dnce upon a time, was a populist fable - peter dreier · dnce upon a time, was a populist fable ......

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IN THESE TIMES DEC. 2O-26.1978 23 OVER THE RAINBOW Dnce upon a time, was a populist fable By Peter Many reviewers have criticized The Wiz for its appropriation of one of America's most treasured fantasies. The Wizard of Oz. Some disapproved of replacing . Judy Garland's youthful Kansas farm giri with Diana Soss" 24- year-old New York schoolteach- en . Newsweek, for example, la- mented turning a story abc-j;'; a "child's magic adventures" b.to a hip ghetto extravaganza about a "grown-up blark woman iear~- ing to put a\¥£y childish things But whether we prefer the 1539 Victor Fleming version featuring "Over the R^bcvr' cr the 2970 Sidney LuKet version with the song "No Bad News," almost ail Americans a:~s familiar with the cast of ehiifsctsrs as originally written in Ly:;nan Frank Bauni'-s 19GG tale, i '"hs Wonderful Wizard ofOz -ths TirEnsn, the Lion, the Scarecrow, the Witch, and ths Wj/ard of Oz himself. What most American's don't know is the political allegory to be found in Baum's story, about the Populist period in late 19th century history. Baum was born near Syracuse, N.Y., in 1856 to a wealthy family and enjoyed some success writing plays. In 1887, he moved with his wife and twc sons to Aberdeen, S.D., a small prairie town, where he edited the local weekly until it failed in 1 891. That year he moved to Chicago, where he continued to write, and where he authored The Wonderful Wizard of Oz in 1900. Baum's travels and experiences placed him amidst the whirlpool of Populist agitation of the per- iod. His brief stay in South Dakota spanned the period of the forma- tion of the Populist Party, an at- tempt by Midwestern farmers to use the ballot to restrain the pow- er of the banks, railroads, and other economic interests that had been squeezing farmers through s. combination of low prices, high freight rates, and continued in- debtedness. The Populists, an al- liance of farmers and some urban workers (many affiliated with the Knights of Labor), advocated government ownership and oper- ation of the railroads, telephone and telegraph industries, a grad- uated income tax s postal savings banks, secret ballot elections, di- rect election of senators, and sil- ver coinage, Although their presi- dential candidate, James B. Weav- er of Iowa, lost to Democrat Grover Cleveland in 1892, he did receive about 9 percent of the popular vote and carried Nevada, Idaho, Colorado, North Dakota and (significantly for Wizard afi- cionados) Kansas s a leading Pop- ulist state, and ths setting cf the book's beginning, Baum's move to Chicago coin- cided with ths 1893 depressfo- and the militant stirrings cf ihs labor movement. Ths csprsssica of the I; 890s was the worst :r U.S. history 1:3 to thai: iirae. ?arn prices surJc to :.ew lows. Uns;r- ploymer.t caussd havoc, despera- tion and UD.SC;: si:lita?-cy among the urban working class. In 1894 American Railway Union presi- dent and soon-to-be socialist Eu- gene Debs led the Pullman strike in and around Chicago. The same year Jacob S. Coxey, a lumber dealer from Massillon, Ohio, and a Populist, led a mass march of unemployed workers to Washing- ton to demand a federal public works program. Populists received 40 percent of the vote in the 1894 congres- sional elections and looked for- ward to winning the Presidency —and the silver standard—in 1896. That election, between Re- publican William McKinley and Populist - Democrat William Jennings Bryan, Congressman from Nebraska, revolved around the issue of gold vs. silver. During that campaign Bryan made the speech that concluded: "You shall not crucify mankind upon a cross of gold." The elec- tion proved a disaster for the Populists. McKinley received 271 electoral votes to Bryan's 176, almost all in the Mid- west. Bryan opposed McKinley again in 1900 (when Baum penned The Won- derful Wizard of Oz), but by then the Populists strength had been dissipated. Allegory. Baum viewed these events from up-close in both rural South Dakota and ur- ban Chicago. He mourned the destruction of the fragile alliance between the Midwestern farmers (the Scarecrow) and the urban in- dustrial workers (the Tin-man). Along with Bryan (the Coward- ly Lion with a loud roar but little bite), they had been taken down the yellow brick road (the gold standard) that leads nowhere. Each journeyed to the Emerald City seeking favors from the Wiz- ard of Oz (the President). Even the name Oz is an abbreviation of the standard measurement of gold, the ounce. Dorothy, the symbol of Everyman, went along with them, in her silver shoes (changed to ruby in the 1939 movie). She was innocent enough to see the truth before the others. Along the way they meet the Wicked Witch of the East who, Baum tells us, had kept the little Munchkin people "in bondage for many years, making them slave for her night and day." If we have any doubt as to whom the witch represents, Baum soon tells us. The Tin Woodsman, once an independent and hard-working man, had been put under a spell by the witch so that each time he swung his axe it chopped off a different part of his body. Lack- ing another trade, he "worked harder than ever." The worker becomes like a machine, incap- able of love. (Recall the Tinman singing: "If I only had a heart.") The Scarecrow (farmer) wants the Wizard to give him a brain. The Wicked Witch of the East sym- bolizes the large industrial corpor- ations and eastern finance. Clockwise, from left: William Jen- nings Bryan; Rich- ard Pryor as The Wiz, 1978; Dorothy (Judy Garland) and friends, 1939. The original Yellow Brick Road was the gold standard; the Cowardly Lion was William Jennings Bryan. Like Coxey's Army, the small group heads toward the Emerald City where the Wizard, hiding be- hind a papier-mache facade, rules. As they enter the throne room, each member of the group sees something different in the Wizard —like all good politicians, he can be all things to all people. Later, however, they confront the Wizard directly. They see he is nothing more than "a little man, with a bald head and a wrinkled face." "I thought Oz was a great Head," Dorothy said. "AndI thought Oz was a terrible Beast," said the Tin Woodman. "And 1 thought Oz was a Ball of Fire," the Lion said. The Scarecrow thinks he sees a gossamer fairy. "No, you are all wrong," the man said. "I have been making believe." When Dorothy asks him who he is, really, he replies, "I'm just a common man." The Scarecrow adds, "You're more than that...You're a humbug." The Wizard admits: "It was a great mistake my ever letting you into the Throne Room. Usually I will not see even my subjects, and so they believe I am something terrible." Those were the days be- fore presidential candidates cam- paigned among the people. They stayed home and "received" del- egations. Bryan broke the tradi- tion in 1896—he traveled through the country and roared. This was Baum's Populist message. The powers-that-be can only remain at the throne through deception, people's ignorance and credulity allow the powerful to manipulate and control them. The Wizard—a former ventril- oquist and circus balloonist, a common man from Omaha—is disarmed. Dorothy returns to Kansas with the magical help of her Silver Shoes, but when she gets to Kansas she realizes her shoes "had fallen off in her flight through the air, and were lost for- ever in the desert." She didn't need the shoes after all to find happiness, safe at home with Aunt Em and Uncle Henry, sim- ple farmers. (Baum even displayed an early sympathy for native Americans of the plains, symbolized in the story by the Winged Monkeys in the West, whose leader tells Dor- othy, "Once...we were a free peo- ple, living happily in the great for- est, flying from tree to tree, eat- ing nuts and fruit and doing just as we pleased without calling any- body master.... This was many years ago, before Oz carne cut of the clouds to rule over this land.") Baum realized perhaps that the silver issue had been lost, but that silver was not the crucial issue anyway. The real question was that of power. With the Wizard of Oz dethroned, the Scarecrow (the farmer) rules Emerald City, the Tin Woodman (the industrial worker) rules in the West and the Lion (Bryan) protects smaller beasts in "a small old forest." In Baum's vision, farm interests gain political power, industry moves West, and Bryan, perhaps, returns to Congress. Baum's Wonderful Wizard of Oz is at once a children's fantasy and an angry political statement. In both film versions, the story remains intact, but the message is gone. And a 1977 book, Making of the Wizard of Oz by Aljean Harmetz, spends 329 pages on the history of the film and a psychological portrait of Baum, never mentioning Baum's politi- cal sympathies or the social con- text of the time. Did Ray Bolger realize he rep- resented America's small farm- ers? Could Bert Lahr imagine playing William Jennings Bryan? How might Judy Garland have reacted if someone asked her about Populists, nationalized rail- roads, or silver coinage? The Wiz- ard ofOz was made in 1939, dur- ing the next major depression, when business was once again challenged by farmers, industrial workers, and progressive politi- cians; but the story's political ref- erences were lost. The same pattern holds in the 1978 version. Also made during a period of economic hardship. It's ironic'that of all people Richard Pryor should play "The Wiz." Among today's black film stars, Pryor has avoided the worst black exploitation films to play roles in social "message" films. He has portrayed an industrial worker (Blue Collar), a farmworker (Which Way Is Up?), a Father- Divine-like religion flim-flam man (Car Wash), and a member of a black worker-owned base- ball team trying to survive in the racist South (Bingo Long and the Traveling All-Stars). The Wizards of Hollywood have led American film-goers down another Yellow Brick Road, cashing in on the fantasy and leav- ing thepolitical allegory behind. Peter Dreier, sociology professor at Tuft's University, teaches a course on film and politics. He wishes to acknowledge his relia- ance on an essay by Henry M. Littlefield, "The Wizard of Oz: Parable on Populism, "American Quarterly, 1964.

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IN THESE TIMES DEC. 2O-26.1978 23

OVER THE RAINBOW

Dnce upon a time,

was a populist fableBy Peter

Many reviewers have criticizedThe Wiz for its appropriation ofone of America's most treasuredfantasies. The Wizard of Oz.Some disapproved of replacing

. Judy Garland's youthful Kansasfarm giri with Diana Soss" 24-year-old New York schoolteach-en . Newsweek, for example, la-mented turning a story abc-j;'; a"child's magic adventures" b.toa hip ghetto extravaganza abouta "grown-up blark woman iear~-ing to put a\¥£y childish things

But whether we prefer the 1539Victor Fleming version featuring"Over the R^bcvr' cr the 2970Sidney LuKet version with thesong "No Bad News," almost ailAmericans a:~s familiar with thecast of ehiifsctsrs as originallywritten in Ly:;nan Frank Bauni'-s19GG tale, i '"hs Wonderful WizardofOz -ths TirEnsn, the Lion, theScarecrow, the Witch, and thsWj/ard of Oz himself.

What most American's don'tknow is the political allegory tobe found in Baum's story, aboutthe Populist period in late 19thcentury history.

Baum was born near Syracuse,N.Y., in 1856 to a wealthy familyand enjoyed some success writingplays. In 1887, he moved with hiswife and twc sons to Aberdeen,S.D., a small prairie town, wherehe edited the local weekly until itfailed in 1 891 . That year he movedto Chicago, where he continuedto write, and where he authoredThe Wonderful Wizard of Oz in1900.

Baum's travels and experiencesplaced him amidst the whirlpoolof Populist agitation of the per-iod.

His brief stay in South Dakotaspanned the period of the forma-tion of the Populist Party, an at-tempt by Midwestern farmers touse the ballot to restrain the pow-er of the banks, railroads, andother economic interests that hadbeen squeezing farmers through s.combination of low prices, highfreight rates, and continued in-debtedness. The Populists, an al-liance of farmers and some urbanworkers (many affiliated with theKnights of Labor), advocatedgovernment ownership and oper-ation of the railroads, telephoneand telegraph industries, a grad-uated income taxs postal savingsbanks, secret ballot elections, di-rect election of senators, and sil-ver coinage, Although their presi-dential candidate, James B. Weav-er of Iowa, lost to DemocratGrover Cleveland in 1892, hedid receive about 9 percent of thepopular vote and carried Nevada,Idaho, Colorado, North Dakotaand (significantly for Wizard afi-cionados) Kansass a leading Pop-ulist state, and ths setting cf thebook's beginning,

Baum's move to Chicago coin-cided with ths 1893 depressfo-and the militant stirrings cf ihslabor movement. Ths csprsssicaof the I; 890s was the worst :r U.S.history 1:3 to thai: iirae. ?arnprices surJc to :.ew lows. Uns;r-ploymer.t caussd havoc, despera-tion and UD.SC;: si:lita?-cy among

the urban working class. In 1894American Railway Union presi-dent and soon-to-be socialist Eu-gene Debs led the Pullman strikein and around Chicago. The sameyear Jacob S. Coxey, a lumberdealer from Massillon, Ohio, anda Populist, led a mass march ofunemployed workers to Washing-ton to demand a federal publicworks program.

Populists received 40 percentof the vote in the 1894 congres-sional elections and looked for-ward to winning the Presidency—and the silver standard—in1896. That election, between Re-publican William McKinley andPopulist - Democrat WilliamJennings Bryan, Congressmanfrom Nebraska, revolvedaround the issue of gold vs.silver. During that campaignBryan made the speech thatconcluded: "You shall notcrucify mankind upon across of gold." The elec-tion proved a disaster forthe Populists. McKinleyreceived 271 electoralvotes to Bryan's 176,almost all in the Mid-west. Bryan opposedMcKinley again in1900 (when Baumpenned The Won-derful Wizard ofOz), but by thenthe Populistss t rength hadbeen dissipated.

Allegory.Baum viewed theseevents from up-close inboth rural South Dakota and ur-ban Chicago. He mourned thedestruction of the fragile alliancebetween the Midwestern farmers(the Scarecrow) and the urban in-dustrial workers (the Tin-man).Along with Bryan (the Coward-ly Lion with a loud roar but littlebite), they had been taken downthe yellow brick road (the goldstandard) that leads nowhere.Each journeyed to the EmeraldCity seeking favors from the Wiz-ard of Oz (the President). Eventhe name Oz is an abbreviationof the standard measurementof gold, the ounce. Dorothy, thesymbol of Everyman, went alongwith them, in her silver shoes(changed to ruby in the 1939movie). She was innocent enoughto see the truth before the others.

Along the way they meet theWicked Witch of the East who,Baum tells us, had kept the littleMunchkin people "in bondagefor many years, making themslave for her night and day." Ifwe have any doubt as to whomthe witch represents, Baum soontells us. The Tin Woodsman, oncean independent and hard-workingman, had been put under a spellby the witch so that each time heswung his axe it chopped off adifferent part of his body. Lack-ing another trade, he "workedharder than ever." The workerbecomes like a machine, incap-able of love. (Recall the Tinmansinging: "If I only had a heart.")The Scarecrow (farmer) wants theWizard to give him a brain. TheWicked Witch of the East sym-bolizes the large industrial corpor-ations and eastern finance.

Clockwise, fromleft: William Jen-

nings Bryan; Rich-ard Pryor as TheWiz, 1978; Dorothy

(Judy Garland) andfriends, 1939.

The original Yellow Brick Road wasthe gold standard; the Cowardly Lionwas William Jennings Bryan.

Like Coxey's Army, the smallgroup heads toward the EmeraldCity where the Wizard, hiding be-hind a papier-mache facade, rules.As they enter the throne room,each member of the group seessomething different in the Wizard—like all good politicians, he canbe all things to all people.

Later, however, they confrontthe Wizard directly. They see heis nothing more than "a littleman, with a bald head and awrinkled face."

"I thought Oz was a greatHead," Dorothy said. "And Ithought Oz was a terrible Beast,"said the Tin Woodman. "And 1thought Oz was a Ball of Fire,"the Lion said. The Scarecrowthinks he sees a gossamer fairy.

"No, you are all wrong," theman said. "I have been makingbelieve." When Dorothy askshim who he is, really, he replies,"I'm just a common man." TheScarecrow adds, "You're morethan that...You're a humbug."

The Wizard admits: "It was agreat mistake my ever letting youinto the Throne Room. Usually Iwill not see even my subjects, andso they believe I am somethingterrible." Those were the days be-fore presidential candidates cam-

paigned among the people. Theystayed home and "received" del-egations. Bryan broke the tradi-tion in 1896—he traveled throughthe country and roared. This wasBaum's Populist message. Thepowers-that-be can only remainat the throne through deception,people's ignorance and credulityallow the powerful to manipulateand control them.

The Wizard—a former ventril-oquist and circus balloonist, acommon man from Omaha—isdisarmed. Dorothy returns toKansas with the magical help ofher Silver Shoes, but when shegets to Kansas she realizes hershoes "had fallen off in her flightthrough the air, and were lost for-ever in the desert." She didn'tneed the shoes after all to findhappiness, safe at home withAunt Em and Uncle Henry, sim-ple farmers.

(Baum even displayed an earlysympathy for native Americansof the plains, symbolized in thestory by the Winged Monkeys inthe West, whose leader tells Dor-othy, "Once...we were a free peo-ple, living happily in the great for-est, flying from tree to tree, eat-ing nuts and fruit and doing justas we pleased without calling any-

body master.... This was manyyears ago, before Oz carne cut ofthe clouds to rule over this land.")

Baum realized perhaps that thesilver issue had been lost, but thatsilver was not the crucial issueanyway. The real question wasthat of power. With the Wizardof Oz dethroned, the Scarecrow(the farmer) rules Emerald City,the Tin Woodman (the industrialworker) rules in the West and theLion (Bryan) protects smallerbeasts in "a small old forest."In Baum's vision, farm interestsgain political power, industrymoves West, and Bryan, perhaps,returns to Congress. Baum'sWonderful Wizard of Oz is atonce a children's fantasy and anangry political statement.

In both film versions, the storyremains intact, but the message isgone. And a 1977 book,Making of the Wizard of Oz byAljean Harmetz, spends 329 pageson the history of the film and apsychological portrait of Baum,never mentioning Baum's politi-cal sympathies or the social con-text of the time.

Did Ray Bolger realize he rep-resented America's small farm-ers? Could Bert Lahr imagineplaying William Jennings Bryan?How might Judy Garland havereacted if someone asked herabout Populists, nationalized rail-roads, or silver coinage? The Wiz-ard ofOz was made in 1939, dur-ing the next major depression,when business was once againchallenged by farmers, industrialworkers, and progressive politi-cians; but the story's political ref-erences were lost.

The same pattern holds in the1978 version. Also made during aperiod of economic hardship. It'sironic'that of all people RichardPryor should play "The Wiz."Among today's black film stars,Pryor has avoided the worst blackexploitation films to play roles insocial "message" films. He hasportrayed an industrial worker(Blue Collar), a farmworker(Which Way Is Up?), a Father-Divine-like religion flim-flamman (Car Wash), and a memberof a black worker-owned base-ball team trying to survive in theracist South (Bingo Long and theTraveling All-Stars).

The Wizards of Hollywoodhave led American film-goersdown another Yellow Brick Road,cashing in on the fantasy and leav-ing the political allegory behind. •Peter Dreier, sociology professorat Tuft's University, teaches acourse on film and politics. Hewishes to acknowledge his relia-ance on an essay by Henry M.Littlefield, "The Wizard of Oz:Parable on Populism, "AmericanQuarterly, 1964.

LICENSED TO UNZ.ORGELECTRONIC REPRODUCTION PROHIBITED

24 IN THESE TIMES DEC. 2O-26.1978

nxiety? Fear? Loathing? At Christ-mas? Do we dare mention such feelingsat a time when the message we are hear-ing and trying to convey is one of goodcheer and happiness? Once again most ofus are searching frantically for those giftswe must give our friends and relatives.

We've been watching television com-mercials about glorious goodies to buyand serve at the fabulous parties we willgive and attend. We are talking to rela-tives about attending Christmas Day cel-ebrations. Some of us are even planningtrips to lovely vacation spots to bask inthe sun or ski in the snow. Some of us.Others will do without Christmas celebra-tions—too poor or too alone. They willresent the Christmas cheer pressed onthem by the relentless merchants forwhom Christmas means the most cheer-ful time of the year.

Many, neither poor nor lonely, will suf-fer Christmas angst, the pain of celebra-ting a holiday that is not truly theirs forthis is the day that the world celebratesthe birth of Christ and there are manywho are unwilling to join the celebrationbut who are yet unwilling to demur, par-ticipating instead because the social pres-sure is too great to resist.

At the same time, those for, whom

The Second ComingTurning and turning in the widening gyreThe falcon cannot hear the falconer;Things fall apart; the centre cannot hold;Mere anarchy is loosed upon the world,The-bldod-dimmed tide is loosed, and everywhereThe ceremony of innocence is drowned;The best lack all conviction, while the worstare full of passionate intensity.

Surely some revelation is at hand;Surely the Second Coming is at hand.The Second Coming! Hardly are those words outWhen a vast image out of Spiritus MundiTroubles my sight: somewhere in the sands of the desertA shape with lion body and the head of a man,A gaze blank and pitiless as the sun,Is moving its slow thighs, while all about itReel shadows of the indignant desert birds,The darkness drops again; but now I knowThat twenty centuries of stony sleepWere vexed to nightmare by a rocking cradle,And what rough beast, its hour come round at last,Slouches toward Bethlehem to be born?

! William Butler YeatsFrom The Pocket Book of Modern Verse, edited by Oscar Wil-liams (New York: Pocket Books: 1954).

Photo by Richard Stromberg

Christmas is an empty ritual suffer greatanxiety, fear, and even loathing, hatingthemselves for looking forward to thegifts they hope to receive, having diffi-culty buying appropriate gifts for thosethey feel indebted to, even buying a treethat has no meaning for them except nos-talgia, which by itself arouses ambiva-lence.

Who does not recreate the symbols ofthe past without a few shudders? Whodoes not engage in rituals without a senseof loss, lost childhood, lost joys? Particu-larly those rituals that have lost their mean-ing. Particularly rituals once celebrated inthe heart of the family, as a child protect-ed and loved, and now celebrated as an actof will.

Many celebrate Christmas with greatgood feeling, with the same pleasure theyfelt as children, perhaps even with more.But in this season of good will and cheer,we address those for whom Christmas isnot such a happy time. To those people,the staff of IN THESE TIMES extends its sym-pathy. Endure, for it will soon be over.And to all the rest, to those who will besaying "Happy holiday!" with sincerity,we extend a Merry Christmas and manyanother to celebrate. To both the anxiousand the merry, we dedicate Yeat's poem.

7V

LICENSED TO UNZ.ORGELECTRONIC REPRODUCTION PROHIBITED