farm Putney 290 in the

east Lulu area of Sekhukhuneland.

2.1.47 Tradition records that the Nareng originally

lived in a country called Bolaodi, which is supposed to ,

be around the present town of Sabie. From there the

tribe migrated to the area around Wolkberg above New

Agatha, and then along the foot of the mountains in a

westerly direction, past Khegorwane, where Timamogolo,

a man of standing with a large following, got eye-trouble

19. Krige, Eileen Jensen: Notes on the Phalaborwa and their Morula Complex, p. 357.

- 28 -

and stayed behind, thus founding the Mahlo tribe of

20) Sekororo. , The main Letswalo section moved on and

settled at Mabeleke, an area then occupied by the Modiba

and Makwela under Mphelo, whom they overcame. During the

reign of chieftainness Mmakaipea, the tribe settled at

.Modikane in Tzaneen.

THE TB--ABINE ( BA';cHABINE)

The Bathabine or Ba ga Mogoboya or Bapedi,

whose totem is noko (porcupine), originally came from a

country called Dzwane. With regard to their settlement

in their present reserve, Krige 21 ) observes:

"The Thabina arrived in small numbers, so that

they readily accepted, and assimilated themselves

to the culture of the people, among others the

Ba ha Masome, under whom they lived to the north

of the 0lifants River. They bury their chiefs

facing east, towards Serare (Therare) hill in A

Maake's country, where they have their ancestral

burial grounds."

Today they are settled in Muhlava's location in Tzaneen.

2.1.49 The lesson we learn from the foregoing history

of the tribes which occupy the Northern Sotho area is

that of migration and interrelationship. In the course

of movement from one place to another, several tribes

lost their original cultural identity, and their languages

d .f. d a· 1 Sapi·r22 ) puts thi·s poi·nt of were mo 1 ie accor ing y.

20. Van Warmelo. N.J.: The Banarene of Letswalo, Ethno­logical Publications, No. 10, p. 5.

21. Krige, J.D.: The Sotho of the Northern Transvaal, Bantu Studies, Vol. XI, No. 4, Dec. 1937, p. 345.

22. Sapir, Edward: Language, p. 205.

- 29 -

cultural and linguistic assimilation clearly when he says:

"The necessities of intercourse bring the speakers

of one language into direct or indirect contact

with those of neighboring or culturally dominant

languages. The intercourse may be friendly or

hostile. It may move on the humdrum plane of

business and trade relations or it may consist of

a borrowing or interchange of spiritual goods -

art, science, religion. It would be difficult

to point to a completely isolated language or

dialect, least of all among the primitive peoples.

The tribe is often so small that intermarriages

with alien tribes that speak other dialects or even

totally unrelated languages are not uncommon."

CHAPTER III

DIALECT AND LANGUAGE

DEFINITION

3.0.00 No exact definition of the terms 'dialect' and

'language' is feasible. They have for so long been used

in widely varying meanings that it is nearly hopeless to

impose any uniformity on their usage. An attempt will,

however, be made to explain the application of these terms

to the Bantu Languages.

The generally accepted connotations of these

terms according to the Concise Oxford Dictionary1 )

as follows:

Dialect: form of speech peculiar to a district,

class, or person; subordinate variety

of a language with distinguishable vo­

cabulary, pronunciation or idioms.

are

Language: a vocabulary and way of using it

prevalent in one or more countries;

method of expression; words and their

use; faculty of speech; person's style

of expressing himself.

In accordance with these definitions, there is no precise

dividing line between dialect and language. What stands

out prominently, however, is that dialect enjoys narrower

usage as compared to language.

1. The Concise Oxford Dictionary, pp. 331 and 665.

- 30 -

- 31 -

3.0.02 Prof. Doke 2 ) has defined dialect as

"the local form of speech. applicable to the language and more particularly of a a tribe".

In Bantu it is of a tribe, clan section of

According to this definition, the speech of the Tau of

Masemola, the Tau of Marisane and the Tau of Ntshabeleng

should be regarded as separate dialects.

Writing on English dialects, Prof. Brook3 ) has

the following contribution to make regarding the distinc­

tion between dialect and language.

"One test that can be used, along with others, in making a distinction between a dialect and

a language is the degree of mutual intelligi­bility: if the differences between two dialects are so great that speakers of one are unable to understand those who speak the other, the two dialects are well on the way to developing into separate languages. The test is only approxi­mate because mutual intelligibility cannot be measured with precision. Although it is some­times said that speakers of two different English dialects cannot understand each other, it is doubtful whether such a statement is ever really true, given intelligence, patience and co-opera­tion in both speaker and hearer. Similarly, the differences between the English language as used in America and as used in Great Britain are heavily outnumbered by the resemblances, and it is only occasionally that a speaker of the one form of English competely fails to understand a speaker of the other. It is therefore reasonable to describe British and American English as dif­ferent dialects of the same language."

With regard to the Bantu languages, mutual

intelligibility is not a reliable test of distinction

between a dialect and a language, because in a majority

of cases speakers of one dialect are intelligible to

Doke, C .M.: The Southern Bantu Languages, p. 21. Brook , G. L • : English Dialects, p. 19.

)

- 32 -

to those of the other. The Pedi of Sekhukhuneland would

understand a Lobedu speaker, just as the Pedi themselves

would follow a Tswana or Southern Sotho speaker without

much difficulty.

The following excerpt from William Dwight

Whitney's book, The Life and Growth of Language: .An

Outline of Linguistic Science, quoted by Charles c. Fries4 ),

gives us a clearer and more comprehensive exposition of

the terms 'dialect' and 'language':

"Language and dialect •.••. are only two names for the same thing, as looked at from different points of view. Any body of expressions used by a community, however limited and humble, for the purposes of communication and as an instrument of thought, is a language; no one would think of crediting its speakers with the gift of dialect but not of language. On the other hand, there is no tongue in the world to which we should not with perfect freedom and perfect propriety apply the name of dialect, when considering it as one of a body of related forms of speech. The science of language has democratized our views on such points as these: it has taught us that one man's speech is just as much a language as another man's; that even the most cultivated tongue that exists is only the dialect of a certain class in a certain locality - both class and locality limited, though the limits may be wide ones. 11

3.0.06 Prof. Ziervoge15 ) holds a similar view in his

application of the terms 'dialect' and 'language' to Nguni.

He says:

"The term Language should be used synonymously with Cluster, but it should be limited to indi­vidual references to these, and not to reference to them as subdivisions of a larger group, viz. Nguni. In other words: they are clusters of Nguni, but languages in their own right. Ofcourse, it would be more convenient to reserve the term language for the written forms only, which would

4o Fries, Charles C.: Linguistics: The Studv of Language, p. 43.

5. Ziervogel, D.: A Classification of Nguni, Unisa, p.74.

33 -

exclude Swazi, for instance, which is ob­viously not a mere 11 dialect" in the European sense of the word for it has its own dialects."

3.0.07 According to Prof. Ziervogel the application

of terms 'dialect' and 'language' to European languages

should be adapted to the needs and present stage of de­

velopment of the Bantu languages. In European languages

there are standardized written forms which have become

the norm of what is generally accepted as the standard

public form of speech, accepted by governments for educa­

tional and other purposes, and also used in writing. Such

standardized forms have taken time to develop. How the

"Queen's English" or the "Blihnensprachea and so on developed

does not concern us here directly. In everyday speech

these standardized forms are called the "language" of

that particular locality or country as against the

variants spoken in local communities, which are called

"dialectsn.

3.0.08 With regard to the Bantu languages, the position

is not so well defined. In South Africa there are seven

written languages, all of which, with the possible ex­

ception of Northern Sotho and Tswana, are fairly standar­

dized as regards spelling. In these two languages

standardization has become a problemi because too many

variants in writing are allowed. As far as the actual

speech is concerned, however, there is as yet no stan­

dardized language - even public speakers tend to use

their own variant; in other words, each individual still

speaks his own dialect in public.

- 34 -

3.0.09 In this work we have confined the application

of dialect to "one of a body of related forms of speech",

i.e. one of the speech forms that are part of a cluster.

Within the limits of this definition, Pedi and Tlokwa

are regarded as dialects of the Sotho Group or the Northern

Sotho Subgroup, although they belong to different dialect

clusters. Our criteria for determining clusters are based

on common linguistic characteristics and not on geographi­

cal location. Thus, throughout this work, Pedi cluster

denotes all dialects that share closer linguistic features

with the Pedi dialect. On the other hand, we have reserved

the term "language" to denote written forms and, in this

context, regarded Nor~ i~ ,...,.,.n Sotho as a language, notwi th­

standing the fact that either Pedi or Tlokwa may be

regarded as a language when considered as an independent

form of speech and not as part of a larger unit.

3.0.10 In addition to dialect and language, the term

riideolect" has been used. According to Prof. Brook, 6 )

ideolect is "a way of speaking that is peculiar to one

person". Hockett?) defines it as "the totality of

speech habits of a single person at a given time." In

this work the term has been used to denote individual

variations within a dialect.

DIALECT GEOGRAPHY

3.1.00 Various scholars are agreed upon the scope of

this complex and yet fascinating field of study. According

to Prof. Bloomfield, 8 ) dialect geography, also called

------------------------Brook , G . L • : _E_n~g=l=i=s=h ___ D __ i __ a __ l __ e __ c __ t __ s __ , p • 21. Hockett, Charles F.: A Course in Modern Linguistics,

p. 321. 8. Bloomfield, Leonard: Language, p. 321.

- 35 -

linguistic geography or dialectology, is

"the study of local differentiations in a speech area".

Prof. Lehmann9 ) describes it as

"the study of varying forms of speech in one language".

Prof. HockettlO) describes it as

"the systematic study of inter-personal and inter-group differences of speech habit".

11) Anderson and Stageberg give us an even more elaborate

definition,

3.1.01

11 the systematic study of language dif­ferences within a specified area, usually a country or a part of a country. The differences are those of pronunciation, vocabulary, and grammar. To get accurate information, trained linguists hold long interviews with native informants, who have been carefully selected so as to offer a representative sampling of the speech of the area. When all the information has been collected and edited, it is made public by a series of maps or by books and articles".

It is customary to take one particular linguistic

feature and, after studying its incidence over a wide area,

to draw a line to indicate its limits. This line is

referred to as an isogloss. The drawing of isoglosses

to indicate the distribution of Northern Sotho dialects

may be determined by the occurrence of the following

phonological featurea:

[4/t1h/t], [ws/sw/w] or [1/x/fi].

9. Lehmann, Winfred P.: Historical Linguistics, p. 117. 10. Hockett, Charles F.: A Course in Modern Linguistics,

p. 321. 11. Anderson, Wallace F.& Stageberg Norman: Introductory

Readings on Language, p. 318.

- 36 -

THE DIALECTS FIRST USED IN WRITING AND THOSE USED TODAY

3.2.00 A standard language, says Prof. Bloomfield,12 )

is "by no means the oldest type, but ..rises under particu­

lar historical conditions, from local dialects." In the

case of Northern Sotho, the Pedi dialect, or rather an

admixture of Pedi and Kapa dialects, was the first to be

used in writing. The early Berlin Lutheran missionaries

first established mission stations at Schoonoord and at

Maandagshoek and then, under pressure from Sekhukhune I,

moved to Botshabelo. Here Pedi and Kapa converts lived,

and were taught, together; and when the Bible had to be

translated into Northern Sotho, Abraham Serote, a Kopa,

was sent to Lobethal to study the Pedi dialect. The re­

sult was that the first complete Northern Sotho Biblical

translation* contained linguistic features characteristic

of both Pedi and Kapa dialects. In it we find such sounds

as J:2j [~3] as in -bjala (plant), fs [~s] as in lefsifsi

(darkness), 12.§. [ps'] as in -psila (nice, well); or such

words as -bua (speak), -utlwa (hear) and -tsamaya (go,walk),

which are not characteristic of typical Pedi. In this way,

apart from Abraham Serote, the early Northern Sotho writers,

notably K. Endemann and E.M. Ramaila, adopted the Pedi-Kopa

dialect as the standard literary form.

12. Bloomfield, Leonard: Language, p. 321.

* The first complete Northern Sotho Bible was published by the Berlin Mission in Berlin in 1905. Before that time there had been published a collection of miscel­laneous stories entitled Puku e xo kopantsoexo xo eona Ditaba tsa mehuta -huta, (Middelburg 1893), written in typifal Pedi. In this collection we find the Pedi sound _t1z J as in [ mo.(3 zal i] (sower) and [~zalwa] (beer), which is rarely heard among modern Pedi speakers.

- 37 -

3. 2. 01 During the early forties, a consc,ientious

attempt at authorship was made by writers mainly from the

Northern Transvaal, such as Phalane, Madiba and Sehlodimela,

who preserved in their works linguistic features peculiar

to their own areas, and gradually exerted some influence

on the written form of Northern Sotho. In this connection

Madiba's contribution cannot excape attention, since for a

long time his Mahlontebe series has been prescribed as a

course of study in Northern Sotho primary schools, including

those in Sekhukhuneland. In his series, as well as in his

novelettes, Tsiri and Nkotsana, Madiba uses words and

constructions which would sound unintelligible to a Pedi

reader, e.g.

moesa (fellow), cf. Pedi moisa;

thamo (cheek), cf. Pedi mothamo;

tshokela (sugar), cf. Pedi swikiri;

hlwanvela (drive animals into a kraal), cf.

Pedi hlwaela / hlahlela:

mongwatsana (small hat), cf. Pedi kefana / kuanvana;

a ditse a eia (while eating), cf. Pedi a dutse a eia;

ngwana wa §ekgohlwana (a small child), cf.

Pedi ngwana wa segotla,ne;

maamane a nyakile a Rmusitse (the calves nearly

sucked), cf. maamane a nyakile a antse amule).

The important point to note, however, is that

Madiba and his Northern contemporaries have brought to

light many dialectal differences in Northern Sotho. It

was only in the late fifties and early sixties that Pedi

and Kopa writers, such as Dolamo, Matsepe, Maredi, Motuku,

- 38 -

Makgaleng and Mogo ba begc1.n to reaffirm the claims of the

Pedi dialect by their worthy contribution to Northern

Sotho literature. The net result is that today Northern

Sotho is very heterogeneous in character, and one hopes

that positive attempts will be made towards making it a

more uniform literary language.

THE DIALECTS TO BE STUDIED

In this work it is not intended to make a study

of the Pai, Kutswe and Pulana dialects which have been

carefully analysed by Professor D. Ziervoge1. 13 ) The

field of research covers the dialects spoken by the Pedi

and cognate tribes, as well as the dialects of the

Northern and North-eastern Transvaal.

Conclusions concerning the Seleka dialect on

the Bechuanaland border, however, are that phonetically 9

morphologically and lexically, it has more affinities to

Tswana than to Northern Sotho. It has, amongst others,

the following characteristics: the use of the voiceless

aspirated velar explosive kh [kh], as in dikhomo (head of

gattle), Lekhowa (white man), dikhang (news) and -khama

(throttle); the voiced glottal fricative h [fi] , as in

sehuba (chest), -hibidu (red). and -huduga (trek); the

voiceless ejective palatal affricate ts [ tJ I J , as in

-tsa (eat) and -tsara (carry); more incidence of

alveolarization than palatalization in the formation of

diminutives of nouns and causative of verb stems, e.g.

------------------------13. Ziervogel, D.: The Eastern Sotho

- 39 -

moritshana < moriri, cf. Pedi morisana;

seletswana < seledu, cf. Pedi seletswana;

-gantsha (cause to refuse) < -gana, cf.

Pedi -gantsha;

-tsentsha (cause to enter) < -tsena, cf.

Pedi -tsenya or -tsentsha;

-godisa (cause to grow, nurture, honour)<

-gola, cf. Pedi -godisa;

-badisa (cause/help read) < -bala, cf.

Pedi -badisa;

the substitution of the voiceless alveolar affricate tsh

[tsh] for the voiceless palatal alveolar affricate tsh

[ tJh], as in

-tshaba (flee), cf. Pedi -tshaba;

-tshela (cross, be well), cf. Pedi -sela;

-tsholola (pour out), cf. Pedi -tsholla;

a vocabulary characteristic of Tswana, e.g.

lentswe (stone/mountain);

bojalwa (beer);

sekwele (school);

or such constructions as:

-didiruala (be quiet);

-siama (be well);

ke tla mo betsa/itaya (I will thrash him);

dinku tsa pape di sule (my father's sheep are dead);

setlhare sea ungwa (the tree bears fruit);

dikhomo tsa me (my head of cattle).

Research among the various Birwa groups mentioned

in par. 2.1.38 did not reveal the typical Birwa tsh [tfh]

for Pedi s ls], as in tshilo tsh~ (this thing), tshiheso

(fireplace), tshivada (wild animal), tsheata tsha ka

- 40 -

(my hand) and -tshepela (walk, go), to which Dr Van

Warillelo refers; 14 ) and, because of the absence of this

typical Birwa feature, it is inferred that the original

Birwa dialect is no longer spoken in the Northern Trans­

vaal. The Birwa dialect as such is spoken only in

Bechuanaland. The original Birwa who stayed behind have

adopted the Hananwa-Tlokwa dialect.

------------------------14. Van Warmelo, N.J.: Die Tlokwa en Birwa van Noord­

Transvaal, p. 24.

CHAPTER IV

THE VOWELS OF NORTHERN SOTHO

4.0.00 All the Northern Sotho dialects under conside-

ration, like Southern Sotho and Tswana, have eleven vowel

phones which are group~d under seven phonemes.1 ) The seven

vowel phonemes,are given as they appear in Pedi, Lobedu,

Tlokwa and Kopa, but the examples are representative of

the rest of the dialects.

/a/ < B. ~ is an open mid vowel as in

Pedi. .:...gama [--rarna] < B. -kama (milk)

Lobedu. -aba [-apa] . < B. -xaba (divide)

Tlokwa. -fa [-4ia] < B. -pa (give)

Kopa. -t~a [-tJ'a] < B. -lia (eat)

/i/ < B. i is a close front vowel as in

Pedi. -adima [-al1ma] < B. --ralima (lend, borrow)

Lobedu. dzwi- [dzwi-] < B. ,.

xi- (refl. prefix)

Tlokwa.

Kopa.

-bina [-pina] < B. A -vina (dance)

bad1mo [pal1mo] < B. valimu (ancestral spirits)

/u/ < B. u is a close back vowel as in

Pedi. -duma [-luma] < B. -lurna (thunder)

Lobedu. khefofu [khe~9~u] < B. -popu (blind person)

Tlokwa. khudu [khulu] < B. -kulu (tortoise)

Kopa. -buna [-puna] < B. -vuna (reap)

/e/ < B. 1 is a semi-close front vowel as in

Pedi. -lema [-lema] < B. -lima (plough)

Lobedu. khe- [khe-] < B. ki- (cl. 7 prefix)

Tlokwa. -be [-pe] < B • .=Yi (bad)

Kopa. -feta [-~et 1 a] < B. -pita (pass)

------------------------1. Cole, D.T.: An Introduction to Tswana Grammar, p. 4.

- 41

- 42 -

/o/ < B. u is a semi-close back vowel as in

Pedi. ~ [-raro] < B. -tatu (three)

Lobedu. ho- [no-] < B. ::l:9:- (cl. 15 prefix)

Tlokwa. -hola [-fiola] < B. -kula (grow)

Kopa. -fola [-c!;iola] < B. -pul~ (thresh)

/E/ < B. e is a semi-open front vowel as in

Pedi. -sega [-sE¥a] < B. -keka (laugh)

Lobedu. kheebe [kheEbE] < B. -lembe (axe)

Tlokwa. letswele [lets'wslE] < B. livele (breast,

teat)

Kopa. -belegg_ [-pElExa] < B. -veleka (carry on the

back , give birth to)

/-::;/ < B. 0 is a semi-open back vowel as in

Pedi. -bona [-.[36na] < B. -vona (see)

Lobedu. -hona [-£bna] < B. -I.Q_na (snore)

Tlokwa. -lo:va [-lDja] < B. -loya (bewitch)

Kopa. letsogo [lets 1 6x-:;] < B. -voko (arm)

4.0.01 The following series of raised vowels are found

in all Northern Sotho dialects, namely

/E/ positional variant of /E/ as in

Pedi. [-rik'ilE] < [-rik'a] (buy)

/D/ positional variant of/-:;/ as in . Pedi. [-rDpilE] < [-r-:;pa] (break)

/e/ positional variant of /e/ as in

Pedi. [-lemilE] < [-lema] (plough) . . /o/ positional variant of /o/ as in

Pedi. [-16milE] < [-16ma] (bite)

For further details regarding the occurrence of the va­

rious vowel phonemes in Northern Sotho reference should

- 43 -

be made to Ferreira2 ) and Ziervogel. 3 )

4.0.02 Dialectically the vowel phonemes /e/ and /s/

on one hand, and /o/ and /o/ on the other, may alternate

with each other in certain words without causing any sig­

nificant difference in the meaning of the words. For

instance:

Pedi

-bea [-f3ea] and

-apea [-ap'ea] and

-nea [-nea] and

-thekga [-thekxha] and

-seba [-Jef3a] and

Kopa

-bea [-f3sa] (put down)

-apea [-ap'sa] (cook)

-nea [-nsa] (give)

-thekga [-thskxha]

(support, prop up)

-seba [-Jsf3a] (eat porridge

with meat etc.)

4.0.03 Nouns formed from the above verb stems retain

the same phoneme. Thus [p'eo] [pfo]; [k'ap'eo]

[k 1 ap 1 Eo]; [neo]

[seJepo] [seJsf3o].

[thekxho] [thskxho];

But this feature cannot be taken as

a general rule, namely, that Pedi /e/ will be /s/ in Kopa

and the other dialects, because in stems such as Tlokwa

-theya [-theja] (set a trap) and -reya ["'"'.:r:eja]. (give a

name), the respective Pedi equivalents are -thea [-thla]

and -rea [-rfa]; Tlokwa nto [nt 1 0], Pedi ntlo [ntl'o] - " (a house); Tlokwa seyanto [ s e j ant ' o ] , Pedi seantlo

" [seantl'o] (a custom by which a man marries his deceased

wife's sister); Tlokwa ngwako [Dwak'o], Pedi ngwako

[Dwak'o] (house). Therefore the distribution of the

vowel phonemes from one dialect to another cannot be taken

into account in distinguishing and classifying the dialects.

2. Ferreira, J.A.: Die Fonemiese Struktuur van die Sothotale.

3. Ziervog·e1, D. :· Unisa LectuTe Notes.

- 44 -

4.1.00 Of interest is the fact that among Pedi- and

Lobedu-like dialects a falling rising tone is usually

heard when certain words with phonetically identical

vowels in juxtaposition are pronounced in isolation or

at the end of a sentence, e.g.

Pedi. muusi [muJi] < B. -Joki (smoke)

maahlo [ma4o] < B. -¥iko (eyes)

mootlwa [motl'wa] < B. -ixua (thorn)

meetse [m~ts'e] < B. -xix!Li:z:i (water)

booswa [i3cjwa]

ngwaana [:i:iwana] < B. mu-ana (child)

which in Lobedu are respectively

Lobedu. moosi [mosi]

maa~ho [ma:t;ho]

mootwa "'

[motw'a] "'

maazi [mazi]

booswa r ..,. ] Li3oswa

moyana [mojana] alternative [mjana].

4.1.01 At the beginning of a sentence, or in quick

speech, however, no falling rising tone is audible; the

low tone on the prefixal vowel is assimilated and only the

HH tone pattern is heard, 4) e.g.

Pedi. ,;y, ,

thunya (smoke is rising) mUSJ. 0 a

motlwa , a hlaba (the thorn pricks) 0

metse ,,

ton:va (water is cold) a

Lobedu. matho ,

ga a bothogo (my are painful) a eyes ,. A

motwa , ,

thaba (the thorn pricks) 0 a . A A

# ,, ; , lela (tho child is crying) m;yana 0 a

4. Beuchat, P.D.: Tonomorphology of the Tsonga Noun, African Studies, 18, 3, 1959.

I

- 45 -

4.1.02 In Tlokwa, Kopa and most of the dialects around

Pietersburg no falling rising tone is heard, whether the

words are pronounced in isolation, or are used at the be­

ginning or at the end of a sentence; and words normally

written with phonetically identical vowels in Pedi are

pronounced and written with one vowel in these dialects,

e.g. ,

musi; boswa; matho; metse; ,. ,

ngwana

From the above exa;nples, it is evident that

among the Pedi- and Lobedu-like dialects the tone of the

prefix, which is low, as well as the high tone of the

initial vowel of the stems, are retained when the words

are pronounced in isolation or used at the end of a sen­

tence. In the case of Pedi meeno [mEno], although

coalescence of vowels has taken place, the tone pattern,

i.e. LHL remains the same; hence [msno] < B. ma-ino.

As regards Pedi mahlo [ma4o], although the initial vowel

of the stem has been elided, the tone of that vowel has

been retained. In Pedi piitso [p 1 1tJ'o] < B. ni + bitsa,

both the prefixal vowel and the initial vowel of the stem

(and their tones) have been retained.

Among the Tlokwa, Kopa, Moletsi, Matlala and

Ndebele-Sotho dialects either the prefixal vowel and its

tone or the initial vowel of the stem and its tone have

been completely elided~ In the case of Tlokwa metse

[ "] ', , m~ts'e < *maetse; and~ [mus{],< *muus{ < *mousi

the initial vowel of the stem and its tone have been

elided; in Tlokwa boswa [~oswa] the prefixal vowel and

its tone have been elided, i.e. *bo-6swa > boswa.

- 46 -

4.2.00 As is well-known, raising of vowels preceding

and following close vowels is a common feature of the

Sotho languages (vide Cole 5) and Ziervoge16)). In

certain Northern Sotho dialects, particularly Lobedu,

Phalaborwa, Khaga, Dzwabo and, to a lesser extent, Tlokwa,

however, the incidence of vowel raising is not as pro­

nom1ced as in the Pedi cluster of dialects. As a rule,

[£] and [o] are raised to[~] and [9] under the following

conditions:

(a) when [i] or [u] is used as a terminativ,e vowel, as in

Pedi. [nalfli] (star)

[mor(k'i] (buyer) < [-r£k'a] (buy)

[mol9i] (witch) < [-loja] (bewitch)

[-rw£u] (white) .; . [sel~lu] (chin)

[tl 1 9u] (elephant)

Lobedu

[mor€g{]

[mol9i]

[-tJhwfu]

Phalaborwa

[nalili]

[mor~gi]

[mol9i]

[-tJhw~u]

[khel~lu] [thel£1u]

[<i~m] [<i:;>u]

------------------------

Khaga

[mor{g:i'.:]

(mol9i]

[-tJhw~u]

Dzwabo

[nal~l{]

[mor€g{]

[mol~i]

[-tJhw~u]

[1hel~lu] [khel~lu]

[g;m] [q~m]

Tlokwa

[nal~li]

[mor(k'i]

[moloi]

[-tJhws:u]

[sel~lu]

[t'ou] A •

5. Cole, D.T.: (1) Notes on the Phonological relationship of the Tswana vowels.

(2) An Introduction to Tswana Grammar. 6. Ziervogel,D.: Unisa Lecture Notes.

- 47 -

(b) with the locative suffix -ng [-JJ] < * !11:

Pedi. [k 1 ~r ~k' ~JJ] (at church)

[ ts I ~J3£JJ] (in the ear)

[molap'9iJ] (at the river bed)

[sek' 9l9JJ] (at school)

Lobedu Phalaborwa Khaga

[ ,. ,. ]7) gErEg~ne [gErsg~ne] [gErsg~ne]

[ dz Ej3~ne]

[mola b 9ne]

[khegol one]

Dzwabo

[gErsgine]

[dze::p~ne]

[molab9ne]

[kheg6l9ne]

[dzEJ3~ne]

[molab;ine]

[ theg 61 one] " .

Tlokwa

[k' E;r~k' ~ne]

[ts'EJ3fne] . . [molap' ;me]

[sek' §l~ne]

[dz EJ3€ne]

[molab9ne]

[ t;heg619ne]

(c) in the causative suffix -isa or in the hypothetical

suffix *-va: -Pedi. [-r~k'iJa] < -reka (buy)

[-r9piJa] < -roba (break)

[-p9n'tJha] < *-B~ni[a (show) < -bona (see)

[-ts'~n'tJha] < *-ts'e::ni[a (put in)< -tsena

(enter)

[-f~tJ'a] < *-fe::lYa (complete)< -fela (come to an end)

[-tl'9tJ'a] < *-tl'olYa (smear on) < -tlola

(smear)

[-J3~l~Ja] < *-BEle::xya (cause to carry) < -belega (carry)

7. Note that in Lobedu, Phalaborwa., Khaga and Dzwabo only the vowel which is contiguous to the terminating syllable is rais~d, whereas in Pedi raising is carried over a whole word.

- 48 -

In Lobedu, Phalaborwa, Khaga, Dzwabo and Tlokwa,

the raised [f] in [-r{g1sa]/br€k'1sa] and fdz~n'tJha]/

[-ts 1 0'tJha]? and the raised [9] in [-r9_[3isa] and

[-_[3gntJha] are lower in quality thar. those in the Pedi

examples above. In the rest of the exarnples these vowels

are not raised at all. Thus [-cI?Ed3a]. [-~od3a] and

[-pclEsa] in Lobedu, Phalaborwa, Kgaga and Dzwabo, and

[-cI?EtJ' a], [-1otJ' a] and [-pElEsa] in Tlokwa. Vvi th regard

to Pedi-like dialects, this type of vowel-raising also

includes instances in which the original non-causative

stem of the verb no longer exists, but in which the exist­

ing stem suggests a causative form. This rule does not

apply to Tlokwa and the Lobedu-like dialects:

[-p~Ja] (roast)

[-y~tJ'a] (kindle a fire)

[-tshw ~Jla] (annoy)

[-ap'~Ja] (clothe)

Lobedu Phalaborwa Khaga Dzwabo Tlokwa

[-pEsa]

[-fiod 3a/ -fiot J I a]

[ -tshw EJla]

[-abEsa/ap'Esa]

The raising qualities are retained in Pedi nouns derived

from verbs which have the raised vowels in consequence of

Pedi Lobedu Phalaborwa Khaga Dzwabo Tlokwa

[bElEso/p' dEso]

[phJtJ' o] (end) [phEd30/phEtJ 1 o]

[kxh9tJ' o] (manner of [khod30/kxhotf' o] kindling a fire)

(d) in the perfect suffix [-il~]. This rule applies

to all the Northern Sotho dialects except the

Lobedu-like dialects:

- 49 -

Pedi Lobedu

[-r(k' {1~] < -reka (buy) [-rEgilE]

[-r9_(3ild < .-roba (break) [-rof3i1E]

[ -r fm.11 d < A (chop) [-rEmilE] -rem.a . . [-rorilE] < A (roar) [-rorilE] -rora . .

4.2.01 As a rule in Pedi and closely related dialects

the raised vowel [f] is also found in the following in­

stances:

(a) in the applied suffix -etsa as in

Pedi. [ - ll J { t J I a] (heard for/at)< -disa (herd)

[-_(3{litJ'a] (call for/at) < -bitsa (call)

[-fiJ~tJ'a] (burn for/at) < -fisa (burn)

[-_[3uJ~tJ'a] (return to)< -busa (return)

However, in the Lobedu cluster of dialects, as well

as in Tlokwa, Hananwa and Mamabolo, this is not the

case.

Lobedu Tlokwa

[-l{sfd3a] [-l:CsftJ 1 a]

[ r , , ] -f31lc:d3a [-f3{lstJ I a]

[-cJ?{ssd3a] [-w{s€tJr a]

[ , / , ] -i3usEd3a [-f:3usttJ'a]

(b) the perfect suffix -ile which has final[~] in

all the dialects except the Lobedu cluster of

dialects:

~

[-136{1~] < ~ (return)

[-f39!il~] < -bofa (tie up)

Lobedu

[-.(36{1€]

[-i3 6w{1 sJ

- 50 -

(c) before the ejective lateral explosive [t1 1 Jin some

stems. Note that this rule does not apply to the

Lobedu cluster of dialects which use the interdental

voiced explosive [d] and to Tlokwa, Hanawa 1 Mamabolo, A

Dikgale, Moletsi and Matlala which use the interdental

unvoiced explosive [t 1 ], instead of [tl']:

" '

[-pEtl'a] (carve) . [-leyltl'a] (shoulder) . [liritl'o] (viscera,

• • entrails)

Lobedu

[-.[3Eda] "

lien.Eda] "

Tlokwa Hananwa Moletsi Matlala Mamabolo Dikgale

[-pEt'a] "

[lefift'a] A

(d) as a result of the coalescence of final=.§:. and loca­

tive *-ing (*-iD < *-ini). This rule applies to

all Northern Sotho dialects:

Pedi Lobedu

[tha.[3s~] (in the mountain) [tha.[3Ene] . . [t'apc!J] (as regards the matter) [dapsne] . .

(e) as the vowel in monosyllabic verbs in all dialects

except the Lobedu cluster:

Pedi.

Lobedu. [.[3s]

[o.[3E ap6na] (he was seeing) but

[o.[3E a.[3ona] (he was seeing)

(f) as the terminative vowel of words which have [~]

in the penultimate syllable in all dialects except

the Lobedu cluster and Tlokwa, Hananwa, Moletsi,

r1a tlala and Mama bolo:

- 51 -

(i) the present tense subjunctive mood;

Pedi. [ofEFE] (you should conquer), but

[6<IiE:FE] in Lobedu, Tlokwa, Hananwa,

Moletsi, Matlala and Mamabolo.

(ii) the imperative with objectival concord or

reflexive prefix:

[ikEtl'E] (wait) in Pedi, but [igEdE] in Lobedu . . "

and [{kEt'E] in Tlokwa, Hananwa, Moletsi "

Matlala and Mamabolo.

[l{yor6JE] (bring them home) in Pedi, but . . . [l{fiorosE] in Lobedu, Hananwa, Tlokwa,

Moletsi, Matlala and Mamabolo.

(g) in all dialects, except the Lobedu cluster, the first

vowel of the demonstrative of classes~-, le-,§..§_-,

Pedi. (metse) Y£ ([jE]) (these villages) . (leina) le ( [lE]) (this name)

(sele:12e) " ( [ SE ] ) (this axe) se . (dile12e) tse ([tf 1 E] (these axes) . (nku) " ([jE]) (this sheep) Y!i

·( dikgomo) tse ( [ tf'd) (these cattle) .

Lobedu Phalaborwa Khaga Dzwabo

[ j E] . [jE] [ j E] [ j E]

[lE] [lE] [lE] [le:]

[khc:] [the:] [thE] [khc] " "

[dzwE] [dzwE] [dzwE] [ ·1 - - 7 C1.,:,wEJ

[ j E] [ j E] [jE] [ j E]

[d3E] [d3E] [d3E] [d3E]

- 52 -

(h) In the derivation of perfect stems of verbs with

the following suffixes, the semi-open vowels are

always raised in quality in all the dialects except

the Lobedu cluster:

-ala > [stJ 1 e] .

-ola > [-otJ'e] .

-ala > [-sle]

~ > [-sre]

-enya > [-sFtJ's] . .

-robala (sleep) > -robetse

[-ropstJ'e] . . -otsela (be drowsy)> -otsetse

[-otsstJ 1e] . . -gohlola (cough)> -gohlotse

[-¥6cI>6tJ'e] . . -rwala (carry) > -rwele

[-rwc:le] . -swara (hold) > -swere

[-swire] . -lesa (let go) > -lesitse

[-lesitJ's] . -disa (herd) > -disitse

[l1J1tJ's] . -elelwa (remember) > -eletswe

[-slstJw'e] ' 0

-senya (destroy) > -sentse

[-sen'tJ's] . Apart from [tshwsre], no example has yet been noted

of this type of vowel raising in the Lobedu cluster

of dialects:

-robala > -robade [-rof3ads] "

-edzela > -edzede [-sdzsds] h ,,,

-hothola > -hothode [-fi6th6dc:J ,,, ,,, ,..

-rwala > -rwade [-rwadc:] ,,,

-tshwara > -tshwere [-tshwc:re] . - etsha > -letshid.ze [-letJhid3s]

-disa > -disitse [-lisid3s]

-elelwa > -eledwe [-c:lc:dwc:]

rtshen:va > -tshend:.-e [-tshen 1 d3s] ..

- 53 -

4.2.02 The raised vowel o is found in the following ,:-

instances:

(a) as the terminative vowel of impersonal nouns if

the vowel of the penultimate syllable has a raised

vowel:

[ph~~9] (victory)

[pQ~y] (wink)

[tfh1r€l~tJ'9] (protection)

[ma1k'€m1JftJ 1 9] (intention)

However, in the Lobedu-like dialects, as well as in

Tlokwa, Hananwa, Moletsi, Matlala and Mamabolo, we

find no such instances since in these dialects the

penultimate vowel is usually unraised:

Lobedu

[phc:~o]

[bo~o]

[ tJh1rc:l~d3c:]

Tlokwa

[phc:~o]

[po~o]

[tfh{riflc:tJ'o]

[ma1k'sm1sc:tJ 1 0]

(b) as the first vowel of the demonstrative pronouns

of classes illQ::., bo- in all the dialects except the

Lobedu cluster:

Pedi Lobedu

(motho) A

Y2.. [jo] '

(this person) [jo]

(motse) WO [wo] (this village) [wo] '

(bohloko) b.jo [1339] (this pain) [1330]

mo [mo] (here) [mo] •

(c) the vowels of the quantitative stem are of raised

quality in all dialects except the Lobedu cluster,

Tlokwa, Hananwa and Mamabolo:

Pedi Lobedu

[ - 9°-= ~ ] ( all )

Mamabolo Tlokwa

[-QthE]

Hananwa

- 54 -

(d) with deficient verbs of which the final [-a]

coalesces with the infinitive go-/ho:

Pedi. tlo [-tl'~], -no [-no], -rato [-rat'?]

Tlokwa. ~ [-f 9], .=!1£. [-n9J, -rato [-rat'~]

In the Lobedu cluster, however, the rule does not

apply, e.g. [-d6], [-n6], L-rada fi6] "

4.2.03 The vowels [c::J and [o] are also raised in

all dialects when followed by close [e] and [o]. These

close vowels are found:

(a)

(b)

as the terminal vowels of nouns:

Pedi

[tJhw~ne] (baboon)

[kxh9mo] (head of cattle)

as a negative verb ending:

Pedi. [1ak'ef:39ne] (I do not see)

[ 1ak r er~k'e] ( I do not buy)

Lobedu

[tJhw~ne]

[kh9mo]

Tlokwa Lobedu Dzwabo · Phalaborwa Khaga

[fiaserc::k'e] [ l;)khe f:39ne] [kxhef:3one] [ ( n ) the f:3 ~me J

[fiaserc::k 1 e] [JJkher~ge] [kxherfge] [ (n)therfge]

(c) as the terminative vowel of the perfect stem of

verbs ending in .=!1E:, and.=!!!§.:

[p9ne] -bona (see)

[fme] -ema (stand)

(d) as the vowel [o] of the inversive verb suffix -ola

or -olola. However, this rule does not apply to

the Lobedu-like dialects:

Pedi

[-fp'olla]

[-p9folla]

Lobedu

[-Ebolola]

[-p6~lola]

- 55 --

4.2.04 When a raised vowel occurs in a non-diminutive

form of a noun, it usually reverts to the open variety in

the diminutive form:

Pedi. [kxh?Ji] (chief) but [kxhoJana]

[kxhomo] (head of cattle) but [kxho~wana]

In some words there is no obvious reason for raised

vowels:

[seruruBilf] (butterfly).

The influence of the i, :ia:, .Q. and£ on the pre­

ceding vowel can be exerted retrogressively beyond the

first syllable immediately before them. ill syllables

with the same vowel as the first one or another of the

open type immediately before the close vowel have a raised

vowel until a break of the [s] and [o] type occurs:

Pedi. [-9mfl~tJ'a] causative of [-6mE1£1a] (dry out completely)

[mo~m~li] (representative) < [-fmtla] (stand for, represent).

The vowels [e] and [o] arG also raised in all

Northern Sotho dialects when followed in the next syllable

by close vowels [i] and [u]. The vowel i or :ia: is found:

(a) as a vowel of the root;

Pedi

[s~liBa]

[m9khuf3u]

[ s E;1n1 Ba]

[l~l{mo]

Lobedu

(well) [kh~l1Ba]

(navel) [m9khuBu]

(chest] [khE;khuBa]

(hurricane) [l~limo]

(b) as a final vowel: -i as the ending of personal

deverbatives, and .=1h as the ending of nominal stems:

- 56 -

~

[f3ar9k:i] (sewers, tailors)

[molefi] . (payer)

[l~ru] (cloud)

[s~fu] (trap, snare)

(c) as i in the perfect suffix -ile and

~

[-fet11lc:] < -feta (pass) . . [-ro~ilc:] < -roka (sew) . . [-f3Qli tJ1

~] < -betsa (throw)

[-f36l1tJ's] < -botsa (tell) . .

Lobedu

[f3ar9g{]

[mo lE:Wi]

[leru] •.

[kheru] •

-itse

Lovedu

[-w~d1ls] 8 )

[-r9g1lc:]

[-f3ql1d3c:]

[-f3ql1d3s]

(d) as i in the causative suffix -isa/isa:

Pedi Lobedu)

[-ts 1 9m1Ja] < -tsoma (hunt) [ ,, ✓ , ]

-dZQilll.Sa

[-l~k'1Ja] < -leka (try, examine) [-l~gisa]

[-l~miJa] < -lema (plough) [-l?misa]

[-l9k'iJa] < -loka (b.straight/just) [-l9gisa]

(e) the raised [e] and [o] also occur when followed by

the locative suffix -ng:

Pedi

[se4ar~~J (at the tree)

[f3ath9~] (to the people)

[molat'~~] (at the case)

[mo4ap 1~~] (at the flock)

Lobedu

[setharene] ,.. . [_t3athsme]

[molad9ne]

[mothabene] ,.. .

(f) As in the case of [s] and [o] the retrogressive in­

fluence of the close vowels is also applicable to

[ e] and [o]:

~ Lobedu

[f3949k 1 9~] but bohloko (pain)

[m9s~p'~l~~] but mosepele (man-ner of walking) [mosebelene] . . . .

8. Note that final~ of the perfect suffix is unraised in the Lobedu cluster of dialects.

- 57 -

4.0.07 From the above examples it will be observed

that in Pedi and closely related dialects the raising of

vowels[£] and [o] is more pronounced than in the Lobedu

cluster and, to a lesser extent, Tlokwa, Hananwa, Moletsi

Mamabolo, and Matlala. As far as the vowels [e] and [o]

however, raising takes place evenly in all the dialects.

CHAPTER V

CONSONANTS OF PEDI

5.0.00 In this chapter we shall compare Pedi and Ur-

Bantu. The classification of Pedi consonants will be in

relation to UrBantu as postulated by Meinhof.

~antu Plosives

5.0.01 B. k > [r] or [x], the voiced or unvoiced velar

fricative respectively. According to Meinhof,l)

[r] is found when it is followed and preceded

by a vowel 9 i.e. when it is used medially in

words, e.g. [-ara] (build), [-rat'fra] (lovable);

the unvoiced [x] is usually found at the begin­

ning of verb-stems, e.g.

[-xana] (refuse)< B. -kana;

[-xama] (milk) < B. -kama.

Recent research, however, justifies the view

held by Tucker2 ) that in all circumstances the

voiced [6 ] is the more commonly used among the

Pedi-like dialects. Only in very few ideolects

does one encounter the use of [x]. In this way,

it would be correct to say that [6 ] and [x] are

fluctuations of the phoneme / 6/ in Pedi.

B. t > [r], rolled alveolar vibrant, e.g.

[-raro] (three) < B. -tatu;

[-rafa] (take out) < B. -tapa.

B. p > [f], unvoiced denti-labial fricative,e.g.

[-fa] (give) < B. -12§;

[fa] (here) class 16 prefix;

[-fala] (scrape) < B. -pala.

1. Meinhof, C. & Van Warmelo N.J.: Introduction to the Phonology of the Bantu Languages, p. 59

2. Tucker, A.N.: The Comparative Phonetics of the 2uto­Chuana Group of Bantu Languages, p. 59.

- 58 -

- 59 -

Both Endemann3) and Meinhof4 ) regard Pedi [f]

as a bilabial fricative. Endemann states his

case thus:

"Das fund v des Sotho sind reinlabial, nicht dentolabial wie bei den Nord­deutschen.

we do not agree with this finding. The un­

voiced bilabial fricative is found in Kopa and

among the Northern and North-eastern Transvaal

dialects.

Bantu Fricatives

5.0.02 B.¥. This sound has disappeared in Pedi although

it sometimes appears as I, e.g.

[-a~a] (divide) < B. -ay~;

[-ala] intransitive verb-ending< -ala;

[-loja] (bewitch) < B. -loxa.

B. 1 remains [1], voiced fricative alveolar lateral,

e.g.

[-lala] (lie down) < B. -lala;

[-laja] (instruct) < B. -laxa•:

B. v remains [~], voiced bilabial fricative,

e.g.

[-~~a] (be bitter) < B. -::'.:a::'.:a;

[~-] class prefix 2 < B. va-; ----[-~la] (count) < B. -vala _,

Bantu Nasals

5.0.03 The nasals [m] and [n] remain unchanged in

Pedi, e.g.

[ma-] class prefix 6;

[-ana] reciprocal verb suffix.

3. Endemann, K.: Versuch einer Grammatik des Sotho, p.6. 4. Meinhof, C. & Van Warmelo, N.J.: Introduction to the

Phonology of the Bantu Languages, p. 59.

- 60 -

NASAL COMPOUNDS.

Original Nasal Compounds

5.0.04 B. nk > [-0kxh], unvoiced aspirated velar

affricate preceded by an homorganic nasal,

e.g.

[--0kxha] (smell badly) < B. -nunka.

B. nt > [th], unvoiced aspirated alveolar ex­

plosive, e.g.

[motho] (person) < B. muntu.

B. mp. > [ph], unvoiced aspirated bilabial

explosive, e.g.

[lephelo] (manner of living)

B. ng > [k'], unvoiced ejective velar explosive,

e.g.

[-lek'a] (try) < B. linga.

B. nd > [t'], unvoiced ejective alveolar explo-

sive, e.g.

[-at'a] (increase) < B. -Janda;

[-let'a] (wait)< B. linda.

B. mb > [p'], unvoiced ejective bilabial explo­

sive, e.g.

[-~op'a] (mould)< B. -yumba.

Nasal Compounds with ni-

5.0.05 Nasal compounds with ni- are found with

(i) Nouns of class 9

(ii) Nouns of class 10

(iii) Adjectives of classes 9 and 10, and

(iv) With the first person singular objecti-

val concord.

(i) Nouns of class 9:

5.0.06

- 61 -

ni + k > [(JJ)kxh]

[kxhak'a] (guinea-fowl)

[kxhare] (ring) < B. ni-kati· _____ 9

[*xho] (clay pot) < B. nJ-ko.

ni + t > [th]

[tha_f3a] (mountain)< B. ni--tava · -· 9

[thap'o] (rope) < B. ni-tambo;

[nth6] (wound) < B. ni-to.

ni + p > [ph]

ni

ni

ni

[phala] (rooibok, impala) < B. ni-pala;

[pha1a] (wild cat) < B. ni-paka;

[mpho] (gift, present) < B. n~-QQ•

+ ¥ > [(JJ)k']

[k'olopc:] (pig) < B. nj_-yuluye;

[k'oma] (song, initiation school) <

B. ni-xom1a;

[JJkW I€] (leopard) < B. ni-gwc:.

+ 1 > [(n)t']

[t'au] (lion) < B. ni-layu;

[t'ema] (plot) < B. ni-lima· ______ ?

[ntw'aJ (war) < B. ni-dwa.

+ V > [(m)p' J [p'udi] (goat) < B. ni-vu.li;

[p'e:u] (seed) < B. ni-veyu~ --~--==-_:..:' [m'p 1a] (stomach) < B. ni-ya

. (ii) Nouns of class 10~

5.0.07 Nouns of class 10 are the plurals of nouns of

class 9, with the plural prefix [ di ( N )-j. In gen.e:r·al, the

nasal consonant is retained ivi th monosy1labic stems, when

- 62 -

it is also syllabic, and is dropped in disyllabic and

polysyllabic stems, e.g.

[ntw'a] (war) > [ lintw' a]

[mpho] (gift, present) > [ limpho]

[thut'o] (education) > [ li thut' o]

[p' 9tJ' :LJo] (question) > [lip' ?tJ' :LJo]

5.0.08 There are, however, examples of polysyllabic

stems in which the nasal is retained:

[ J;jk , 9k , :rn (phantom) > [lizy{' ?k' Q{]

[ntho.f3ana] (a hole) > [ lin tho _f3ana]

[nt'ot'oma] (a mould, heap) > [lint'ot'oma]

[nthe_f3etha] (a dunce) > [linthe.f3etha]

[mp r a_f3ane J (vitrol) > [limp'a.(3ane]

[mphsfc:] (flattish calabash) > [limphff c:]

[I!lp'ap'ea] (unhidden spot) > [limp'ap'ea]

(iii) Adjectives:

5.0.09 Adjectives used with concords of classes 9 and

10 undergo the same changes as in the cases of nouns, e.go

[kxholo] < [-yolo] (big), B. -kulu ---[tharo] < [-raro] (three), B. -tatu

[psl{] < [-_f3~li] (two), B. -vili ' ----'-

[mp'e] < [-.f3e] (bad), B. -Yi,

5.0.10 In the above cases also the nasal consonant is

retained onJ.y with monosyllabic stems, but falls away from

disyllabic and polysyllabic stems, e.gn

[p'itJ'a s kxholo] (a big pot)

[likxh~mo tJ'{ tharo] (three head of cattle)

[liJ;Jk'u tJ'~ p'~li] (two sheep)

- 63 -

[lit'iro tJ'~ mp'e] (bad/evil deeds)

[p I fr£ ·~ khul3~lu] ( a red horse)

[thip'a i t'~l~l~] (a long knife)

(iv) The first person singular objectival concord:

5.0.11 The objectival concord of the first person singu-

lar is a nasal which derives from *ni-. Unlike class 9

prefix *ni-, this nasal is retained throughout and is syl­

labic, e.g.

5.0.12.

ni + k > [ qkxh]

[-:ukxh6ya] <

ni + t > [nth]

[-161a] (pull), B. -koka

. . [-nthoma] < [-r6ma] (send), B. -tuma

ni + p > [mph]

[-m'pha] < [-fa] (give), B. -pa

ni + v > [mp]

[-mp'{tJ'a] < [-~{tJ'a] (call), B. -vilva

ni + 1 > [nt]

[-ntw' fla] < [-lwa] (fight), B. -lwa

B. !!!1!. as a class prefix has become [mo-] before

monosyllabic and polysyllabic noun stems of classes 1 and

3, e.g.

[mo1ami] (milker) < [-1ama]

[morut'i] (teacher) < [-riit'a]

[mol:i'.:Ja] (heardboy) < [-l{Ja]

[mots'e] (village)

[mo4are] (a tree)

5.0.13 When [mo-] occurs before stems commencing in

b, the .Q is elided, and ,h_is assimilated to...!!}., i.e.

*mob > 1 ~' e.g.

5.0.14

- 64 -

[mmuJi] (governor, ruler) < -qnobusi < -busa

[mmutl'a] (hare)< *mobutla, cf. pl. mebutla

[mmop'i] (potter)< *mobopi < -bopa

[mm~tl'i] (carpenter)< *mobetli < -betla

With regard to the objectival concord of classes

1 and 3, [m] is used before polysyllabic, and [mo] oefore

monosyllabic, verb-stems. When the objectival concord

occurs before stems commencing in b, progressive assimi-

lation takes place as shown in par. 4.0.13, e.g.

(I give him) r . , J ~k 1 eamofa

[k I eammona] (I see him)

~ammilitf'E] (They have called him)

5.0.15 In cases where class prefix [mo-] occurs before

vowel commencing noun stems, velarization takes place, e.g.

[JJWana] (child) < *mwana < *moana

[:r;Jwara] (year) < *mwaga < *moaga

[:t;Jw~li] (moon) < *mwcdi < *moedi

[JJW~tJ Ii] (bride) < *mwetsi < *moetsi

Bantu Palatals

5.0.16 B. ~ > [4] : [-4arola] (weed)< B. -takola

[-4ap'a] (wash oneself)< B. -tamba

B. t > [4] : [-q/4no] (five)< B. -tanu

[-4ahuna] (chew)< B. -±akuna

B. X > [t1 1 ] : [-tl'ala] (become full)< B. -xala

[-tl' ala] ( jump over) < B. -xul?,,. _

Nasal Compounds

5.0.17 ni + ~ > [4] :

[4ware] (python)< B. ni-tatu > [tlh];

[ntlha] (point)< B. ni-ta

- 65 -

ni + .1 > [4]

[-4am] (five) < B. ni-tanu

ni + :x > [ tl'] . . [tl 'ala] (hunger) < b. pi-,:xala

[ntl'o] (house) < B. ni-xu

5.0.18 As a rule, Pedi [4]' as a result of the

influence of ilk, becomes [t 1h]. e.g.

[-nt1ha~a] (to stab me),< [-4a~a];

[ 1,, J ( ) [ J -nt hompha to respect me , < -4ompha

5.0.19 In many cases, however, Pedi [4] remains un-

changed in class 9 nouns; in fact the general tendency is

to use [4] in preference to [tlh]:

[4;10] (head) instead of [t1 ho10J;

[4om,pho] (respect) instead of [t1 hom,pho];

[4aroJ (nature, origin) instead of [t1haro];

[4aolo1a~o] (understanding) instead of

[ t1 haolo6a~o];

[4ok'o] (observation) instead of [t1 hok'o];

[4a40~0] (inspection) instead of [t1 ha4o~o];

[4al0Jo] (explanation) instead of [t1 haloJo].

VOWEL INFLUENCE

(i) The influence of i and u

5.1.00 ki > [se] : [mosela] (tail)< B. mukila

ti> [re]

[-sep'ela] (walk)< B. -kirnbila

[-re] (say)< B. ti

[more] (tree)< B. ti

pi> [fe] : [mefe~] (handles)< B. -pini

[-fek'a] (cover, of dogs)< B. -pinga

i > [e]

li > [le]

,xi> [ts' e]

ku > [-z-o]

tu> [ro]

££ > [fo]

.m > [o]

- 66 -

[e-] concord class 9

[-lema] (plough)< B. -lima

[-let'a] (wait)< B. -linda

[me~ele] (bodies)< B. mi-yili

[-~e] (bad)< B . .=Y.§J:.

[mEts'e] (water)< B. -ixi '

: [-1010] (big),< B. -kulu

[--z-ola] (grow),< B. -kula

[16-] (concord class 15) < B. ku­

[-r6ma] (send)< B. -tuma

[-raro] (three-,< B. -tatu

[-fofa] (fly),< B. -pupa

[-fola] (thresh, pound, strike)<

B. -pula

[6-] (concord, class 3)

[tl'oo] (ground-nut),< B. -ni-X:UX:U

lu > [lo] : [-loma] (bite), B. -luma

[-lok'a] ~e straight,b. in order),

B. - lun,ga

[-~op'a] (mould), B. -YDEiba

[-~ok'a] (gather, collect),

(ii), The influence of close vowels i and u 5.1.01 ki > [Ji]

ti > [Ji]

Ill.> [fi]

> [swi]

[muJi] (smoke), B. -ki

[kxhoJi] (chief), B. -koki

[-Jia] (leave), B. -tixa

[leJik'a] (sinew), B. -tin,ga

[-fi4a] (hide, conceal), B. -pika

[-fi4a] (arrive), B. -pika

[leswiswi] (darkness), B. -pipi

[-swina] (fasten), B. -pina

[lesw{k'a] (stone), B. -pinga

- 67 -

J.VIeinhof 5) deduces three variants from B. cl in Pedi.

These are [ <I>i], [ swi] and [ <I>si]. This deduction is not

acceptable in the light of recent research into the typical

Pedi-speaking areas of Sekhukhuneland, i.e. among the Pedi

of Mohlaletsi and Mamone. The variant invariably used by

speakers of these areas is [ swi], e.g.

[-sw:U:la] (sweep) and not &<Ps1sla] or b\P1sla]

[-swina] (fasten) and not [-<I>sina] or [-<Pina]

[maswi] (milk) and not [ma~si] or [ma~i]

[ler9swi] (palm of hand) and not [ler9~si] or [ler9~i]

~ > [i]

li > [li]

vi> [£3i]

ku > ['hu] or

[leina] (name), B. liJ1na

[leift.o] (tooth), B. -xino

[le14o] (eye), B. -Xiko

[-l1k'a] (surround), B. -linga

[-alima] (lend, borrow), B. •alima

[-i31na] (sing and dance), B.

[-~ip'a] (cover), B. -yimba

[khu] : [mahura]/[makhura] (fat), B. -kuta

[-4a'huna]/[-4akhuna] (chew),

B. -kuna

The two variants ['h] and [kh] are used interchangeably

in typical Pedi, although the aspirated counterpart enjoys

more extensive usage among modern speakers. We have en­

countered no evidence of the Southern Sotho variant [f],

as in [mafura], to which Meinhof6 ) refers.

tu> [ru] [-rua] (rear), B. -tuxa

[-rula] (forge), B. -tu.la

[-rut'a] (teach), B. -tunga

5. Meinhof, C. & Van Warmelo. N.J.: Introduction to the Phonolo'c:;y: of._ the Bantu Languages. p. 64.

6. M.einhof, iJ'. & Van Warmelo. NJ.: Introduction to the Phonology of the Bantu La:nguz:ge,§., p. 64

pu > [fu]

> [sw]

t9- > [u]

lu > [lu]

vu > [pu]

> [ts']

- 68 -

[sef9fu] (blind person), B. -popu

[-fulara] (turn round), B. -pulata

[-swana] (resemble), B. -puana

[ tl' 9u] (elephant), B. -roxu

[:t;Jk'u] (sheep), B. =.I!1

[mal~lu] (beards), E. -lelu

[-luma] (thunder), B. -luma

[-puna] (reap), B. -yun~ [-ts'ora] (get up), B. -vuka

The influence of li

5.1.02 Pedi [ ¥] < B. k > [ s] :

[mas6me] (tens)< sing. [lesome]

Pedi [r] < B. t > [J] :

[marap'o] (bones)< sing.[lefap'o]

[marOp' e J (ruins) < sing. [leJop' e]

[mararo] (buttocks)< sing. [leJa¥o]

Pedi [f] < B. p > [sw] :

[leswafo] (lung)< B. -papu

Pedi [1] < B. 1 > [tJ'] :

[letJ'ema] (working party)< [-lema]

[letJ'opa] (variant of [lelopa] >

b •. -lova

Pedi _(3 < B. v > [ts'] :

[lets'op'a] (clay)< B. -yumba (mould)

[lets'o'¥o] (arm)< B. -voko

[letsw'{lE] (variant of [lep'£1E]

< B. _-yele

From the above examples, it is evident that the

vowel [i] of prefix [li-] (Pedi le-) has influenced suc­

ceeding consonants in the history of the language. Tucker

- 69 -

observes that "in each case the plural form gives the

original consonant (or its direct descendant) which the

vowel in the le- prefix has palatalized."?) In Pedi as

spoken today the original and palatalized plural forms

are generally used interchangeably, e.g.

[matsw'ElE] and [map£1E] (breasts)

[maJo~a] and [maro~a] (holes)

[maJaro] and [marayo] (buttocks)

This tendency suggests that the modern plural form is

derived by the analogy of the palatalized singular form

Primary consonants before semivowels

5.1.04 Before 11 open" semivowels

kya > [-sa]

[-sa] (dawn), B. -kya

[sa-] (poss. concord class 7)

tya > [Ja]

[naJana] (small buffalo), B. nat;y:ana

[se4aJana] (diminutive of [se4are])

pya > [swa]

[-swa] (new, burn), B. ~ '

Although Meinhof8 ) has postulated two variants, i.e. [-(lJsa]

and [-swa], we have found no instances in Pedi when the

forr:1er variant is used. What is interesting, but cannot

be phonologically explained, is that when the Pedi adjec­

tive [-swa] qualifies nouns of classes 9 and 10, it becomes

strengthened to [-mpsha] and not [-ntshwa].

7. Tucker, A.~.: The Comparative Phonetics of the Suto­Chuana Group of Bantu Languages, p. 86.

8. Meinhof, C. & Van Warmelo, N.J.: Introduction to the Phonology of the Bantu Languages, p. 66.

- 70 -

This irregular change may perhaps be ascribed to Kopa in­

fluence, where [-~sa] > [-mpsha]. The following examples

will show this abnormal sound change:

[motho jo rnoswa] (a new person) . [se li13a SE seswa] (a new well) . [p'uk'u £ mpsha] (a new book)

[k' ol30 E mpsha] (a new blanket) •

x.:J.fd. > [ja]

[-ja] (go), B. - "r'Va ,,_!

[ ja-J (poss. concord class 9)

lva > [3a]

[-3aJ (eat), B. -lya

[kxho3ana] (diminutive of [kxholc:])

[mme3ana] (diminutive of [mmele])

Typical Pedi speakers use [-3a] and not [-lja] or [-la]

as postulated by Meinhof9 ) and confirmed for Kone by

Prinsloo.lO) [-lja] is found in Tlokwa, and [-la] in

Lobedu. Among urban speakers the voiced fricative [ 3]

is often replaced by the prepalatal voiced affricate [d3].

vya > [13za]

[-pzala] (sow)' B. -~yala

[lepza] (thong)

[sel3zana] (vessel, dish, plate)

[k 1 olopzana] (diminutive of [k'olopE]

9. Meinhof C. & Van Warmelo N.J.: op. cit., p. 66

10. Prinsloo, C.W.: Klank en Vormleer van Kone, p. 40.

- 71 -

In some ideolects [f3z] is replaced by [z], e.g. [lezwa]

and [sezwana], Among modern speakers [f3z] is often re­

placed by [f33]. The variant [pj] postulated by Meinhofll)

in addition to [f3z] and [f3 3] is found only in the Northern

and North-eastern dialects.

kwa > [ywa] : [-raywa] (be killed), pass. of [-raya]

[-r6ywa] (be scolded), pass. of [-roya]

> [ya] [ya-] (poss. concord class 15)

twa > [rwa] : [-rwala] (carry), B. -twala

[-lirwa] (be done) pass. of [-lira]

pwa > [pJha] [-pJha] (dry up), B. -pwa

[-pJhatl'a] (dash to pieces)

passive: [-lefJa] (be repaid)

[-f3ofJa] (be tied)

In a few ideolects of Pedi [fJ] in passive stems is re­

placed by [fJW], e.g. [-lefJwa] and [-f3ofJwa].

_Ji§:. > [wa] [-wa] (fall), B • .=!fil.

lwa > [lwa]

[wa-] (poss. concord classes 1 and 3)

[-lwa] (fight), B. -lwa

[-lwala] (be ill)

[ 3wala] (beer)

[ 3walJ.,] (grass)

[3walo] (so, thus, therefore)

[3wa-] (poss. cone. class 14)

[k 1 03wana] (diminutive of [k'of3o]

[-f3a3wa] (be ill)< [-f3af3a] (be bitter)

[-ro3wa] (be broken) (poss. of [-rof3a]

[f3ja] postulated by Meinhof12 ) occurs in the Northern and

North-eastern dialects and not in typical Pedi. In recog-

11. Meinhof, C. & Van Warmelo, N.J.: Introduction to the Bantu Languages, p. 64.

12. Meinhof, C. & Van \'larmelo, N. J.: Introduction to the Phonology of the Bantu Languages, p. 66.

- 72 -

nition of this fact, the current Northern Sotho orthography

gives [3] as an alternative of [~3] in such words as

[ts'e~3a] and [~3aD'].

Before "close" semivowels

5.1.05 kya > [t.Ja]

[-latJ'a] (cause to lie down), B. -lakya

tva > [Ja] :

[-Jala] (remain), B. -tiyala

[moriJana] (small hair), mutyana

pya > [swa]

[le16swana] (small hand), B. likupvana

[leswiswana] (diminutive of [leswiswi])

As stated in par. 4.1.01 the characteristic Pedi sound is

[sw] and not [<l?s] as Meinhof has deduced.

lya > [ tJ 'a]

[-tl'atJ'a] (fill), B. -alya

[tJ'a-] (poss. cone. class lO)

-vya > [ tsw']

[-tsw'ala] (bear young), B. -vyala

-kwa > ['hwa]

[-'hwa] (die), B. -kwa

-pwa > [swa]

-lwa >

:, > ~

[-swana] (be alike), B. A -pwana

[tJw'a] . . [-tJw'a] (come out), B. -lwa

[tJw'a] . .. [-tJw'ara] (dress), B. -vwata

[-~utJw'a] (ripen)

- 73 -

Nasal Compounds before semivowels

5.1.06 B. ~ > [tsha]

[tsh~tshwana] (small springbok)

B. mbya > [tsw'a]

[selftsw'ana] (small axe)

B. mpwa > [pJha] . . [-kxhapJha] (pass. of bkxhapha])

B. mbw~t > [pJ'a]

[-i3opJ'a] (pass. of t,Jlopa])

[mpJ'a] (dog), B. mbwa

B. m¥Za > [tshwa] . . [-tshwa] (spit out)

[sekxhatshwana] dim. of [sekgapho]

B. ndya > [ tJ 'a]

[lematJ'ana] or [lematjana] dim. of

[lemat:CJ

B. mbya > [tJw'a]

[i3utJw'ana] dim. of [13upi]

B. mbwa > [tsw'a]

[leyatsw 1 ana] dim. of [leyapu]

B. nkwa > [kxhwa]

[kxhjlale] (partridge). B. nkwali

B. ~ > [pJhc:]

[mpJhcf] (ostrich), B. -pwe

B. ngwe > [:i;Jkw'e] :

[ :i:JkW 1 €] (leopard), B. ~

B. ndwa > [ntw 1a]

[ntw'a] (war), B. -lwa

- 74 -

Nasals before semivowels

5.1.07 B. nya > [-na] (rain). Before vowel stems of

nouns, the prefix of class 9 (ni~) appears as

5.2.00

[n-] [nama] (meat)

[nara] (land, country)

[n6ya] (snake)

B. mya > [Jlwa] :

[J1wa11a] (plural of [JJwara])

B. ni > [ JJ ] :

locative suffix in [likxhoJJ] (firewood)

[-ts' {j1a] ( causative of [ -ts'tna]

B. mwa > []Jwa]

[ JJWana] (child)

[J;Jwale] (girl initiate)

From the foregoing analysis it will be observed

that, al though various scholars have in the past dealt with

the sound shifts of Pedi from B, discrepancies regarding

certain deductions have been brought to lig·h t. This does

not mean that these scholars were incorrect in their deduc­

tions, but that, presumably, their investigations did not

cover the typical Pedi speaking areas. The discrepancies

referred to are as follows:

B. k > [y] and not [x]

B. p > [f] and not [Cl)]

B. ,.

> [fi] and [swi] and not [ciisi] pl

B. ku > ['hu] and sometimes [khu] but not [fu]

B. pya > [swa] and not [ciisa]

B. lya > [3a] and not [lja]

B. vya > [i3za] and not [i3ja]

B. vwa > [3wa] and not [13ja]

-----------

CHAPTER VI

NORTHERN SOTHO CONSONANTS - COMPARISON

6.0.00 In this chapter we shall compare and contrast

consonants of the various Northern Sotho dialects. Taking

Pedi as our basis, we shall survey the phonological equi­

valents in the rest of the dialects, with a view to noting

existing similarities and differences.

Semivowels

6.0.01 In all Northern Sotho dialects the palatal semi-

vowel [j] and the bilabial semivowel [w] occur in verbal

and nominal stems. Examples will be given in Pedi, Tlokwa

and Lobedu but they are representative of the rest of the

dialects:

~

[-ja]

[-loja]

[-13olaja]

[moja]

[_floja]

[-wa]

[-wcla]

[lewatl'E]

[lewatl'a]

Tlokwa Lobedu

[-ja] [-ja]

[-loja] [-loja]

[-_flolaja] [-_flolaja]

[moja] [moja]

[_floja] [_floja]

[-wa] [-wa]

[-wcla] [-wEla]

[lewat'E] [lewadc] A A

[lewat 1 a] [lewada] A A

(go, go towards)

(bewitch)

(kill)

(wind, air)

(hair)

(fall)

(fall into, attend initiation school)

(sea, ocean)

(a dunce)

6.0.02 In addition, the semivowels are found in abso-

lute and demonstrative stems, as well as in possessive

concords:

[wona

Tlokwa

[ j Ena]

[wona]

Lobedu

[jEna] (he himself) class 1

[wona] (itself), class 3

- 75 -

- 76 -

~ Tlokwa Lobedu

[joJ [joJ [j6J (this), class l . . [ w6] [ w6] [w:5] (this), class 3 . . [ja-J [jf-J [ja-J poss. cone. cl. 9

[wa-] [wa-] [wa-] poss. cone. cl. 1 & 3

6.0.03 In stems in which vowels occur in juxtaposition,

however, semivowels occur in Lobedu, Phalaborwa, Khaga,

Dzwabo~ Hananwa, Tlokwa, Matlala, Mamabolo but not in

Pedi. In these dialects the rule seems to be that the

semivowel occurs between [e] and [a], [o] and [a], and

[u] and [a]:

Pedi Tlokwa Hananwa Matlala Lobedu Phalaborwa Moletsi Mamabolo Khaga Dzwabo

[-poa]

[-tJ'ea]

[-pea]

[-rua]

[poatl'a]

[-.[3oja]

[-tJ'eja]

E-J3eja]

[-ruwa]

[pojat'a] A

[,Bo::itsw I a] . 6.0.04 The above rule 8.lSo

Pedi [,, , ] oayana

Tlokwa ['·an' J OJ,- 2.na

Lobedu [ojafiana]

Pedi [,, , ] ealoma

Tlokwa [ejaloma]

Lobedu [ejaloma]

[-J3oja] (return)

[-d3eja] (take)

[-J3eja] (put down)

[-ruwa] (own stock,

breed and re2r domestic animals)

[.[3ojada] (carelessness, " untidiness)

[13ow::idzwa] (adultery)

applies to formatives:

(he is refusing)

(he is refusing)

(he is refusing)

(it bites)

(it bites)

(it bites)

- 77 -

The Nasal Consonants

6.0.05 Four nasal consonants are found in all the dia-

lects of Northern Sotho. These are the bilabial [m], the

alveolar [n], the palatal [F] and the velar[~]. Each of

these nasals may be syllabic, in which case it is homorganic

to the succeeding consonant. To these may be added the

palatal bilabial nasal [p], which occurs _only in Lobedu

and the interdental nasal [n], which occurs in Tlokwa, ...

Hananwa, Moletsi 1 Matlala, Lobedu, Khaga, Phalaborwa,

Dikgale and Dzwabo.

6.0.06 According to Prinsloo1 ) class~ in Pedi is

ne- in Kone. In the light of our investigations among

the various Kone groups (vide par. 2.1.20 - 2.1.22), we

do not accept this finding. Prinsloo's conclusion applies

to only three minor groups, viz. the Masa, Molepane and

Rantho, who for many years occupied the Steelpoort valley

in the Lydenburg district but are now settled in the

Groblersdal and Nebo districts. The bulk of the Kone

tribes in Sekhukhuneland use the Pedi class 4 prefix

without reserve, e.g.

[melat'o] and not [nelat'o] (cases);

[melao] and not [nelao] (laws);

[melala] and not [nel&la] (necks);

[melam6] and not [nelam6] (sticks, knobkerries)

6.0.07 The bilabial nasal [m] occurs before all vowels:

[-fma] (stand); [-mina] (blow the nose);

[motho] (person); [-mvrna] (keep mouth closed);

[malome] (maternal uncle); [-mena] (fold).

1. }?rinsloo, C. W.: Klank- en Vormleer van Kone. 1.-. -~j6

- 78 -

6.0.08 Syllabic [m] occurs before non-syllabic [m],

before the homorganic voiceless explosives [p'] and [ph],

or voiced explosive [b] and [ph] in the case o:f Lobedu,

Phalaborwa, Khaga, Dzwabo.

Pedi Lobedu Phalaborwa Khaga Dzwabo

[mms] [_f3ommc: J (my mother)

[m'p'a] [m'ba] (stomach, belly)

[mpho] [mpho] (gift, present)

6.0.09 The alveolar nasal [n] occurs before all vowels

except [u]:

Pedi

[nama]

[nok'o]

[n6-z-a]

[-neJa]

[mm~ni]

Lobedu Phalaborwa Khaga Dzwabo

[nama] (meat 1 flesh)

[nogo] (porcupine)

[non.a] (snake)

[-nesa] (cause to rain)

[mo_[39ni] (seer)

6.0.10 Syllabic [n] occurs before non-syllabic [n],

and before the homorganic voiceless explosives and affri­

cates [t' ], [th], [tlh], [ts'], or before voiced explosives

only in the case of Lobedu, Phalaborwa, Khaga, Dzwabo:

[nt'a]

[ntho]

[nnet'e]

[-nt1hatJw 1 ~tJ'a]

[ntl'o]

Lobedu Phalaborwa Khaga Dzwabo

[nda] (louse)

[ntho] (sore, wound)

[nnede] (truth)

(to wash for

(hut, house)

me)

- 79 -

6.0.11 The palatal nasal [J1] occurs before all vowels

except [u]:

[-Jlama]

[mOjlaJla]

[j1c:p'::i]

[-J1iJ1Efala]

[mof~Jli]

[-JlOfa]

Lobedu Phalaborwa Khaga Dzwabo

[-J1ama]

[mOJ1aJ1a]

[J1£ b::i]

(be sad)

(feast)

(riddle)

[-J1EPE~ala](become small)

[-mO(D£j1i] (conqueror)

[-J1ofia] (go up, slope)

6.0.12 Syllabic [J1] occurs before non-syllabic [J1]

and befoce the homorganic voiceless affricates, or voiced

affricates, in the case of Lobedu, Phalaborwa, Khaga,

Dzwabo:

[ ¥8Jl _, tf Ii]

[-J1tfha]

[6aJ1J1atJ'a]

Lobedu Phalaborwa Khaga Dzwabo

[fiajl'd3i]

[-.ptJha]

(frequently, often)

(take out, extract)

[ojaJ1J1ad3a] (he/she despises me)

6.0.13 The velar nasal [JJ] occurs before all vowels

except [u]:

[JJOp I£ J

[le]J£t'a]

[le}Jina]

Lobedu Phalaborwa Khaga Dzwabo

[JJaga]

[-JJaJJa]

(doctor)

(pull tight, argue dispute)

(haemorrhage)

(potsherd)

[-:u6JJ6re:fia] (grumble, murmur)

[le]Jina] (earring, nosering)

- 80 -

6.0.14 Syllabic [JJ] occurs before non-syllabic []J],

before voiceless explosives [k'], [kh] and ·affricate

[kxh], or voiced [g] in the case of Lobedu, Phalaborwa,

Khaga, Dzwabo and with nasal clicks [//]J] and [/]J]:

Pedi

[li1Jk'u]

[ynlJ'k'ime:la]

[1Jkxh6]

[ JOlJ 'khum{Ja]

[/ hJa/ /1Jae J

[//1JEE]

[-/1Jc:l1Jane] •

Lobedu Phalaborwa Khaga Dzwabo

[li1Jg 1u] (sheep)

[fiolJ'gemsla] (to wait for me)

[!.)kh6] (water pot)

[fio]J"khumisa] (to enrich me)

[//]Ja//l]ae] (expression of sympathy)

[//1JEE] (pardon!]

(small, little)

6.0.15 Syllabic [1J] also occurs in Pedi, Kopa, Ndebele

Sotho, Dikgale, J\folepo, Hananwa, Ma tlala, Moletsi in the

following circumstances:

(a) as a locative suffix. In the rest of the dialects

the locative suffix is [-ne] < B.-ini. The examples

that follow are given in Pedi, Hananwa, Tlokwa, and

Lobedu.

Pedi Hananwa Tlokwa Lobedu

[ tha.(3E]J] [ tha.(3E!.)] [thapfne] [thapEne] . . [nok'sIJ] [nok'sJJ] [nok 1 {ne] [nogine] . • [maJemo]J] [masemo]J] [□3,ser.16ne] [mas em one ] ,,

[li4areJJ] [lithareIJ] [litharene] [litharene] A A A

[moEllJJ] [moc: l1JJ] [moc:l{ne] [moc:l{ne] • . .

[sek'6l61J] [sek 1 6l6JJ] [sek 1 616ne] [kheg616ne] . • . . . •

(b) as an ending of interrogatives (cf. B. -in:i):

Pedi [k'e.(36ma]J?] (who are they?) •

- 81-

[j3atl'o.{36a neJJ?] or [~atl'opoa leJJ?] (When will they come • • back?)

[k'eeJJ~] (what is it?)

Hananwa: [k'eB6maJ;J?]

[j3at 1 6J3oja leJJ?] or [j3at I oj3oja ne}J?] A A . .

[k'eeJJ'?]

Tlokwa: [k'ej3omane?] . [j3at 1 6J3oja lene?] or [pat' oj3oja nene?]

,"- . I\ • [k'eene?]

Lobedu: [ , , ,. ] gej3omane? . [j3ad6j3oja lene?] or [j3adoj3oja nene?]

A • I\ •

L- ,. , ] geene?

(c) as a plural suffix of the imp ere, ti ve (cf. B. -ni):

Pedi Hananwa Tlokwa Lobedu

[B6rnhi J [.{3ona}J] [j36nane] [136nane] (see ye~);

[romaJJ] [romalJ] [r6mane] [rorr_::tne] (send ye!);

[etl'aJJ] [eta]J] [et'ane] [edane] (come ye' ) . ' • 9

" A A

[rat'aJJ] [ , , I , ] ra-c aJJ [rat'ane] [radane] (love ye!)

(d) as an ending of certain noun stems. Note that in

Tlokwa, Lobedu, Matlala, Moletsi, Mamabolo, Phalaborwa,

Khaga and Dzwabo the corresponding suffixes are [-Jle]

and [-ne]

Pedi Hananwa Tlokwa Lobedu

[likxhoJJ] [likxho]J] [likxhoJ1e] [likhoJ1e], B. -kuni;

[li46JJ] [lith6JJ] [lith6ne] [li th6ne], B. -koni; A . A • " •

[lenoJJ] [lenoJJ] [len~me J [lenone], B. ,.

-uni . • •

[moJJ '] [mo]J "] [moJ1e] [mOJ18]

(e) as an enumerative adjective stem [-:i;:i], from B. ~

(one). Note that Pedi, Hananwa, Kopa have both [-JJ]

and [-JJws]; the rest of the dialects except Lobedu

have [-JJwc::], and Lobedu h:::i..s [mJ]

- 82 -

Pedi Hananwa Kopa

[motho i mo~'] (a certain/another person);

[motho i IDOJJWE] (a certain/another person);

[13atho _{3a .[3a~'] (some/other people);

[13atho _[3a 13a~wf] (some/other people);

[selo sf se~'J (something);

[selo sf se~wf] (something);

Lobedu

[motho jo momjE]

[13 a tho i3a _[3amj E ]

[khelo khi knern"j E]

(f) as a relative suffix in Hananwa, Kopa, Matlala,

Moletsi corresponding to Pedi [-10] and Tlokwa,

Lobedu, Phalaborwa, Khaga, Dzwabo [-no]:

Hananwa. [motho j? arat'a~ mo11mo] (a person who

likes God),

Pedi.

Tlokwa.

Lobedu.

[kxhomo j€ e~ula~ nok'[~] (a cow that

grazes at the river)

[motho j9 arat 1 a10 molimo]

[kxhomo j~ efularo nok'sJJ]

[motho .,

arat'afio molimo] JO

[kxhomo ., e~J1an6 nok'ine] J~

[motho j9 aradafio molimo]

[khomo ., e~1an6 nog~ne] Jf

5.0.16 The palatal bilabial nasal my is found only in

Lobedu. In the production of this sound, the duration

between [m] and [j] is shortened to such an extent that

only a single sound, which may be more accurately repre­

sented as ljn] or [mj], is audible. This nasal, which is

- 83 -

equivalent of Pedi [JJ], usually occurs before vowels [a],

[-:,matha]/[-mJatha] (bite, break a piece), cf. Pedi [-iJwatha]

[-loJD.a]/[-lomJa] (be bitten), cf. Pedi [-loJJwa]

[-roJUa]/[-romJa] (be sent), cf. Pedi [-ro]Jwa]

[jnana]/[rrfj"ana]* (child), cf. Pedi [!)wana]

LPOJllafia]/[13orn]afia] ( this year), cf. Pedi [l8Jla¥a] or

[mOJJ,. J;)Wa-g-a]

6.0.17 '.I'he dental nasal [11], which is found in Matlala,

Moletsi, JVlamabolo, Tlokwa, Hananwa, Lobedu, Phalaborwa,

Illiaga, Dzwabo occurs as a homorganic prefix (classes 9

and 10) before dental[~], [th] or[~], and as objectival

concord of the 1st person singular before dental stems~

Tlokwa Hananwa Moletsi

[nt'o] AA

[nt'at'a] '"' A

[nthwa] AA

[nthotho] A A A

[-nthatsw'e:tJ'a] ",. .

[-nth::5mola] "" .

[ -nt I 8,£3a] A A

[-nt'{sa] / [nt'iJa] A A A

The Ejected Explosives

Lobedu Phalaborwa Khaga Dxwabo

[ndo] " ,.

[ndada] A A A

[rithwa] A A

[nthotho] AA A

[-nthomola] A A

[-ndapa] ",.

[-nd{sa] ""

(hut, house)

(large basket)

(kind of flying ant)

(top of thatched hut)

(wash for me)

(make me feel pity)

( arnaze me)

(bring me)

6.0.18 The ejected explosives [p'], lt'] and [k'] are

found in all Northern Sotho dialects except Lobedu, Phala­

borwa, Khaga, Dzwabo, where the tendency is to use voiced

* The alternative is [mo jana ].

- 84 -

forms for the corresponding unvoiced ones. Included in

this group is the voiceless ejective lateral explosive

[tl'] which occurs among the Pedi-like dialects.

6.0.19 The voiceless ejective bilabial explosive [p']

occurs before all vowels, and may be preceded by its

homorganic nasal, syllabic [m]. In Lobedu, Phalaborwa,

Khaga, Dzwabo this sound is replaced by the voiced bila­

bial explosive [b]:

Pedi Lobedu Phalaborwa Khaga Dzwabo

[p'alo] [balo] (number, sum)

[p'ela] [bela] (rock-rabbit)

[p'ono] [bono] (vision)

[p I !:JO] [ bofio] (bull)

[p'uli] [ht.1li] (goat)

[p'ula] [bula] (rain)

[m"p 1a] [m "ba] (stomach, belly)

[p'itJ'aJ [bid3a] (pot)

6.0.20 The voiceless ejected alveolar explosive [t']

occurs before all vowels, and may be preceded by its

homorganic, syllabic [n]. In Lobedu, Phalaborwa, Khaga?

and Dzwabo, this sound is replaced by the voiced post­

alveolar explosive [d], and in some Kopa and Mphahlele

ideolects by the voiceless interdental explosive [t'] "

Pedi

[t'au]

[lit'c:lu]

Kopa Mphahlele

[t'af3a]

[t'au] ,.

[lit'c:lu] A

Lobedu Phalaborwa Khaga Dzwabo

[daf3a] (matter, affair)

[dau] (lion)

[lidc:lu] (beard, Whiskers)

- 85 -

~ Kopa JViphahlele Lobedu Phalaborwa Khaga Dzwabo

[t'oro] [t'oro] [doro] (dream) A

[ t ' um c:l o] [ t 'umc:lo] ,. [dumc:lo] (belief)

[-t':tmana] [-t'{mana] A

[-dimana] (be stingy)

[let'at'a] [let'at'a] A A

[ledada] (kaross)

6.0.21 The voiceless ejective velar explosive [k' J

occurs before all vowels, and may be preceded by its

homorganic nasal, syllabic []J]. In Lobedu, Phalaborwa,

Khaga, Dzwabo, this sound is replaced by j;he voiced velar

explosive [g]:

Pedi Lobedu Phalaborwa Khaga Dzwabo

[lek 1 a.(3a] [lega.(3a] (packox)

[-k'it'ima] [-gidima] (run)

[k 'u.(3u] [gu.(3uJ (hippopotumus)

[uk'6J Lug6] (nose)

[k'oloi] [goloi] (wagon) • .

[ ]JkW IE: J [ ]JgWE:] (leopard)

[k'ae?] [gae?] (where?)

6.0.22 The voiceless ejective lateral explosive [tl']

occurs before all vowels except [e] and [u], and may be

preceded by its homorganic nasal, syllabic [n]. In TlokwaJ

Hananwa, Matlala, Moletsi, Mamabolo, Dikgale, this sound

is replaced by the voiceless interdental explosive [t'],

and in Lobedu, Phalaborwa, Khaga and Dzwabo, by the

voiced interdental explosive [d]. The view, held by A

"

Kruger2), that Pedi [tl'] is replaced by [d] in Tlokwa A

is unacceptable in the light of our investigations, as

the following examples, given in Pedi, Tlokwa and Lobedu,

will show:

2. Kruger, F.: Tlokwa Traditions, African StudicsJ Vol. XI, 1937, p. 87.

Pedi

[tl'ala] I

[tl'ali]

[-tl'c:la]

[-tl'o¥a]

[tl'ou] •

[-tl'iJa]

- 86 -

Tlokwa

[t'ala] I\ ,

[t'ali] "

[-t'Ela] ,..

[-t'ofia] A

[t'ou] A •

[:-t' isa] "

Lobedu

[dala] ,. I

[dali] "

[-de:la] ,..

[-t'ofia] A

[dou] A•

E,disa] "

(hunger, famine);

(lightning) 9

( bring for);

(go away, leave);

(elephant);

(bring)

[setl'okw'a] [set'okw'a] [Khedogwa] (Tlokwa languae;e and culture) ,. • I\

The Aspirated Explosives

6.0.23 The aspirated explosives [ph], [th] and [kh] are

found in all the dialects of Northern Sotho. Examples of

the incidence of these sounds are given in Pedi and Lobedu,

but they are -representative of the rest of the dialects.

To these should be added the voiceless aspirated lateral ex­

plosiveJt11J which occurs mainly in Kopa, Molepo and Ndebele­

Sotho.

6.0.24 The bilabial aspirated explosive [ph] occurs

before all vowels, and may be preceded by its homorganic

nasal, syllabic [m]:

Pedi Lobedu

[phala] [phala] (impala, trumpet)

[ phf pht:tJ] [phc:phe:ne] (scorpion)

[ph{ri] [phiri] (hyena)

[-phela] [-phela] (live)

[phoo:folo] [phoo<IJolo] (wild animal)

[-phuJla] [ -phuJla] (pierce)

[-mpho] [mpho] (gift, present)

- 87 -

6.0.25 The alveolar aspirated explosive [th] occurs

before all vowels, and may be preceded by its homorganic

nasal, syllabic [n]. In Lobedu, Phalaborwa, Khaga,

Dzwabo this sound is replaced by the voiceless aspirated

post-alveolar explosive [th], and in some Kopa and

Mphahlele ideolects it is often replaced by the inter­

dental form:

Pedi Ko:r2a M]2hahlele Lobedu Phalaborwa Khaga Dzwabo

[tha.(3a] [tha.(3a] A

[ tha.(3a] (mountain)

[motho] [motho] "

[motho] (person)

[-th1i3a] [-th1.[3a] A

[-th1.[3a] (stop,obstruct)

[thfL3E] [ th£.(3E] "

[th£.(3E] (shield)

[thup'a] [thup'a] [thuba] (cane, switch) "

[ntho] [nth6] [ntho] (sore, wound) ....

L-th6ma] [thoma] [-thoma] (begin) "

6.0.26 The voiceless velar aspirated explosive [kh]

occurs in all Northern Sotho dialects before [u] and [o]

and infrequently before [i]. It may be preceded by its

homorganic nasal, syllabic[~].

6.0.27

[khulu] (tortoise)

[-khunama] (kneel down)

[-khora] (eat enough, be satisfied)

[-khina] (put on a kneehalter)

[kholofElo]/[kholoWElo] (hope, expectancy)

[-~'khum1Ja]/[-~'khum1sa] (enrich me)

The incidence of [kh] is more pronounced in

Lobedu, Phalaborwa, Khaga, Dzwabo, where, in addition

to its normal occurrence, it replaces the voiceless

aspirated velar explosive [kxh]:

6.0.28

- 88 -

[khomo] (cow), cf. Pedi [kxhomo] . . [khofio] (hen), cf. Pedi [kxhoyo]

[khaed3ali] (brother/sister), cf. Pedi

[kxhaetJ'ali]

[lekhowa] (white man), cf. Pedi [lekxhowa]

[rakhali] (paternal aunt), cf. Pedi [rakxhali]

The voiceless aspirated lateral explosive [t1h]

occurs in Kopa, Molepo and Ndebele-Sotho as a variant of

Pedi [4], and may be preceded by its homorganic nasal,

syllabic [n] (Vide par. 6.0.60). Note, however, that this

sound occurs among the Pedi-like dialects as a result of

nasal influence, e.g.

[-nt1ha~a] (to stab me)< *ni + hlaba;

[-ntlhatsw'EtJ'a] (to wash for me)<* ni + . hlatsw&t~a

[nt1ha] (sharp point);

[t1hase] (spark); 1

[t~ha~6] (hoof);

[t1Jiame] (secretary bird);

[t1hok'o] (nipple)

The Fricative Consonants

6.0.29 The fricative consonants of Northern Sotho form

a comparatively large group of sounds. They are the voiced

bilabial fricative[~], the voiceless dentilabial frica­

tive [f], the voiceless bilabial fricative[~], the voice­

less alveolar fricative [s], the voiceless palatal­

alveolar fricative [J], the voiced velar fricative [y],

the voiceless velar fricative [x], the voiceless prevelar

fricative [h], the voiceless glottal fricative [fi], the

voiced alveolar fricative [z], the voiced alveo-palatal

fricative [3], the voiceless labia-alveolar fricative [~s],

- eg -

voiced labia-palatal fricative [133]. To these should be

added the voiceless lateral alveolar fricative [4] which

will be discussed under lateral consonants.

· 6 .o. 30 The voiced bilabial fricative [p] occurs in all

Northern Sotho dialects before all vowels:

[-pa.(3a] (be bitter) [-~a] (reap, gain)

[ma.(3e:l E] (corn); [-.(3ela] (boil)

[-.(31na] (sing and dance); [-.(3olaja] (kill)

[-.(36na] (see); [-.(3e:J.i] (two) . 6.0.31 The voiceless denti-labial fricative [f] occurs

in Pedi, Ndebele-Sotho and Dikgale before all vowels:

[-fala] (scrape); E-fi4a] (arrive)

[-f e:la] (end); [-fola] (recover from illness)

[sefela] (hymn); [lefofa] (feather)

[-fe:J18,] (conquer); [-fula] (graze) •

6.0.32 Note, however, that the denti-labial [f] occurs

infrequently in Lobedu as a variant of Pedi [h]. This

replacement may be due to the fact that the prevelar [h]

is foreign to Lobedu speakers:

6.0.33

[-fa] (die), cf. Pedi [hwa]

[lefu] (death), cf. Pedi [lehu]

[lefo] (ladle), cf. Pedi [leho]

[lefulu] (stamping block), cf. Pedi [lenul~]

In Kapa, Tlokwa, Hananwa, Moletsi, Matlala,

Mamabolo, Molepo, Lobedu, Phalaborwa, Dikgalp, Khaga and

Dzwabo typical Pedi [f] is replaced by the voiceless

bilabial fricc1.tive [cD]. Contrary to accepted notion,

- 90 -

therefore, both denti-labial [f] and bilabial [w] occur

in Northern Sotho, and not the bilabial form only. Pre­

ference of the bilabial form in written scientific works3 )

must have been due to Kopa influence. The bilabial form

can thus be substituted for the denti-labial form in all

the examples in par. 6.0.31.

6.0.34 The incidence of the voiceless alveolar frica-

tive [s] among Northern Sotho dialects provides very

interesting study. It occurs in certain stems in all

dialects before all vowels except [u]; it occurs in some

dialects as a variant of the Pedi voiceless alveo-palatal

fricative [J]; typical Pedi [s] may be replaced in some

other dialects by the aspirated alveolar affricate [tsh],

the aspirated palatal alveolar affricate [tJh] 1 the aspirated

interdental explosive [th] or the aspirated velar explo-,..

sive [kh].

6.0.35 The voiceless alveolar fricative [s] < B.

ky + vowel occurs in the following stems in all dialects

(examples are given in Pedi and Lobedu.):

Pedi

[mosali]

[les c:l:L] . [mosak'o]

[leso1rana]

[-sola]

[-sft3a]

[selek'a]

Lobedu

[mosali]

[les c:l:t]

[mosago]

[lesofiana]

[-sola]

[-s£.[3a]

[-selega]

(woman, wife)

(ray of light)

(boxing or wrestling tournament)

(young man)

(blame, reprimand)

(whisper, slander)

(b. naughty)

3. Meinhof, C. & Van Warmelo N.J.: Introduction to the Phonology of the Bantu Languages. Endemann, K.: V8rsuch einer Grammatik Des Sotho Ziervogel 1 D.: Noord-Sotho Leerboek

E:;ndboek van Noord-SothQ.,

... 91 -

6.0.36 The voiceless alveolar fricative [s] < B.

ky + vowel or B. s or B. ki appears as a variant of the

Pedi voiceless alveo-palatal fricative [J] in the follow-

ing examples:

Pedi Tlokwa Hananwa Lobedu Phalaborwa Khaga Dzwabo

[-Jala] [-sala] (remain)

[-Jila] [-sil1:i,J (grind)

[.t30Ji10] [13os{fio] (at night)

[moJifa] [mosiq,a] (sinew)

[i30J:1lo] [f3osilo] (foolishness, stupidity)

[moJ~] [mosf] (the other side)

[-Jora] [-sufia] ( tan)

[-Jup'a] [-sup'a]/~suba] (point, show)

6.0.37 Typical Pedi [s] is replaced by the voiceless

aspirated alveolar affricate [tsh] in Tlokwa, Hananwa,

Lobedu, Phalaborwa, Khaga, Dzwabo, Matlala, Mamabolo,

Moletsi, Molepo:

Pedi

[-scla]

[-sola]

[-s~la]*

[-SE4a]

[-swara]

Tlokwa Hananwa Lobedu Phalaborwa Khaga Dzwabo Molepo Matlala Mamabolo

Moletsi KQ12a

[-tshcla]

[-tshola]

(look for food);

(dish out);

[-tshela] (cross);

[-tshctha]/[-tshct1ha] (yellow); A

[-tshwara] (hold);

6.0.38 Typical Pedi [s] < B. ki or kc is replaced by

the voiceless palatal alveolar affricate [tJh] in the

following Lobedu examples:

* In some Pedi ideolect [-tshela] (cross) infrequently · t f' r '1 1 occurs as a varian o 1. -se a J.

- 92 -

Pedi Lobedu

[-sep'ela] [-tJhebela] (go, walk) cf. V. [-tJhimbila]

[-lesa] [-letJha] (leave, let go), cf. V.

[mosela]

[-sE¥a]

[-s Ela]

[lin6se] .

[-litJha]

[motJhela] (tail), cf. V. [mutJhila]

[-tshefia] 4) (cut), cf. V. [-tJhe:a]

[-tJhe:la] (look for food), cf. V.

[-tJhe: la]

[ lin6tJhe] (bees), cf. V. [,n::itJhi] . •

6.0.39 Pedi [s] < B. ki is replaced by the voiceless

aspirated velar explosive [kh] in the following Lobedu and

Dzwabo examples:

Pedi Lobedu DzwabQ

[sek'olo]

[sel[p'e:]

[selemo]

[set'ulo] . [sele:lu]

• [selo]

[ set I ime:la1

[-sa]

[-sa]

[khego16]

[khec:b'e:]

[khelemo]

[khedu16]

[khelc:lu]

[khel::i]

[khedimc:la]

[-kha-]

[-kha-]

(school)

(axe, chopper)

(spring)

(chair, stool)

(chin)

(thing)

(train)

(still)

(poss. cone. class 7)

6.0.40 Pedi [s] < B. Ki is replaced by the voiceless

aspirated interdental expl0sive [th] in the following .. Phalaborwa and Khaga examples:

~ Phalaborwa Khaga

[sekxhowa] [thekhowa] .. [fase] [ cf?a the]

"'

(European Language and culture)

(down)

4. In Lobedu the distinction between [-tJhffia] ( cut; and [-se:fia] (laugh) is both ton?,l 1:;n~ morph9lo~ical; in Pedi it is only tonal, e.g. L-sq-a] and L-Se:Jal.

- 93 -

~ Phalaborwa Khaga

[moselg,] [mothela] (tail) "

[ sel:)] [ thelo] (thing) I\

[sek' 61:)J [thegolo] (school) ...

[sek' fp 1 c:] [thegsbf] (ship, boat) "

6.0.41 The voiceless palatal alveolar fricative [J]

occurs in Pedi, Kopa, Ndebele-Sotho, Molepo, Matlala,

Moletsii Dikgale before all vowels. As stated in par.

6.0.36, this sound is replaced by the voiceless alveolar

fricative [s] in Tlokwa, Hananwa, Mamabolo, Lobedu, Phala­

borwa, Khaga, and Dzwabo. Note, however, that [J] occurs

infrequently in these Northern and North-eastern dialects

as shown in the following examples:

Tlokwa Mamabolo Lobedu Phalaborwa Khaga Dzwabo

[-Joma] [-Joma] (work)

' , ] LmoJomo [mo Jom6] (work)

[leJ6-eo] [leJodo] (luck)

[moJa] [moJa] (courtyard)

[leJak'a] [leJaga] (cattle fold, kraal)

[leJaJa] [leJaJa] (branch)

[leJat'a] 5 ) [leJada] (noise)

6.0.42 The replacement of ['h] by [J] in the Hananwa

dialect as in [leJo] (death) and [leJolu] (thief) must . ascribed to palatalization after [le-], B. li.

------------------------The above examples,with the possible exception of

[moJa], which is derived from Venda [mut 1 a] are also found ,among the Pedi-like dialects: [-Joma], cf. Venda [-Juma] and [moJomo], cf. Venda [muJu.mo] are ingrained in the vocabulo.ries of all the dialects.

- 94 -

6.0.43 The voiced velar fricative[¥] occurs in Pedi,

Molepo, Dikgale, Khaga, Dzwabo before all vowels, but

infrequently before [u] (Vide par. 5.0.01). In Kapa,

and Ndebele-Sotho this sound is replaced by the voice­

less velar fricative [x], and in Tlokwa, Hananwa, Lobedu,

Phalaborwa, Matlala, Moletsi and Mamabolo, by the voiced

glottal fricative [fi].

Pedi Molepo Kopa Tlokwa Hananwa Lobedu Dikgale Khaga Ndebele-Sotho Phalaborwa Matlala

Dzwabo Moletsi Marnabolo

[-rama] [ ,-xarna] [-harna] (milk)

[lerano] [lexano] [lefiano] (palate)

[moa-x-i] [moa.xi] [moafii] (builder)

[marc:u] [maxEu] [mafic:u] (light beer) • . .

[serolc:] [sexolE] [sefiolE] (cripple)

[mor61u] [mox:5lu] [mofi61u] (stomach) • . .

[moruli] [moxuli] [mofiuli] (mist)

6.0.44 Before close vowels [i], [u], [o], [e] and semi-

vowel [w] the Pedi /h/ phoneme, which occurs infrequently

in the rest of the dialects except Lobedu, 6 ) is realized

as voiceless prevelar fricative [h]; before other vowels

it is realized as voiced glottal fricative [fi]. This dis­

tinction is also made with loan words in which the original

has either English h [h] or Afrikaans h [fi]. The examples

that follow are given in Pedi.

[le'hulo]

[le1mfa]

[-hup'utJ'a]

[-lehu]

(foam, froth)

(jealousy)

(search thoroughly)

(death)

6. Lobedu denti-labial fricative [f] and Pedi [11] are realizations of the same phoneme /h/ (Vide par. 6.0.32).

6.0.45

before

6.0.46

[leh1'h1ri J

[lehia]

[-'h:tl1Jta]

[-'hola]

[-'homola] 7 )

[-'holof Ela]

[nenallena]

[lehwafa]

[-fiEID.a]

[sefiE_f3Efi€_[3E]

[-fiofiol;)k 1 a]

[lefiolo]

[fiEmp IE]

[fifk IE]

[fi6lo]

[fi6k 1 0]

In a number

raised [o] and •

[leholu] •

[le'hono] •

[leho'homEli J . • • [sen E .[3 fru]

• . [.[3ohei t I Ene]

• .

- 95 -

BUT

(cartilage)

(mealies)

(cry/weep bitterly)

(benefit, stand in good stead)

(be quiet)

(hope, expect, trust)

(whisper)

(armpit)

(breathe)

(a dunce)

(walk proundly/defiantly/arrogantly)

(den, dwelling place of rock-rabbit)

(shirt)< Afr. hemp

(gate)< Afr~ hek

(hall) < Eng • hall

(sty) < Afr. h 9 ~

of words the [h] is, however, found

[ E], e.g • . (thief)

(today)

(mountain leguan)

(Hebrew language and culture)

(heathenism)

The above rule does not apply to Ndebele-Sotho

where, in a majority of cases, Pedi [h] or [fi] tends to

be replaced by the voiceless velar fricative:

7. Note that Pedi [h] in [-'homola] is replaced in Tlokwa, Hamabolo, Hananwa, Lobedu, Phalaborwa, Khaga and Dzwabo by the voiceless bilabial fricative[~] e.g. [ -~omola] (keep quiet) , cf. Venda [ -<fi\1u;.,:ula] ..

- 96 -

[lexolu] (thief); [xanp' d (shirt

[xfk'd (gate)

. [lexulu] (stamping block);

[lexoxomEli] (mountain leguan); . . . 6.0.47 As stated in par. 5.0.43, the voiced glottal

fricative [n] occurs in Tlokwa, Hananwa, Lobedu, Phala­

borwa, Matlala, Marnabolo, Moletsi, as a variant of the

Pedi voiced velar fricative [y]:

6.0.48

[-fiama] (milk), cf. Pedi [-yama]

[-fiana] (refuse), cf. Pedi [-yana]

[~os{fio] (night), cf. Pedi [pof{yo]

[lefiol1mo] (heaven, firmament), cf. Pedi [ley6limo] • •

[hajE] (at home), cf. Pedi [ya£] . .

In some instances Pedi lh] is often replaced

by the aspirated velar explosive Lkh] in Ndebele-Sotho,

.Tlokwa, Lobedu, Phalaborwa, Hananwa, Moletsi, M9,tlala

and Ma,rnabolo:

6.0.49

[-khuma] (become rich), cf. Pedi [-bum.a]

[makhura] (fat), cf. Pedi [ma'hura]

[sekhu~a] (chest), cf. Pedi [se'h.u~a]

[-khuluxa]/[khulufia] (trek), cf. Pedi [~huluya]

[-khw{~{lu] (red), cf. Pedi [-11.u~elu] . The voiced alveo-palatal fricative [3] occurs

in Pedi, Moletsi, Matlala, Molepo, Dikgale, Ndebele-Sotho

mainly before [a], but infreQuently before [i] and [u].

In Kopa this sound is replaced by the voiceless palatal

alveolar affricate [tJ']:

Pedi Kopa r ,, L-3aj

[mo3alefa]

[-tJ'aJ

[motJ'ale<J?a]

(eat)

(heir)

- 97 -

Pedi Kopa

[se3ak'ane] [setJ'ak'ane] (Christian way of life)

[se36] [setJ 1 6] (food)

[se3at 1 0] [setJ'at'o] (glutton, miser) "

[mo3ak 1 0] [motJ'ak'o] (door)

[le3ut'a] [letJ'ut'a] (a Jew) A

Note that as a result of nasal influence [3] changes to

[tJ' ], e.g. [-3a] > [-ntf'a] or [-itJ'a].

6.0.50 In a limited number of cases, Pedi [3] is re-

placed in Lobedu by the voiced fricative alveolar lateral

[1], as in [-la] (eat) cf. Venda [-la] and [molale~a] (heir), A

cf. Venda [mulaifa] and the voiced palatal alveolar affri-"

cate [d3], as in [sed3agane] (Christian way of life). The

deverbative formed from [-la] is [zwilewa] (food), cf. Venda

[zwiliwa]. f\

6.0.51 Pedi [3] is replaced by the voiced flapped vibrant

[1] in Tlokwa, Hananwa, Mamnbolo, Phalaborwa, Khaga, Dzwabo.

[-lja]

[moljfle<lla]

(eat)

(heir)

[se1jik'ane]/[seljagane] (Christian way of life)

[selj6] (food)

6.0.52 The voiced alveolar fricative [z] occurs infre-

quently in some Pedi ideolects as a variant of [pz] or

Kopa [_t33]. In Tlokwa, Lo bedu, Hananwa, Ph2.la borw:1, Khaga,

Dzwabo this sound is replaced by [133] or [J3j]:

Pedi

[-zwala]/[-pzala]

[sezwana]/sej3zana]

[lezwa]/[lej3za]

Kopa Tlokwa Dzwabo Lobedu Phalaborwa Khaga

(sow)

[sej33ana]/[sej3jana] (dish, vessel)

[leJ336]/[letsw~] (thong)

- 98 -

6.0.53 Pedi [z] also occurs in foreign acquisitions in

all dialects as a variant of [ts'], [s] or [dz].

[lezulu] or [lets'olo] (a Zulu tribesman)

[zak'ari.a] or [sak'aria] (Zacharia, personal name)

[lezwazi] or [leswats'e] (a Swazi tribesman)

[zw{.{J (sound of a bullet)

[zu] (zoo, zoological gardens)

6.0.54 The voiceless labio-alveolar fricative [~s]

occurs only in Kopa, and corresponds to Pedi [sw] (vide

par. 5.1.01.) In Tlokwa, Hananwa, Mamabolo, Lobedu,

Phalaborwa, Khaga, and Dzwabo it is replaced by [tsh]

and [.<t>]; in Ndebele-Sotho, Dikgale and Matlala [s] or

[sw]; and in Moletsi by [<t>] and [sw].

~

[leswiswi]

[lesw1k 1 a]

[maswi]

[le¥oswi] . [kxhauswi]

Ndebele-Sotho Dikgale Matlala

llesufi]

[leswik'a]

[maswi]

[lex6swi] •

[kxhauswi]

[le<t>si<t>si]

[le1?s1k 1 a]

[ma<t>si]

[lex6<t>si J •

[kxhau<t>si]

Tlokwa Hananwa

[letshuq'.Ji] 8

[le<t>ik' a]

[ma<t>i]

[lefi6<t>i] . [kxau<t>i]

Lobedu Phalaborwa Khaga Dzwabo Moletsi

[letshwi<t>i]

[le<t>1.ga]

[ma<t>i]

[1efi6<t>i] . [khao<t>i]

[le<t>i<t>i] (darkness)

[lesw1k'a] (stone)

[maswi] (milk)

[lefi6swi] (palm of hand) •

[kxauswi] (near)

6.0.55 From the above examples it will be observed that

[sw] is much more widely used among Northern Sotho dialects

than [ws], and should therefore be the standard form in

8. The initial [tsh] is undoubtedly through the influence of li-.

- 99 -

the orthography and not be treated as an alternative of

[~s]. Even in stems like [-~sa] (burn; new) all the

dialects except Kopa use [-swa] (Vide par. 4.l.04).

6.0.56 The voiceless labio-palato-alveolar fricative

[9?J] occurs in Kopa and in all those dialects which have

bilabial[~] instead of denti-labial [f] (Vide par. 5.0.25).

In Pedi, Ndebele-Sotho, Dikgale this sound is replaced by

the denti-labio-palato alveolar fricative [fJ]. In some

Pedi ideolects [fS] alternates with [f Jw], especially in

the formation of passive of verb-stems:

Pedi Kopa

[lefJihaJ 9) [le~Jc:xa] (coward)

GlefJa] or [-lefJwa] [-le'd?Ja] (be paid)

[-f3ofJa] or [-p8fJwa] [-f36~Ja] (be tied) . . . [phefJana] [phe~Jana] (mild wind)

Note that in Lobedu, Tlokwa, Hananwa, Phalaborwa, Khaga,

and Dzwabo is sometimes heard:

[le~JEfia] or [le~j{fia]

[-le~Ja] or [-le~ja]

[-f3:5~Ja] or [-.t36~ja]

[phe~Jana] or [phe~jana]

6.0.57 The voiced labio-palatal fricative [.t33] occurs

in all dialects but infrequently in Pedi, Ndebele-Sotho,

Moletsi, and Matlala where it is often replaced by [3].

A variant [13j] occurs in Tlokwa, Hananwa, Lobedu, Phala­

borwa, Khaga, and Dzwabo. Exarnples that follow are given

in Pedi, Tlokwa and Lobedu:

9. Alternate [lepJhc:ra].

- 100 -

Pedi Ko12a Tlokwa Lobedu

[3wala] [_[33alwa] (_t3jalwa] (beer)

[3wa1;:i'1

] [13 3aJJ,. ]/ [ f3 3aJle] [_[3 j aJle] (grass)

[k 1 olo3wana] [kolo.(33ana] [golo_(3jana] (small pig)

[k 1 03wana] [k'oi33ana] [go.(:3jana] (small blanket)

[-ts 1 e3wa] [-tsei33a] [-dze.(3ja] (be knmm)

[-ro3w~] [-ro_(33a] [-ro_{3ja] (be broken) .

The Lateral Consonants

6.0.58 The Pedi /1/ phoneme is realized in all the

Northern Sotho dialects as a voiced lateral continuant

[1] before all vowels except [i] and [u]; when followed

by [i] and [u], it is realized as a voiced flapped

vibrant [1]:

6.0.59

[-lema] (plough);

[molala] (neck);

[-lama] (bite);

[-loja] (bewitch);

[ -lula] (sit)

[mosali] (woman, wife)

[mali] (blood)

[-lum£la] (agree, believe)

[mo£p 1 olli] (eY..humer); [mmofolli] (one who unties) . . [molop'olli] (redeemer).

Syllabic [1] occurs before another [1] in all

Northern Sotho dialects except Hananwa, Moletsi, Matlala,

Kopa:

Pedi Hananwa KOJ2a Moletsi Matlala

[-lla] [-lela] (cry)

[moll:::,] [molelo] (fire)

[-lop'olla] [-lop'olola] (redeem)

[-.(36folla] [_[3ocJ?olola] (untie) . •

6.0.60 The Pedi voiceless lateral alveolar fricative

[4] is replaced in Kopa, Ndebele-Sotho and Molepo by the

voiceless aspirated lateral explosive [ t 1h], and in Tlokw2,.

- 101 -

Hananwa, Lobedu, Phalaborw2, Khaga, Dzwabo, Matlala,

Molet~i and Mamabolo by the voiceless aspirated interden­

tal explosive [th]. In all the respective dialects the A

sounds [<1-], [t1h] and [th] occur before all vowels except

[u]:

Pedi

[-4apa]

[-4ap'i]

[po4ok'o]

A

Kopa Ndebele­Sotho Molepo

[-46k 1 6rnela] [-t1h6k 1 6mEla]

[ <1-?;yo]

[-fe4a] . [-fi4a]

[li46J;J] . [mo4opi]

[t1h6xo]

[-g'?et1ha] A

[-q'?it1ha]

[ . 1 ,. ] lit ho]J .

Tlokwa Hananwa Lobedu Phalaborwa Khaga Dzwabo Dikgale.Moletsi Mama.bolo

Matlala

[-thapa] (stab, " slaughter)

[-thap'i] or [-thabi] A A

(fish)

[pothok'o] or [pothogo] " "

(pain)

[-th6k 1 6mela] or [th6g6mela] A A

(look after, pay attention)

[th6fio] (head) "

[-q'?etha] (stir) "

[ -g?i tha] (arrive) "

[lith6ne] (shame) " .

[mothopi] (one who plucks) "

The Rolled Consonant

6.0.61 The voiced alveolar rolled vibrant occurs in all

Northern Sotho dialects before all vowels:

Pedi Lobedu

[-rat'n] [-rada] (love, like)

[nare] [nare] (buff8.lo)

[-rut'a] r , ] L-ruda (teach)

[-roxa] [-rofia] (swear at, curse)

6.0.62

Pedi

[morsk'i] . [mars]

- 102 -

Lobedu

[morc:g{]

[mare:]

(buyer)

(saliva)

Syllabic [r] occurs only before a syllable

commencing in [r]:

[rra] (father)

[rramorolo] (uncle)

[rra10] (thy father)

[rral1~k'uJ.ik'ae] (a personq.l name)

The .Affricative Consonants

6.0.63 Affricates are composed of an explosive plus

a movement through a fricative position. GleasonlO) makes

the following distinction between affricates and stops:

6.0.64

Affricated stops or affricates are pro­duced by a relatively slower opening, simple stops by a relatively faster opening. As the stop is released, it is necessary to pass through an articulation which, if held, would produce a typical fricative. For the time interval in which the articulators are passing through this position, friction is produced, and this contributes to the total acoustic impression which is heard as a stop. Affricates and simple stops differ in the prominence of friction. An affricate is in some respects the same as a stop plus a homorganic fricative.

Ferreira11 ) on the other hand, makes the follow-

ing observation:

In broad principle all compound or con­tracted speech sounds which can be reduced to two or more of the free forms realising phonemes in the language, should be regarded as a group of phonemes consisting of the same phonemes as the free forms. If one mem­ber of the free forms realises a phoneme and the other does not, the compound speech sound should only then be regarded as realising a

10. Gleason, H.A.: An Introduction to Descriptive Linguistics, p. 248

11. Ferreira, J.A.: Research Report on a Phonetic Analysis of Some Compo3::1--21.cL.§.12,eech Sounds and their Phonemic Realizations, p. 44

6.0.66

- 103 -

a single phoneme. If, for example, the compound form [ts] is found in a· language where /t/ and /s/ are autonomous phonemes, the form ts should be regarded as realising a sequence of the two phonemes, i.e. /t/ and /s/. Should the compound form fts] appear in a language where only [s] is realised as a ~honeme /s/ but not [t],the compound form Lts] realises a separate phoneme /ts/ and not a group of phonemes 7t/ followed by /s/.

The Pedi voiceless ejective alveolar affricate

[ts'] occurs in all the Northern Sotho dialects except the

North-eastern. In Lobedu and Dzwabo this sound is replaced

by the voiced counterpart [dz], and in Phalaborwa and Khaga

by both [dz] and the voiced interdental explosive [d]. As A

a rule, Pedi [ts'] and its dialectal variants occur before

all vowels except [u]:

Lobedu Dzwabo

Phalaborwa Khaga

[ts'ela] [dzela] [dela] A

[ts'E~E] [dzE~s] [dE~E] A

[-ots'Ela] [-EdZEla] [-EdEla] "

[lets'ets'E] [ledzEdzE] [ledzEdzE]

[mots'e] [modze] [mode] ,.

[-ts'oma] [-dzoma] [-dzoma]

[ts'ak'a] [dzaga] [dzaga]

[sets'i~a] [khedzi~a] [thedziBa] "'

(path, road)

(oar)

(slumber, sleep)

(flee)

(village, town)

(hunt, look for)

(battle-axe)

(man's drawers)

6.0.67 The Pedi voiceless ejective palatal alveolar

affricate [tJ'] occurs before all vowels in all the dia-

lects except Lobedu, Phalaborwa, K...~aga, Dzwabo, where it

is replaced by the voiced form [d3].

Lobedu Phalaborwa Pedi Khaga Dzwabo

[tJ 1 iE] [d3iE] (locust)

[letJ'ema] [led3ema] (working party)

Pedi

[-_l,,l tJ I a]

[i3otJ'ofali]

[tJ 1 €} •

- 104 -

Lobedu Phalaborwa Khaga Dzwabo

[-!31d3a]

[!3od3o<Iiali]

[d3E]

(call)

(old age, senility)

(these)

6.0.68 In a limited number of cases, when Pedi [tJ']

is followed by the bilabial semivowel [w] or the back

vowel [u], it is replaced in Hananwa and Tlokwa by the

voiceless velar explosive [k'], and in Lobedu, Phalaborwa,

Khaga,·Dzwabo the voiced velar explosive [g];

Pedi Hananwa Lobedu Phalaborwa Tlokwa Khaga Dzwabo

[-tJw'a] [-kw'a] [-gwa] (come out, come

from)

[-tJw'afa] [-kw'a<Ila] [-gwa<Iia] (b. lazy)

[-13utJW I a] [-i3ukw I a] [-13ugwa] (b. ripe, b. cooked)

[setJ'u] [sek'u] [khegu] or

[thegu] (elbow) A

6.0.69 The Pedi voiceless aspirated alveolar affricate

[tsh] occurs before all vowels in all Northern Sotho dia­

lects. It also occurs in Tlokwa, Hananwa, Lobedu, Phala­

borwa, Dzwabo as a variant of the voiceless alveolar

fricative [s], (Vide par. 5.0.29).

~ Lobedu

[tshali]12 ) [tshali] (female, cow)

[ tshEk I o] [tshEgo] (hearing of case)

[tsh[l{u] [tshslc:u] (whether) • . •

[tshe:ola] [ tsh{13ola] (first rain after harvest

time)

[1301tsh6lo] [13o{tsh6lo] (confession, self-blame)

[ , , , ] tshok'olo1ro [tshogolofio] (co_nversion) .

~

[-tshwa]

[-tsh{p'i]13 )

[-tshuma]13 )

- 105 -

Lobedu

[-tshwa] \expectorate, spit)

(iron, bell)

(burn)

6.0.70 The voiceless aspirated palatal alveolar affri-

cate [tJh] occurs before all vowels in all Northern Sotho

dialects. It also occurs in Lobedu as a variant of the

voiceless alveolar fricative [s] (Vide par. 6.0.38).

Pedi Lobedu Phalaborwa Khaga

[setJha13a] [khetJha13a] [thetJhai3a] (tribe, ,. nation)

[-tJht:la] [-tJhc:la] [-tJht:la] (pour in,

pay tax)

[. tJhila] [tJhila] [tJhila] (dirt,

rubbish)

[-tJhoJa] [-tJhosa] [-tJhosa] (frighten)

[tJhoJane] [tJhoJane] [tJhoJane] (ant)

[ tJhuk 'ulu] [tJhugu1uJ [tJhugu1uJ (rhinoceros)

[tJheyofatJ'o] [tJfilfiowad30] [tJhsfiowad30] (blessing)

[tJhilo] [tJhilo] [tJhilo] (grinding

stone, mill)

6.0.71 The Pedi voiceless aspirated velar affricate

[kxh] occurs before all vowels except [i] and [u] in all

the Northern Sotho dialects except Lobedu, Phalaborwa,

Khaga, and Dzwabo where it is replaced by the aspirated

velar explosive [kh]:

------------------------[tship'i] and [-tshuma] alternate with [tJhip'i]

and [-tJhuma] or [-tfhupa] in the same or diffe­rent ideolects of Pedi. Note, however, that in the Northern and North-eastern dialects only the palatal alveolar forms prevail.

Pedi

[kxh1k'a]

[kxh6Ji] . [likxhom6] . [-]Jkxha]

[lekxhc:ma]

[-kxh6pa]

[-kxhopok'ana]

- 106 -

Lobedu Phalaborwa Khaga Dzwabo

[khaga]

[kh6si] . [likhomo] . [-:tJkha]

[lekhima]

[-kh6_pa]

r , , ] L-kho_f3ogana

(guinea-fowl)

(chief, king)

(cattle)

(smell, stink)

(cannibal)

(distribute)

(come together,

assemble)

6.0.72 The voiceless labio-alveol~r ejective affricate

[ps'] occurs in only two Kopa words, e.g.

[ps'ila]

[ps':110]

(be well, nice)

(manner of planting, sowing)

6.0.73 The voiceless aspirated labio-c=i.lveolar affricate

[psh] occurs in Pedi and Kopa. In the rest of the dialects it

is replaced by [ph].

Pedi Kop2, Tlokwa etc.

[-psh1k 1 6lo1::1] [-psh1koloxe.] [ph1k'olofia] (roll down)

[-ipsh{na] [-ipsh{na] [-iph{na] (enjoy)

[lipsh{::,] [lipsh:b] [liph{jo] (kidneys)

[mpsh1k'ela] [mpshik'sla] [mph1k'sla] (cold)

[-pshiJ1a] [-pshiJ1a] [-phij1a] (fart)

Lmpshiri] [mpshiri] [mphiri] (copper)

Lobedu Phalaborwa

[-ph1golofia]

[-dzwiph1na]

[liph{jo]

[rnphigsla]

[mph1ri]

Note, however, that in Lobedu, Phalaborwa, Khaga, Dzwabo

[psh] is sometimes replaced by [tsh], as in [-tshoj1a] (fart).

- 107 -

6.0.74 The Pedi voiceless labia-palatal affricate [pJ']

is replaced by [pj] in Kopa, Hananwa, Tlokwa and by the

voiced [bj] in Lobedu, Phalaborwa, Khaga, Dzwabo. In some

Pedi ideolects it is often heard as [pJw'] in the formation

of passives of verb-stems:

Tlokwa Kopa Lobedu Phalaborwa Hananwa Khaga Dzwabo

[mpf' a] [mpj 1a] [mbja] (dog)

[-§opJ'a] or [-§opfw'a] [-P6pj 1 a] [-§6bja] (be

moulded)

[-rapf'a] or [-rapJw'a] [-rapj 'a] [-rabja] (b. called

6.0.75

together)

The voiceless aspirated labia-palatal affricate

LpJh] occurs in all the Northern Sotho dialects.

~ Tlokwa Lobedu

[-pJhatl'a] [-pJhata] [-pJhada] (smash) ... ....

[mpJhc:] [mpfhl] [mpJhf] (ostrich) . . . [-pJha] [-pJha] [-pfha] (dry up)

[-pJhapJhaJ [-pJhapJhatha] [-pJhapJhatha] (clap hands)

PHONOLOGICP..L CHAJ.~GES

6.1.00 In the paragraphs that follow, we shall very

briefly compare the changes which sounds undergo when

they are placed in juxtaposition, or when they influence

each other in ~he various dialects. Where no major diffe­

rences exist, it will be sufficient merely to indicate the

nature of the change in one or two dialects.

6.1.01 Assimilation is a process by which two sounds

in juxtaposition are made similar to each other. In pro­

gressive assimilation the second sound is made similar to

the first, and in retrogressive assimilation the first is

- 108 -

made similar to the second. Progressive assimilation occurs

in all Northern Sotho dialects except Lobedu, Phalaborwa,

Khagq, Dzwabo

Pedi Lobedu Phalaborwa Khaga Dzwabo

[mmuJi]

[6amm6n3,]

[moj3usi]

l ,., 13' ] o J '.liJO ona

(ruler, governor)

(he sees him/her)

Retrogressive assimilation, however, occurs in these North­

eastern dialects as well, e.g.

[mpho] (gift) < [-~a]

6.1.02 Vel2rization is a process by which a non-velar

consonant changes into a velar consonant. In Northern Sotho,

as in other Sotho langw1ges, the bilabial semivowel [w] can­

not appear after a bil~bial consonant. When this occurs, the

bilabial consonant is changed into a velar. Velarization

occurs in most Northern Sotho dialects in the following cir­

cums t.smc es :

(i) in the formation of passives of verb-stems:

[m] > [lJ] [-16ma] > [-lOlJWa]

[-roma] > [-rO]JWa]

In typicsJ. Pe.di, in addition to the bihi.bial nasal, the

p~latal nasal also changes into a velar nasal:

[F] > []J] : [-fEFa] > [-fE]JlJWa] . . [-sepa] > [-SelJ]JWa]

In Han:?!.nwa, Lobedu, Phalaborw2,, Khaga, Dzwabo no such in­

stances of velarization are encountered since the tendency

in these dialects is to use the [-iwa] form of the passive

suffix:

Hananwa

[k 'l'" k 1 't 1 '] e omiwa . en 2.

[ , 'r:::.~" r' ", ] kxhomo enamiwa k emosimana .

Kh§§'a Dzwabo Lobedu Phalaborwa

[ , , , , '] (I gelomiwa genda am by a louse)

bitten

[ ,,,, , ✓ ]

khomo efiam1w1 ge mosimana . (the cow is milked by the

boy)

- 109 -

(ii) In the formation of diminutives of nouns, velari­

zation occurs in all dialects except Lobedu, where the

bilabial [m] changes into. a palatal-labial nasal [;n]:

Lobedu

[kxhomo] > LkxholJwana] [kho_,mana]

(iii) With prefixes of both fil2. classes:

Pedi. [JJwana] < *moana (child)

[}JWEli] < *moedi (moon) . This type of change does not occur in Lobedu:

[;nana] or [mojana]

6.1.03 Palatalization is a process whereby a non-

palatal sound is assimilated in the direction of becoming

a palatal sound, i.e. it acquires a tendency to become

palatal. It is named according to direction of change

rather than causation. In this work we shall treat pala­

talization broadly to include alveolarization since the

two are the result of similar causes. Palatalization

occurs in varying degrees in all Northern Sotho dialects,

and is caused by the influence of the vowel on the preceding

consonant, or the semivowel equivalent of a vowel on the

preceding consonant.

6.1.04 Palatalization occurs under the following con-

ditions:

(a) the formation of passives of verb-stems with

Pedi:

[p'] > [pf'] or [pJw'] :

[-Bop'a] > [-BopJ'a] or [B6pJw'a]

[ph] > [pJh] or [pJhw] :

[-phapha] > [phapJha] or [-phapJhwa]

- 110 -

[_(3] > [3] or [i33] . •

[-ro_(3a] > [-ro3wa] or [-ro_(33a] . • [f] > [fJ J or [fJw] . .

[-i36fa] > [-l36fJa] or [i3ofJwa] . •

Ko£aiHananwa 2 Tlokwa:

[p I] > [pj']

[-136p 1a] > [-§opj'a]

[ph] > [pjh]

[-phapha) > - " ] L-phapja I\

[i3 J > [§j]

[-ropa] > [-rol3ja] . [ ij? J > [cI?j]

[-136wa] > [-l3ocI?ja]

Lobedu,Phalaborwa,Khaga 2Dzwabo:

[b] > [bj]

[-13ob, aJ > [_(3objaJ

[ph] > [pjh] . . [-phapha] > [-phapjha]

[13] > [13 j]

[-rol3a] > [-roj_3ja]

[qi] > [cI?j]

[-_(3ocI?a] > [-_(36°4Jja]

Lobedu:

[m] > [Jn]

[-roma] > [-ro;na]; [-loma] > [-lo.JD.~];

[-rsma] > L-rEffe~]; [-lema] > [-lo;na]

(b) diminutive of nouns:

(i) Pedi:

[13] > [3] or [133]

[k'oi30] > [k 1 03wana] or [k 1 0_(33ana];

[k'oloi3E] > [k 1 olo3wana] or [kbloi33ana]

- 111 -

Kopa 1 Hananwa, Tlokwa:

[ k ' o.(:3 o ] > [ k ' o.(:3 j ana]

[k' olo.{3t:] > [kolo.{3 jana]

Lobedu, Phalaborwa, Khaga, Dzwabo:

[.(:3,] > [13 j]

[-go.(:30] > [go.(:3jana]

[-golo.{3t:] > [golo.(:3jana]

(ii) Pedi:

[f J > [ff]:

[phefo] > [phefJana]

[leswafo] > [leswafJana]

Kopa, Hananwa, Tlokwa:

[\l?] > [\l?j]

[phe\l?o] > [pheWjana]

[letshwa\l?o] > [letshwa\l?jana]

Lobedu, Phalaborwa, Khaga, Dzwabo:

As for Kopa, Hananwa, Tlokwa.

(iii).~:

[lerole] > [lero3ana]

[mmele] > [mme3ana]

> [ tJw'] :

Tlokwa:

[1] > [lj]

> [lw]

[phoofolo] > [phoofotJw'ana] ,I

[lerolt:] > [le:ro]jana]

[mmele] > [mmeljana]

l i' , ] phoo9olo [ ,, ., ,; ]* > phoo\l?olwana

* In this case labialization and not palatalization has taken place.

- 11~-

Hananwaz Ko12a:

[1] > [ tf I]

[lerole] > [lerotJ'ana]

[mmele] > [mmetJ I ana]

> [ tsw'] . . [phoo~olo] > [ph6o~6tsw'ana]

In Lobedu, Phalaborwa, Khaga, Dzwabo suffix

[-sJlana] is added, thus [lerolepana] [mmelepana]

[phoo~olopana] •

(iv) ~:

[1] > [ tJ T J

[p'uli] > [p'utJ'ane];

[nale:li] > [nalstJ'ana] • .

> [ tsw']

[selslu] > [selstsw'ana] • •

The above examples occur also in Tlokwa, Hananwa.

The Lobedu, Phalaborwa, Khaga and Dzwabo forms are

voiced, e.g. [bud3aneJ, [nalsd3ana] and [khelsdzw;ma]

[theled3wana]. The corresponding Kapa forms are A

[p'uts'apana] [nalsts'ana] and [selsts'wana] •

(v) ~-.:

[p J > [ tsw']

[selsp's] > [selstsw'ana]

[molap'o] > [molatsw'ana]

.

The above examples occur also in Kapa and

Hananwa. In Tlokwa, Pedi [tsw'] is replaced

by [pj'], e.g. [selspj'ana] and [molapj'ana].

The Lobedu, Phalaborwa, Khaga, Dzwabo forms

are voiced, e.g.

and [molabj2.na].

[khesbjana] or [thesbjana] J,,.

- 112 -

(vi)~:

[r] > [J] :

[ph{ri] > [ph1Jana]

[nare] > [naJana]

[mo4are] > lmo4afana]

Kopa:

[r] > [tsh]

(vii)

[ t']

[phiri] > [phitshana]

[nare] > lnatshana]

[mo4are] > [mo4atshana]

Pedi:

> [ tJ I J [lemat 1{] > [lematJ'ana]

[sef'at's] > [sefatJ'ana]

In Tlokw2., Pedi [ tJ'] is replaced by [ tj J,

e~g. [lematjana] and [sefatjana].

(viii) Pedi:

[lJ] > [J1]

[le¥6lJ] > [le¥6J1ana] . . [noJJ] > [noJ1ana] . .

The above examples apply to all the dialects

except that in Hananwa, Tlokwa, Lobedu, Phala­

borwa, Khaga, Dzwabo [lefioJ1e] is already pala­

talized.

(ix)~:

[n] > [J1]

[namane] > [namajlana]

[moJimane] > [m0Jima,J1ana]

The above examples apply to the rest of the dialects.

- 113 -

(x) In addition to the above examples, palata­

lization seems to have occurred by analogy in

the formation of plurals of the following

Hananwa nouns:

[moEli] > [FEfi] (valley) • • f

[mm{li] > [FeBili] (mealie)

[more] > [Fere] (tree)

[morula] > [Ferul.a] (morula tree)

[mothare] > [Fethare] (tree) ,. ,.

The first example is easy to deduce. The pro­

cess must have been moedi > meedi > mvedi >

nyedi.

(xi) Lobedu:

[m] > [Jn]

[:kh?mo] >

[leleme] >

[khome.na] .,

[lels;nana]

This rule does not apply to the rest of the

dialects, where [m] changes to[~].

(c) in the formation of causatives of verb-stems:

(i) Pedi:

[1] > [tJ']

[-tl'ala] > [-tl'atJ'a];

L-BelaEla] > [-~elaEtJ'a] •

The above examples occur in all Northern Sotho

dialects except Lobedu, Phalaborwa, Kh2ga,

Dzwabo, which employ the voiced counterpart

of [ tJ' J, e.g. [dad3a] and [i:5elae:d3a]. ,.

- 114 -

(ii) Pedi:

[n] > [p] or [ntJ']

[-ts'sna] > [-tSEJl a] or [-ts'fn"tfha] . . [-yopok'ana] > [-yopok'apa] or [-yo§okantfha]

The second form is used mainly in the Northern

and North-eastern dialects.

(iii) Pedi:

[y] > [J]

[-ts'oya] > [-ts'oJa]

[-yorora] > [-roroJa] . . The corresponding forms in Tlokwa, Hananwa are

[-ts'osa] and [-fiorosa]; in Lobedu, Phalaborwa,

Khaga, Dzwabo [-dzosa] and [-fiorosa].

(d) in the formation of certain verb perfect stems,

e.g.

Pedi

[-6nala] > [-6nstJ'e] . . [-pala] > [-palil£]

[-khora] > [-khoJ&]

Lobedu

[-6ne:d3e]

[-.l3alil£]

[-khotJhe]

(e) locatives derived from nouns, e.g.

~ Lobedu

[mpheJJ] > [mphej1e:J]

[likxhoJJ] > [likxhope~] [liknope] > [likhoj1ene]

(f) deverbative of nouns, e.g. Pedi, [-JJwala] >

[mOlJWali] .

(g) in derivations with final [u], e.g. Pedi,

[ sepolu] .(;_ [-pola].

6.1.05 "Nasalization or strengthening is a process by

which certain sounds are changed in such a manner that

- 115 -

aspirated consonants with complete or partial obstruction

result and voiced consonants become voiceless 11•14 ) In

accordance with this process certain initial phones of

noun-stems, if fricative, are changed into corresponding

homorganic affricates or explosives. Even when the pre­

fixal element has subsequently been dropped, strengthening

remains.

6.1.06 Nasal strengthening occurs when a nasal precedes

a strengthenable sound. Nasal influence occurs in Northern

Sotho in the following circumstances:

(a) In noun stems of class [N-], e.g.

Pedi Lobedu

[-pona] > [p6no] [-pona] > [b6no]

[-4apa] > [ t 1haf3o] [-thatla] > [thapo] ... ...

[-faJ > [mpho] [-q)aJ > [mpho]

[-Jup'a] > [tJhup'o] [-suba] > [tshubo]

[-E:t'E:la] > [k'Et'E:lo] [-E:dE:la] > [-gE:dE:lo]

[-ok'a] > [k'ok'o] [-oga] > [gogo]

[-¥ama] > [kxhamo] [-fi8JI1a] > [khamo]

[-rat'a] > [that'o] [-rada] > [thado]

[-Jila] > [tJhilo] [-sila] > [tJhilo]

(b) In adjectives qualifying nouns classes [N-] and

[liN-] e.g.

Pedi

[kxhomo s kxholo] . . . [litai3a tJ 1 E mp'e]

•

Lobedu

[khomo j2 kholo]

[lidapa d3s limbe] . (c) In adjectives qualifying nouns of class [li-]

plural, e.g.

Pedi Lobedu

[lilfp'E tJ's mpsha] [liEb;d3e: lintshwa] . . [li~k 1J tJf ntsho] . [li~gu d3E lintJho] .

14. Ziervogel, D.: Unisa Lectu1~e Katos, :Northern Sot?10 Course IA. Book 1, p. 83.

- 116 -

Note that in some cases in Ndebele-Sotho, as

well as in Hananwa, Tlokwa, Lobedu, Phalaborwa,

Khaga and Dzwabo, nasalization takes place even

when adjectives qualify nouns of classes 1 and 2:

Ndebele-Sotho:

[monna wo/o montsho] (a black/dark man); • •

[mosali wo/o motJhou] • • •

(a white/light com­plexioned woman);

[.(:3aJimane .(:3a .(:3atshet1ha] (pale boys)

Tlokwa, Lobedu:

[monna jo montsho] . [mosali jo motfhwsu] . . [i3aJimane .(:3a .(:3atshstha] . "

The Tswana and Pedi adjective [-t'llsli] (long; . . . tall) instead of [-lElsl{] is a similar example. . . .

(d) In verb stems when the objectival concord of the

1st person sing. is used, e.g.

Pedi Lobedu

[-.(:36na] > [-mp'ona] [-.(:3ona] > [-m.(:3ona]

[-loma] > [-nt'oma] [-loma] > [-ndoma]

[-rat'eo] > [-nthat'a] [-rada] > [-nthada]

[-Jila] > [-ntJh1la] [-sila] > [-ntsh:tla]

[-tlltJ'a] > [-~'k:'fl{tfa] [-{lc:d3a] > f-tjgc:lc:d3a] • . . •

[-a1sla] > [-)Jk 'a-g-sla] [-fiafisla] > [ -1Jgahsla]

[-fa] > [-mpha] [-fJ?a] > [-mpha]

(e) In the reflexive form of the verb, e.g.

~

[-.(:3ona] > [-{p'ona] or [[-t'ep 1 5na] "

[-.(:3ala] > [-:tp'nla] or [-!'ep'ala]

[-loma] > [-:tt'oma] or [-t'et'oma] "

6 .l. 07

- 117 -

Pedi

[-rat'a] > [-{thatra] or [-t'ethat'a] A

[-filed > [-itJh{la] or [-t'etJh1la] A

[-1k'aysla] or [-t'ek'a-irlla] ,1

[-aysla] >

[-slstJ'a] . . > [-1k'slstJ 1a] or [-t'ek'slstJ'a] • • I\ • •

Lobedu

[-_Bona] > [-dzw{ i3::ma]

[-132 .. la] > [-dzwi_Bala]

[-loma] > [-dzw1loma]

[-rada] > [-dzw1thada]

[-sila] > [-dzw1s:Lla]

[-.6.a.6.sla] > [-dzw{ga.6.sla]

[-flc:d3a] > [ I' / / ] -dzw1gslsd3a

From the above examples it will be observed that

nasal strengthening occurs fairly evenly in all the dialects r

.~ except the North-eastern dialects. Whereas the general

pattern of the changes in Pedi is for voiced sounds to

become voiceless, in the Lobedu-like cluster of dialects

voiced sounds remain voiced. In addition, in these diRlects

not all the sounds undergo change under nasal influence.

In Lobedu [-loma] > [-dzw{loma] (bite oneself), but

[-flc:d3a] > [-dzwigflsd3a]. In Phalaborwa the following

examples were noted:

[-mbona]

[-dzwirada] [-nrada]

[bon::>]

[thad::>]

Note also that dental sounds undergo no change. Thus

Lobedu [-thai3a] > [thai30] [-ntha_Ba] [-dzwitha_Ba] A A A h

[-th6g6me:la] > [th6g6msl::>] [-nth6g6msla] A A A

I" I' ] t-dzw1thai3a ,.

CHAPTER VII

CONCLUSION AND CLASSIFICATION

GEOGRAPHICAL LOCATION AS A LIMITING FACTOR

1.0.00 In the foregoing chapters the existence of

various dialects in Northern Sotho has been established.

Historically, it has been noted that, although some of

the tribes have a common origin, and still follow similar

traditions and customs, yet today they differ considerably

with regard to their spoken language. Although the Pedi

are said to be Kgatla by origin, yet they share neither

cultural nor linguistic features with the Kgatla. In fact,

to the present day, typical Pedi detest any allusion to

their historical link with the Kgatla. Their language,

therefore, arose because they had become sufficiently

disconnected to drift apart or independently, instead of

together with the Kgatla.

7.0.01 It is not difficult to understand why the Tau

who stem from the Swazi , speak the Pedi dialect. As

stated in par. 2.1.03, Pedi military and diplomatic

superiority was mainly responsible for their adoption of

Pedi culture and language. The present generation of the

Tau is scarcely distinguishable from the typical Pedi­

speaking inhabitants of Sekhukhuneland.

7.0.02 Certain features in Kopa point to a Tswana con.-:

nection as indeed does their origin from the Kwena and

Rolong. By historical accident, however, their language

has had a marked influence on the written form of Northern

Sotho as evidenced in the first Northern Sotho Bible*·*

** 1905 edition. - 118 -

-119-

which was a mixture of Pedi and Kopa. Some of the

variations in the standard Northern Sotho orthography,

which are, in fact, not characteristic'of Northern Sotho

bear testimony of this influence. Practical orthography

fs [ws] as in [le-J?si'I>Si] (darkness) and [-wsa] (new; burn)

is in fact Kapa and occurs in no other Northern Sotho

dialect; but the current standard orthography gives it

preference to fil:.':. [sw] which is a feature common to the

majority of dialects. It has been shown that both bila­

bial f [~] and denti-labial f [f] occur in Northern Sotho; -but because of Kopa influence, the bilabial form appears

in all scientific works as a distinctive feature of

Northern Sotho. Similarly the voiceless velar fricative, gin

practical ori:hograp:zy i.e. l:x.], which occurs mainly in Kapa and

Ndebele-Sotho has been given greater prominence than the

voiced counterpart [r], which occurs among the Pedi-like

dialects. It is interesting to note, however, that the

most successful Northern Sotho novelist, O.K. Matsepel),

is a Kopa, but the language he uses in his works is typical

Pedi.

7.0.03 Like Kopa, Ndebele-Sotho has exerted a consi-

derable effect on the written form of Northern Sotho

mainly through the lYlahlontebe primary school series

written by M.J. Madiba (Vide par. 2.2.0l), who 9 like

many other Northern Sotho writers, represents dialects

around Pietersburg. But the replacement in this dialect

of Pedi [4] by [t1h] as in [-t1ha~a] (stab) is hardly

understandable since the sound [4] occurs in Transvaal

------------------------l. O.K. Matsepe was awarded the'Mqhayiprys' by the

Suid-Afrikaanse .Akademie in 1963 for his out­standing novel, Kgorong ya lYlosate. Other novels by the same author are Sebata-Kgomo and Le;sita­Phiri.

- 120 -

Ndebele, cf. [1i4ok'a] (axe). 2 ) It would have been

logical for the Ndebele people, learning a foreign language

like Northern Sotho to retain those Northern Sotho features

which also occurred in their own language. But this has

not been the case throughout, and we find striking diffe­

rences in phonology and morphology between Ndebele-Sotho

and, typical Pedi.

7.0.04 Tswana influence is noticeable in the phonology,

morphology and vocabulary of Hananwa as the following

examples, which are foreign to Northern Sotho dialects,

will show:

[-i3ua] (talk, speak);

[-sia] (run away, be afraid);

[-solO~Ela] (hope, have faith in);

[tE~] (inside, there), cf. Pedi [¥Ona] •

[-l1l1mala] (be quiet, be silent)

[-ts'amaja] (go, walk);

[i3jan6~] (now, then); •

However, in some Hananwa ideolects investigated, a great

fluctuation of the degree of voicing was noted. This

seemed to indicate the influence of the Madibane group

whom the Hananwa people found settled on the Blauwberg

mountains when they first arrived from Bechuanaland (Vide

par. 2.1.35). The following examples were noted:

[letJ'E] / [led3E] (stone);

[lek'ot'o] / [legodo] (leg);

[lit'Elu] / [lidElu] (beard, whiskers); • •

[-k'uk'a] / [-guga] (carry, lift);

[mot'ofio] / [modofio] (light beer);

2. Ziervogel, D.: A Grammar of Northern Transvaal Ndebele, p. 56.

- 121 -

[p'itf'aJ I [bid3a] (pot)

[_[3orbkhu] I [130 rbgu] (gum); . . [1Jwc:tf'i] I [ JJWEd 3i] (bride, daughter-in-law) . •

7.0.05 The Matlala of Phokwane and Maserumule for all

intents and purposes speak the Pedi dialect, while their

parent tribe in Pietersburg shows closer affinities to Tlokwa

and Hananwa, especially in the use of interdentals [t] and "

[th] in place of Pedi laterals [tl'] and [4]. It is sig-"

nificant, however, that the Matlala of Pietersburg, in

spite of their geographical location, should retain the

Pedi voiced and voiceless alveo-palatal fricative [3] and

[J] as in

7.0.06

Tlokwa Hananwa

[3wala] (beer), cf. [p j alwa]

[3wa-] (poss.conc.cl.14), cf. [_f3ja]

[3wana] (childhood), cf. [_f3jana]

[-3a] (eat), cf.

[-Jala] (remain, cf.

[-Jila] (grind), cf

[l'a];

[-sala];

l-s1la].

The Moletsi people, who are Kwena by origin,

show closer phonological affinities to the Matlala of

Pietersburg, who are their neighbours, than to the Tswana.

7.0.07 Except for the voiced velar fricative [y], no

other feature links the Kgaga of Maake and those of

Hphahlele, who were originally one tribe (Vide par.

2.1.12). The Kgaga of Maake show linguistic features

common to the dialects of the North-eastern Transvaal,

especially with regard to voiclng and the use of inter­

dentals in place of laterals, while the Mphahlele people

- 122 -

are linguistically closer to the Pedi except in the use

of interdental [t] and [th] as in [-t'a13a] (matter) and A A A

[-~ha13a] (mountain), cf._ Pedi [ t' a13a] and [ :-tha_l3a]. The

following examples show the striking differences between

the Maake and the Mpha..hlele groups:

Maake M]2hahlele

C-Z-a~J [JaE j (home); . [bugu] [p'uk'u] (book);

[_l3ojada] [13oatl' a] (carelessness, A slovenliness)

[thaba] [4-ap 'a] (wash); ,.

[-khomo] [kxhomo] (head of qattle); • •

[-dela] [-tsela] ,. (road, way);

[mothela] [mosela] (tail); ,.

[-rada] [-rat'a] (like, love).

7.0.08 Dikgale dialect enjoys a unique position. In

spite of its being situated on a linguistic island, sur­

rounded by the Klokwa, the Lobedu, the Mam,::.bolo and the Nothi­

ba, it reveals many Pedi linguistic features,except the late­

rals Lt] and [ tl'] which are replaced by [ th] and [ t'] A A

respectively. In addition, both variants[~] and [f],

as well as [psh] and [ph] as in [-pshik'olo--z-a]/[-phik'olora]

(roll down) occur in this dialect. That a tribe located

near Soekmekaar in the Northern Transvaal, and which is

of Matlala-Kone origin, should so strongly resist the in­

fluence of its environment is hard to explain. .i'..ccording

to its geographical position,one would have expected it to

reveal more features common to Tlokwa and Mamabolo than

to Pedi.

- 123 -

7.0.09 Although the i.\1olepo people historically claim

some close relationship with the Venda of Mphefhu,there

is nothing in their language and culture today to sub­

stantiate this view. On the whole their language reveals

both Pedi and Tlokwa features with the exception that

Pedi lateral [4] has been replaced by [t1h].

7.0.10 The Tlokwa of the Northern Transvaal share no

close linguistic features with those of Rustenburg and

Pilansburg districts, as well as those of the Gaberones

in Bechuanaland.

7.0.11 The various Northern Sotho dialects differ from

one another in that some have dentals where others have

laterals. Lobedu [s] and Pedi [J] as in [-Jala] (remain)

can generally be regarded as Sotho sounds. The same could

be said of Lobedu [fi] as in [-fiola] (grow), cf. Southern

Sotho [fi]. But when one finds in place of the ordinary

Sotho laterals a dental, there seems little doubt of

Venda influence:

Lobedu Pedi Venda

[-dou] [-tl'ou] (elephant) cf. [ndou]; I\ • . A•

[-dala] [-tl'ala] (be full), cf. [-dala]; ,. " [-thagana] [-4aK 1 ana] (meet), cf. [-talJgana]

A A

[-tha}:huna] [-4ahuna] (chew), cf [-tafuna]; ,. " [-da] [-tl'a] (come) , cf. [-da]

" A

7.0.12 In addition, the tendency in Lobedu,Phalaborwa9

Khaga and Dzwabo to use voiced sounds in general can be

attributed to Venda influence, since voicing in the posi­

tion where it occurs in these dialects is not a distinc­

tive feature of Sotho:

- 124 -

Lobedu Pedi Venda

[mosada] [mofat's] (chief's kraal)cf. [musanda];

[-r€ga] [-rek'a] (buy) cf. [-rqJga];

[-tJhebela] [ , , ] -sep'ela (walk) cf. [-tJhimbi 1a]

[-do.6.a] [-t:roya] (go)' cf. [-dufia]; " ....

[-d{ma] [-tl'ima] (bind), cf. [-dsma] ,. ,.

[ nd.a] [ nt'a] (louse) cf • [nnda]

7.0.13 .Although natural features of a country may domi-

nate the geographical distribution of dialects in general,

it must be remembered that the human being as a free indi----""~---,«•,.-----·-·-•·"=•-- .. -·-·-·

vidual tends to move about. With the development of wide-

spread education the ideolects of school teachers, for

example, exert a marked effect on dialects. Industriali­

zation has also brought about changes in dialect$. It is

exceedingly doubtful if a language will ever be spoken

over a wide area without undergoing any change. Thus

geography is not the final factor, and therefore it is

linguistic features that must, in the final instance,

determine the spread of dialects. Geographical location

cannot help us explain why Pedi [¥] as in [-yama] (milk)

remains [y] in Khaga, but is replaced by [.6.] in Lobedu

Phalaborwa and Dzwabo; or why Lobedu and Dzwabo [khe] as

in [ l•d1egolo] (school) is replaced by [the] in Phala borwa ,.

and Khaga, although these dialects belong to the same or

adjacent regions.

7.0.14 Changes, additions and losses may be introduced

in the interplay of dialects, or may be introduced from

without, i.e. from other languages. Among the Khaga, for

example, it is the women of the royal house who speak

what is generally regarded as "pure" Khaga; the men have

,, ~·

- 125 -

come under the influence of local and neighbouring

dialects, Pedi playing a major role in this influence.

This point may explain the prevalence of[¥] in Khaga

as against the [fi] found in the rest of the dialects of

the North-eastern Transvaal.

7.0.15 Geographical diversity is, therefqre, a secon-

dary side of the general phenomenon of change in language.

Regarding this- point, Ferdinand de Saussure3 ) rightly

observes:

It is illusory to think that space alone was responsible. By itself space cannot influence language •••••••. It is easy to forget about the factor of time because it is less concrete than space, but it is actually the cause of linguistic differentiation. Geographical diversity should be called temporal diversity.

CLASSIFICATION

7.1.00 A geographical classification of the Northern

Sotho dialects as given by Dr. Van Warmelo 4 ) cannot be

regarded as conclusive since each of the clusters is not

a con~ected unity. An examination of the tables of sounds

supplied in the Appendix will reveal .. variations within each

cluster. For instrcmce,although the North-eastern cluster is

genarally char2.cterized by the tendency to use voiced souds, yet

it will be observed that Lobedu and Phalaborwa [fi] is

replaced by [1] in Khaga and Dzwabo; and that Lobedu and

Dzwabo [khe] is replaced by [the] in Phalaborwa and Khaga. "

Matlala and Moletsi which belong to the North-western

cluster are characterized by [3] as in [-3a] (eat) as

against [lj a] of the rest of the dialects with this cluster.

3. De Saussure, Ferdinand: Course in General Linguistics, P• 197.

4. Van '\rfarmelo, N .J.: A Preliminary Survey of the Bantu Tribes of South Africa, p. 108 et seq.

- 126 -

There are clearly marked differences between Kopa and Pedi

although the Kopa speaking area is geographically adjacent

to Sekhukhuneland. A proper and satisfactory classifica­

tion should be one which is based on the fact that the

phonological resemblances between two dialects by far out­

number the differences. No two dialects can ever share

identical linguistic features, just as no two individual.s

are ever absolutely at one in their speech habits.

7.1.01 Accordingly, the following classification of

the Northern Sotho dialects has been based on the phono­

logical correspondences rather than on geographical loca­

tion of the tribes speaking the dialects. Qg."this-basis,

three main divisions of the dialects studied readily

present themselves. These are the Pedi-, the Tlokwa-

and the Lobedu-like clusters.

7.1.02 The Pedi-like cluster, which includes Pedi

(Mamone and Mohlaletsi), Tau (Masemola, Ntshabeleng,

rfarisanc, Nkadimeng, Phaahla and Kgaphola), Kone (Maseru­

rnule, Phokwane, Marangrang, Mathabatha, Tshwene, Maja),

Roka (Nkwana) and Moletlane, is characterized by the

following distinctive features:

(a) the voiceless denti-labial fricative [f], e.g.

[-fula] (graze), [-fofa] (fly);

(b) the voiced velar fricative [y], e.g.

[-yarna] (milk), [-yayola] (tear);

(c) the voiceless prevelar fricative [n], e.g.

[leh~no] (today), [lefhu] (death) (Vide par • •

6.0.44 - 6.0.45);

(d) the voiceless lateral alveolar fricative

[4], e.g. [4ap'i] (fish), [4oyo] (head);

- 127 -

(e) the voiceless alveolar fricative [s], e.g.

[-swara] (get hold of), [-sola] (dish out);

(f) the voiced alveolar fricative [z] or [13 z], e.g.

[sezwana]/[se~zana] (utencil);

(g) the labialized [s], e.g. [leswiswi] (darkness);

(h) the voiced alveo-palatal fricative [3], e.g.

[-3a] ( eat)

(i) the voiceless aspirated labio-alveolar affricate

[psh], e.g. [-psh{k 1 olo1a] (roll).

(j) the locative suffix [lJJ, e.g. [molir?JJ] (at work).

7.1.03 The Tlokwa-like cluster, which includes Tlokwa,

Hananwa, Matlala, Moletsi, Mamabolo, is characterized by

the following distinctive features;

(a) the interdentals [th] and [t] for Pedi laterals A A

[4] and [tl'], e.g. [thap'i] (fish), [thofiD] A A

(head), [-ta] (come); ,..,

(b) the voiced glottal[~] for Pedi [y], e.g.

[-.fiaJno.] (milk), [fiaje:] (at home); •

(c) the voiceless aspirated velar explosive [kh]

for Pedi [11], e.g. [-khumana] (find),

[-khunama] (bend);

(d) the voiceless bilabial fricative[~] for Pedi

[ f ], e • g. [ -fula] (graze), [ -~o~a] (fly) ;

(e) the voiceless aspirated alveolar affricate

[ tsh] for Pedi [s], e.g. bb\,,rara] (get hold of),

~~ola] (dish out);

(f) the locative suffix [-ne], cf. Pedi [-lJ], e.g.

[thaf3Ene] < [tha.[5a].

- 128 -

7.1.04 The Lobedu-like cluster, which includes Lobedu,

Phalaborwa, Khaga and Dzwabo, is characterized mainly by

the use of voiced forms for the corresponding unvoiced

Pedi forms, e.g.

[bid3a] (pot), cf. Pedi [p'itJ'a];

[-rEda] (praise, land), cf. Pedi [-rEt'a];

[gopo] (blanket), cf. Pedi [k'o~o]

[-dzoma] (hunt), cf. Pedi [-ts'oma]

Other features are

(a) the interdentals [th] and [d] for Pedi laterals A /\

[4] and [tl'], e.g.

[-tha~a] (stab}, cf. Pedi [-4apa] "

[-thathopa] (examine, investigate), cf. Pedi ,. "

l:4a4opa];

[dala] (hunger, famine), cf. Pedi [ tl' ala]; ,.

[-dosa] (remove), cf. Pedi [-tl'oJa] A

(b) [kh] for Pedi [kxh], e.g. [khapo] (monkey),

cf. Pedi [kxhapo], [khofio] (fowl), cf. Pedi

[kxhofio].

(c) Pedi class prefix is replaced by [khe] in

Lobedu and Dzwabo, but [the] in Phalaborwa and

Khaga.

(d) [~] for Pedi [f], e.g. [-~61a] (recover from

illness);

( e) glottal [fi] for Pedi [ ·:d' e.g. [-fiola] (grow) •

(f) [l'] for Pedi [3], e.g. [-l'a] (eat) in

Phalaborwa, Khaga and Dzwabo, but [-la] in

Lobedu.

(g) the locative suffix [ne] for Pedi [~].

(h) [tsh] for Pedi [s] and [sw]. e.g. [-tshola]

(dish out) cf. Pedi [-sola], [letshwi~i]

(darkness) cf. Pedi [leswiswi].

- 129 -

The Kopa-like cluster, which includes; Kopa,

Nde bele-Sotho, Mole po, Mothi ba, Jlfothapo, l'llakgo ba, is

miscellaneous in character, but its distinctive feature

is the use of [tlh] for Pedi [4]. Other features are

(a) the voiceless velar fricative [x] for Pedi

[1]. Note that this applies to Kopa and

Ndebele-Sotho, and not to Molepo, Mothiba,

Mothapo and Makgoba, which use [1].

(b) the occurrence of both the voiceless bilabial

fricative[~] and the denti-labial fricative

[f].

(c) the use of the voiceless labia-alveolar

fricative [~s] for Pedi [sw]. This applies

to Kopa only; the rest of the dialects use [sw].

(d) the occurrence of pedi prevelar [11], e.g.

[~humana] (find)

[rnahura] (fat).

7.1.06 Considering Prof. Ziervogel's work on the

Eastern Sotho, the two dialects of Kutswe and Pulana

could form a fifth cluster.

With regard to Pai it seems that this dialect

could be classified as a cluster by itself, if cognizance

is taken of Prof. Ziervogel's findings:

"The relationship between Pulana-Kutswe on the one hand and Pai on the other is not suff,iciently close to warrant the three dialects equal status within the subgroup. It is evident that Pai is in many respects quite different from Pulana-Kutswe."

A COl\'iMENT ON NORTHEPJl SOTHO PRACTICAL ORTHOGRAPHY

7.2.00 Throughout this work we have directly or in-

directly focussed attention on the shortcomings in-

- 130 -

herent in the current Northern Sotho orthography (vide

par. 6.0.55 and 7.0.02). The main objection to it is

that it is inconsistent, and makes provision for unneces­

sary alternatives. The symbol j_ satisfactorily represents

the various dilectal variations in the written language,

i.e. [-3a], [-l 1 a], [-tJ'a] and [-la] .. Likewise the

symbol hl should unambiguously represent [4], [tlh] and

[~h]; but this is not the case. The practical ortho~raphy

permits the alternative [t1h] as in [-t1ha~a] (stab) and

[~otlhok'o] (pain) and discards [th]. Our investigations "

have shown that [tlh] occurs in Kopa, Ndebele-Sotho and

Molepo, and that [th] is found in most of the Northern, "

North-Western and North-Eastern dialects. In other words

numerically speaking, [th] enjoys more extensive use than "

[t1h]. We do not uphold the claims of [th] for inclusion ,.

in the orthography; our contention is for the retention

of hl in all verbal and nominal stems, and for [t1h] to

be usea to represent the result of a nasal compound e.g.

[t1ha¥~J (nature, origin).

7.2.01 Referring to fs [fJ], the Terminology and

Orthography No. 25 ) reports as follows:

This sound was formerly represented by fy, which has been completely discarded. It interchanges frequently with sw and in such cases either fs or SW vmay be used according to dialect, e.g. lefsega or leswega; lefsa or leswa; bofswa; phefsana " .., .., or pheswana; fsega or swega.

Throughout our investigations we have encountered no

instance when the alternative sw was used, and we main­

tain that, if it exists at all, it must be an ideolect

of some speakers, what Northern Sotho speakers describe

------------~-----------5. Bantu Education: Terminology and Orthography No. g ..

1962.

- 131 -

as 11polelo ya mmotong" (the speech of the hill). At

best it enjoys very negligible usage. Can this be strong

enough argument for its inclusion as an alternative in a

standard orthography? Pike6 ) gives us a solution to the

problem of alternatives when he says

If one of the phonemes is used more often than the other, he (the investigator) should presumably use the more frequent one. If over a wide area, including a number of minor dialects, one of the phonemes is used in certain regions where the other is not found, the investigator will do well to choose for consistent writing the one which has the widest dialect.sil distribution; in this way, his published material will be acceptable in more dialects, since it re­presents a form current over a wider area.

7.2.02 This brings us to the important point of the

distinction between the spoken and the written language.

In general, the written language may be a reflection of

a single dialect that has probably enjoyed political or cul­

tural prestige, or is a composite of many dialects. The spoken

l.~nguage may be the speech of various dialects~ each with

its mm. phonological,morphological 2nd leYical ch'3.Tacteristics.

Not all the features of each dialect can be reflected in

a standard language and no.one is compelled to speak the

standard language in his own area. But schools, colleges

and universities must adhere to the standard form for

educational and literary purposes. Similarly the Northern

Sotho orthography must discard the alternatives, thereby

ensuring uniformity in writing and minimising the varia­

tions in spelling which are encountered in Northern Sotho

literature. Regarding this point, Prof. Brook?) observes:

6. 7.

Pike, Kenneth Brook, G.L.:

L.: Phonemics, p. 209 English Dialects, p. 209.

7.2.03

- l32 -

The representation of the pronunciation of spoken dialect in literature is at best a set of rather sorry compromises. To those who are already familiar with the dialect in question, a few slight modifications of spelling are enough to serve as reminders, but to those who have no such familiarity dialect spellings in literary works are often regarded as a tedious nuisance. The pronunciation of dialect is best studied at first hand, not through the medium of literary works.

The aim of the architects of the Northern Sotho

orthography should be to create a uniform written language

over all the Northern Sotho speaking area with its tre­

mendous speech diversity, so that in the final analysis

any literate person can communicate with any other in

writing. This would be a positive attempt towards de­

veloping one Sotho language which would serve both as a

written and a spoken language. ~w.d just as the dialects

of German, French, English and Kussian have not been

obliterated by the development of a standard written

language, so the Sotho dialects would enjoy permanent

usage in their own right. Gleason8 ) has this to say

about this point:

A common written language such as German or Italian is a powerful unifying force in a national or cultural area. It is also a necessity if a flourishing litera­ture is to be developed, since it is not economically feasible to develop a separate written language for every minor local dialect. In many parts of the world today, adequate written languages are badly needed in order that the peoples concerned may take their rightful places in the modern world. No nation can afford the long, slow process of development by which the written languages of Europe mostly came into their present situations. It is desirable to short-cut this slow growth by some quicker way to an adequate written language usable by a sufficiently large population to support a vigorous literature.

8. Gleason, H • .A.: An Introduction to Descriptive Linguistics, p. 429

-.133 -

While we are in agreement with the symboliza­

tion of single letters in the current Northern Sotho

orthography, we should however, like to make the following

observations regarding the symbolization of some di/graphs

and trigraphs:

(a) .£i as in bjang (grass) and -robia (be broken),

which conveniently represents the variant

dialectal pronunciations, viz [~3], [pj] and

[3w] should be retained, but the alternative

ilf discarded.

(b) fs as in lefsifsi (darkness) and -fsiela

(sweep) should be replaced by .§Ji• !§ should not

even be considered as an alternative to fill

since the [~s] pronunciation occurs only in Kopa9

whereas all the dialects except Kopa have

.§J!, e.g. -fil:il1 (burn) and swina (fasten).

(c) f§. as in lefsega (coward) should be retained

but the alternative ~w completely discarded

(Vide par. 6.2.01).

(d) hl as in -hlaba (stab) satisfactorily repre­

sents all dialectal variations in pronuncia­

tion, viz. [4], [t1h] and [th], and should ,.

be retained. The alternative tlh as in

-tlhala (divorce) should be discarded, but

used to represent the result of a nasal com­

pound, e.g. tlhago (nature, origin), (Vide

par. 7 • 2 • 00) •

(e) lg£ as in kgomo (head of cattle) unambiguously

represents the variant dialectal pronunciations,

viz. [kxh], [kh] and [x], and should be re­

tained. So also are the symbols ng as in

ngaka (doctor) and ill[ as in -nvala (marry).

- 134 -

(f) E.§. as in -psila (nice) and 12.§. as in mpsa (dog)

raise no problems in the writing of the language

and should be retained; but £,;i as an alternative

of ci serves no useful purpose and therefore

should be completely discarded.

(g) tl as in tlala (hunger) satisfactorily repre­

sents the variant pronunciations, viz. [tl'],

[ t'] and [d], and should be retained. I\ I\

(h) ts as in tsebe (ear) adequately represents

the variant dialectal pronunciations, viz.

[ts'], [dz) and [d], and should be retained I\

(i) as in letsatsi (sun, day)·adequately

represents [tJ'] and [d3], and should be retained.

(j) kh as in khudu (tortoise), ph as in phefo

(wind) and th as in thaba (mountain) occur in

all dialects, and should therefore be retained.

(k) psh as in -pshikologa (roll) adequately repre­

sents [psh], [ph] and occasionally [tsh] and

shouid be retained.

(1) psh as in-pshatla (smash) and tsh as in

tshemo cause no difficulties in writing as

they occur in all the dialects. But tsh as

in tshipi (iron, bell) should not be used in

verbal stems, e.g. [-tshwara] (get hold of),

cf. [-swara].

7.2.05 In the present study we have classified the

Northern Sotho dialects into six groups to which the

term "cluster" is applicable (Vide par. 7.1.02 - 7.1.07).

In addition, we have made certain recommendations re­

garding_, the official Northern Sotho orthography in an

- 135 -

effort to achieve a standard written form which will be

the accepted medium for literary production throughout

the entire Northern Sotho area. Perhaps from these

humble beginnings, we may, in the course of time, reach

the ultimate goal •••• the standardization of the ortho­

graphies of the three Sotho languages.

* * * * * *

Pedi

Kopa

Dikgale

Molepo

Tlokwa

Hananwa

Mamabolo

Moletsu

Matlala

j

j

APPENDIX

TABLE I

SEMIVOWELS AND NASALS

w n m J1 lJ

wnmJllJ n lJ

j w nmJ1 lJ n lJ

JJ

A

r}) )J/iJWE 4 )

lJ ]J/)JWE

lJ

lJ

YJ/lJWE

]JWE j w n m J1 JJ n

j w n m J1 lJ n ne J16 lJWE "

j w n m J1 JJ n

j w n m J1 JJ n A

j WnIDJ11Jn A

j WnIDJ1lJ n A

ne

JJ

ne

ne

lJ ]JWE

lJ lJWE

J1e ]JWE

J16 lJWE

Ndebele Sotho j w n m J1 lJ n lJ lJ lJWE

Lobedu

Phalaborwa

Y,.haga

Dzwabo

Pedi

Kopa

j wnmJ1lJ n

j wnmJ1JJ n A

j w n m J1 lJ n A

j w n m J1 lJ n A

TABLE 2

ne J16 mjs

ne J1e lJWE

ne J1e JJWE

ne Jle lJWE

EJECTED Al'ill ASPIRATED EXPLOSIVES

K' t 16 ) p' tl' kh th ph t'h

K' t' p' tl' kh th ph t 1h " A

1. In nasal compounds.

¥0

lJ 5)

yo

fio

lJ

fio

fio

fio

XO

fio

fio

fio

fio

2. In locatives, interrogatives, plural positive imperative. 3. In certain noun-stems, e.g. [likxhoJJ]7[1ikxhoJ1e]. 4. In enumerative adjective stem, e.g. [moJJ]/[mo)Jws]. 5. In verbal relatives. 6. In some Mphahlele ideolects, which we have included

in the Pedi cluster, interdentals [t] and [th] as in [ -fta.[3a] (matter, affair) and [ tha.[3a] (mountain)

A A occur.

- 136 -

- 137 -

Dikgale K' t' p' t' kh th ph th A A

Molepo K' t I p' tl' kh th ph t 1h

Tlokwa K' t' p' t' .kh th ph th A A

Hananwa Efg t 1/d p ,Yb t' kh th ph th A

Mamabolo K' t' p' t' kh th ph th A

Moletsi K' t' p' t' kh th ph th A "

Matlala K' t I p' t' kh th ph th ,.. ,.

Ndebele Sotho K' t' p' tl' kh th ph t 1h

Lobedu g d b d kh th ph th ,.. ,.

Phalc1,borwa g d b d kh th ph th A ,.,

Khaga g d b d kh th ph th ,., "

Dzwabo g d b d kh th ph th ,. ,.

TABLE~

E'RICATIVES

Pedi .(3 f s J s s s 1 h 3 SW ff z/.(3z/133

Kapa .(3 q, s J tsh s s X .h tf' <I'S <I?f 133

Dikgale .(3 f /<f2 s J s s s 1 h 3 SW ff .(33

Molepo .(3 j- s J s s s 1h 3 SW 1?J .(33

Tlokwa .(3 q, s s tsh s s fikhl' tsh/1? <D . -J _(3 3/ _(3 j

Hananwa _(3 q, s s tsh s s fi .kh 1 1 tsh/<I? 1?j j33/.(3j

Mamabolo .(3 qi s J tsh s s fi kh 1 1 tsh/<fJ 1?J/1?j .(33/.(3j

J\1oletsi .(3 <fJ s J tsh s s fi -kh 3 q, <I?J/1?j 3

Matlala .(3 qi s J tsh s s fi kh 3 s/1' 1?J/1?j 3

Ndebele-Sotho .(3 f /1? s J tsh s s X kh 3 s/f fJ/1'J .(33

Lobedu .(3 q, s s tsh tJh Kh fi kh t sh/ 1? (l'.) J / (l'.) j 13 j

Phalaborwa .(3 q, s s tsh s th fi kh l' tsh/1' cI>J /<fJj £3 j A

Khaga .(3 (p s s tsh s th 1 kh 1 1 A

tsh/1? <f2 sl q, j 13 j

Dzwabo .(3 qi s s tsh s Kh ¥ kh 1 tsh/1? 1?J/@j .(3j

- 138 -

'.!:'ABLE 4

LATERAL AND ROLLED CONTINUANTS

Pedi 1 4 r

Kopa 1 t 1h r

Dikgale 1 th r ,.

Molepo 1 t 1h r

Tlokwa 1 th r ,.

Hancmwa 1 th r "

Mamabolo 1 th r ,.

Moletsi 1 th r "

Matlc.1,la 1 th r ,.

Ndebele-Sotho 1 t 1h r

Lobedu 1 th r "

Phalaborwa 1 th r ,.

Khaga 1 th r ,.

Dz,wabo 1 th r ,.

TABLE 5

.AFFRICATES

Pedi ts' tJ' tsh tJh kxh pf psh pJh

Kopa ts' tJ' tsh tJh kxh Pl psh pJh ps

Dikgale ts' tJ' tsh tJh kxh pf psh pf~

Molepo ts' tJ' tsh tJh kxh pf psh pfh

Tlokwa ts' tJ ';Kw tsh tJh k:x:h Pl ph pfh

Hananwa ts ';tlz tJ 1/d3/kw tsh tJh kxh/x pj ph pJh

Mamabolo ts' tJ' tsh tJ\\ kxh pj ph pfh

Moletsi ts' tr, J tsh tJh kxh Pl ph pJh

Matlala ts' tJ' tsh tJh kxh pj nh pJh

I'Jdebele-Sotho ts' tJ' tsh tJh kxh pf ph pfh

Lobedu dz d3/gw tsh tfh kh bj ph pJh

Phalaborwa dz/d d3/gw tsh tJh kh bj ph pfh A

Khaga dz/d d3/gw tsh tJh kh bj ph pjh "

Dz,-r:::bo dz d. '7 / ,aw :JI o tsh t Ji. 1rl~l{-v t, .L_ ·--'-~f-'---...i.lo... -"-- ;J .i

-- ..... ~********, /4************·*~

/ ' ... .,-- }.-l!-li--1!--11--l!--1!--!!--l!--!!-********-K\ -- ' ~*********1*****************~ 6************\*****************~ I . ....

****** ***'***-!!·~\************ ****~ f HANANWA TLOKW A ,*-'11.·-l!-***'**********1*****************' /*****************f***************)

& ' , ' .., ~***-l'l·-l!--l!--1!--1!--l!--!!--1!--1!-*****' \**********!!-*****' '1"'-11--11--11--11--!l--1!--l!-·ll--l!-**********./***\***************~ I . TLOKWA -'"'o ,. - ~

t*HH~*lf-*****·*·;-iwt*Jn**,Mori'ET~}*;******:*/"1·H*****~ \ r r I"' 4'-A-r,. '

~**********}===J*·0 ·"'-i,********t~~if**10:sinu***-fll'*\·H************" '-********~==== ***-ll·*AiH1-****f*·ll-***·-~-)!--!Hl-********.lil<************·il-*¾·***'

' \

- "- ~-------\MATLAL~ J. ,- ' ,,,,- _. ·---i PHALABORWA ,----;:----'ft***-"Hf~V4*~"~*~**-i(\H4*lHH*J~***********-lHl--l(lH!·-l!--it

_________ ....._ _ 9 AMA.MABO,l~ /'• KID.GA ~

YNDEBELi:sornd4·1t'****'i110LEPO -?'lE-*H·-l!--lHHf*,t.:t.********H-H-1!-***7 ic------------=~---~-;;:.,_--;;;._--;,;;;/,t:.._-11--11-****y'li.**\·t.-*~~********·:.J ~------------l.- !f"++++++++++++~ ./-iHHH-11-*~h,) - _,,,,.

\.========-:--1++++++++++++++++++++t'\*1:~~?o.,.... I--:-\..=.:_==.7 ( ++++++++++++++++++++++J+""*' ...... - ""

- l++++++++++++++++++++++++-+\. PULANA , , PEDI \ ~++++++++++++++++++++++++~ \.+++++++++➔·++++++++++++++\

'"+7-l"'l'-+-4:-+++++++++++++++\ ~=~~~~➔-°'.;+.,..,...++++++++-v'

I ' ' ~ ---------~ ...... ._.,.., P KOPA f r==========1 \=========# '-~----' -._--.,,:.,,,-

KUTSWE I

Map 1 showing the distribution of (4/t1h/lh] as in (-49.~a], [-t1ha~a],

[..'.tha~a] (stab).

: [ ¾h] [4]

: ( tlh]

\ \

' t l l ...

,,.. ~

/*fi-lHH***' llf************"fd!\·

\ ,::-ii--n-, /4****************

_..ill-::-*******!*****************) .(*************~****************'

'*,**************~****************,· HAN.ANWA t i TLOKWA ►•***************.****************\ '*****************\****************' _., & \

>-lf******************l'*******-l(·********' , ,if********·**********~***~*******-ll·********'

TLOKWA -- ' ..,.,. ~**************~·**i-******"U-~****-lHl*****Y-ll"'!!-***' ,,.., ', """II-*-' ' MOLETSI \ __ · .. , '

\ l \ \

*************!"*****~*********"~~~*********¥*)"*****·*********"' \ " ~ /IJttd1tE' LOBEDU ' ,. *********/!:c:::.=~******' *******+++-t++·t;1:-.l******·*****"7"·********·*****'IE-***·

\. I MATLALA ( - /\ r ..._ ~ PHALABORWA ' '*"1(1P\:=======·'t.**·M-****-w;*.,(**~~[1ii6fo;~*/'ib'i1~!+l******H*****H*** X,

\=------+ii.;M-:!LJ{-~~f'k*****\ii'l<--l(·U,~++-,.+++++++++'f**********·lH-l(-)(-***/ NDEBELE-SOTHO ~ ,, '"11trLEPO l - \,,,.. / ~===============-+++t+++++++++t++++++-j,llt+-1 -1(-l'-l(-~ * *** * ** ·****' -\. '1,---:---._., .• _,,. '- /

i'-------------~4'f°+++++t++++++tt+~~+++++++~*-U.~ -" /' '\ DZWABO ,

~:=======,_ +++++++++++++++++++++++..t-++++++;i.+..t-+- .... , ' , '=~_,, -r++++++++++++++➔-+++++++++¥-r .... '

t++++++++++++++++++++++++++ \ PULANA ' , nm , ~++!++!++:++!++++++++++++++\ ,

'-r++++++++++++++++++++++++++

\++~-Ft-~+++++++++++++++~ l ,KONE =~, .I ,

1==~+J;_++_;j-+~+:!j-+;i;,;1, '

KUTSWE

, , ,========::.c! '

/===!~~!===7 ' ' PAI \

,--=----·-7 \ } - - ""'-

Map 2 showing the distribution of [.fi/y/x] as in [-fiamaJ, (-yamaJ,

[-xama] (milk).

*** . [fl] • +++ . [y] • ---~- . (x] .

\

-' ' rt********,.

' ( **i*************\ :,,"11--!HHI-************·********)

/*:*********1******************1 /'**************~*****************

[ ********************************' HAN ANW A \ TLOKWA \ ********~\***********************

/********&*********'***************}, , *******************'*'****************

f*·iHl·*·IHl-*********·lt***~**·li-*~************~t.-;--11-..,._ l TLOKW A __,, . , - ....._ ~

\

' '

************-ll****'lr*-l(·ft*******-¥~lHE·**1.t,!***r****-IHHI-*' ,-*.f.'li"******-1!·*\ 1 l..,... MOLETSi \. ' ~ LOBEDU \ f \ -if*******-ll·***!,1"*\*-X·***'***·**·***-X·;lf~~--)1-* **********"'\ ***********·""****

' \

...._ ~ , DIKGALE\ I - - \,_~++++'*~Ifillr~*t!z't;~tMlio~**)-**~~***pHALABORWA***·*l

r+++++++'-****-l(***r****r·~~>·*;~iai°!GA*~'ll-**·***** 11·1>-**·~ ****f +.\++++++ +-++-h+-M-'****l++++++++.tJ'·ll-****·***}'-'f"'!l"X-'ll",(-i;.**"-lHI* l<HH ***1

NDEBELE-SOTHo\ '*·*MOLEPO.r \ · . +++++++++++++++~*·lH,n-++++++'4-+~-!,,,;t*f.*·***'-****\**·~·H"***Y

,,,,,,. '.J)ZWABO"-, ,,,,,,,,,. \t-++++++++++++4='"+++-l•+++++++++++++++i"\_*·K-l<· )(- **-l( X3/.\ -

/ ~" ~, \+++++++Ji,ri-+++++++++++++++++-t·+++++~* •la-l!li""' '-

\.+~ I++++++++++++++++++++++++++\ , PEDI

It.++++++++++++++++++++++++++~ PULANA

\ t++++++++++++++++++++++++++\

'-+++++++++++++++++++++++++l ,+.\+-:;::~++~+++++++++++-+_.;:' KUTSWE I KONE '- ,,,,,.,. ,,,.

(***,vi.d-~+;.~t.~+-holo- '

r**********' ' KOPA I r *********' ~-M-***·IH-ll-y

'- /"

....

I ,

I ,

Map 3 showing the distribution of [f/<1>] as in [-fala], [-;;t>ala] (scrape).

*** [ cl?] +++ [f]

I'*'**';*;\., f-h************'

.,Jlli1lllllll'tilllfll{/IIJ-;,,*'"-lHI""' (**-lHHl·-11-***********-l\ A'\*******~******************,

,'***********-!If****************** ***************\·************-!E:·X·***l

I HANA.NWA' TLOKWA ' *****·***********~**************** '**********************************\ ~ & \ 1

~******************'l*****************t

A******************-!14-**}*~**************' TLOKWA /f '- """ .... ;_.************·ls-~*U*********t*'**********¥6====~ ' "=~="""' '" \ MOLETSI _ / ' ~*******·*-y-i.4'-+~***************"11,,,Jfl_-it.;**~===========J~=======:::::::=====~

\it!-*.!.*;++++++J*M1T!~l******f(f]!~ff~(==~2~!;¥=;..=4====PHAL.AB0RwA====~

,++++++\~*:****~~4 ~f~_:;of)~~~T~AGA=~=================, ,+ Nti~iti~m-M, H* *;~£iii:* v==--------=~=r~---------------; '++++++++++++++f**1:;:_+:J;;.;t)~-tk_=~====::it!:==\.===-===========;t, ..

(+++++++++++~\i-1-+++++++++++++++~t======~~~= .... ..,; - ' '- DZW.ABO 1

\+++++++++4++++++++++++++++++++++~======-= -'t._+p,A+++++++++++++++++++++++++N ;JI - - ~-

t ++++++++++++++~+++++++++++~ \ PEDI ·t

+++++++++++++++++++++++++++

\++++++++++++++++++++++++++~

'+++++++++++++++++++++++++4 \... I "'"-11'm l , 'llt:...++¥.f?1 .. -t'='++++<N--t..t++++✓ ,

PULANA

KUTSWE

I ....._ __ .,...-

1+++++++++:i-J \

i++++++++++~ ' \ KOPA t++++++++++l-

..,._ / "1+..-¾;+..;i..

Map 4 showing the distribution of [tl 1/~/4] as in (tl'ala], [!ala],

[dala] (hunger). ,.

[t] .. +++ : [ tl I J

[ 4]

' ' f ' I l \.

,,.. <IHl-tf"!lf*-lilo... ✓

,tl-************i, ;, *rt~/*****************\

~ /~*******!****************** ~***·*********\*****************\

, ~**************\***-IHI·************' l HANANWA \ TLOKWA r*********~**** *********·*·******~ '*****************\****************\

Y*****-!Hl-'*********.l'"****************\ /******************f4**\*-IHI ************f TLOKWA ,;> \

' 1

'

Af* * -!f * ii- -11-14·** ** ** l<· * *-* ,·lt ***·If**"- *-lC· * * ** ***-lC ** ~+, - -r "" MOLET~I:l r '- ti"" ...., 't**·********-lHf-lf*****-IH~********* M~/ll"y+++++++++++-J-, ;' .f++++++++++++f\

\ · , 6a""'fr,E LOBEDU ' '·IH·*-lH****llf*lfHl*******t-M*****ifi<. t·\f1~1f',\"1t-++++++++++++/++++++++++++++++-1

; \MATLALA" - ' , ' ~******:lf*·*******~~*l**il"lf'~~\~++;:-+ "l""f+~+++++++++++++++++t

\*.*****)¥****~-,L****t~~~lil~'Y~++++++++~++?~¾~~~~~¾++++t

\ ' \ ✓ ,_ \ Jvff'TT.1ri;'o t KHAGA - J

****-ic***'.fr****·*\***f *·*~~!t1!-'l('.-it*l+++++++¥+~~t++++++++++++t· NDEBELE-S0TH0, - - · 41111"": -.. ✓

\ ** -ll·-ll··M-**·*****-l(·-l<-*,!{"-j(********·lH**"-++j+++++\tt.:!-\++++j;;:ld ......... I ~ DZWABO e ""-

~·********r **********************~+++:;+t,f-""" -

't**** v1 **** M·*******iH**********~+;I"' -... r**************************l

PEDI PULANA \'.'"****:lH***iH·lt***·ll-***;'"******\

***************************

'*11'··ll-************·*-!HHI·*****·** \ '\ / .. - .... '

~**·***** *A********.;!;Ji,,,.. I '- _ ~ONE'-, - \

KUTSWE

P****il-*** .. J - _. '***********, ' I KOPA '**********!

\*****·*~ ,--"'

Ma.p 5 showing the distribution of unvoiced [k'/t'/p'/ts'/tJ1 as against

voiced [g/d/b/dz/d3].

***: unvoiced

+++; voiced

•*l"i*~ , '************~. \

' \ \ \ \.

\ \ \ \ I l l

' \ '

Map 6 showing the distribution of (s/tsh) ae in [-sela], [-tshela] (look for food).

*** s [teh] +++ s [s]

....«-~*~·

,*::**********\ - ;('*****************\

~********"** * **************,JI·, r*****-lH,-lHH1H(·-l/\-1HHHHHf-lf**********il\ f**********i***~****************' HANANWA TLOKWA f*****************'t**********il·****' ~******************~***************

,~********~*********)'***************A f***********************,j{'l;:•***************\ TLOKWA _-,,

f******-IH•****·*****~1*""·******'******·*****Y-ll"" - '

\ \

"" MOLET~I ' ,,... - - '. ( **-ll **********1**-M * * l **-It·******\.*~*~~,(**¾·*******' "'* ************\

~--lH• ***** * -l<· *' *' ** *** \~* H-ll ***1t-n¾¥t~'** *~~~,~v* **,'fr****** **-l< H * ***-l<·* \.... '- ...._ I \MATLAJJ I " .... ,. a PHALABORWA ·t 't*****-l( -X1r·M-***·M- *~+.+.f"+++~~~,~*~-*~*****************i \*******~~:***!..******~,~~~9--*l'*********~\*-lHf;M--iHH·-l(--lt*H**Y \-HH--!<-ll-l<··Jl-!f·!Ht':""**\****j;~Q;.ji~*~**~!g,ft,111(-~-11-\*~************:lf"'

\, NDEBELE-SOTHO '- ~ ..,. ""'""- -. \ Ai / 1,;ll-*-ll·X*-lt-lH!-l(·***-ll*-f+~+++++++++++++4\---11-.J**-ll***"'K~-*-if\****~·lr " r \. DZWABo'' - _.

'-**·K-******-lC4+++++++++++++++++++++*.t*****-lC·-!t·*·K-l J ' -~~,

\!!.*~+++++++++++++++++++++++++*,~ '-t++++++++++++++++++++++++++'

Ii PEDI , (+++++++++++++++++++++++++\

PULANA

+(+++++++++++++++++++++++++, \+++i-++'1-N:s+++++++++++++j

/+~-tt+!~~f++~~+++++++;...-i/' KUTSWE

............. - " ++++++++i .,. -..., ~ -- '

!++++++++++t \' fr++++l~t¾++-il

\.~++++++/ -✓

\ ' \

I

l I I '

Map 7 showing the distribution of ['h/kh] as in [-'humana], [-khumana] (find).

~ * -l!·"t"* -/'

"'-'******-!<-****~ / \ - ,,, ~**********-l!·****-11·* ,,, \

~* -1( -ll***·ll*'f **********-ll·*·lU·***** ' \ \ f ***-){•********\**************-II·***\

,-ll·-ll:***-ll*-l(·*******\******-1( **-l!·**·M·**** \ ' \

'**·**~¾l;l"ffi¼******t1H*H·I~2~{}***** ~******************;**************)

I J***il·***t*********·*}*****-1<·**.**-l!·*****t /!<-* ***** * *-l! x H··lH****~~l~-l!-******-l<·-11 *it! ***1

'**H**H ·H 1~,2~¾H'~i~++++++~*********H Y~~, ,ll""-ll-H11 ...

'*************-){-1(>+~+1+~~¥'*~!+'+.tsfw.;:;---b>>>>>>>>>>,,,,.*::********.::..,,. ~*i-***** ➔~H ~i;+++++~+++++++-PffJfYi¥~+~>>>tg,~~;?~ ~ ***·* *H ******H *'

' - - 'It!A TLALA. \ . ,-. \ \ /' ~'7 '+++++++1f~-r-i--r-r-~++--i-++~+++-iid-JH~,****·***'1-\****-){•-l!·***-ll*****-lHf·, +,H+++++\_+++++++-.1+++++~N~\13~°r➔HHt~igiM·"f*it-***~~¼~4~9~\i¾11 -l( -l( t

' «i.. ' 1- Mfli."flipn - ~ . I tH+++++++~+~j++++1-++'t'!f-~1

~ ... :1"******-l(•A-M·t-l!"'H""-l<-**··lH-M*-K*·)H(r ,~frtH!~+¥~4!i~t++-!lf1-+~+~+++++~+~-lf l **H--~ ~!j! -l( ·lH! ·IH u/ \ -, \ DZWABu 1 - -

++++++++++4+++++++++++++++++++++~ ** -l(--ll·**-1(•-I(•' -

\ , -~+t:t;.+"1+++++++++++++++++++++++++~*_,,,.. . ...._

lr+++++++++++++++++++++++++' '- ' PEDI- PULANA. \4-+++++++++·H,t+++:t+++++++++\ ' \ +++++++++++++++++++++++++'

\+++++;;t.++++.:!:_+++++++++++++i_ \ / ~[- .,, KUTSWE ;tt"+++i¥1il¥+~~;t++;!;t+#" .

r===~==7 - -- \ ' ~=----------1 ' l===KoPA==-:- r ~=====;;;";Iii!"

' -

-

Map 8 showing the distribution of [3/lj/tJ'/l] as in (-3a], [-l'a.L

[-tf'a.J, [-la] (eat).

*** • [ lj] . +++ [3] =::::= [tJ'] >>>: [1]

\

/'*********·****·**,

,,, - *-n•*-ir-****************'

r**·lHl·*****\*****************·*t

,.i***-l(·-!!--l!--l!·******{*****************

'****~~¾~¾****·******!t2~¾****·*-l!\

\*********·lH!·-ll-****\.********-l<-ll--lf-*****),

'** *-l<·*** ~ * ** * * * * ** *~ * * * * ·*** * * * * *· * -lf-1(-~ I' . . . '

(K·***·**•J(--1!**-l<·*******-l<·**¼-****·X-**-lf *·* ***-l!·-1!,

-X4·JH!- X·-1!-lH-l!!~~lp! ¼*****·-l!;r{+-t\H-l<·-1!-l!*-11***·****** (

' \ l t

'M·-!C·-l<··X··X-*-l!-ll·*******:J!;..*..,,,\++++:r++-t\l!--1!-l!-l!·lH*·JE--l!·lH**-M*'°:;+~ -.H--!!--M ..._ / MOLETSI - ~ , ,,,..

r -l( lH·-1! ·>!-·X--J< **-l! **·**i++++++++++++++~~-f:,;l;+"f·)..-f.4*****'lC·-l!*****',4*-l!--l!-1!-lf-** ******A, , ,r. \, . DIKGALE\ LOBEDU \ \-l(-1' )H(--K··Jf·l!-**~·++ +++++-f'f-~+++++-14++++++:;i.. *******-l!·****A·***************·*A

'- l l .,... "' , ,,- .- _.,.. ~ PHALABORWA l '-.x-*-J<""t+++++++++++++~--t,,,,f,---+'f~+++J--¥"*-U**·;ll"****·**r•*-M-"-l(-****-lH(·-1! lf-1!-l!-J<·-1!-l!'ll·lf

{ l MATLALA \ MitMABOLO ... '- ir KHAGA , I \\+++++++~+++++++++++++\_*!_*-W-l!·'i!!=~***********·*'!!-*****·-l<·*-l<·-l!·lH-1!-1!*1

' - .... , ' r w·tt.F.Po r ,,. -, ..... \+++++++++++++++4t+++=f++:f+-l+f*******'***'IJl.*·*'-t*·*********-X-J'

\~~~~~~~+¥9!~9+-lJOf-f+++++~++:++:+~it '****-}I,~-)('*~ *!.,-K *.;J;.* ,,. .P- ' DZWABO r· \+++++++++·Y++++++++++++++++++++++* f ·ll -l(- ·l!-* -ll -X ~-~

I . ' r ~ \i:.+++.i,;..+-+-++++++++++++++++++++++++H·? 4ilo.. '-

- l++++++++++++++++++++++++++-\ PULANA \++++++++++tl~!++++++++++++\.

\\:++++++++++++++++++++++++\ KUTSWE

~➔-+++++t_++++++++++++++++J, ' ,,,-- -, '

1+~+.!:.._++++t6~f~~+~+~ .....

=1/=-----~, -- -/_/ --------

f KOPA I ' ==' =======-,

='lllr.;:'=====~ - -

\. PAI \

...... -

' ' '

l \

\ l t l l

l

Map 9 showing the distribution of [sw/<ti/<l>s] in (maswiL [ma<l>i] and [ma<l>si]

{milk).

*** . [<I>] . +++ . [sw] . --- . [<tis] .

-- ..... Af********" ...

~-***HI·*********' .,,.,; ' rtA******************** ~ I

~**********\"II-**********·******·~ ""*******************************l '*****·•*********\****************! 9 HANANWA \ TLOKWA f****************\****·**·ll-*****iH'l--ll--!!-\\ ]**********************************\

,f & \ /********************f*****************\

/****·M·***************"***l*** ************-It .

'

TLOKWA ~ \ :, , *********·******¥~4*****-11·¥:~****"******,,,.*~**-il\ ..... ,,,,... - .

-" MOL BT SI '\ .,... ..,. - . - '-~H'· * ** * *·11-****** l ** * * *¼- •1H1--11-** ·lHE· ·If *k~~I***********\ /"************** \. '\ " - 1JIKGALE LOBEDU ~ \

*~********'*·*,******-11"*******-l++++++.,t'.J************ *****************' ...,. "' ,,,, MATLAL.k , \ __ ./. -' 7°' ,,,,.. - - PHALABORWA

Y*****-~*~*******"itf""*··*· '11..fr~-r-****\*>*******ft*************·****-llt \ IMAMABO,LlYI' KHAGA ' ,f

\-11--11--11--1Ht·***'llt·l>:-***-lt..*h****t:*n++++r*********\******************f \ ..._ "' \ MOLE.PO r- ,....

***·ll-**-ll·*******-llV·**f++++-.t·+'i...l;!******t1E-***V*~~**·******··*Y \ NDEBELE-SOTHO ,..,.... - · '- t '- , /

\-ll ·lH-~ *-lH·lH-K·**}' 11""++++++++++++++++~-K(********~'*-M._*~ " - ' DZWABO , 'll--11·***·****-l+++++++++++++++++++++++~******r ....

\ . ' ~ -, ~*.Jl;.;ll-..... ft-++++++++++++++++++++++++~-/

\++++++++++++++++++++++++++\. PULANA PEDI ' \++++++++++++++++++++++++++,!

~++++++++++++++++++++++++

'++-t,..t..n-+-1c.+++++++++++++++! KUTSWE

" \

' ' , /

)..., KON~ ./' f +-t-+-~+++++++l'-l-,t+++:;!;,:1-...,... ...... __ _ \ ,1

;4-+++++++++1 p KOPA

·H++++++++++f t, ;++++++++++-ti

'-rt,+~.,.+-/

\ ' '-, PAI '

\ \

' ' \'-.)

Map 10 showing the distribution of [ph/psh] as in[-phik'olofia] or f-phigolofia] or [-phik' oloxr-1] and [-pshik i oloya] or [-pshik' oloxa] {roll) •

* ** : [ph] +++ [psh]

Map 11 showing the distri~ution oftzw] or (.f3z], (p3], [pj] and (3w] a_e in

[-zwala], (-.f3zala], [-.f33ala], [-pjala], [-3wala] (sow).

*** : [!33]

=== : [.f3j] +++: [zw/!3z] >>> : [3w]

Map 12 showing the distribution of (~j], (ff] and [~J] as in (le~jtfia), [lefJe:ya], [le~Je:fia] and (lei»Je:xa] (oo.,,rard), and {-le<I>ja], [-lefJa] or [-leffwa], [-le<I>Ja].

*** +++

: [<I>j J : [ff] or [fJw] : [<I>J]

~**********(*****************1 ~-ll.·K·*~;;:;;1*·*•r·****;;.~~~:***·***l

-~*****¥*¥**¥**********¥***¥******* . '

""·-l(·**·* ** ;-'l!·-l!-·****·***\*-ll·**** *********· *, ... ** *****!*·lH·****· **\*******·ll'-·I\· ***·* **-Ill

r ' r *******·TtMtwl***·***;'**-*-lH-X· **-l(**·*****t (*******************Y \***************'

'KH·lf-XH***H**~f~;~;;§}*****:lH*·)(·~~*~ ' - - ..,_ "'-(x·-)!• ~--M·-l(·lHHf-X·******==============~-)(<r.:===~f!"*********·!HHl-~..lt************-ll·*""

\. *~" * *JHH* *~-~------l _______ ~!!fQ:~!i~ .• .:'~u t2~~~~**·~* ~H'*****1H1 * *H*·~lc '- lMATLALA...._ l ..... - \ ,,,.,,,. .-- ,

'"*\~=======\======t=--~~~~~~;~1;1*t***·**P~1t1io~;1**·*; ,--------~--=-~-,---t);dfi;;;-....;.t*·lHf** ·***:*!-*l*:**********··lHl-*,

\-·-----------------:\----------~***·***~**~***-ll**********t' NDBBELE-S0TH0 _!:. - -. ' - "\ \ ' .,-l=====s==========:::;.c-=================~*-lC· * -!!· -!!·* h-~'**·* *-~-!I· \.:---------!: ______________________ *~~~ ¾~~ W· .L -

\-===-,,,,,., ... / ======================== \ *J;: ,I"" - .

._._, l========PEDI============ ~\ l=========================J

't=======================~} ' \

PULANA.

t ~===;~=~==;,.==============7, KUTSWE .. ....

) '---====== ""' = ..... ' _::=;;r' If L----~-f _, -- \ \ PAI

,----KOPA ___ }

,========= ;' -=,:co~=~=

' ' '.,,.,

Map 13 showing the distribution of [s/JJ as in [-sala] and [-Jala] (remain)

: (s] : (J]

-~-*,.,.~*""'

/' ~ 1''11-** *-ll * **11. * !f.*-)(•*'

..... \ tl( *""·******-M*-K·****i,

/"'~ *·~ l!-X·** *·!!·*\* ·if-·ll·*·ll-ll--!!-**** **** *-l!·* ~

r*•****•«*****••**************•** #***1(*******11.***\****************) ~ * ~-**IJ~~~1-~1:¾*IHl·H\l(1/.•·lH*It~~~**H* *l,

)-1H(··K -ll·*·X ~HHHI -ll·*ll-*-M **1*·*·** *X**·!E-Jl-·l(-*·l'i·-){ l(-1(-~ ,,..(* ){ ~ -X·**·JH( ! lHf-~ ** *·*-il-lH( l***·***·**··lHf JHHH!-·l(~J

1~ ,, ~ * ·l!·K * -)(- 11--l(· l!:'¥-·M·l! W·***·*U·~·-,* *·* *··i(·-lH!--l(--lH<** **·*l , 'I'LOKW A - '

\ l

' '

r'"c¥N~l'-'l·-~-~--Y,-J11!-~**·"7·lf"\·~-MOLiT§~-l(--ll--M-***-ll·)(-J<-x*;*·U:!!"E.:.="' - - ..._ ' f '' ~ x ,, ,: ~ ?J:; ~ -~ M· ** lH< -ll n-x ~\ H·IH-J! H •\;f~hlt~f==-'=LOBEDtt===\ .A'+++++++++++++\

\ I' )I < f , ~ -~- -K ¥··\(--/".~- X \. n-l'- N-·l! ¥.~-JI -)(-JH1;--)(-)(•M4-J<- Jl--l( )(-)(-l( -l( \::::::::=::::::::::::=:=c:::c::::::::::.:,.,cJ+++++++++-t+ ++·t +--i, \ - l MATLAL~ l ,- ,,,..;. -, -. .. - ' PHALABORWA

\i..-w ¥. M-ll·J(--ll * *") .. ~ **X * x *·x\i!.·-~· NI'"<.,~_- -!Hf M X-kH·=.::.::::::::~'1"1-+++4++~++++++++++++·1 +++, \ • l ··""4 T-+ffT-fOI o \..I- '- . 1 ·y )( lf- l! K H-\..lHHH' ·IH!-l! r ·lH*-l( J/\, K ·f· i,_Y. ✓-~}* ·++++++++t+·t\1-++++++++++++++it

\{·* ~ * -~ -1 y ~~ w '.;":"* ;-:.xt'll,'f * t~9t1ffYn i++~f¥~7+=~++'-++++++++·H ++l :NDKilELE-SOTHO ' '- ,...... """ ..._I -_ , \ \ / \ ~ :1 ~ H -l(Y Y.· 1 Jl )1-l(i( ·ll" J,;JHl'"i·lHl--l!·-!HH * )!- ll * )(· ·K--l(-3/ -1~·::::==DZWA~t:"+ ·~-.:++!_t .y"

\ Y -K 1!-·lHf·JH~ Jl'·ll··i('.i;'.·ll·l<··M-**·l<** -J<·**-JHl-**-X··l!-·l!··lHH! ,==::::::::::::::::::::::::,J

\¥ ~ *-ll * ll-{-¥.*-l!··l<·-ll··l!--lf-l!-*** ***··lHHH!•lf· lH!·-ll·*-l!•-l('-== ,- ,... - ' "'-- - , __ JH-ll******r~~})H)HHHilH*·*·*~( PULANA ' ,

\***11*******************1~ '************************-llJ ' ,

\ l

\:l<· ·X·**· -lf-lf ·X·**** *-l! * ·l!- * **** *·l< -ll-l!· ,... ..... ' .._ ,, }*~·lf·¥**"i'cail* l"Mt,* * ::,,_:.-✓ .

KUTSW.!!i C. 0

lv~•***»*-11"""" ~-!( - \

( I" t * )! ·lH{ ·)Ht -l( l!--ll -lf-l!· ' PAI

'*** ~ If2~!***f ' *~ * **·JI--~ *✓ ...._ __

f

Map 14 showirig the distribution of [s/kh/th] as in [sek' ~l?], [khegolo]

and [ ·pJeg~Jl~] (school).

JHl-l!- [s]

[ \~ h J

+ H ( j;h]

.-+++++++~ ,,,,.. r '\

~==============, \ ,,,, _ __.._ _ lf1'7- ~- 1++++++++++++++++++\ t

' l f • W -)! ll' ·I - I .JI· ·I* r=----•·---- -------· -- · --,~-( ,•=•••'*******'++++++++++++++++++

HAN ANW A \ TLOKWA l \ '''**•********-** _________________ _

~*•**************1++++++++++++++++~ ,-l(-·-·X JI*--*~ lt-lll!-*--ll **-11.)._ _________________ _l

,rw 1 •-~ 1(-lH(·-1<*11·!!-ll-·!!-·)!*****i++++++++++++++++\ TLOKWA / l r 1: ~ -~ •* l!X·ll--X-·X-X*·)HH!--l(**;.;r+:::~================t

-,•.' :• ~ .::,.:-.::.c. ~- -l(. ·M· lt ·~- )!:x-11 ll_ ~ · • ('f !HHHHHH ~++++++ ++++++<'l'"+·H-+~ -!-'T""l--1·~+" .r-+-++""' MOLETSI - r I\. ,...-

' ~ ' C:.'.: MOO:=~--~* {~:~:::*r:.:~-~::.t~·Drl((~A:r:tr\=-~=LOBEDtr==::~::-c=s~=========-===:\ l, , .. il ')!::,;, )Ii 9· ~-)( X w ~ ~ r, ~-i! ~X-·)Hl)! **'* IHHHH!-~+++++++++++1".t-t++++++++++++++ I -1'

'- ' ' ;--,; " ' H '~ 11mtt!~~E:1~~Mii-~:f7"";:-"~:+~L;'.~t~t~~~~t.,, "~

~\~ H -~ H * \ x~.:-l( !\*tiHI l(-)(~oliPO**"'t*\S~!dt+·i:-·tt\++++++++++-1 ++ tt \*riDEBELE:SOTHO X'M,,t*!H.:!*.tf==~=,===t-===="e~~,==:c:::::::::·=·~ ::::✓

~)I- X ~ X-IHHHl·*-J<··l!-***;l!'",!·_("***-lH!*lH**··O·***+·~+++·l·++·~--1.J.\!-+++·t;,;l.t "\ DZWABO t -

\ * lHHH(· lHH!·*J;_* l(-·lf--l!·*-l!·*-lHf--11-·lHH!·*** l\--~·*-lH~*-··-'-·--------..

\.~·l(•-!1-·l(,,. {lf-**-l<··**·l(·** *·1'-ll--l( l!-l(•***·*·*·**·*-l!·*'-·~,,,,. '- '- ' """- \ PEDI PULAHA ,

**************************1 ~

l**************************~ '

l \ \

' ' ·il ·ll * l(· l(- * -X· * )(- l( -¥· )( )( -l(· * * -l(- * *·)I·* *-!! -¾' X· ,,,\_

' . ' \.***}K·i~Ei*~* l(- X·* ***-¥.**··**1'

KUTSWE , ' ,.

~'t * * -~- )( ** * * ·* *'\~ ·Jl- ·* * ~ r I - ' -.i1**·***·***r· ...... -fl

(***KoPl****f ,•*·X**··Jl-·ll-****l

edl·l!--l(·**-!H!·_/ .....__ --

' \ PAI

\

'

-

-

t l l (

( l '-

Map 15 showing the distribution of locative[-~] as in [mol9m6~] (in the mouth) and[-~] in (likxh6~] (firewood), as well as locative [-ne] as in [mol~mone] and [-pe] in [likhope].

·IHHI· lac. [-:u] and [-JJ] in ( lik:x:ho:i;:;]

loc. (-ne]

•l 1 , LJ10 J in [ 1ikxhoJ1e]

,·••0·¥*~

(*:: ::::JH*lf*·***\. I ' - -- 1**·*1!·-l(·*-l!··**•l(··lf·-l(·*=M··)(--l('

16, -l( ** ::::¾ -)(--)( JH(··lf--)(--1(--lf * lf·* -l(-l( -X·** ** **·M· ::** :t.='4 ·!H( **** )*******·* =*****-l(·** *' , \ . I

)HHH'.·-)f-l!·*· K·M-·lf•-l(·**·ll- :::-lf***·*****-l! **·***·lH( *~ .HANANW A TLOKW A

t~*·* ·K *·** ** ·* *·** *·** ,~ ***** ***-l(·-!E ·lt *· -l(· -)1;-l(- :e:::\

f-l!··lHHHt·*·lH· l!·M**·*****'**-ll*JHH! -)f-1( **·** l!- ll *\ . . & r~*******************t**=************~

()i * ~- )f X-lf-)f -x '.CLOK:/A X ***;0*t-l(•lf-l( *** ==** :H,HHJ(\

r~: : : ~: : : : : : : :: ·~ :2:x:~;i;;,;l~;ii~~2;;;ti~++"v++t+~++:+,'++-" ~ U K -~:::: H )I ·lf ·lf ~,!(-)( ;;\JHHH:::::* \» X l( ~ -l(--)(-l( -iy::::::c::::::::=s==::::,i++++++++-l++++lt-+++++++++++++++

' ✓ ' ..... -- -~ \ ' \.z, M--l(-c,c:::::::::=:~l(*;ilT£liJ;~*~~,~~;====,;,·++,t~+++t+-f\H;f-;;i1ti;;i;1·H+t

l::::.::.c::::::::::::::::=.\x--x X :d -~- ·X· ·X r ·I!* M * \~ '.)( ~}Ql;/.L:'.+4-++++++++:+-+-\-++++-H++·H + ++++I \ ...... _ ..... ~ \,,. - _, I KHAGA - ... ' I

\== ····--------------··· ----t 1,-11&:-.::·-- -- -----+++r+++:.1-:+-1•+\++·,-++++++++++++++

NDEBELJ!}-SO'l1HO '\ '-.M9.!,E:E:..O ,l ( , , · / r··· ----- ----·-·-------=,,,e----·---·--------~➔-+t+-+++++'ht. ++t++++++-~

'4; ______ .c__ --- -•-tf'--~-----------------------~+~~~¾~~+~.. - -' --\:==-.:::::cc=·/:.:::::::::-:::::=:=======::===========--'=++;/" ""\ '-

........ _. r '-l~=========================t ~ \...::=======:::=====~~~~==-=========-.\ PULANA \

\._ =::::.:::::::::::::::=:::::.:::=:==:::==============\ \ \

. ,;--::========~·===,=========::::::::!: .I' ' """ 41\ 1 '==========::.:'--:::::"(=========-?""' '

( \.. KONE " _ -/,</*:,:;**~*'Jl,..--::.~:::.a..:::;

l ('** * ·'0. =·X X )!-!-

'* ·Y.:-z: ¥ xf2rt"*·"" l \_* Y. 3/: ·* 'tt·X·1'=:: ti;/ ' - -

KUTSWE

\ \

Map 16 showing the distribution of [pf'] or [pJw'] • [pj'] · and [bj] as in

[mpJ'a], [mpj'a] and [mbja] (doe), and [-.f3opJ'a] or [-~opJw'a] , [-·J1opj'a] and [-.f3obja] (be moulded).

* K·J~ lPJ I ]

-·-~· - [pJ'] or [pJw' J +++ [bj]

BECHUANALAND

0 NVLSTROOM

• WARM BAO

• LOUIS TRICHARDT

.,GROBLERSDAL o 11. VDIENBURG

KOPA

\ \ \ \ \ \ \

' \ ' \ \ \ \

)

J I I J I.._

'

$

PRETORIA BRONKHORS"ll"SPRUIT

BELFAST a THE NORTHERN SOTHO • • MIDDELBURG ' SPEAKING AREA

0 WIT BANK LHB

/

LITERATURE CITED

Anderson, Wallace F. and Stagerberg, Norman L

Baumbach, E.J.M.

Beuchat, P.D.

Bloomfield, Leonard

Brook, G.L.

Cole, D.T.

Cole, D.T.

De Saussure, Ferdinand

Doke, C.M.

Doke, C.M.

Eiselen, W.W.M.

Eiselen, W.W.M.

Endemann, K.

Ferreira, J.A.

Ferreira, J.A.

Introductor Readin son Lan uage Holt, Rinehart and vJinston, New

York, 1962)

'n Klank en Vormleerstudie van Songa (Unpublished M.A. disser­tation, University of Potchef­stroom, 1964)

Tonomorphology of the Tsonga Noun African Studies, 18, 3, 1959)

Language (George Allen & Unwin, Ltd., London, 1950).

English Dialects (.Andre Deutsch, London, 1963)

Notes on the Phonolo ical Rela­tionship of Tswana Vowels African Studies, Vol. VIII, No. 3, Sept. 1949)

.\n Introduction to Tswana Grammar (Longmans, Green and Co., Cape Town, 1955).

Course in General Lin uistics Peter Owen Ltd., London, 1960)

The Southern Bantu Languages (Oxford University Press, London, New York, Cape Town, 1954)

Textbook of Southern Sotho (Longmans, Green and Co., Cape Town, 1957).

: Nuwe Sesoeto Tekste van Volke­kundige Belang (Nasionale Pers, Beperk, Cape Town, 1928)

Zur Erforschung des Lobedu Dialektes (Z.E.S. Band XIX, 1929)

: Versuch einer Grammatik des Sotho (Berlin, 1876)

Klank en Vormleer van Lovedu (Unpublished M.A. Dissertation, University of Pretoria, 1948)

Die Fonemiese Struktuur van die Sothotale (Unpublished Doctoral Thesis, University of South Africa, 1961).

- 151 -

- 152 -

Ferreira, J.J;..

Fries, Ch2,rles C.

Gleason, H.J~.

Guthrie, Malcolm

H2..ll , R • .i~ • Jr •

Herskovits, Melville J.:

Hockett, Charles F.

Hu.i.vit, D.R.

Kri6 e, J.D.

Krige, J.D.

Krigs, Eileen Jensen

Kruger, F.

Lanham, L.W.

Lehw[mn, Winifred

ResearGh Report on a Phonetic ~~nalysis of some Compound Speech Sounds and their Phonemic Realizations (Unpublished report, University of Sou th .Africa, 1965)

Linguistics: Jpe Study of Langua12:e (Holt, Rinehart 9.nd Winston, New York, 1962)

br:t Introduction to Descriptive Linguistics (Revised Edition, Holt, Rinehart and Winston, New York, 1961)

The Glassification of the B"'ntu Languages. (Oxford University Press, London, New York, Toronto, 1943)

;Le2v0 your Lan0age .iUone (New York, 1950

:Mah and his Works. (l:;;-ew Yorlc, 1956)

ii. Course in :Modern Linn·uistics_ The MacMillan Company, New

York, 1958)

_.:..,_-vi Account of the Bape~di (Bantu Studies, Vol. 5, Cape Towr1, 1931)

l'radi tional Origins and Tri bs..l Relationshi s of the Sotho of the northern Transvaal Bantu Studies, Vol. XI, No. 4, Dec. 1937)

Ths Realm of t:he Rain Queen (Oxford University Press, 1947)

Note on the Phalahorwa EJ,nd their Norula Complex (Bantu Studies, Vol. XI, 1937)

Tlokwa Traditions (B&ntu Studies, Volo XI, 1937)

The Comp2.rative Phonology of Nguni (Unpublished. Doctoral Thesis, University of the Witwatersrand, 1960)

Historical Linguistics: ,:';.n Introduction (Holt, Rinehc1rt and vJinston, New York, 1962)

Lestrade, G.P.

Louw 1 J •~u

Louw, J ... ~.

.. , Martinet, .,~11a.re

Hennig, H.O.

I1einhof, Carl and V2n Warmelo, N~J.

Mphahlelc, S.N. and Phale,di, S .1'1.

Pike, Kenneth L.

Pri_nsloo, C. vl.

Ramaila, E.M.

Ramailo., E.M.

So.pir, Edward

Tucker, ~~.N.

Van_Loggenberg, J.C.

Van Warmelo, N.J.

- 153 -

A Practic~l Orthogranh for Tswan2 Bantu Studies, Vol. XI, 1937

On the Segmental Phonemes of Zulu (~~frika und Ubersee, Band XLVI, 1962)

The Consonant Phpnemes of the Lexical Root in Zulu (.;'i.frika und Ubersee, Band XLVIII, 1964)

Dialek~ermenging en Taalontwik­keling (Cape Town, 1948)

Elements of General Lin,'DJ.istics (Faber and Faber Ltd., London;-1964)

The Baroka Ba ~~kwana C:drican Studies, Vol. 22, No. 4, 1963)

Introduction to the Phonology of the bantu Language~ (Berlin, 1932)

Baxa J\Iplgyllel,.Q (Nasionale Pers, Eloemfontein; 1942)

Phonemies: ;~ Tech~1ique for Reducin es to Writing Universi yo •ichigan Press,

1947)

: Klank- en Vormleer van Sekoni , (Unpublished M.Ji.. dissertation,

University of Pretoria, 1936)

Sothogo sa Batau (Northern Sotho Liternture Depot, Edenvale, 1938)

/•

Tsa Bo helo b,ia Moruti .Abraham Serote Northern Sotho Book Depot, Edend2,le, 1935)

Language (Harcourt, Brace and Company, J:Jew York, 1921)

The Compare.ti ve Phonetics of the Su to-:-Chu2,n2 Group of Bantu L2,np:uages (Lon;:mans; Green and Co., London, 1929)

'n Fonologiese vergelyking van die Sotho dialekte met Oerbantoe (Unpublished M.A.-di~sertation, University of Pretoria, 1961)

A Preliminary Survey of the Bantu Tribes of South 11frica ( Tb.e Government Printer, Pretorig, 1935)

Van 111arL.J.elo, N. J.

Van vlarmelo, N.J.

Tan ;,iarmelo, N. J.

Vm Warmelo, N .J.

V m W armelo , N. J.

Zie~voeel, D.

Zie:rvogel, D .•

Zier-ogel, D.

Zierv,gel, D.

Ziervc;el, D and Dau,R.S.

Ziervo~l, D.

Ziervoge_, D. and :Mokgokng, P.C.

~:..frica. Lfrican S·ldies. J3ci,ntu Educ.tion Journal Bantu Stu.des.

- 154 -

. .

The Br~koni of Haake, Ethnological Publications, No. 10. (The Government Printer, Pretorir.., 1944)

The Bakoni of IvJ:ametsa Ethno­logical Publications, No. 15 (The Government Printer, Pre­toria, 1944)

The Banareng of Letswalo, Ethnological Publications, ~o. 10 ( 1rhe Government Printer, Pretoric.t, 1944)

Die Tlokwa en Birwa van Noord­Transvaal (The Government ~rinter, Pretoria, 1953)

Language J\Ian of South .Africa, Ethnolo9ical Public~tions, No. 27 ,The Government Printer, Pretoria, 1952)

.A Cl3&sification of IJguni (Unisa, Pretoria, 1955)

The Eastern Sotho (J.L. Van Schaik, Pretoria, 1954)

,.~ GrarJ.mar of Northern Transve,al Ndebele (J.L. Van Schaik, .Pre­toria, 1959)

Handboek van Noord-Sotho (J.L. Van Schaik, Pretoria, 19ED)

Handbook of the Venda Lan University of South .. .':i.frica,

Pretoria, 1961)

Noord-Sotho Leerboek (J.L. van Schaik, Pretoria, 1953)

Klein Noord-Sotho Woordeboek (J.L. Van Schaik, Pretoria, 1965)

Langu2.ge • The Concis,Qxford Dictionnry (4th Ed.ition, Oxford

Universi-1 Press, London, 1951).