dissertation april
TRANSCRIPT
What was Enheduanna’s role in shaping the culture of Mesopotamia and have her works developed our
understanding of the society?
A dissertation undertaken as part of the requirements for the degree of BA with honours in Archaeology and Ancient History
Module Code: 26194
Student ID: 1404046
Word Count: 12006
Date: April 2016
Contents Page:
Introduction ………………………………………………………...…………………………………..... 2
Chapter One: Enheduanna’s Role in Mesopotamia………………………………………... 4
Section 1.1- Chapter One Introduction………………………………………………. 4
Section 1.2- Enheduanna’s Role in Spreading Propaganda…………………. 5
Section 1.3- Enheduanna’s Role as a Powerful Priestess…………………….. 9
Section 1.4- The Validity of Enheduanna’s Authorship………………………. 13
Section 1.5- Chapter One Conclusion………………………………………………... 14
Chapter Two: The Information provided by the Temple Hymns………………….. 15
Section 2.1- Chapter Two Introduction……………………………………………. 15
Section 2.2- Information Regarding Ritual Practices………………………… 15
Section 2.3- Enheduanna’s Attempts to Alter the Pantheon………………. 18
Section 2.4- Aesthetic Ideals Within the Society……………………………….. 22
Section 2.5- Chapter Two Conclusion………………………………………………. 24
Chapter Three: The Information Provided by the Inanna Poems…………………. 26
Section 3.1- Chapter Three Introduction…………………………………………. 26
Section 3.2- Attempts to Elevate Inanna’s Position in the Pantheon…. 26
Section 3.3- How Enheduanna Portrayed the Female Identity………….. 30
Section 3.4- How Enheduanna Portrayed Herself……………………………. 35
Section 3.5- Chapter Three Conclusion…………………………………………… 36
General Conclusions………………………………………………………………………………… 38
Bibliography…………………………………………………………………………………………… 42
1
Introduction
Ancient Mesopotamia was responsible for many innovations, such as writing, and also
produced notable people who would go on to shape the world as we know it today. One
of these figures was Enheduanna, daughter to the King of Akkad and High Priestess to
the moon god Nanna1 in the third millennium BC.2 Enheduanna is believed to be the first
writer to place her name to a piece of work, thus being the original author. Her writings
were mostly based around religious topics, knowledge that she had accumulated over
decades of service to her chosen deity, Nanna. Enheduanna managed to hold her
position as High Priestess despite turbulent political matters occurring in the
background of her service. The priestess remained in office through her father’s reign
and into her nephew’s reign, Naram-Sin.3 To hold onto office for so long may have meant
that Enheduanna was a popular and powerful figure within the Mesopotamian society,
one with influence over the followers of her religion.
In this dissertation I will attempt to discuss and explain Enheduanna’s role in shaping
the Mesopotamian society and also what the historian can learn about the society from
her major works. Dividing my work into three chapters, I will focus on Enheduanna’s
role in Mesopotamia, specifically questioning if she was responsible for the dispersion of
propaganda and how her role as High Priestess enabled her to do this. Within this
chapter I will also look at her role as a powerful priestess and what evidence suggests
that she was popular within the Mesopotamian society. Finally this chapter will explore
Enheduanna’s validity as an author and the debate surrounding this issue.
The second chapter will discuss what information can be gained by analysing the forty-
two temple hymns Enheduanna wrote, specifically information regarding ritual
1 Meador 2009: 1.2 Gansell 2012: 16.3 Hallo and Van Djik 1968: 2.
2
practices, how Enheduanna attempted to alter the pantheon and finally ideas of valued
aesthetics within the society.
Within the third chapter I will analyse and discuss the topics within the Inanna poems,
particularly if Enheduanna attempted to elevate Inanna’s position within the
Mesopotamian pantheon and the techniques she used to do so. I will also discuss how
the female identity was portrayed, and finally how Enheduanna wanted to portray
herself.
I will use both edited primary and secondary sources to build my discussion. One source
I am using is the translated works of Enheduanna’s temple hymns, edited by Betty De
Shong Meador. As Meador is not an expert in the language of Sumerian, when editing her
book she worked alongside an expert in the language, John Carnaham. It could be argued
that since Meador is not an expert in Sumerian, some translations may stray from the
original. Meador herself writes in the foreword of her book that the translator is
expected to follow the original text as closely as possible, but must make the translation
sound natural in the converted language.4 Despite Meador’s lack of expertise of the
Sumerian language, she has managed to bring forward many translations of
Enheduanna’s works to the public eye, thus aiding the progressive research sorely
needed in this field. Another source I have used is a piece of work by Hallo and Van Djik
written in 1968; whilst it is an old source the use of these expert researchers is key
when analysing any subject surrounding Enheduanna. It is also a necessity to utilise any
credible source surrounding this topic, no matter how old, due to the limited research
surrounding it. Perhaps surprisingly there is a paucity of subjects for my topic and I have
compensated for this by engaging with original sources.
Chapter One: Enheduanna’s Role in Mesopotamia4 Meador 2009: XXVI.
3
Section 1.1- Chapter One Introduction:
As an elite woman, Enheduanna held an important, yet some would say limited role in
the Mesopotamian society. Despite this, the forty-two hymns and further three Inanna
poems Enheduanna wrote may have been distributed, and used as a common canon of
work; this would have given her a unique authority within the kingdom. As both
priestess and princess, she could have been named a role model for those beneath her
station and held influence over one of the most important aspects of their lives: their
religion.5 Enheduanna’s role in society is revealed through her writings; though the
information we have on this subject is limited and therefore difficult to draw significant
conclusions from. It could be argued that she was placed as High Priestess for the sole
purpose of suppressing the rebellious groups that opposed her father, King Sargon of
Akkad; the poems do contain a number of references about battling inferior powers and
dominating them. Some historians such as Hallo and Van Djik suggest that Enheduanna
created these poems as a tool of propaganda for the sake of solidifying power in a
turbulent time riddled with rebels.6 However, it could be argued that Enheduanna wrote
the poems with the sole purpose of glorifying her chosen deity and no other motives
were behind her writings. Enheduanna was also considered to be a powerful priestess
and took part in the rituals which went alongside her station. Some of these rituals are
mentioned in her writings and will be discussed further within this work. Little has been
written about her role as princess; it is possible that her station as priestess was far
superior to being a princess and she achieved much more within this role. In this
chapter I will focus on her role in spreading propaganda throughout the kingdom, and
5 Meador 2000: 49.6 Hallo and Van Djik 1968: 3.
4
also her role as a powerful priestess. I will then assess the validity of her claim to the
authorship of the hymns and poems under her name.
Section 1.2- Enheduanna’s Role in Spreading Propaganda:
Enheduanna was posted as the High Priestess of the moon god Nanna by her father,
Sargon of Akkad.7 It was common for kings of southern Mesopotamia to appoint their
daughters to this role, as demonstrated by a votive plaque dedicated to the god Nin-
gublaga by Enmenana, High priestess of Nanna and daughter of Naram-Sin (2254-
2218BC).8 It is possible that Sargon placed Enheduanna in Ur as High Priestess in order
to suppress or regulate the remaining rebellious groups who continued to resent his
rule. Sargon began in humble beginnings as a servant to the king Ur-Zababa but rose to
power when, according to ancient beliefs, Enlil looked upon Ur-Zababa unfavourably for
changing offerings from one god to another.9 It is recorded that Sargon gained Enlil’s
favour by resisting this change and his kingship was legitimised by the god when he
killed Ur-Zababa.10 Sargon began a military campaign to unite the southern cities of
Mesopotamia and then went on to unite the northern cities under one centralised
power.11 Under the new monarchy came an altered way of life, moving from Sumerian to
Akkadian and altered many aspects of culture including spoken language, religious
practices, writing and myth. This may have been seen as a dramatic change for the
populace, as before the adjustment the subjects were wholly used to the Sumerian way
of life. The centre of power moved from the southern city of Sumer to the mid-section of
the country, Akkad.12 Sargon fought many battles whilst campaigning for power and
7 Meador 2009: 1.8 British Museum 2016.9 Meador 2000: 44.10 Meador 2000: 44.11 Bienkowski and Millard 2000: 8.12 Meador 2009: 3.
5
some have been aligned to the temple hymns that Enheduanna wrote. For example,
temple hymn thirty-four alludes to activities of suppressing rebellious groups for the
good of the gods:
‘A dragon, baring his fangs at the walls of the rebels,
a storm smothering the disobedient,
trampling the enemy’. 13
This hymn could allude to the actions undertaken by Sargon to suppress the rebellious
groups that still operated under his reign; if taken literally, Sargon showed no mercy
towards the rebels. This explanation could have some historical backing to it, and it is
possible that Enheduanna incorporated these dramatic scenes in order for her religious
audience to see them as a warning to not rise up against her father. Enheduanna would
have a large and pliant audience, as she was a very prominent figure in the temple of one
of the main gods at that time, Nanna.14 Her audience would probably be pliant because
religion was a major aspect of the lives of all of the Mesopotamian people. Porter notes
that public ritual was a very prominent force in daily life when faced with political crisis
or change and could infer an ‘aura of legitimacy on public leaders’.15 If Enheduanna
focused her ceremonies on speaking out about the gods’ might and force, the subjects
could see it as a connection to their king who is divinely linked to said gods. It could also
be argued, however, that Enheduanna was solely focused on revering the gods through
her practices and no other motive came into play. I, however, see this as unlikely, as
Sargon placed his daughter as High Priestess in problem cities for a reason and to not
utilize her power may have been seen as a waste.
Other indicators of political motives in Enheduanna’s poems can be seen in Inanna and
13 Enheduanna Hymn 34, Meador 2009: 204: 4-5.All English citations and line numbers for Enheduanna’s Temple Hymns are taken from Meador 2009.14 Meador 2009:1.15 Porter 2005: 1.
6
Ebih; Inanna’s role of dominating the mountain Ebih has been paired with Naram-Sin’s
acts of suppressing rebellious groups.16 Inanna has been compared to the ‘old old gods’17
and has the qualities of being at one with nature by holding control over it. In the hymn,
Inanna is faced with the issue of Ebih not fearing her presence as he defiantly holds his
position in Inanna’s land. Inanna defeats the mountain with no mercy:
‘I have killed you
I have struck your heart with sorrow
…
stomp you with my hatred
grind my knees in your neck
…
mountain
I have triumphed’. 18
Meador, Hallo and Van Djik agree that this poem ‘presumably’ refers to Naram Sin
suppressing a rebellion and triumphing with Inanna on his side.19 Wall-Romana suggests
that Mt Ebih would have been a source for many threats as its position at the top of the
Diyala Plain meant that it could control the inflow of outsiders at that time.20 The
Mountain is located in the Zagros, and Postgate has described it as ‘an abrupt rock wall’
that ‘ runs in an amazingly straight and regular line for hundreds of kilometers’.21 The
importance in this straight lies in its role of separating Sumer and Akkad to the
southwest and the Zab-Dijala river regions to the northeast.22 With Sumer and Akkad’s
16 Meador 2000: 90.17 Meador 2000: 85.18 Enheduanna Inanna and Ebih,: 101-102: 11- 26.All English citations and line numbers from Enheduanna’s The Inanna Poems are taken from Meador 2000.19 Meador 2000: 90.20 Wall-Romana 1990: 242.21 Meador 2000: 89.22 Meador 2000: 89.
7
peripheral edge protected it would be relatively easy to defend themselves from groups
with ill intentions. Other emotive language in the poem shows the urgency of tackling
the rebels as they are seen as a ‘fiery terror’23 which ‘paralyses our whole country’.24 If the
rebels were being destructive and halted the regular day-to-day activities of Naram-Sin’s
kingdom, then it gave Naram-Sin a good motive to intervene and take the land from
them.
Whilst the main objective of Naram-Sin’s campaign against the rebels was to take back
land for defense, Enheduanna’s poem also contains stanzas that allude to ulterior
motives:
‘fruit, laden, full grown
stand luxurious on its slopes
layers of thick leaves
on its great trees
darken the sky’.25
These lines display Mount Ebih as a flourishing land with many resources that Naram-
Sin could keep for himself if he took the land. The poem alludes to the fact that it angers
Inanna that Mount Ebih is afforded these luxuries, and still does not bow to her, giving a
reason for Inanna to destroy Ebih. Enheduanna may have included these lines, which the
subjects could see, so it mirrored the King’s situation and gave more support to his
campaign. The poem speaks of victory towards the end, and these lines are possibly
entered to give as many excuses as possible for why Naram-Sin fought the rebels, using
up men and resources.
23 Enheduanna Inanna and Ebih, 98: 21.24 Enheduanna Inanna and Ebih, 98: 20.25 Enheduanna Inanna and Ebih, 98: 26-30.
8
These examples possibly show Enheduanna’s attempts to spread propaganda
throughout the kingdom in order to aid her family’s political campaigns. This
information may display that her father gave her the role of High Priestess in order to
help him control his kingdom by spreading words of propaganda.
Section 1.3- Enheduanna’s Role as a Powerful Priestess:
Despite the argument that Enheduanna was given the role of High Priestess in order to
spread propaganda for her father, there are indications that she flourished within this
role and held on to this power despite altercations. Towards the end of Enheduanna’s
role of High Priestess she ‘gave birth’ to the final poem to Inanna,26 named The Exaltation
of Inanna. It contains the account of how she was expelled from her post by Lugalanne,
the soon to be ruler of Southern Mesopotamia. The poem was possibly written to display
Enheduanna’s disgust over Lugalanne’s attempt to overthrow her power, and a call to
stop his prominence spreading.27 If it is assumed that Enheduanna used her poems in
her religious ceremonies then the content in the Exaltation of Inanna could point
towards the High Priestess reaching out to her followers for help. There is also the
question if she still held her post as High Priestess for the moon-god Nanna and if she
had influence over her people. However, by reading into the context of the poem, it does
not mention Enheduanna’s post or influence and instead it points towards her being cast
out and shamed by Lugalanne. In the poem Enheduanna uses her signature style of
emotive language when describing Lugalanne’s treatment of her and makes reference to
Lugalanne wiping his ‘spit-soaked hand on my honey sweet mouth’.28 Meador writes that
Lugalanne does this to display his dominance over her by defacing the tool she uses to
26 Meador 2000: 181.27 Hallo and Van Djik 1968: 57.28 Enheduanna The Exaltation of Inanna, 175: 1-2.
9
spread her beliefs of Inanna. Meador’s interpretation, however, seems to lack
justification in both original texts and elsewhere. Enheduanna continues in her poem by
versing that Lugalanne told her to take ‘the ritual dagger of mutilation’;29 it can be
assumed that this means he asks her to deface her body in order to make her feel
powerless. This may have been devastating for Enheduanna because her life’s work was
concentrated on female empowerment and to mutilate what is her own woman-hood
was a sign of Lugalanne’s male dominance over her. The fact that Enheduanna still tries
to call upon Inanna to save her may display that she still held some authority over the
religious sector. Also, she was able to write this poem and distribute it before she was
cast out. It seems that if this were truly Enheduanna’s final poem, it was her mission to
proclaim her devotion to Inanna for a final time before she was cast out of her role and
forced to ‘wander through thorny bushes in the mountains’.30 However, Enheduanna may
have believed that she had more time to create another poem that displayed her own
dominance and victory over Lugalanne with Inanna on her side. There is, however, no
evidence for this, only speculation. Enheduanna may have written this poem to highlight
Lugalanne’s illegitimate rule by stating, ‘he robbed me of the true crown’31 and uses her
power as a last attempt to overpower his invasion. Certain phrases within the poem
allude to Enheduanna’s certainty that Inanna will come and take Lugalanne’s power
away from him:
‘She will break the city from him…
Proclaim!
That you smash heads
Proclaim!
29 Enheduanna The Exaltation of Inanna, 177: 15.30 Enheduanna The Exaltation of Inanna, 177: 10.31 Enheduanna The Exaltation of Inanna, 177: 11-12.
10
That you gorge on corpses like a dog’.32
Enheduanna continues to write about Inanna’s résumé of harmful actions towards her
foes after this, possibly to warn Lugalanne, or, if the poem was written after her
reinstatement, to sing Inanna’s praises. The list of proclamations of Inanna’s actions may
be a declaration of her power with the purpose of informing all readers and listeners of
her awesome abilities. This could give Enheduanna power in the political sector, as she
has overcome Lugalanne with the aid of her goddess. Nowhere in the poem does it
mention Naram-Sin, the reason for her reinstatement, and this could allude to
Enheduanna’s belief that it was Inanna alone that brought her powers in the religious
sector back. Furthermore, Enheduanna could be ignoring Naram-Sin’s part in her
reinstatement to show that she does not need any secular powers to guide her, only
temporal ones she calls upon herself. It could be argued that her poems and power were
taken seriously as they continued to be in use throughout the Old Babylonian period,
years after her death.33 This poem, however, also displays her weaknesses as a priestess,
that she could be overpowered by a man, at least for a short amount of time. This
displays that her authority was not always respected, and she may not have been as
powerful as she suggests in her poems. Despite this, archaeological evidence discovered
by Sir Leonard Wooley portrays Enheduanna with the authority that she claimed to have
as High Priestess to the moon god Nanna.34 It is a disc which on the obverse depicts
Enheduanna engaging in a procession, presumably to the god Nanna. Westenholz
describes the disc as portraying Enheduanna accompanied by two helpers and in front is
a naked male who is providing libations to an altar.35 Enheduanna is taller than the other
figures depicted, possibly a reference to her importance; Winter argues that there had
32 Enheduanna The Exaltation of Inanna, 175-178: 17-31.33 Meador 2009: 18.34 Meador 2000: 37.35 Westenholz 1989: 540.
11
been a correlation between rank and size since the Early Dynastic III period.36 On the
disc Enheduanna wears the proper regalia associating one to the rank of High Priestess:
a rolled-brimmed hat known as the aga crown. The inscription on the reverse names
Enheduanna as the High priestess of Nanna and also the daughter of Sargon, providing
the archaeologist with primary evidence of her lineage and position within
Mesopotamia. The disc is also round, uncommon for Sumerian art and this is probably a
feature to link the disc to the Moon God Nanna.37 There is also an Old Babylonian tablet
which reads:
‘Enheduanna, true lady of Nana, wife of Nana, daughter of Sargon, King of all, in the temple
of Inanna [of Ur, a dais you built (and) “Dais,” table of heaven (An)] you called it’.38
This tablet is comparable to the disc found, and likely to be a copy made later. Wooley
suggests that the tablet was in fact defaced, as it was found smashed with pick marks.39
The fact that the tablet was found to be defaced could mean that Enheduanna’s position
was not respected by everyone, yet the tablet was created hundreds of years after her
death so the destruction may be explained through ignorance of the destroyer who
didn’t know the person on the tablet they were defacing. There is also the explanation
that the tablet was subject to erosion and the detriment of objects which occur through
time naturally. Whilst the evidence is limited, it does provide the historian with evidence
that Enheduanna held a high position within society and she was considered important
to those around her, as evidenced by her depicted height on the disc. Whilst Wooley
argues that the Enheduanna tablet was defaced, it is possible that the tablet fell apart
through time, or that if it was done by someone, they were ignorant to the tablet’s
significance due to the centuries between Enheduanna’s life and the time that the tablet
36 Winter 1987: 193.37 Meador 2000: 39.38 Meador, 2000: 37: 1-4.39 Wooley 1934: 49.
12
was made. There must be tentative assumptions made based on the evidence we have,
due to the lack of quantity. This being said, the evidence that is available displays
Enheduanna’s significant role in society and shows that she was considered important in
Mesopotamia, both during and after her lifetime.
Section 1.4- The Validity of Enheduanna’s Authorship:
There is also the debate to whether Enheduanna was indeed the author of her supposed
works. Some authorities, such as Civil40 and Black41 question the validity of her
authorship and argue that different scribes throughout the ages attached their works to
Enheduanna’s name in the hope that their writing would be recognized and that they
could assimilate themselves to her reputation. Others, such as Westenholz dispute this
theory, and claim that most, if not all of her hymns, were written solely by Enheduanna,
or at least the first versions.42 Most of the versions of her works that we have are copies
from the Old Babylonian period, evidence that Enheduanna may have been an
inspiration hundreds of years after her death. It is possible that some historians believe
Enheduanna did not write the hymns because of her gender. They would argue that in a
patriarchal society, it was improbable that a woman would contribute anything of
importance to the society, and if there was evidence of their involvement, it may have
been created by others and simply attached to the female’s name. Despite this, there is
the argument that authors would only want to attach their work to someone who had
prominence in the literary world, someone who would ensure the continuation of any
work which was attached to them. It is most likely, however, that Enheduanna was the
sole author of all of the hymns and that the views concerning others writing the hymns
40 Civil 1980: 227.41 Black 1998: 43.42 Westenholz 1989: 548.
13
are based on gender prejudices.
Section 1.5- Chapter One Conclusion:
In conclusion, both literary and archaeological evidence have enabled the historian to
create an idea about Enheduanna’s role in the Mesopotamian society. In particular
Inanna and Ebih, which demonstrates her possible political motives, and the disc of
Enheduanna, which displays her prominence as High Priestess.43 Enheduanna’s own
writings seem to portray, though not directly, the priestess’s function as one who spread
propaganda.44 Using Inanna as a powerful character and a metaphor for royal authority,
Enheduanna spread the idea that either Sargon or Naram-Sin would be victorious
against any rebel parties. As the priestess was influential in the religious sphere, it is
presumed that her followers would have heeded her advice, thus aiding her family’s
campaign. Despite this, Enheduanna’s position as priestess may have been a wholly
devoted calling, and no other motives came into play when she wrote her works.
Enheduanna’s importance within the society is displayed through archaeological
evidence, as found by Woolley, thus supporting her self-proclaimed authority with the
society. Whilst there were constant uprisings and discontent, Enheduanna succeeded in
keeping her position for decades, and throughout different kingships. This achievement
could display her popularity or authority in Ur and, despite uprisings, her stability as a
power figure.
Finally I discussed the validity of Enheduanna’s authorship, a debate that began since
the discovery of her works. Even though some scholars dismiss Enheduanna’s literary
writings, I believe that all of the original works attributed to Enheduanna are valid.
Chapter Two: The Information Provided by the Temple Hymns43 Meador 2000: 37.44 Meador 2000: 90.
14
Section 2.1- Chapter Two Introduction:
During Enheduanna’s lifetime the priestess wrote forty-two hymns dedicated to the
gods within the main temples of Mesopotamia,45 thus immortalising certain aspects of
said culture. The hymns have provided information regarding the ritual practices
undertaken at the temples; a key source as there is little archaeological evidence left.
The hymns also allude to Enheduanna’s attempt to alter the pantheon and through this,
a broader base of knowledge can be gleaned regarding the hierarchy of the pantheon
that was contemporary at the time of the priestess. Information regarding what the
Mesopotamian people found to be aesthetically pleasing may also be known from the
hymns; an insight which could help build a picture of the architecture of other temples
which have no archaeological evidence.
Section 2.2- Information Regarding Ritual Practices:
By writing the forty-two temple hymns, Enheduanna has allowed the historian to engage
more deeply with the temple ritual of ancient Mesopotamia. Some hymns give an insight
into the eloquent and precise rituals that accompanied each separate god in their
individual temples. For example, in temple hymn twenty it is noted that libations were
poured out for An:
‘They pour wine into fine stone vessels of An, out under the sky’.46
As the sky god, An was one of the original supreme deities,47 it is not surprising that he
would take his libations under the sky, his area of domination. From these lines there is
a glimpse into the type of props they would utilize; the ‘fine stone vessels’48 indicate that
45 Meador 2009: 18.46 Enheduanna Temple Hymn 20, 139: 10-11.47 Bottéro 1992: 288.48 Enheduanna Temple Hymn 20, 139: 10- 11.
15
they would have separate items to use for specific purposes, and only the finest of wares
were used in the ritual.
It is known that drums, along with other musical instruments, were integral to the
rituals; in temple hymn eight there is note of drums filling a banquet hall. It is possible
that these drums are kettledrums, which can be seen in other ritual texts, and were
mostly used as objects for lamentation rituals. Linssen discusses the use of drums in an
Uruk eclipse of the moon ritual, where they were used to divert the malicious effects of
the lunar eclipse.49 It could be argued that this is plausible, as temple hymn eight was set
for Uruk and the moon-god Nanna. The description of the drums are that they have a
‘metal ub and leather-covered ala’,50 possibly precious materials which would enhance
their prominence and are noteworthy to Enheduanna, who mentioned them specifically
in her hymn. In the Sumerian language, any form of metal would have a determinative
which is specific to the type of metal,51 this means that it is possible to know which metal
is being mentioned. The transliteration provides the determinative ‘ku3’, translated as
‘pure shiny one’, usually used when describing silver.52 This would mean that the metal
used was of high quality and value; therefore the drums used in the ceremony were
valuable. Temple hymn eight also alludes to the practice of tracking the days, an
important aspect of life in order to predict the outcome of the harvest, structure cultic
activities and control rations.53 It was Rim-Sin who made the claim that it was ‘Nanna
who establishes the months, who completes the year’.54 The poem notes that the tracking
took place in the priestess’ rooms, which would suggest that it was Enheduanna who
undertook this role, and this would further prominence within the society. Whilst this
49 Linssen 2004:92-100.50 Enheduanna Temple Hymn 8, 76: 14.51 Glassner, Bahrani and Mieroop 2003:194.52 Flückiger-Hawker 1999: 331.53 Meador 2009: 79.54 Cohen 1993: 3.
16
hymn does not provide us with any groundbreaking discoveries into ritual practices of
the Mesopotamian society, it does deliver some form of evidence that reinstates what we
already know, creating a firmer base of knowledge.
Temple hymn forty-two delivers information about the frequency at which worshippers
visited the shrine of Ninsaba at the Eresh temple. The poem reads:
‘A whole mix of people in the shrine every month’.55
This line could have two meanings: a mass amount of people visited the shrine at one
point in the month, or a mixture came at staggered times in the course of a month. It is
possible that this line is referencing the tracking of the days, and that Enheduanna is
using the soli-luna calendar as a point of reference. This line also alludes to the fact that
it wasn’t only the elite who could visit and worship at the Eresh temple and that all
classes in society could attend. It does not, however, provide the reader with the
knowledge of the different classes, or what extent the lower classes could involve
themselves in the rituals. To the citizen, they may feel like they were involved in a
ritualistic activity which would strengthen their bond with a temporal power but
Pollock would argue that lower class citizens were only included in ritual practices, such
as communal labour in order to sustain the already dominating political situation the
then ruler had.56 Oppenheim argued that ‘common’ subjects were hardly involved in the
religious aspects of their culture, unless they were to attend scheduled festivals.57 As
author, however, Enheduanna may have wanted to declare the Eresh temple as a place
for all subjects to visit, no matter their station in life. The temple hymns also mention
separate quarters for women, meaning that gender separation was a necessary feature
of some rituals and religious practices. Temple hymn six, for example, notes that the
55 Enheduanna Temple Hymn 42, 237: 3.56 Pollock 1999: 194.57 Oppenheim 1964: 171-183.
17
Nippur temple is one temple which housed cloistered women, devoted to serving the
temple goddess, Shuzianna, calling some areas ‘where women reside’.58 Despite these
references, there is no concrete evidence of this custom until three hundred years after
the hymns were written, in the Old Babylonian period.59 It is possible that Enheduanna is
providing evidence of an ancient practice, of which we would have not known about
until three hundred years later.
Reading the hymns in the order Enheduanna set out, one is led through the temple
hymns in a geographical direction, possibly the route of a grand procession of which
Enheduanna was familiar. Whilst this does not prove that Enheduanna was responsible
for the procession, it possibly indicates to the reader the order of a procession which
has not been known before, thus expanding our knowledge of the ritual practices on a
grand scale. Enheduanna’s writings, however, may provide a window of understanding
into an earlier time when customs were not noted, but still occurred and became the
sacred rituals of the future. Whilst these hymns do not greatly change what we think
about ritual practices, they provide a basis of understanding by going through so many
temples one by one and looking at their individual characteristics. The hymns do not
provide the historian with any groundbreaking discoveries into ritual practices of the
Mesopotamian society, but they do deliver some form of evidence that reinstates what is
already known, creating a firmer base of knowledge.
Section 2.3- Enheduanna’s Attempts to Alter the Pantheon:
The temple hymns have shown that there may have been challenges made against the
pantheon, by the priestess, which before had remained unchanged for millennia. Other
changes involved the movement of position of the gods within a piece of religious
58 Enheduanna Temple Hymn 6, 63: 5.59 Meador 2009: 66.
18
writing. For example, it was customary in Sumerian literature that the most important
god is placed first in any cannon of work,60 yet temple hymn one diverts from this
practice. The logical choice for the first hymn would be the god Enlil, who was the
undisputed head of the pantheon at the time of Enheduanna’s role as High Priestess, yet
it is Enki of Eridu who is mentioned first. Enheduanna may have wanted to change the
canonical norm in her writings to provide a new outlook onto her religion. There is
reason to believe that Enki was chosen primarily, as his story is one of creation and
Enheduanna may have wanted to begin there. The reader is also introduced to the lesser
gods of the pantheon, which suggests that hierarchy had no effect on the layout of the
hymns. Temple hymn one also mentions the three most important elements of their
cosmos: heaven, earth and the dark interior of the temple leading to the underworld.
Enheduanna may have seen it as prudent to set the scene for the reader by introducing
her world from the moment of creation and going from there.
Some hymns may indicate Enheduanna’s preference of certain gods, due to certain
aspects of the poems that Enheduanna uses to make that poem stand out. For example,
temple hymn eight, to the Ur temple of Nanna, was given seventeen lines, the most out of
any of the hymns written before then. This preference may have been so, as Enheduanna
was High Priestess to this temple. Enheduanna may have wanted to write additional
lines as she was more passionate about the temporal and secular running of that temple
compared to others.
Building on this, Enheduanna also brings in Inanna into hymns which are devoted to
other gods and their temples. For example, in temple hymn fifteen to Ningishzida, the
protagonist names Inanna as ‘heaven’s holy one’,61 clearly providing Inanna with praise
and recognition in a hymn which was not meant for her. Meador suggests this is because
60 Meador 2009: 33.61 Enheduanna Temple Hymn 15, 113: 15.
19
Ningishzida was named High Priest of Inanna, which would infer that Inanna held
authority over Ningishzida.62 As Ningishzida was the god of the netherworld and Inanna
was one of fierce battle and love, it would be plausible to believe that the
Mesopotamians placed life above death in their culture. Logically, one of Inanna’s temple
hymns is placed next in line, and it is possible that this is why Inanna is mentioned in the
previous hymn. Despite this, it was not common for Enheduanna to place gods in other
temple hymns and it is more believable to assume that Inanna was mentioned in a
temple hymn not written for her because of her superior ranking. Inanna is also
mentioned at least twice in temple hymn seventeen to Dumuzi, calling her ‘pure
Inanna’63 and ‘holy woman’.64 There is more of a definite link between Inanna and
Dumuzi, as he was Inanna’s husband.65 From these interruptions of Inanna into poems
not written for her, it is possible to believe that Enheduanna implanted her desired
goddess into the hymns in order to heighten her ranking in the Mesopotamian Pantheon.
As many subjects would have heard these hymns, they could have subconsciously placed
Inanna higher up the rankings than previously, as they were reading or hearing about
her purity and holiness frequently. It is difficult to make assumptions, as we have no
evidence that it was Enheduanna’s wish to elevate Inanna’s position among the gods, but
it is curious that Inanna should feature so prominently in affairs which were not directly
linked to her. As the author of these hymns, Enheduanna may have wished to raise the
status of Inanna, as Enheduanna herself saw Inanna as one of the mightier gods within
the pantheon.
Not all preference has been given to Inanna, however, as a seen in temple hymn twenty
to the Lagash temple of Ningirsu which has twenty-two lines, one of the longest in the
62 Meador 2009: 116-117.63 Enheduanna Temple Hymn 17, 125: 12.64 Enheduanna Temple Hymn 17, 125: 9.65 Bottéro 1992: 302.
20
collection. It may be for political reasons that this hymn was given such a prominent
voice within the collection, as Lagash was one of the larger cities in the third millennium
BC.66
In other hymns, it appears that Enheduanna changes the demeanor of the gods; for
example, temple hymn twenty portrays Ningirsu as a fierce warrior, yet in other works
he is a gentle god of the plough. Certainly in Ningirsu’s symbol his name is printed as a
plough pictograph,67 so it may be assumed that Enheduanna developed his character to
differ from previous characterisations. It is possible that Enheduanna did this to alter
the outlook of the god to one of might instead of what can be interpreted as weakness.
Certainly Enheduanna was drawn to gods who instilled awe and fear into their subjects,
as proven by the ferocious nature of Inanna, Enheduanna’s chosen deity. By changing
the god’s characteristics, the author may have made Ningirsu look more appealing to her
followers and improved his popularity, thus elevating his station within the pantheon.
Despite this, Enheduanna may have been following the information about the gods that
was already available to her and did nothing to change this. Unfortunately it is difficult
to tell due to limited archaeological sources from this era. It could be argued that
without Enheduanna’s forty-two temple hymns, there would not be a hierarchy of the
Mesopotamian pantheon as comprehensive as there is now. The hymns also provide
evidence of Enheduanna’s preference of Inanna and this can be said to have had a
profound effect on the pantheon, of which I will discuss in my next chapter.
Section 2.4- Aesthetic Ideals Within the Society:
Enheduanna’s hymns also allow the reader to experience the culture of the
Mesopotamian society and which aesthetic features were of significance. According to
66 Bienkowski and Millard 2000: 173.67 Black and Green 1998: 138.
21
Meador, temple hymn fifteen writes of the temple being set into the mountain, however
this may have been artistic license on the part of Meador, as the text suggests that it is
the temple which is the mountain, which would make sense as it dominates the
landscape. The architecture was called skillful; this gives the reader an idea of what was
valued. For the Mesopotamians, their temples were a place where, like in most religions,
they could connect with their deities. Therefore the aesthetics of a holy place would be
of great importance to the citizens, especially considering religion was one of the major
features in their lives. It was common for the temples to be likened to mountains, as this
was considered to be a metaphorical bridge between heaven and earth.68 The reference
to the mountainous landscape is again seen in temple hymn nine, at the Ur temple of
Shulgi. The might of the temple appears to rest on the fact that the temple was built with
its landscape connected to a mountain and it draws its divinity from its height. The
poem then goes on to refer to the inhabitants of the city who are filled with ‘gladness’69
at the sight of the temple, again demonstrating the importance of aesthetics to the
Mesopotamian people. This idea of aesthetics is furthered in hymn thirty to the Isin
temple of Ninisina with reference to it’s ‘glistening jeweled cella’70 and writing ‘your
outside is strong and firm, your inside artfully tied and woven’.71 These descriptions create
a sense that the temple is majestic and detail was of great importance when considering
the look of the temple. It is important to note that at the time the temple hymns were
written, Ninisina was actually quite an insignificant god within the pantheon.72 The fact
that the temple was so lavishly decorated, according to Enheduanna, should
demonstrate the importance of aesthetics and design within a holy area. Despite
68 Leick 2002: 27.69 Enheduanna Temple Hymn 9, 85: 14.70 Enheduanna Temple Hymn 30, 184: 13.71 Enheduanna Temple Hymn 30, 184: 4.72 Meador 2009: 185.
22
Ninsina’s position, she was still awarded with a supposedly beautiful temple, possibly a
necessity for all of the gods within the pantheon. Enheduanna’s temple hymns have
enlightened readers of the modern world that aesthetics were an important aspect when
dealing with temples of the Mesopotamian world.
This theme of aesthetics is continued in temple hymn fifteen again, but this time with the
human body. There is reference to Ningishzida’s ‘thick beautiful hair’,73 which ‘falls down
his back’.74
Needless to say there is little description of the gods having resemblance to the human
body, and Enheduanna tends to focus on their animalistic features. This could be to
separate them from the human race in order to elevate themselves to a higher position
to be both feared and praised. It may also, however link the gods to nature, which was of
great importance to the civilization, and possibly apply certain characteristics which
would explain their demeanor. For example, temple hymn thirty-one to the Kazallu
temple of Numushda describes the patron deity as a ‘towering speckled-eyed bison’75 and
‘a lion-fanged lord’,76 both descriptions displaying the god as a mighty figure with strong
attributes. Numushda was given features that would ensure his triumph over evil, which
humanistic features alone could not achieve. This is again seen in temple hymn twenty-
seven, to the Karkara temple of Ishkur; Ishkur was named ‘terrifying… lion’,77 ‘horned
bull’78 and ‘poison-spitting snake’.79 Ishkur was the god who controlled the rain,80
therefore his attention was needed to support the mostly dry plain that the civilians
used for their agriculture. The powerful animals that Ishkur was likened to may reflect
73 Enheduanna Temple Hymn 15, 113: 17.74 Enheduanna Temple Hymn 15, 113: 17.75 Enheduanna Temple Hymn 31, 192: 6.76 Enheduanna Temple Hymn 31, 192: 7.77 Enheduanna Temple Hymn 27, 175:2.78 Enheduanna Temple Hymn 27, 175: 8.79 Enheduanna Temple Hymn 27, 175: 14.80 Bottéro 2001: 49.
23
the weather that was imposed upon the Mesopotamians. The people may have believed
that praising the god who provided the harsh weather would appease them and would
restore balance; the Mesopotamians may have created the gods with hybrid qualities in
order to feel safe from the unknown. Enheduanna has provided the reader with
evidence of the features of Mesopotamian society which were valued, enabling the
historian to build upon conclusions which have been gained from other outside sources.
Section 2.5- Chapter Two Conclusion:
In conclusion, the temple hymns have provided the reader with information which
allows the historian to build a more comprehensive store of knowledge about the
Mesopotamian society. This includes the references to ritual practices and the props
used along side them; the use of fine wares indicates that the practices were of
importance to them, and that music was a key part of some rituals. The temple hymns
also provide a list of the pantheon in an order unusual to other works; this may indicate
a ritual procession or be an example of how Enheduanna pushed the boundaries of the
literary norm. Some gods were given more acknowledgement than other in the hymns,
possibly displaying Enheduanna’s attempt to alter the pantheon in Inanna’s favour, but
there is little evidence to corroborate this theory. Ideas of beauty and architecture are
also noted in the hymns, providing the reader with a glimpse into what was valued with
their society. I believe that without the forty-two temple hymns written by Enheduanna,
the historian would not have an as sound base of knowledge from which to draw
conclusions from about the Mesopotamian society.
24
Chapter Three: Information Provided by the Inanna Hymns
Section 3.1- Chapter Three Introduction:
Within, and possibly outside, of her post as High Priestess to the Moon God Nanna,
Enheduanna wrote three poems dedicated to her choice deity, Inanna. The priestess’s
devotion to this god is displayed by her possible attempts to raise the goddess’s status
within the pantheon and how she glorifies her in every form. The poems also give
25
information about how Enheduanna portrayed the female identity, possibly using
Inanna as a canvas on which to display feminine ideals. Finally I will discuss how
Enheduanna wanted to portray herself, furthering our knowledge about her role in the
society.
Section 3.2- Attempts to Elevate Inanna’s Position in the Pantheon:
Enheduanna’s devotion to Inanna as the goddess of war and love is displayed within the
poems with such passion that it is clear Enheduanna felt a strong connection to the
goddess. It is curious that Enheduanna would not show the same devotion to the god of
who she was High Priestess to, yet this may be explained by the fact that Enheduanna
was given the role by her father, and did not choose it herself. Whilst the Mesopotamian
pantheon had been cemented into the society at that time, it is possible that Enheduanna
sought to change the rankings, by giving her goddess certain attributes which rivalled
the other main gods. There are certain techniques that Enheduanna used in order to
promote Inanna’s glory; in this paragraph I will explore a few. For example, Inanna is
sometimes compared to powerful animals throughout the three poems. This can be seen
in Inanna and Ebih: ‘lion roar across heaven’,81 ‘wild bull’;82 in Lady of Largest Heart:
‘Mountain wildcat’,83 ‘mistress eagle’;84 and in The Exaltation of Inanna: ‘vicious dragon’,85
‘a gouging storm-bull’.86 These connections portray Inanna as a powerful beast, at one
with nature and with all of the strength of some of the most powerful animals known to
the Mesopotamians. Her ferocity is again displayed in comparisons to forces of nature;
81 Enheduanna Inanna and Ebih, 91: 15.82 Enheduanna Inanna and Ebih, 91: 18.83 Enheduanna Lady of Largest Heart, 119: 4.84 Enheduanna Lady of Largest Heart, 119: 25.85 Enheduanna The Exaltation of Inanna, 171: 17.86 Enheduanna The Exaltation of Inanna, 172: 24.
26
In Inanna and Ebih: ‘flood-storm-hurricane adorned’;87 in Lady of Largest Heart: ‘a
whirlwind warrior’,88 ‘your storm-shot torrents’;89 and in The Exaltation of Inanna: ‘shower
the land with flames and fire’,90 ‘you moan with evil winds’.91 The comparisons to harmful
weather were probably a frightening thought to the civilians, because of their
dependence on good weather for their harvest.92 One of their beliefs was that they had to
continually praise certain gods in order to gain a successful harvest.93 Enheduanna may
have been playing on this fear; by comparing Inanna to harmful weather the civilians
may have thought it prudent to hold Inanna in a higher regard. The comparisons,
however, may have been made because Enheduanna saw Inanna’s awesome powers as
qualities to be written about and remembered, not as a tool to scare her subjects.
Another technique Enheduanna used to elevate Inanna’s position was by displaying the
decline of other gods’ authority, by Inanna taking their powers away or replicating them.
For example, in Lady of Largest Heart, Enheduanna likens Inanna’s yowl to Ishkur’s
thunderclap, a powerful and significant power. Here, Inanna has absorbed the striking
and individual power of another god, possibly implying that Inanna’s skills render other
gods as less talented. Further on in Lady of Largest Heart, the gods appear to accept
Inanna as their leader and that they ‘gladly live at your lofty breast’.94 An, the head of the
pantheon of that era, even hands over many responsibilities to her, worthy of a very
important goddess. It is also written that An would be incapable of stopping Inanna from
acting out displaying the shift of power, which possibly began when Inanna ignored An’s
command to not fight Ebih. When this act occurred in the poem Inanna and Ebih, the
87 Enheduanna Inanna and Ebih, 91: 7.88 Enheduanna Lady of Largest Heart, 118: 29.89 Enheduanna Lady of Largest Heart, 134: 28.90 Enheduanna The Exaltation of Inanna, 171: 26.91 Enheduanna The Exaltation of Inanna, 172: 27.92 Wlikinson 2015: 400.93 Mark 2011.94 Enheduanna Lady of Largest Heart, 131: 30-31.
27
reader is first presented with the idea that Inanna is in awe of An’s powers and that she
accepts his authority. When An belittles Inanna, however, there is a shift of authority as
Inanna chooses to ignore An’s command and fights Ebih, whom An seems to fear, thus
displaying that where An was weak, Inanna was strong. It is possible that this was also
the moment of An’s decline, and it is intriguing that Enheduanna would have the
confidence to alter a tradition that spanned over a millennia.
Enheduanna’s wish to alter the traditional pantheon may be explained by her desire to
elevate her own social position, or to gain acknowledgment for her writings.
Enheduanna is the first author known to place her own name on her writings, a practice
that had never been undertaken before.95 From this it may be assumed that she had the
desire to be acknowledged and remembered for her talents. Taken further, her desire to
hold Inanna as a prestigious god may have been an act of shocking the society she lived
in, into taking notice of her. This theory is improbable though, as it is believed her
devotion to Inanna was unequivocal and Inanna would not have been used as a pawn in
Enheduanna’s quest for fame. Whilst one may never discover the truth to why
Enheduanna authored her works, it is possible that Enheduanna wanted to add a stamp
of authority to them; by the time of writing the poems and hymns, Enheduanna was
firmly established as High Priestess to a major god, and she was also the daughter of the
well-known king, Sargon. The people within her community will have no doubt
respected her and by placing her name on her works the validity of the writings may
have increased.
The hymns give the reader a sense that Enheduanna was successful in altering the
Mesopotamian pantheon as the gods seem to be in agreement that Inanna’s position
should have been elevated. Meador notes, however, that Enheduanna could have been
95 Davidson 2014:10.
28
following a ‘henotheistic convention’ by elevating Inanna, and it was common practice to
pitch for a desired gods place at the top of the pantheon.96 There is little, if any, evidence
to corroborate the theory that Enheduanna had an effect on the pantheon. There are the
common dedicatory works such as the Sumerian literary hymn to Inanna by Išme-
Dagan, dated to the Old Babylonian Period (2000BC-1600 BC).97 There is also evidence
of Hammurabi constructing a temple dedicated to Inanna in this era, as shown in
cuneiform bricks.98 Whilst this may indicate a revival of Inanna’s power, it may have also
been common practice to create new temples and dedicate works to the old gods, and it
happens to be these pieces of evidence that have survived. Overall, the content of the
Inanna poems display that one intention of Enheduanna was to alter the Mesopotamian
Pantheon in a way which elevated Inanna’s importance. It could be argued that
Enheduanna was responsible for changing the pantheon, thus shaping the society in
which she thrived.
Section 3.3- How Enheduanna Portrayed the Female Identity:
The Inanna poems could be argued to provide the reader with a deeper understanding
of the role of the female within society, or at least what Enheduanna wanted the female
identity to be. As Inanna is one of the only females within the poems, and the
protagonist, it can be assumed that all qualities deemed of value by Enheduanna were
depicted within Inanna. It may be argued that Enheduanna’s goal was to elevate the
social standing of women within the Mesopotamian society and she attempted to do this
96 Meador 2000: 142.97 British Museum 2016.98 British Museum 2016.
29
through her most influential medium: her writings. Women in Mesopotamia held, what
was in some respects, a better position in their society compared to their female
counterparts in Greece and Rome,99 yet the society was essentially patriarchal.
Therefore the study of Enheduanna has been of importance due to her abnormal
position of power in a society ran by male influences.
Mesopotamia was a patriarchal society and it was uncommon for a woman to hold any
position of power, unless they came from elite bloodlines and even then it was usually
for political gains.100 Despite this, Bahrani claims that Mesopotamian women were
afforded the right to engage in all aspects of society, and that it is a Westernised aspect
that the female gender are entitled to less.101 Kramer states that women were rarely
involved in Sumerian epic literature,102 yet assumptions can still be made, such as by
Gansell who claims that women held ‘vital roles in all levels of society’103 including
governmental affairs, arts, economy and religion. There is evidence of their participation
in scribal lessons at a primary school age104 and whilst this could infer that they were
treated as equals, it could also be that the state wanted to raise literacy rates for future
scribes. Veldhuis believed that the literature was a corpus for men to prepare for their
future careers and roles in court,105 explaining why women feature so rarely in the
literature.
Despite this, their presence and social status is still acknowledged in the form of
grave goods; the archaeology for this era is an exceptionally important aspect to a
historian, due to the limited amount of literature that has survived. It should be
99 Harris 2003: 92.100 Gansell 2012: 24.101 Bahrani 2001: 105.102 Kramer 2010: 185.103 Gansell 2012: 11.104 Trustees of the British Museum 2011.105 Gadotti: 2011: 204.
30
noted that the context of a grave is different to an everyday context; when buried, the
deceased can be manipulated to look desirable and is usually adorned in regalia,
probably not used in everyday situations. The practice of adornment, however, does
provide the historian with an insight into the social stratum of the deceased and
interpretations can be made from this information. For example, in the primary
chamber of Tomb 800 of the royal cemetery at Ur (2550-2400 BC) was the body of
Queen Puabi, who was dressed in an array of valuable pieces of jewelry including
large gold earrings, ten finger rings, a beaded wrist cuff and multiple necklaces.106
This collection of jewelry suggests that Puabi held a higher status than others, as
further suggested by the lack of lavish jewelry found on other deceased individuals
surrounding her in the tomb.107 It could be argued that Puabi did not wear this
regalia everyday, yet it still demonstrates her authority before her death. The fact
that Puabi was surrounded by both male and female sacrifices may display that elite
bloodlines are more important than gender; this at least gives the historian a sense of
hierarchies between different areas of society. Gender roles are displayed through
the items which were found on their person; men held daggers and spears and
women held musical instruments.108 It is possible to assume, therefore, that only
elite women could portray any form of social power through grave goods, and lower
status subjects contributed to gender stereotypes.
Gadotti, however, researched women within Mesopotamian literature from non-elite
bloodlines: Sagburu, Šat-Ištar and Nawirtum.109 Sagburu was noted in Enmerkar and
Enšukešdanna as a wise old woman who defeated an evil sorcerer and killed him
even when he begged for mercy. Whilst Sagburu was not an everyday character, her
106 Gansell 2012: 13.107 Gansell 2012:13.108 Gansell 2012: 15.109 Gadotti 2011: 201.
31
power and merciless attitude provided depth to the stereotypical woman of that era.
The next character, Šat-Ištar, appeared in the composition The Message of Ludingira
to His Mother as Ludingira’s mother. Ludingira praises his mother very highly calling
her ‘water for the finest seeds’110 and ‘loving, gentle and lively’.111 These praises, whilst
charming, do not present any achievements of Šat-Ištar or indicate her power within
the society. The poem does however provide us with information about valued items
within their society and ‘a song of abundance’112 was one of them. This links to the
role of the sacrificial women in the grave of Puabi as musicians and may indicate that
a common role for women in Mesopotamian society was one of music. Whilst this
link is tenuous, it gives the historian both archaeological and written evidence of a
part of the Mesopotamian culture, which may have been integral. The final character
analysed by Michalowski was Nawirtum in Elegy over the Death of Nawirtum, who
died and was lamented by her husband. Whilst Nawirtum dies, she is not the
protagonist, possibly an indication of the hierarchy of genders, or just the author’s
choice. This piece of writing does however display a possible reversal of roles, as it is
the male who is lamenting. In other societies, such as Egypt and Greece, it is the
woman who is seen as the mourner.113 It is possible that within Mesopotamian
society lamenting is not gender-specific. In one lament, for example, the brickwork of
a temple wall laments as Enlil turned away from his city.114 Nawirtum plays a minor
role within the poem, and this could be an indication of her role within the society.
Whilst there is evidence of women’s roles within the Mesopotamian society, it is clear
that to have a high status, the woman must already be elite. For Enheduanna, her rise to
110 ETCSL 19/4/2016.111 ETCSL 19/4/2016.112 ETCSL 19/4/2016.113 Greene 1998: 144.114 Cohen 1988:107-114.
32
power may have been jump-started by her father’s position as King, however her
popularity grew due to her actions whilst yielding this power. Most of the information
available is centred on those with wealth, due to their ability to afford materials on
which to record their actions.
Instances of female gender elevation are seen in Inanna and Ebih, as the first lines read
‘Lady of blazing dominion, clad in dread’,115 indicating both her authority and gender. The
lines suggest that Inanna held land and was a ‘blazing’ character, a possible paradox to
what the female gender was considered to be in that era. The repetition of female
pronouns such as ‘she’ and ‘her’116 throughout the poems may indicate Enheduanna’s
desire to continuously remind the reader that it is a woman who held that much power
and one who could challenge the supposed king of heaven, An. Contradicting this, there
are instances of gender changes to both the protagonist and other subjects. Inanna
herself tends to swap genders freely when she is being portrayed as an animal; in Lady
of Largest Heart she is portrayed as a ‘lioness’,117 yet a few lines down she changes to a
‘wild bull’.118 It is possible that Enheduanna was determined to portray Inanna as wholly
a woman in her godly form, but there was freedom of gender in animalistic forms to
display her versatility. Rivkah Harris notes that ‘She is neither here nor there. She is
betwixt and between’.119 It is curious that Enheduanna would accept that some animals
were more powerful in their male form (the bull etc.), yet there is so much emphasis on
describing Inanna as a woman who was dominant over men. Perhaps it is true that there
is an acceptance of male strength but Enheduanna saw an opportunity to include in her
poems a powerful female figure.
115 Enheduanna Inanna and Ebih, 91: 1.116 Enheduanna Inanna and Ebih, 91: 8.117 Enheduanna Lady of Largest Heart, 119: 1.118 Enheduanna Lady of Largest Heart, 119: 8.119 Meador 2000: 164. Harris 1991: 265.
33
Other contradictions occur in Lady of Largest Heart, where Inanna turns a man who
spurned her into a woman as punishment. This in itself provides a controversial
message, as if Inanna is accepting that being a woman is something to be feared. It is
known from other religions that the use of androgynous individuals was of common
practice,120 and it may have been similar in the Mesopotamian religion. The poem
explains that Inanna’s power is one of the me’s that Inanna has been given, to turn man
into woman and woman into man. Inanna may have been afforded this power by
Enheduanna in order to add to Inanna’s résumé that elevated her status. From these
examples, it is clear that gender was a factor that affected certain aspects of the
Mesopotamian culture. It is possible that Enheduanna used Inanna’s female identity to
push the boundaries of what it meant to be a woman and their position next to men. I
believe that it is significant that Enheduanna’s writing were copied and kept for
generations after her death, despite the controversial material inside of them,
concerning the roles of different genders in society. The fact that the writings were
copied could mean that the patriarchal society was beginning to soften, and women
were becoming more equal to men. It may also mean, however, that the men on earth
respected Inanna’s powers as a goddess, but would not afford the same courtesy to an
earth-bound woman. Nevertheless, Lady of Largest Heart provides an insight into the
dynamics of a female goddess-male man relationship in the Mesopotamian culture.
Whilst Inanna has been portrayed as a powerful female, it is probable that the female
within ancient Mesopotamia was not afforded the right to act out in the ways the
goddess did, but through Enheduanna’s writings we can see the ideals that the priestess
herself valued.
120 Meador 2000: 163.
34
Section 3.4- How Enheduanna Portrayed Herself:
The Inanna hymns may also give an insight into the life story and character of
Enheduanna. Through her writings, Enheduanna appears to have assimilated herself to
the goddess, or at least provided Inanna with qualities that Enheduanna herself values.
For example, Inanna is praised for her ‘radiant heart’,121 then 150 lines or so later,
Enheduanna calls herself ‘most radiant priestess of Nanna’.122 The repetition of the word
‘radiant’ may have been a technique used by the priestess to assimilate herself with the
goddess and become closer to her. As Enheduanna was the author of these poems, she
had the power to decide how to portray Inanna and also herself. It was uncommon, if not
unheard of, for authors to include themselves into their writings; it is possible that
Enheduanna practiced this in order to become closer to her beloved deity.
As discussed in chapter two, her role in the political sphere was connected to her
relationship with two of the major kings, Sargon and Naram-Sin. The poems do not
provide the reader with a sound idea of her physical role in any political activities, and it
is possible that Enheduanna’s influence was restricted to her writings. The poems do,
however, provide the reader with the idea that Enheduanna accepted and even
promoted the use of war against enemies of the kingdom, and used a divine character to
sanctify the king’s actions. This may show that even though her poems display the
priestess as a devoted worshipper, she was also tied to her family, and used her
influence in the religious sphere to affect and aid her family’s political careers.
Section 3.5- Chapter Three Conclusion:
In conclusion, whilst it is not their primary function, the Inanna hymns have provided
the historian with a multitude of evidence concerning both the author and the
121 Enheduanna Lady of Largest Heart, 174: 17.122 Enheduanna Lady of Largest Heart, 178: 11.
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Mesopotamian society. All three poems have provided information about Enheduanna’s
quest to alter the Mesopotamian pantheon, how she highlights Inanna’s ferocity and
splendor, diminishes other god’s roles and highlights their decline of authority, and
finally the possible motives of Enheduanna for changing millennia of religious tradition.
There is however, little evidence to strengthen the argument that the hymns had an
effect on the pantheon, and it is possible that Enheduanna was the only civilian who
wished for Inanna’s spiritual elevation.
The poems have given information about how worshippers possibly perceived Inanna,
and how her position as a woman did not limit her capabilities. Gender was clearly a
main theme running through the hymns, with female empowerment being a major
message. Female pronouns are consistently used when mentioning Inanna, reinforcing
the message that she is female. Despite this, there are contradictory ideas concerning the
alpha gender; Inanna’s animalistic qualities change from male to female freely,
suggesting that no gender is better. It is possible, however that Inanna changes animal
genders to display her versatility. There is outside evidence to suggest that a woman
could hold power in the Mesopotamian world, but only if she was from an elite
bloodline. The poems do not shed much light on this issue, only highlight Inanna’s
greatness and Enheduanna’s position as High Priestess. The fact that only two women
are cited in detail could show that only powerful women were worth mentioning, or that
it was the author’s choice to talk only about herself and her goddess.
Finally I wrote about the poems shedding light on Enheduanna’s own story and
characteristics, including her political life and what effect this had on the society. The
hymns provide an insight into the political activities of that era, but do so from a
religious stance and portray Inanna, not the king, as the heroine who destroys the
enemies. Enheduanna may have done this to reach out to her followers, as this was the
36
only form of influence she had in the political sphere. Enheduanna’s own characteristics
may have been mirrored through the characteristics of Inanna, as in some instances the
same adjectives are used for both. Enheduanna may have wanted to assimilate herself to
her favourite goddess in order to feel closer to her, and through the Inanna hymns, the
reader can see this.
Reading the Inanna hymns give the historian an insight into certain aspects of
Mesopotamian society which Enheduanna believed she had control over. Whilst the
hymns are sound literary evidence concerning Enheduanna’s view on her culture, it is
essential to use other evidence to corroborate Enheduanna’s claims. The difficulty is that
there is limited evidence from this era, therefore it is difficult to produce any resounding
conclusions.
General Conclusions:
The literary works written by Enheduanna were produced for the people of
Mesopotamia who lived in 2300 BC. It is plausible to believe that the priestess was
unaware of the popularity her writings would have, as they continued to be of use
through the Old Babylonian period and up till the modern day. Scholars are still using
her works to develop a clear picture of the many facets of the ancient Mesopotamian
society. Not only did Enheduanna provide information about the society, there is also
evidence of her attempting to change certain aspects of it too. Enheduanna’s lineage to
the royal family gained her the position of High Priestess and elevated her authority so
much so that it is possible millennia of tradition was like clay that Enheduanna could
37
mould to suit her preferences. This dissertation allowed me to thoroughly analyse
Enheduanna’s works and develop my own understanding about the priestess’s role
within the society and how her works influenced what we know about ancient
Mesopotamia.
Enheduanna’s role as High priestess was given to her by her father, King Sargon.123 It is
possible that the king used Enheduanna’s position to his advantage in order to solidify
his power within the kingdom that he had just reunited. Enheduanna may have used her
influential position to her family’s advantage and incorporated political ideals into her
works. For instance some of Enheduanna’s literary works contain situations that the
gods face which have been assimilated to those undertaken by kings. For example, in
Inanna and Ebih, Inanna fights a mountain which has offended her authority and this
could be likened to the rebels offending Naram-Sin’s authority.124 Enheduanna may have
written about these situations in her writings in order to aid her royal family’s political
agenda, and spread propaganda throughout the kingdom. Her station as priestess would
have been a good platform upon which to build devoted followers and then persuade
their actions through religious texts, which were an integral part of their lives.
Despite instances of opposition to her authority, Enheduanna managed to hold on to her
role as High Priestess throughout different kingships, possibly until her death. This
could show her stability and popularity as a power figure, thus proving her to be a
powerful public figure within the Mesopotamian society. Enheduanna claimed that
Inanna gave the role of High Priestess back to her after Lugalanne banished her,
displaying the connection between the two women. However, it is more likely that
Naram-Sin gave Enheduanna’s station back to her. Therefore her power may actually
stem from her family ties and not from the priestess herself. Although, I believe that
123 Meador 2009: 1.124 Meador 2000: 90.
38
Enheduanna’s power was bestowed upon her by her royal family, she managed to build
herself as a powerful figure in ancient Mesopotamia and was integral in shaping the
society that she lived in.
Whilst Enheduanna’s claims to authorship have been questioned, I believe all of the
works under her name carry validity and those opposed to this have built their case
based on gender prejudices. Despite ancient Mesopotamia being a patriarchal society
there has been evidence to suggest that women could hold prominent positions in
society and the equality of gender becomes more irrelevant when taken higher up the
social scale. As Enheduanna was daughter and thus princess to one of the most famous
kings of that era, her name carried prestige and her gender would not have negatively
affected this.
Our understanding of the Mesopotamian society has increased because of Enheduanna;
her writings, whilst not revealing any new information, have given the historian more
evidence to add to a limited store of knowledge. The priestess mentions certain
elements of ritual practices which develop our understanding of the importance of the
quality of props used and the accompanying music. This knowledge solidifies the
thought that religion was a major aspect of the Mesopotamians lives, due to the amount
of expense the civilians put into the rituals. From this it is also known what type of music
was used in the ritual practices, key information as we only have written sources to
corroborate this claim.
Both the Temple Hymns and the Inanna Poems provide an awareness that Enheduanna
was attempting to alter the Mesopotamian pantheon in order to place Inanna at the
pinnacle. If Enheduanna was successful, the outcome would have changed millennia of
religious tradition and altered a major aspect of the Mesopotamian society. Enheduanna
attempted the change through elevating Inanna’s greatness and also displacing the
39
authority of other gods, into Inanna’s hands. An’s position as head god was questioned,
and Inanna showed strength when An was weak. Despite a lack of archaeological
evidence to support the change in hierarchy of the pantheon, Enheduanna’s works were
passed down through generations and copied possibly thousands of times. This would
mean that her beliefs were not heretical, as they would have been dismissed. Instead, it
is possible that Enheduanna’s changes were utilised within the religion. However, it is
difficult to assess the changes due to lack of other evidence supporting the claim.
Information regarding what the Mesopotamians found to be aesthetically pleasing may
also be found in Enheduanna’s writings; the significance of mountainous temples
appeared to be loved, giving evidence to a subject of which we have little physical proof
for.
The portrayal of the female identity is another subject written about by Enheduanna, if
not directly. Her portrayal of Enheduanna as a strong and powerful woman provides an
insight into what the priestess deemed to be valuable qualities within a woman. It may
be disputed that Inanna’s power and domination over men was not a common
occurrence for the Mesopotamian woman, as it is known that they resided in a
patriarchal society. Enheduanna may have been questioning the role of earthly women
and saw their potential in regards to authority over the male gender. It may also be
argued that Enheduanna saw Inanna’s qualities as godly, and would not expect that kind
of power from earth-bound women. Nevertheless, knowledge concerning what was
deemed valuable in a goddess has been gleaned from Enheduanna’s writings, and the
qualities found in Inanna were possibly qualities that followers wished for themselves.
In conclusion, I believe the writings of the High Priestess Enheduanna to have influenced
what the modern scholar perceives the ancient Mesopotamian society to be, and also
displays that she played an integral role in the shaping of that society.
40
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