digitalizado por biblioteca p. florentino idoate, s.j ......338.4 (ministerio de planificación,...
TRANSCRIPT
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
Ignacio Martín-Baró
SOCIAL ATTITUDES AND GROUP CONFLICT
IN EL SALVADOR
·---=--. ''.!'!'.'c~SID.W CHITROAMERIC/\1!11 J..~,(! 1
A Thesis submitted to Dr. Milton J, Rosenberg in partial fulfilment of the requirements for a Master of Arts degree in Social Sciences,
DIVISIONAL MASTER'S PROGRAM IN SOCIAL SCIENCES
~ University of Chicago May, 1977
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
acknowledgements:
I wish to express my gratitude to Dr. Milton J, Rosenberg for his interest, guidance and critica! comments.
Dr. Suzanne Kobasa has been an excellent advisor and a continuous source of suggestions.
Steve Schacht helped me with the computer analysis.
Galio Gurdián, Héctor Lindo, and Segundo Portilla devoted generously their time to be judges for the value analysis.
Bob Kopek did the proofreading,
To all of them I am deeply grateful.
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
l. INTRODUCTION,
2.
3,
1.1. Historical facts.
1.1.1. El Salvador.
1.1.2. The Project of Agrarian
Transformation.
1,2, Interpretations of the conflict.
1.3. The psychosocial perspective,
1.4. Theoretical background.
1.4.1. Social conflict.
1.4.2. Attitudes,
1.4.3. Attitude change.
1.5. Hypotheses.
1.5.1. First hypothesis,
1.5.2. Second hypothesis.
METHODOLOGY.
2.1. Content analysis.
2.2. The docurnents.
2.3. Codification system,
DESCRIPTIVE ANALYSIS.
3.1. Chronology of the debate,
3.1.1. First Phase.
3.1.2. Second Phase.
3.1.3. Third Phase.
3.1.4. After the debate,
3,2, Attitudes toward the Agrarian Transform.
1
3
7
9
12
13
15
20
21
22
24
25
27 28
33
37 39 41
43
3,2.1. The object of the attitude. 45
3.2.2. Values related to the Agrarian
Transformation. 47
3.2.2.1. Communism~Nationalism. 48
3.2.2.2, Democracy, 49
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
Table of Contents, 2.
3.2.2.3. People's Will. 49 3.2.2.4. Prívate Property. so 3,2.2.S. Productivity. 51 3.2.2.6. Social Injustice. 51 3.2.2.7. Wealth Distribution. 52
3.2.3. Value statistical analysis.
3.2.3.1. Groups and values. 53 3.2.3.2. Phases of the debate and
values. 54 3 ,2. 3. 3. Groups, Phases, and
values. 55 3.2.3.4. Evolution and mutual
influence. 56 3.2.4. Representation of attitudes. 58
3.2.4.1. First Phase: Fig. 2; 59 3.2.4.2. Second Phase: Fig; 3. 61 3.2;4. 3. Third Phase: Fig. 4.· 65 3.2.4.4; Change in the attitudes
toward the Agr. Transf. 65
4. DISCUSSION.
4.1. First hypothesis.
4 .l . l. Attitudes and social groups. 68 4. l. 2. An example of the different
attitudes. 78 4.2. Second hypothesis.
4.2.'1. Evolution of the attitudes
through the debate, 81 4.2.1.l• First Phase. 83 4.2.1.2. Second Phase. 84 4.2;1.3. Third Phase. 86
4.2.2. Levels of social consciousness. 88 4.2.2.1. First Phase. 89 4 . .2 •. 2.2; Second Phase. 92 4.2.2.3. Third Phase. 96
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
Table of Contents, 3.
4.2.3. Attitude change through inconsistency.
4.2.4. After the debate.
S. CONCLUSION.
6.
5.1. A psychosocial interpretation of the
debate. 5.2, Sorne theoretical implications.
REFERENCES,
APPENDIX.
98
102
104 107
110
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
FIGURES AND TABLES ------- ------------- ------
Fig. 1 Map of El Salvador,
Table I Per capita income distribution for 1970
in El Salvador,
Table II Land distribution in El Salvador.
Table III Number of documents by group, kind,
and Phase •.
Table IV Spearman rank correlation coefficients
of value analysis.
Table V Historical evolution of the debate.
Table VI Relative frequency of values by groups and Phases,
Table VII Modif ication of the values through the debate,
Tab, VIII Spearman correlation coefficients
between the values expressed by
both groups.
Fig. 2 Attitudes in the First Phase,
Fig. 3 Attitudes in the Second Phase.
Fig, 4 Attitudes in the Third Phase;'
Table IX Order of value by relative frequency.
1
2
4
28
31
34
48
56
57
60
62
64
72
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
(1) I N T R O D U C T I O N = = = = = = = = = = =
1.1. HISTORICAL FACTS,
1.1.1. El Salvador,
El Salvador is a small Republic on the Pacific coast of
Central America, with an area of 8,259 square miles (cf, Fig.
1), and an esti.mated population of more than four million
people --the population at the end of 1974 was of 3,956,400
people (Ministerio de Planificación, 1976, p. 13). Its
already high population density and its high rate of population
increase, officially estimated at 3.06 (Ministerio de Planifi~
cación, 1976, p. 14), aggravate the existing social problems.
Fig. l
EL SALVADOR
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
2.
Ihe Salvadoran economic system is based on the production
and export of coffee, sugar cane, and cotton (cf, White, 1973).
During the sixties, the establishment of the Central American
Common Market stimulated the industrial development of the
country; however, this process of industrialization carne to
an abrupt end around 1967,
Ihe annual per capita income in El Salvador is U, S.' $
338.4 (Ministerio de Planificación, 1976, p. 33), but this
figure does not give an adequate picture of the economic
situation of most people, since there is a sharply skewed
distribution of the income; "The richest 10 % of the capital
city receives a greater income than the 90 % of the poorest,
A greater inequality can be seen in the fact that 1 % of those
1~ith the highest income in El Salvador received more income
than SO % of the poorest families" (Burke, 1976, p;' 478).
Ihis distribution can be observed in Table I.
TABLE I
PER CAPITA INCOME DISTRIBUTION FOR 1970 IN EL SALVADOR
Population % Per Cap, Inc. (in $ U,B.·)
Highest 5 % 1, 442 High 15 % 568 Middle 30 % 213 Lowest 50 % 81
Source: SIECA, 1973, Tb. II-3, p. 47.
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
3.
Other social indicators can help to fonn a better idea of
the Salvadoran situation. Thus, 51 % of the population over
15 years old was illiterate in 1971 (SIECA, 1972; CONAPLAN,
p. 42); 58.3 % of the "economically active" rural population
is currently unemployed (SIECA, 1973, p. 186, Tb. 21), and
there is an estimated deficit of about 330,000 houses (SIECA,
1973, p. 175, Tb, 12). Moreover, recent data shows that El
Salvador is the fifth worst fed country in the world, f act
acknowledged by President Malina in his address of September
15, 1976.
Since its independence from Spain in 1821, El Salvador
has been a parliamentary Republic, usually governed by members
of the few families that constitute the economic elite, and
who own most natural and industrial resources of the country,
But, after 1932, when a popular revolution broke out and was
unmercifully smashed in blood (cf, Anderson, 1971), the military
took charge of the political direction of the country and trans~
fonned the presidehtial election into a conventional public
confinnation of a choice already made inside the Anny ranks
(White, 1973),
1.1.2. The Project of Agrarian Transfonnation.
Traditionally and with a few exceptions, in El Salvador
the land did not belong to private individuals, but it was the
common property of Indian communities. Since 1856, however,
and especially after the liberal refonn of 1881-1882 which
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
4.
abolished the communities and the ejidos (common lands) in order
to favor the growing of coffee, a few owners began to accumulate
the best lands of the country (White, 1973), Today, while 1.9 %
of the owners possess 57,5 % of the land (usually, the best
land), 91. 4 % own 21. 9 % of the land, and 6 .7 % the remaining
20~6 % (see Table II),
TABLE II LAND DISTRIBUTION IN EL SALVADOR
FARMS
Hectare Number (thousands)
1 - 10 207,3
10 - 50 15, 2 50 - 200 3,3
200 - more 1,0
TOTAL 226,8
%
91.4 6.7 l. 5
0.4
100.0
AREA
Number (thousands)
346,2 326,0 313,2 596,0
1,581,4
%
21. 9 20.6 19 ,'8 37.7
100;0
Source: Dirección General de Estadística y Censos, 1966,'
The concentration of the national income and the economic
resources in the hands of a few families constitutes the great~
est hindrance for a social and economic development of El Sal-
vador. The evidence of this fact has become increasingle clear
and, under heavy socio~economic pressures, the Goverrunent has
come to acknowledge publicly the need for urgent reforms. This
new consciousness is at the origins of the projected Land
Reform.
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
5.
Thus, after his pre-arranged rise to the Presidency in 1972
(cf. Hernández~Pico ~al., 1972), Col. Arturo A. Molina pledged
in his inaugural presidential address a broad policy. of "National
Transformation" (Presidential Address, July 1, 1972; GOV, doc.
09,23b), Consequently, on June 29, 1975, the Legislative Assembly
issued a Decree creating the "Salvadoran Institute of Agrarian
Transformation" (ISTA), that would be the institutional instrument
for the projected land reform. And, on June 29, 1976, the same
Legislative Assembly decreed the "First Project of Agrarian
Transformation," which would be applied in a very productive
zone mostly owned by big landholders,
There were two most surprising characteristics of the Project:
a) It established the limits of land ownership in the zone of
the Project ata maximum of 35 ha. (Decreto de creación ••• ,
1976, Art. 3); b) It also determined the forms of expropriation
and indemnification to be used (Decreto, Art • 4-19), which
attributed to the ISTA a decisive power in case of conflicting
views,
The Project, however, was not a revolutionary one. The
Government intentionally named it Agrarian Transf ormation,
rejecting the more traditional name of Land Ref orm which, in
the official rhetoric, was linked with "socialist" or "communist"
forras of government. Its explicit goals aimed at the creation
of new private owners and at the reactivation of the national
economy through the creation of an internal market. It also
offered the present owners the opportunity to sell their lands
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
6 ..
at normal prices; in fact, the whole Project was presented as
an "insurance policy" far the future of capitalism in the country
and of the capitalists themselves,
The reaction of the landowners and, more generally, of the
whole private enterprise, was immediate, On July 9, ten days
after the Project had been approved by the Assembly and without
knowing its exact terms, the Nacional Association of the Private
Enterprise (ANEP), an organization which includes 30 Associations
representing all the private intereses in El Salvador, issued a
bitter Manifesto opposing the projected reform and accusing the
Government of leading the country into an economic chaos (ANEP,
doc. 07,09), The next day, on July 10, the Government issued a
no less bitter answer to this manifesto, in a statement published
by all local newspapers,
From that moment on, a public debate took place through the
mass media between the Government and ANEP, a debate which lasted
until mid October. Certainly, this debate constituted an unusual
political event in El Salvador because of the contenders involved
and because of its intensity, length, and bitterness •' Although
the basic ideological debate developed through the newspapers,
this was by no means the only battle f ield, nor perhaps the most
important, ANEP tried to apply all kinds of social, economic,
and political pressures on the Government; all these pressures
in one way or another were reflected in the written debate,
Perhaps the most relevant sociopolitical fact was the rise
and activities of the "Agropecuarian Front of the Oriental Region"
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
7.
(FARO), Though FARO :.:.which in Spanish means floodlight-:. at
the beginning only included sorne of the landowners affected by
the Project, it soon became a flag for most wealthy landholders
of the country, as well as for other persons involved in private
enterprises (in 4,2,·2.2 I will study the characteristics and
meaning of FARO), Since its public inception in mid August,
FARO showed open aggressiveness and a beligerant style, FARO's
manifestos abounded in personal attacks, veiled threats, distorted
imputations, and even obvious calumnies. This overheated style
characterized the three meetings that FARO held in diff erent
places of the country, which brought together the so-called
"living forces" of the private enterprise. The meetings were
highly publicized and, unquestionably, represented a formidable
political weapon against the governmental project.
After three long months of conflict and public debate, on
October 19, 1976, the Legislative Assembly approved substantial
amendments to the First Project of Agrarian Transf ormation which
effected its practical annulment.- Once more, the Government
yielded to the demands of the economic elite.
1.2. INTERPRETATIONS OF THE CONFLICT,
Few interpretations of the conflict have been offered,
partially due to the lack of skilled analysts in the country,
but also partially due to the dangerous witch-hunt that f ollowed
the conclusion of the conflict. Most of the known interpretations
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
B.
have been published in a special issue of Estudios Centro Ameri
canos (ECA), journal of the Central American University in San
Salvador. It is to be noted that this University publicly
issued an early statement, conditionally supporting the Agrarian
Transf ormation ~~a statement which angered ANEP-FARO and which
was f ollowed by the criminal detonation of several bombs in the
buildings of the University. Certainly, not everything was
ideological debate in the conflict.
The interpretations agree in seeing the conflict as an
instance of the class struggle in El Salvador (cf, ~ .§.1!§. órdenes,
1976; Estado y Sociedad, 1977; Menjívar & Ruiz, 1976; Zamora,
1976), Sorne analysts see in the projected Agrarian Transformation
a measure that, somehow, represented the objective interests of
the oppressed class, "It is against this kind of State which
was beginning to issue sorne measures in behalf of the most
oppressed -~structural, not paternalistic, measures~~ that the
struggle of the bourgeois class was directed,,,, They were not
fighting against a quantitative measure, but against a qualitative
one" (~ .§.1!§. Órdenes, 1976, p. 639).
Other analysts (Estado y Sociedad, 1977; Zamora, 1976)
deny this possible link between the governmental actions and
the oppressed class, and explain the conflict as a direct con~
frontation between two factions of the ruling class, the object
of this struggle being the hegemonic power, "The ideological
fight was intended to overcome a hegemonic crisis among the
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
9.
groups of the dominant class" (Estado .x: sociedad, 1977, p. 19;
cf. also Zamora, 1976; Marx, 1972),
1.3. THE PSYCHOSOCIAL PERSPECTIVE,
These interpretations are of a sociopolitical nature and,
although they presuppose the role of psychological factors, they
do not specify or analyze this influence. It is not our intent
to reduce the conflict to psychological terms ~-a kind of psycho
logical reductionism which only serves to hinder the socio
historical dimensions of a political conflict. It is, however,
our contention that psychological analysis can contribute to a
better explanation of the conflict and its characteristics, Ours
is, therefore, an inclusive, not an exclusive, analysis.
There are several points of the conflict that psychology
can help to understand. One of them is the psychodynamics of
the groups involved, By group psychodynamics we do not necessarily
mean the restricted sense given to this label in "popularized"
psychology, and which seems to apply only to small groups. In
a broad sense, by group psychodynamics we mean the particular
motivations, perceptions, emotions, and actions generated by the
interaction of individuals and groups in the context of a
particular historical situation. We assume that human inter
action generates a new psychosocial field and that the individuals'
activity can only be understood in reference to this new social
field (cf, Moscovici, 1972),
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
10.
This social field might be psychologically understood as
the configuration of new group attitudes, attitudes that acquire
reality in every individual member, but that are of a psycho~
social nature, Consequently, any action expressing these new
attitudes has an ideological character, that is, not only ex~
presses the individual's motivations, but also the interests
and values of the group, Attitudes are, therefore, conceived
as a mediating variable between group interests and individual
motivation, between the social consciousness of a group and
individual perception and cognition, between group structure
and individual action.
Cognitions are basic elements of any attitude, How an
object is perceived and understood, what meaning it has for a
particular person or group, is a crucial factor in arder to
understand the activity of that person or group. In our case,
"the presence or absence of conflict is never rigidly determined
by the objective state of affairs" (Deutsch, 1972, p. 124),
although the objective situation can be a conflict situation.•
The problem is how and when the objective conflict becomes also
a subjective one, "Hence, it is important in charactering any
conflict to depict the objective state of affairs, the state
of affairs as perceived by the conflicting parties, and the
interdependence between the objective and perceived realities"
(Deutsch, 1972, p. 123),
Affect is the other basic element of any attitude, Affects
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
11.
are understood here as the emotional feelings that accompany
any knowlege -~feelings of like or dislike, attraction or
repulsion.toward an object, Individuals experience the
evaluation of the world by means of their affects, How a
perceived or known object will be valued, depends on the part~
icular frame of reference of every individual or group, Affect
and cognition are not independent, but dependent, psychological
processes, and it is their organization toward different objects
that we call attitude (see next section),
A psychosocial study of the group attitudes can lead us
to a better understanding of the group dynamics ~~the motivation~
al and cognitive processes underlying group activity. What were
the motives, values, and cognitions ~~according to the unit of
analysis adopted~~ of both Government and ANEP~FARO during the
conflict over the Agrarian Transformation? How did both groups
perceive this Project? To what values did they relate it?
These questions can be answered by studying the attitudes of
both groups toward the Project, insofar as these attitudes
constituted the new psychosocial field in which the group
actions were rooted, As Deutsch says (1972, p. 124), "the
psychological processes of perceiving and valuing are involved
in turning objective conditions into experienced conflict."
On the other hand, it is clear that the public debate
between the Government and ANEP-FARO explicitly intended a
mutual modification of their attitudes -~or, at least, a modi~
fication of their concrete actions, Arguments went back and
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
12.
forth trying to convince the opponent about the irrationality
of his attitude and behavior. To what extent was this argument
ation effective7 In what measure did the debate induce a
modification of the contenders' attitudes7 In other words, in
what measure can we speak of attitude change due to the public
debate? This is a very important question with which we will
be dealing in this work.
A caution seems necessary. We are assuming that the debate
intended a modification of the contenders' attitudes, Now, the
verification of an attitude change would not necessarily have
to be interpreted as the direct consequence of the debate. As
we have already noted, many other activities took place, many
pressures were applied on both sides beside the public debate,
perhaps more effective than the debate itself. It is our
assumption, however, that the debate and the other pressures
do not constitute alternative explanations of attitude change,
We assume that the debate ideologically reveals the group
processes and, consequently, in one way or another expresses
the psychosocial attitudes of both groups throughout the
conflict -~and this expression includes the presence of any
kind of pressure applied to the groups•
1.4. IHEORETICAL BACKGROUND.
Sorne theoretical ideas have already been exposed in the
preceding paragraphs. In this section, I will try to present
more explicitly the basic theoretical assumptions in which the
present work is based.
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
13.
1.4.1. Social conflict,
Following the analysis of many contemporary Latin American
social scientists (cf,, for instance, Dos Santos, 1968; Gunder
Frank, 1971, 1972; Jaguaribe, 1970; Ribeiro, 1971), I assume
that the bese model f or understanding the social structure of
Latin American countries is the dialectic;..historic model;· This
model explains how, through a historical process of internacional
dependence, Latin American countries have been shaped and
organized to serve the needs of external "metropolises," The
basic mode of production determines an essential link between
the internal organization of the country and a state of dependence
with respect to foreign countries. At Che same time, this mode
of production determines the social relations between individuals
(cf, Marx, 1971).
The capitalist mode of production dominant in most Latin
American countries divides men into two different social groups,
according to their relation toward the means of production:
those who own Che means of production, and those who only have
their bodies to sell in the work market, Both social groups
or classes have irreconciliable objective intereses, and their
existence in the same historical society constitutes a situation
of objective social conflict.
From Chis perspective, it is important to underline the
objective character of the social conflict, Most psychologists,
in dealing with social problems, tend to assume more or less
explicitly that conflict is a dysfunction inside a stable system
or a deviation from a normative organization, and not an essential
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
14.
characteristic of present societies (cf, also Coser, 1956),
Moreover, they tend to assume as true the assertion of the
UNESCO charter that "wars begin in the minds of men," There
fore, they hypothesize that social perception plays the decisive
role in the origin of social conflicts (cf. Stagner, 1963).
Without denying the important role played by psychological factors
in social conflicts ~-as I noted in the preceding section~- it is
my contention that the objective situation of social conflict is
prior to its psychological elaboration and, consequently, that
even the role of the perception in the conflict cannot be
adequately understood unless it is related to a historical social
context.
However, the historical evolution of Latin American countries
has made possible the simultaneous coexistence in them of dif
ferent modes of production: beside technologically advanced
factories one still finds very pri.mitive artisan mills or
medieval forms of land use, Therefore, several social classes
actually exist, which somehow overlap the two basic classes
corresponding to the dominant mode of production (Ribeiro, 1971;
Jerez, 1977).
From the individual's perspective, two aspects of social
class must be distinguished, On the one side, there is the
objective fact of class membership: an"'\ individual belongs to
one class or another, and this membership is determined by his
situation in the productive system. This objective membership
produces what Lukács (1971) calls "class psychology," that is,
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
15;
the psychological characteristics corresponding to the values,
customs, and forms of education of a particular social class,
On the other side, there is the subjective fact of class cons
ciousness, that is, the awareness of a particular individual
about his class membership as well as about the objective
interests of his own class. lb.ere are innumerable possible
levels of class consciousness, from a complete lack of awareness
about the objective interests of one's own social class to a
complete awareness and personal identification with those
interests,
Different levels of class consciousness help to explain
the psychosocial existence of many groups overlapping diff erent
social classes. In every society we can expect to find not
only different objective social classes, but also different
groups formed across classes, partially due to different levels
of social consciousness,
1.4.2. Attitudes.
lb.ese two concepts, social class and social consciousness,
are necessary to fully tm.derstand the conceptualization of
attitudes that I use in this work,
From a formal perspective and following Rosenberg (1960a;
1960b; 1962; 1965; 1968), I conceive an attitude as a radial
structure of cognitions and affects toward an object or class
of objects.
On the other hand, from a socio-genetic perspective, I
conceive attitudes as the psychological structuring of the
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
individual's ideology (Martín-Baró, 1972). This statement
implies that:
16.
a) Individual attitudes are rooted in the social groups to
which the individual belongs;
b) Attitutdes fulfil adaptational, economic, expressive,
and defensive functions (McGuire, 1969) which are
individually as well as socially meaningful;
c) Ideology is not only an organized system of beliefs
about man and society, but also a psychological structure
through which men experience their life.
This conceptualization intends to translate into psycho
logical terms Althusser's concept of ideology (1968, principally
pp. 181-194). Therefore, ideology is not here understood as a
superstructure of cognitive character, but as a "structural
system through which and in which the individual reaches the
reality ~-perception, cognition, understandign~- and interacts
with reality ~~action" (Martín~Baró, 1976, p. 10). As Porshnev
(1970, p. 16) puts it "ideology acquires social strength
-incitement or inhibition-~ solely through psychology; a
change in ideology, as any other process, is brought about
through psychology and is conditioned psychologically."
Thus conceived, attitudes are the basic constructs to
explain the insertion of individuals into social groups, as
well as the social character of individuals. The affective~
cognitive model assumes that stable attitudes possess an
internal consistency, that is, that there is a "relationship of
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
17.
consistency between a comparatively stable affective or evaluative
orientation toward sorne object and the person's beliefs abou~~that
object is related to other objects of affective significance"
(Rosenberg, 1968, P• 74), But, according to our conceptualization
of attitudes, we also have to postulate an external consistency
between the individual's attitude system and the interests or
values of his social group or class, This is not, of course, a
simple or one~to-one relationship; the members of a social class
do not necessarily have the same set of attitudes. But, insofar
as they become more conscious about their social membership and
the interests of their own social class, their basic attitudes
tend to conform more and more with those objective interests.
Social consciousness is, thus, the intervening variable between
class membership and class attitudes. There is an objective
external inconsistency whenever the attitudes of an individual
do not correspond to the interests of his class; but this
inconsistency only becomes subjectively operative by means of
social consciousness, External consistency has been studied
from another perspective as the relationship between individuals
and "reference groups" (cf. Kelley, 1968; Newcomb, 1968; Siegel
& Siegel, 1968),
Kelley (1968) believes that a distinction must be drawn
between groups serving a normative function for the individual,
that is, setting his behavior standards, and groups serving a
comparative function for the individual, that is "serving -ª.§.
or being a standard or comparison point against which the person
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
18.
can evaluate himself and others" (p. 213), In any case, as
Newcomb (1968, p, 224) points out, attitudes are not acquired
in a social vacuum, but "their acquisition is a function of
relating oneself to sorne group or groups, positively or nega
tively." Our assumption is that whether the reference group
for an individual is his own social class or other class or
group will depend upon his social consciousness,
Freire (1970, pp. 27-56) has analyzed the basic attitudes
that characterize the members of the two classes corresponding
to the dominant mode of production in Latin American countries:
the attitudes of the oppressor and the attitudes of the oppressed;
It has to be noted that this analysis presents almost "pure"
characteristics corresponding to "pure" classes, and that the
analysis is of a dialectical nature, that is, that both sets of
attitudinal traits are mutually shaping.
The oppressor initiates a situation of violence and perceives
the whole world from the vantage point of dominance; everything
is "connaturally" due to him and, therefore, he finds it logical
to impose upon the society his interests, his values, and his
opinions. In order to maintain this situation, the oppressor
mythifies the reality and, under ideal values of "freedom,"
"peace," and "order" rationalizes a situation of human dependence
and structural injustice. For the oppressor, to be a human
person means to be like him and, therefore, anything against
him is also against "human nature," For him, not to oppress
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
19.
is to be oppressed. Finally, the oppressor has a possesive
attitude toward the world: to "become" is to possess more and
more things and, upan his contact, everything and everybody
becomes a reified object of possession.
The oppressed, on the other hand, confronts the world from
a perspective of submission that makes him perceive reality in
a fatalistic way: everything is somehow predetermined and he
cannot alter the course of events. The world of the oppressed
is a closed world, a world without history, This fatalism is
the counterpart of the oppressor's mythification of reality,
Besides, the oppressed has what Freire calls an "existential
duality," that is, he has introjected as ideal the image of the
oppressor who becomes his identification model, Confronted
with this idealization of the oppressor, the oppressed experiences
himself as devoid of value; This self~depreciation leads him
to search for his realization through a relationship of sub
mission. If for the oppressor "becoming a person" is to possess
objects, for the oppressed "becoming" is to be possessed.
As we said befare, this attitudinal characterization
corresponds to "pure" social classes, ideal types which actually
do not exist. But it is a valuable model to understand the
consistent relationship between individual attitudes and social
classes, Let us note, by the way, that while the oppressor's
attitudes denote a high level of social consciousness, those of
the oppressed imply an almost complete lack of it.
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
20.
1.4.3. Attitude change.
According to Rosenberg (1968, p. 75), attitude change is
basically due "to a sort of homeostatic process in which the
production of affective-cognitive inconsistency arouses further
symbolic activity leading toward restoration of inner consis
tency," Ihere are, consequently, two possible sequences of
attitude change: one originating in the modification of cognitive
responses, the other originating in the modification of affective
responses, "Ihese two sequences are assumed to operate (1) only
when the degree of affective~cognitive inconsistency exceeds the
individual's present tolerance for such inconsistency; and (2)
only when the original alteration of either the affective or
cognitive component has been sufficiently compelling, and is
strongly enough maintained, to be irreversible" (p, 78), In~
consistency and attitude change are dependent upon other
variables like the hedonic instrumentality of a particular
attitude, its general or personal character, its positive or
negative valence, all of which affect the "threshold of intolerance
for inconsistency," Whether an attitude is more likely to change
or not, will partially depend on this threshold.
It seems consistent with this model to assume that the
threshold of intolerance is closely related to social conscious~
ness, Ihe less conscious an individual about his class, the
more inconsistency he will be able to tolerate between his
attitudes and his class interests. Ihis is not only an objective
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
21.
inconsistency, but also a subjective one, insofar as class
consciousness dete:rntines the presence in the cognitive system
of values and beliefs corresponding to the situation of one's
own social class,
1.5. HYPOTHESES,
In this work, I i.ntend to analyze the attitudes of the
groups i.nvolved in the conflict about the Agrarian Transfor
mation in El Salvador, as well as the possible attitude change
that took place through the public debate and that led to the
resolution of the conflict,
1.5.1. First hypothesis.
The basic attitude toward ~ Agrarian Transfo:rntation of
~ conflicti.ng groups .!:!S§. similar• 1!:!i§. similitude shows
!hfil;; both groups belonged .tQ the ~ social class,
The concept of attitude has already been defi.ned in the
preceding section. By basic attitude I mean the constellation
of the values most related to the object of an attitude and
their valence; In other words, with basic attitude I ref er to
the frame of ref erence, the value context in which a particular
object is placed, This is a wholistic conception, that assumes
that the meaning of an object "basically" depends on the context
in which it is placed.
Si.nce there was an open conflict, we can presuppose that
the direct evaluation of the Agrarian Transf o:rntation was diff erent
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
22.
for the conflicting groups. Ille problem is whether this
evaluation was made in relation to the same or to different
values, and how the object "Agrarian Transformation" was ins
trumentally related to them.
If we find that both groups argued from the same values,
from the same evaluative frame of reference, we will conclude
that both groups belonged to the same social class. But, if
one or severa! of these reference values are different, we will
have to reject our hypothesis and accept that both groups most
probably belonged to different social classes.
1.5.2, Second hypothesis.
Psychologically, the public debate aimed at s greater
consistencv in ~ attitudes .Qf the groups; this
consistency would produce their final agreement,
Illis second-hypothesis can be divided into two subhypotheses:
a. Ille debate tried .fQ increase the class consciousness
of the participants about their common interests,
b, Resolution of the debate :!:!ª2. reached through s process
of inconsistency raising.
All the terms have already been explained in the preceding
section. Ille goal of this hypothesis is to see first whether
there was any perceptible change in the contenders' attitudes
through the debate and, second, how this change ~-if any~- was
produced, I am hypothesizing that there was a significant change
and that this change was induced by a process of inconsistency
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
23.
raising through the debate. I am further hypothesizing that
this inconsistency was raised by an appeal to the conunon social
interests of both groups and that the resolution of the conflict
was reached when both groups became conscious of those conunon
social interests,
It seems to me important to state once more that this hy
pothes is does not deny, but rather presupposse, the existence
of forces other than the ideological enes directly used in the
public debate, Illese forces are assumed to be reflected, in
one way ar another, in the ongoing argumentation as well as in
the verifiable emphasis on different values, ar in more ar less
direct allusions --dangers, threats, events.
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
24.
(2) M E T H O D O L O G Y = = = = = = = = =
The particular circumstances of the events under study
li.mited the possibilities for different methodological approaches,
This was clearly a case where the variables could not be mani
pulated and where the social relevance of the problem seemed to
require unobtrusive methods. Li.mitations in ti.me, space, and
money made impossible a direct access to the subjects of the
debate.
On the other hand, the conflict presented three interesting
characteristics:
a) Its beginning and end could be accurately defined by
the dates of the Legislative approbation and subsequent
amendment of the First Project of Agrarian Transf ormation;
b) The public debate that took place through the news~
papers offered a unique set of documents, which reflected
the whole process of the conflict;
c) The conflict was centered upon a single object: the
Project of Agrarian Transf ormation.
The limitations and possibilities directed me toward a
methodology of archival analysis and, therefore, I decided to
apply a content analysis.
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
25,
2.1. CONTENT ANALYSIS,
Berelson (1954, p. 489) defined content analysis as "a
research technique for the objective, systematic, and quant
itative description of the manifest content of communication,"
This definition seems too restrictive to many contemporaneous
authors, who believe that content analysis should also be
applied qualitatively even to latent contents, As A, L.
George says (1959, p. 7), "qualitative analysis of a li..mited
number of crucial communications may often yield better clues
to the particular intentions of a particular speaker at one
moment in ti.me than more standardized quantitative methods,"
I think that both approaches ~~quantitative and qualitative~~
are not exclusive, and that both can fruitfully complement one
another, As Pool says (1959, p. 192, footnote), "it should
not be assumed that qualitative methods are insightful, and
quantitative ones merely mechanical methods for checking
hypotheses, The relationship is a circular one; each provides
new insights on which the other can feed,' New insights about
a text gained by a quantitative content analysis, once discovered,
become obvious and can be used in further intuitive examination
of the text,"
Today, content analysis is being revaluated as a useful
tool for social psychology. Sorne years ago, it was widely
used by well-known socio-political analysts, like H. D. Lasswell
and N. Leites (cf. Lasswell & Leites, 1949), The studies of
Berelson (1952; 1954) and White (1951) helped to systematize
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
26.
this technique, pointing out its possibilities and its weak
nesses,
TIJ.e primary focus of these authors was the study of pro
pagandistic material, and content analysis was used during
several international conflicts, Osgood and collaborators
(1958; 1959) applied content analysis to the study of attitudes;
their "semantic differential scale" has become very popular
among social psychologists. But it is perhaps the movement
under the lead of Ithiel de Sola Pool (1959; 1970) that is
making possible the present revaluation of content analysis as
a useful method for social psychology, His analysis of political
symbols (1970), for instance, has direct relevance for the
present study,
I intend to use content analysis not only as a represent~
ational model, but also as an instrumental one. Representational
"means that the important point about the communication is what
is revealed by the content of the lexical iteras present in it;
that is, something in the words of the message may have indi~
catorial validity regardless of circumstances." Instrumental
signifies that "the important point is not what the message
says on the face of it but what it conveys, given its context and
circumstances" (pool, 1959, p, 3), If "almost any communication
has both representational and instrumental aspects" (Pool, 1959,
p, 209), this fact appears especially true in the Salvadoran
conflict, TIJ.e specific words and values were certainly important,
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
27;
but the particular historical circumstances provided them with
new meanings and implications.
2,2, THE DOCUMENTS,
Document has been understood here in a very bread sense,
as any kind of written publication issued by either one of the
two groups under its name, This last requisite ~-the official
endorsement of the statement by any of the belligerent groups-~
excluded from my analysis a huge variety of documents signed
by other groups or institutions, by particular subgroups or
factions of the contenders' groups, and by front associations
--names of non~existent associations used as cover-ups to
express support, attack, or threats in an "unofficial" way.
The exclusion of these documents represents a handicap for the
analysis, depriving it of very interesting aspects of the
debate; but, in sorne instances, there is no way to preve the
link between these documents and the debating groups; in other
instances --as is the case with the documents of the particular
associations included in ANEP-- their opinions and attitudes
are already inserted in the official documents.
The documents were obtained from the f our principal news~
papers published in San Salvador, the capital city of El Sal~
vador: El Diario de Hoy, La Prensa Gráfica, El Mundo, and
Diario Latino. Whenever the same document appeared the same
day in severa! of these papers, it was considered as a single
document.
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
28.
Three kinds of documents can be distinguished: a) Maní~
festos and transcriptions of official speeches; b) Theoretical
analyses; e) Invitations and reports. The total number of
documents issued during the debate was 77: 26 issued by the
Government, and 51 by ANEP~FARO (cf, Table III).
GROUP
GOVERNMENT
TABLE III
NUMBER GROUP,
OF DOCUMENTS BY KIND, AND PHASE
Kind of PHASE document lrst, 2nd,
Manifestos 3 1 Analyses 3 8 Invit,/Reports o 2
Subtotal 6 11
3rd, Total
2 6 o 11 7 9
9 26 ------------- --------------ANEP~FARO Manifestos 2 7 1 10
Analyses 2 6 9 17 Invit. /Reports o 14 10 24
Subtotal 4 27 20 51 --------------------------TOTAL 10 38 29 77
2,3, CODIFICATION SYSTEM
For this work, I have taken the statements as units of
analysis, A statement is any meaningful phrase or paragraph,
that is, any written unit that has sense in itself, Every
unit has been analyzed to see whether it explicitly states
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
29.
or clearly i.mplies one or several values (White, 1951, p, 2),
The values have been subsequently codified and then tabulated.
In this way, I obtained the frequency tables of the stated
values for every single document and for all of them,
A value is here understood as any idea, f act, or reality
considered as good, desirable, and attractive, or, respectively,
bad, undesirable, and unattractive, 1he codification of values,
therefore, i.mplied their qualification as positive or negative
-~as values or antivalues, Sorne statements also implied an
ambivalence toward certain values, and this ambivalence was
codified with both positive and negative signs.
Finally, the values were instrumentally related to the
central object of the study, the Agrarian Transfo:anation. Three
types of relationships were considered: positive, negative, and
ambivalent. The absence of relationship between the values and
the central object was also considered, pri.marily in connection
with the evolution of the attitudes through the debate,
In order to check the reliability of my analysis, I sub
mitted a sample of the documents (15 %) to three judges, ignorant
of the hypotheses to be tested, Each of them was given a written
set of rules for the analysis and was briefly instructed in the
practice, 1he results of their analyses were compared with my
analysis of the same documents by means of a Kendall's coefficient
of concordance test (Kendall, 1948), According to Siegel (1956),
this test is particularly useful to verify the level of agreement
among different judges and, therefore, the reliability of a
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
30,
particular analysis. The formula for Kendall's coefficient of
concordance is (Hays, 1973, p. 802):
12 [ T~ ,; J 3 ~N + 1)
N - 1 W = m2 N (Nz - 1)
Where Tf Totals of rank columns
m: Number of judges;
N: Number of individuals
(j);
(here, codified values).
Since there were two conflicting groups in the debate, I
separated the analysis of the documents corresponding to each
group, and obtained different coefficients of concordance. The
resul ts are:
wgov = ,808
w = .839 anep
p < .01
p < .01
The probability of obtaining these coefficients of concor~
dance is less than .01 (cf, Siegel, 1956, Table R of Appendix),
These results do not necessarily mean that my analysis is
objective, since, in principle, all three judges might also be
biased. Nevertheless, they increase the reliability of the
codification system and support the contention that the analysis
really expresses the values manifested by both debating groups.
It also must be noted that the analysis of concordance has
not been made statement by statement, but for the total frequencies
obtained from the documents analyzed, Therefore, a perfect
concordance between two judges does not mean that they have
codified each and every statement in the same way, but that
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
31.
they have obtained the same frequency ranks in the value codi~
fication of the documents.
I also compared the frequencies of each particular judge
with my own by means of a Spearman's rank correlation coefficient
test (cf. Siegel, 1956), The formula is (Hays, 1973, p. 789):
6 e~ ni) N (Nz - 1)
Where D.: Difference between ranks l.
associated with the
particular individual i;
N Number of individuals
(here, codified values).
Table IV presents the results obtained correlating my
analysis with those of each judge for both groups, Govenunent
and ANEP~FARO,
TABLE IV
SPEARMAN RANK CORRELATION COEFFICIENTS OF VALUE ANALYSIS
Docum. JUDGES group 1 2 3
GOV, .75 1.00 .75 IMB ANEP .86 .79 ,86
All these results are significant at an alpha level of ,OS
(cf, Siegel, 1956, Table P of Appendix). But here also apply
the same cautions mentioned before with respect to Kendall's
coefficient of concordance.
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
32,
As for the frequencies obtained in the total analysis, they
were submitted to a computarized log-linear analysis of nominal
or ordinal qualitative data by the method of maximum likelihood,
"Multiqual" (cf._ Bock, 1975; Bock & Yates, 1973) to check the
influence of groups and phases on the expressed values. lhe
results of these analyses are given in the next section,
Finally, in order to obtain a visual representation of the
attitudes of both groups with respect to the object "Agrarian
Transformation" a graphic design was drawn following Rosenberg's
terms (1968), relating the central object to its frame of values,
and showing their respective instrumental relationships.
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
33,
( 3) DESCRIPTIVE ANALYSIS =========== ========
3.1. CHRONOLOGY Q[ THE DEBATE.
In the Introduction, I presented a broad perspective of
the sociohistorical context in which the conflict on the First
Project of Agrarian Transf onnation took place, as well as a
brief account of its development. It is important to keep
this historical context in mind, because the particular events
that constituted the conflict acquire full meaning only in
relation to it .-
As was stated in the preceding section, seventy seven
documents composed the public debate, The debate was only one
aspect, although a central one, of the conflict; but the
documents are also particular links of a whole chain and, there-
fore, they must be placed in a temporal process --the historical
evolution of the debate.
Table V presents that process, differentiating the
documents of both groups in a temporal succession in arder to
make clear their relation and, perhaps, their mutual influence.
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
TABLE V
HISTORICAL EVOLUTION OF THE DEBATE
FIRST PHASE
07,07 Presidential Address, 07, 09 Manifesto ANEP.~,
07.10 Official Decree1 First Project
07 .14
07 .16 07 .1 7
of Agrarian Transfo:rmation Presidential Address in Ahuachapán, Goverrunent answers ANEP,
Goverrunent answers ANEP,
Government answers ANEP, Government to Salvadoran people,•
07, 13
07.15
07 .19
SECOND PHASE 08,09 08 .12
08,27 Gov, is technically prepared, Instruments far the AT.
08,20 08,23
08,26
ANEP answers Goverrunent,
ANEP answers Goverrunent;
This is ANEP,
Manifestos Associations ANEP,
ANEP: Nobody can deny these facts, ANEP: Goverrunental ineff iciency
on land administration, Invitation meeting FARO>~. ANEP: What is the social benefit
of the AD~7 FARO: We will not sell our land,
( •• 1 •• )
* ANEP: National Association of the Private Enterprise, FARO: Agropecuarian Front of the Oriental Region, AT: Agrarian Transf o:rmation,
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
TABLE V (continued)
•• 1 '
08.30 AT is constitutional (I), 08,31 Invitation meeting FARO, 09.01 ANEP is ready to help,
Invitation meeting FARO, 09,02 AT is constitutional (II), 09,02 Invitation meeting FARO, 09,03 AT is constitutional (III), 09,03 Invitation meeting FARO,·
First meeting FARO, 09,06 Resolutions meeting FARO,
FARO: This is the "small group"
(IV), that opposes the AT,
09,07 AT is constitutional 09,07 ANEP: This is the "small group",,, FARO: This is the "small group",,,
09,08 Resolutions FARO, 09.09 ANEP: Land Reform failed in Guate-
mala (I), ANEP: If a decision of a few is
harmful to us all;·,, it is a bad decision,
Invitation meeting FARO,· 09 .10 ANEP: Land Reform failed,,, (II), 09;11 ANEP1 Land Reform failed,,, (III),
09.13 AT is constitutional (V), Second meeting FARO,
09.13 FARO demands dialogue with Gov. ANEP1 FARO demands dialogue,,,
09.14 AT is constitutional (VI), 09 .14 ANEP: FARO demands dialogue, , , ANEP: If a decision,,.
09 .16 Presidential Address, 09.16 ANEP1 If a decision,., People have to know the truth,
09.17 People have to know the truth, 09,17 ANEP: Mani.festo, ANEP1 If a decision,,,
w ( o • • • • )
U1 .
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
• 1 • o
09,21
09.22
09,23
09,24
TABLE V (continued)
THIRD
Presidential Address 1975: AT is electoral program,
People have to know the truth.'
People have to know the truth, Presidential Address 1972. People have to know the truth,
PHASE
09,20 09,21
09,22
09.23
09,24
ANEP1 ANEP: FAR01
ANEP: FAR01 FARO: ANEP1
Legal study (I), Legal study (II), Machiavellian advice to Pres,' Melina, Legal study (III). Manifesto. There is no Minist, of Agric, Legal study (IV),
Invitation meeting FARO, FARO: You are alone, Mr, Pres, ANEP: Legal study (V), ANEP: Other legal studies,
09,27 People have to know the truth, 09. 25
09,28 09.29 09 ,.30 10.01 10.02
09,29 09,30
People have to know the truth, People have to know the truth,
10.04 10.05 10,06
Invitation meeting FARO, Invitation meeting FARO, Invitation meeting FARO, · ANEP: Invitation meeting FARO, Multiple invitations meeting FARO. ANEP: Invitation meeting FARO,
Third meeting FARO, Popular response to FARO's call, Popular response to FARO's call, FAR01 Thanks to nationalistic
people,
10.08 10 .19
Resolution: Committee Gov,-ANEP/FARO; Amendments to AT Project,
10.25 ANEP1 Period of national recovery, 11.29 FARO is democratic and apolitical. w
°'
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
37.
The debate has been divided into three phases, This division
is not arbitrary; rather it shows the existence of critical
turning points in the debate. The documents of each of the
three phases for both groups manifest different value emphases,
thus allowing an analysis of the possible evolution of the
attitudes, This different value emphasis is cognitive in sorne
instances, affective in others. In the following description
I will try to make explicit those tUI:ning points as well as the
different emphases given to the values by both continding groups.
3,1.1. First Phase.
Ten documents constitute the First Phase of the debate,
four issued by the Government, six by ANEP, I have excluded
from this consideration the Official Decree, since it was the
formal object of the debate. This Phase lasted from July 7 un
til July 19, and it was the shortest of the debate,
It began with the publication of a Presidential Address
held on July 1 of 1976, and it was followed by a quick succession
of replies and rejoinders, All the cognitive elements or values
that characterize the attitudes of both groups through the
debate are already present in this Phase, However, the same
cannot be said of the affective elements, Certainly, the
emotional tone of this First Phase of the debate is high, but
it seems still "under control." In fact, only one veiled threat
appears during this Phase ~-the threat by ANEP of stopping any
kind of investments in the country if the Agrarian Transformation
were to take place (ANEP, doc. 07.13).
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
38.
ANEP addresses its manifestos directly to the Government,
while the Government tries to address ANEP as a small segment
of the Salvadoran people, The general feeling is that the
Project took ANEP by surprise and f ound it unprepared f or the
debate, Therefore, while the Government offered a wide variety
of data and arguments in favor of the Agrarian Transformation,
ANEP reduced itself to a stubborn opposition based on simple
and reiterated principles,
This lack of progress in the intellectual debate, added to
an increasingly emotional tone, led the Government to stop the
argument with a final issue addressed to the "Salvadoran people;"
"It is no longer possible to waste time on an unfruitful argument,
since the mind of the discrepant group is subjected to the same
forras of the anachronistic social and economic structures which
have been at work in this country" (GOV, doc. 07.17).
The governmental silence !asted more than forty days.
ANEP, after a final propagandistic statement about its popular
representativeness, also remained silent for about twenty days
-~apparently, preparing a new and tougher propagandistic campaign.
But, in the meantime, most Associations included in ANEP publicly
issued their own manifestos, basically repeating the same
principles already presented by ANEP and supporting its stance;
Other real and front groups also took part in the public debate.,
increasingly raising the emotional level of the argument. But
this aspect of the debate, although important, falls out of
our present analysis,
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
39.
3.1.2. Second Phase.
1he Second Phase of the debate lasts from August 9 till
September 17, and it includes thirty eight documents, eleven
issued by the Government, twenty seven by ANEP-FARO. 1hese
data already show that ANEP not only begins to take the initiative
of the debate but also to intensify its campaign.
In fact, this Second Phase begins with a very well designed
propagandistic document establishing an appealing comparison
between the governmental inefficiency and the efficiency of
the private enterprise. 1he document clearly states the
governmental lack of technical capacity and even insinuates
its lack of administrative honesty. 1his kind of attack on
the Government had a political tone, intentionally absent until
now from ANEP' s documents ,· But from this moment on, all the
argument became political or politicized,
It took almost two weeks f or the Government to break its
decision of remaining silent in order to answer this attack,
Its reply was twof old: on the one side, it asserted its
technical capacity and, in veiled terms, its administrative
honesty too; on the other side, it issued a series of documents
trying to preve from different perspectives that the Agrarian
Transformation was not only in accord with the Constitution of
the Republic, but it was even required by it in order to accomplish
its expressed intention. With this reply, the Government clearly
showed the impact of the.political attack on its policies,
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
40.
In the meanwhile, the most relevant event of this Second
Phase had already taken place: the public rise of FARO ;..;..the
Agropecuarian Front of the Oriental Region; Although the
formation of FARO had already been made public by the daily
news, its official presence in the debate begins with an
aggressive invitation to a meeting "in order to unify criteria
and the actions to be taken against the impending danger of
being despoiled of our lands" (FARO, doc. 08,20), All FARO
documents are extremely belligerent and offensive. But a more
important characteristic is that they explicitly link the
debate with external activities, principally meetings; These
activities were political in character; however, FARO explicitly
and persistently denies in its documents any kind of political
involvement.
The Second Phase is much more affective that the First, l
at least with respect to ANEP;..FARO documents; These documents
become more and more filled with adjectives of high emotional
connotations as well as with personal allusions. While the
Government keeps its tactic of addressing ANEP;..FARO as a small
segment of the Salvadoran population, ANEP-FARO start addressing
the Government less directly and "the living forces of the
country" more directly, Actually, the "living forces" were
sorne of those involved in one way or another with private
enterprises _;..agricultural, industrial, managerial, or others•·
The invitations to FARO meetings, which from this moment on
will become more and more frequent, are never simple convocations,
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
but explicit calls to a "national unity" and to "the fight
against cormmmism."
41.
At the same time, the publication of all kind of manifestos,
notes, public letters, and cartoons by front associations plagued
the daily newspapers, It has been calculated (Stein, 1976,
p. 552) that, during this Phase of the debate, ANEP spent at
least an average of 13,000 dollars a week just for newspapers'
propaganda ~-which is a high sum by any standard, but more in a
poor country like El Salvador.
If ANEP started this new Phase of the debate, ANEP itself
put an end to it. 1he turning point was marked by a new
manifesto, where, once more, ANEP stated its same basic principles,
though this time in explicit political terms, since "all the
articles of the Law are essentially conceived with a political
purpose" (ANEP, doc. 09.17a). This political emphasis was
imaginatively underlined in a propagandistic document republished
the same day for the last time, which had as headline the slogan
"If a decision of a few is harmful to us all .•• it is nota good
decision" (ANEP, doc. 09.17b). Thenceforth, ANEP-FAROwould
lead a campaign in pure political terms.
3.1.3. 1hird Phase.
Twenty nine documents constitute the 1hird Phase of the
debate, nine issued by the Government, twenty by ANEP-FARO.
Once more, there is a sensible quantitative diff erence in favor
of the latter. 1his last Phase goes from September 20 until
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
42.
October 6, and the affective tones reach a peak in sorne of the
documents.
'Ille Phase begins with a series of legal analyses issued
by ANEP which, in style and content, contrast sharply with the
legal analyses issued by the Government (see 4.1) ,· ANEP-FARO
documents seem less oriented toward the Government, and more
oriented toward any potential or present member of its own
group, On its side, the Government no longer addresses ANEP~
FARO, not even indirectly or as a part of the Salvadoran people1
it explicitly addresses the "majority" of the Salvadoran people,
Only two long documents are issued by the Government during
this Phase, both of them reissues of old Presidential Addresses.
With them, the Government tries to show that the Agrarian Trans
f ormation is simply the execution of the program offered by
President Molina when he was "elected" by the Salvadoran people.
As for the rest, the only governmental documents are a series
of invitations to watch TV presentations by members of the
Government. All these invitations are headed "'Ille people have
the right to know the truth," and explicitly accuse Al'!EP~FARO
of distorting the nature and intention of the Agrarian Trans~
fo:anation,
ANEP-FARO, after the publication of the legal study,
concentrated exclusively in advertising a FARO meeting, the
meeting of "the national unity," where all the "living and
democratic forces" of the Republic would supposedly gather,
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
43.
and in triumphantly reporting it after its occurrence,
TI:te Third Pllase ends on October 6, when FARO issues a
public acknowledgment which implies that the debate is over.
TI:te day before, the newspapers had published the declaration
of sorne representatives of ANEP saying that they were ready for
a "constructive dialogue" with the Government. During the
following days, the Government made public a decision to
create a mixed Committee charged with the revision of the
Project of Agrarian Transf ormation, and announced the resignation
of both the Minister of Agriculture and the Minister of Planning.
TI:te debate was really over,
3.1.4. After the debate,·
On October 19, the Legislative Assembly approved essential
amendments to the First Project, "in order to make more feasible
the Agrarian Transformation." TI:te amendments restated the right
of private property almost in absolute terms, identifying the
"social function" of the land with its productivity ;..-which had
been the ANEP;,.FARO position since the beginning of the debate,
In fact, after these legal changes, the Government undertook
to dismantle the organization prepared to carry out the Project
of Agrarian Transformation.
Once the debate was over, two interesting documents were
issued, one by ANEP, the other by FARO. Both of them are
relevant for our analysis.
On October 25, ANEP issued a public statement supporting
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
44.
the a.mendments, since, with them ;..-it was stated-- "our country
begins a period of recovery in national trust and peace," On
the other hand, "it has been clearly proved that the entre:..
preneurial unity is of vital relevance for the survival of free
enterprise" :..:..statement which denotes the high degree of socio:..
political consciousness reach.ed by ANEP during the debate.
FARO issued a manifesto on November 29, more than a month
after the end of the debate, also supporting the a.mendments to
the Project of Agrarian Transformation and analyzing the socio;.
political situation of the country with its characteristic
aggressive parlance;
The last part of the manif esto constitutes a declaration
of FARO's institutional goals: "The FAROs were born as independent
apolitical associations in order to def end the vital principles
of private property, the creative power of private initiative,
the Democratic System, the true legal-political system structured
in the Political Constitution, and in order to reach progressively
better standards of life for our people" (FARO, doc. 11.29;
emphasis is mine ;.._r. M, B;), But paradoxic as this paragraph
may seem with the declaration of its apolitical character and
the statement of strictly political goals, the paradox reaches
a climax two paragraphs later, when FARO states that its
organization "should keep to a basic line of political behavior,
limited to those high principles, without turning into sheer
party political positions ;•"
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
3.2. ATTITUDES TOWARD THE AGRARIAN TRANSFORMATION.
3.2.1. The object of the attitude.
45.
The object of the attitude under study is the First Project
of Agrarian Transformation (AT). It is interesting to note that
when the original law on the "Salvadoran Institute of Agrarian
Transformation" (ISTA) was .issued one year befare, almost the
only public reaction was a mild manifesto by ANEP, ANEP also
pressured the Government and achieved the introduction of an
amendment to the law requiring that any project had to be
finished bef ore another one could be started --an amendment that
obviously made impossible any kind of general Land Reform, ANEP
received assurances from Col. Malina that the ISTA would not
affect any productive land. With the amendment and the assurances
and the implicit conviction that most laws of this kind had
traditionally been "wet paper" ("window dressing"), ANEP remained
quiet. Consequently, ANEP was surprised and unprepared when the
First Project was approved in a f ast maneuver by the Government
with the Legislative Assembly.
Since there was a conflict, it seems obvious that the
evaluation of this First Project of Agrarian Transf ormation was
different for the Government and ANEP~FARO. 'llle diff erence was
not only qualitative, but also quantitative. For the Government
the Project was the best possible measure; f or ANEP-FARO it was
the worst one. Therefore, from the beginning the attitudes were
extremely polarized and expressed a radical split in the evaluation
of the Agrarian Transformation,
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
46.
Throughout the public debate, this extremely different
evaluation of the Agrarian Transformation remained constant.
But once an agreement was reached, both Government and ANEP-FARO
expressed their decision to develop an Agrarian Transformation
~-though now it would be in very different terms. Actually,
after the amendments to the Project were introduced, nothing
was done, except the practical dismantlement of the !STA.
The fact that the direct evaluation of the Agrarian Trans
formation by both groups did not change through the debate does
not mean that the attitudes did not change, As we said before,
an attitude cannot be adequately understood in isolation; it
has to be analyzed in relation to all those values which f orm
its frame of reference and which are instrumentally related to
its central object. It is this radial structure that constitutes
an attitude, and in this radial structure we should find its
internal consistency or inconsistency,
On the other hand, we cannot forget that the debate had an
essential propagandistic character, and that both Government and
ANEP-FARO publicly committed themselves to the defense of their
respective viewpoints. Therefore, it is normal to expect from
both groups a consistent evaluation of the central object of
their attitudes. But this persistent evaluation does not
necessarily mean a consisten attitude. It is this aspect that
we have to examine now,
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
47.
3,2,2, Values related to the Agrarian Transformation,
Only a few values were related to the Agrarian Transf or~
mation during the debate, In fact, I was able to reduce all
the values expressed in the debate to seven, and probably it
would be possible ~~through a factor analysis~- to reduce them
even more.
Since the absolute frequency of the expressed values was
different f or both groups due to the different number of
documents issued as well as to their diff erent length, I have
reduced these absolute figures to relative frequencies, that
is, to the frequency that a determined value was expressed in
relation to the total number of expressed values. In this way,
we can obtain a comparative table of the relative frequencies
of the values expressed by both groups through the debate,
As totals for the relative frequencies I have taken the total
number of values expressed in the documents of every Phase of
the debate, The relative frequencies are expressed in Table VI.
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
48.
TABLE VI
RELATIVE FREQUENCY OF VALUES BY GROUPS AND PHASES
GROUP GOVERNMENT ANEP;.FARO
VALUE PHASE 1 rst 2nd 3rd TOT, 1rst 2nd 3rd TOT,
Communism-Nationalism - ,04 ,03 ,03 .20 .24 .19 .21 Democracy (Constit.) ,24 ,21 ,29 .23 .19 .23 ,34 ,27
People' s Will '15 .02 .09 ,07 .03 .23 .14 .1 7 Private Property ,12 .19 .04 .14 .10 .12 .20 .15
Productivity .14 .19 .22 .18 .45 .15 • 13 o'l 8 Social Injustice ,26 .23 .27 ;25 .03 ,03 .02
Wealth Distribution .09 .12 .06 .10 - -TOTAL 1.00 1.00 1.00 1.00 1.00 1.00 1.00 LOO
Let us explain the particular meaning of each of these
values.
3,2,2.1. Communism-Nationalism (CN).
Communism is a highly emotional term used to express a
stereotyped view of a social system characterized by the lack
of all kinds of freedom and individual rights under the absolute
dictatorship of the state, It also implies the suppression of
private property, and the establishment of atheism, violence,
and police terrorism. Evidently, communism in this context
means all kind of negative things.
Nationalism was a symbolic value used through the debate
to signify the fight against communism. A typical slogan in
many documents of ANEP-FARO was: "Let's defend our country
against the communist danger,"
Communism and nationalism were, therefore, two faces of
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
the sarne value, in the sense that whenever one of them was
mentioned the denial of the other was implicitly and, more
often, explicitly involved.
49.
Although other te:ans did not significantly appear in
the debate, it is interesting to note that communism is current~
ly identified in El Salvador with socialism, totalitarianism,
and marxism, without the least discrimination.
3.2.2.2. Democracy (De),
Democracy is fo:anally understood as the social system in
which the rulers are elected by the people. It implies respect
for individual rights, private property, and an economic system
based on the "free market."
Actually, throughout the debate the te:an democracy was
basically used to mean the present legal status guo, that is,
the maintainance of the present legal system ~~democracy as
defined by the present Constitution of El Salvador. This is
the reason why democracy was most often used in a positivistic
sense, interchangeable with constitutionality and legality.
Every time the term democracy was mentioned, it meant respect
for the Constitution; every time the te:an constitutionality
was used it meant democratic requirements.
3,2.2.3. People's 1ii.11 (PW).
In a democratic system, the will of the people is
supposed to be the final criterion for any kind of policy.
That is why it is so important in any political struggle to
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
50.
show popular support,
In the Salvadoran debate on the Agrarian Transfo:anation,
the concept of "people" was relatively little used; nevertheless,
both groups tried to prove from the beginning that they represent~
ed the will of the majority of the Salvadoran people; In fact,
one of the strongest governmental attacks on ANEP~FARO was that
they only represented a very reduced minority, the minority of
the "few privileged ones." The response of ANEP~FARO was to
show with figures and with meetings that they represented the
majority and, certainly, the "living forces" of the democratic
working system• On its part, ANEP-FARO insisted that the Project
represented the view of a few "a:an~chair technocrats" -~communists
encysted in the Government, willing to establish a totalitarian
dictatorship against the will of the democratic majority.
3,2,2,4. Private Property (PP),
Private property was understood as the individual right
to use, dispose of, and even destroy all those things legally
acquired os possessed, The te:an private property was used
interchangeably with private initiative, private enterprise,
and free enterprise. Let us underline, by the way, the identi
fication of private and free that this use implies,
Actually, private property was identified with the
present fo:ans of private property existing in El Salvador,
which practically means an absolute conception of the private
property right, Although theoretically the right of private
property ends where the rights of other individuals begin, in
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
51.
fact these limits never seem to appear in El Salvador.
It was precisely in relation to this point that the
Government was more embivalent; while recognizing the right
of private property, it tried to define sorne limits to it. Its
attitude concerning this value seemed a continuous "yes, but"
--private property yes, but in "social ft.mction" (for an
excellent discussion, cf. Ellacuría, 1976).
3,2,2.S. Productivity (Pro).
Productivity was t.mderstood as the capacity to generate
goods, basically food, services, and other consumer goods. Pro;.
ductivity was used in a sense that implied not only the value of
producing more in quantity, but also the technical capacity to
do it. Every time that the value "productivity" was mentioned,
it was implicitly or explicitly linked with this technical and
administrative capacityo'
In a broader context, productivity was used inter
changeably with economic development. lherefore, to develop
the cot.mtry was identified with more production.
3,2,2.6, Social Iniustice (SI).
By s_ocial injustice was t.mderstood a situation of social
inequality where a few people ;.;."the privileged minority"-
enjoyed high standards of living and all the commodities of
contemporaneous civilization, while most people --"the majority";.;.
had to live at inhuman levels of rough subsistence. Sometimes,
instead of social injustice, the Government spoke of structural
injustice, to point out that the inequality was a logical
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
52.
consequence of the social structure. Social injustice was also
li.nked with the urgent necessity for radical social changes.
Moreover, when the Govenunent spoke of "social ft.mction" or
"social interest," it referred explicitly to this situation of
social injustice which had to be changed,
On the other hand, ANEP-FARO, with only one exception
(FARO, doc. 09,22c), never mentioned the situation of social
injustice, Instead, they spoke of the need f or social justice,
but on very few occasions and without ever giving any further
data or elaboration. Moreover, when they spoke of "social
interest" or "social ft.mction" they always made explicit reference
to development or higher productivity. Consequently, for ANEP
FARO the "social interest" or "social ft.mction" was to produce
more, Hence their insistence upon the identification between
the social ft.mction of private property with the level of
productivity, If any private property -~any private land, for
instance~- was productive, it was, by itself, a social ft.mction.
3.2.2,7. Wealth Distribution (WD).
TI:tis value was never mentioned by ANEP~FARO, Only the
Govenunent used it to mean the need for a more equitable income
distribution among the Salvadoran population. Sometimes it was
mentioned as the need to favor the "less privileged" sector of
the people.
Its use was linked with the value "productivity," in
the sense that the goal is not only to produce more, but also
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
53.
to distribute the products better. If private property was not
fulfilling its "social function" it was because the benefits of
the production remained in the hands of the private owners
instead of being justly distributed among all those who had
cooperated in the production process.
3.2.3, Value statistical analysis.
All the obtained data were submitted to a computarized
program of log~linear analysis by the method of maximum like-
lihood, "Multiqual," and various models containing group and
time contrasts as well as their interaction were submitted to
a goodness of fit test (cf, Bock, 1975; Bock and Yates, 1973).
The more significant results for the purpose of this work are
presented here.
3,2,3,l. Groups and values,
The first question I had to answer was whether the
frequency of the expressed values depended on the groups, that
is, whether the relative frequency of the expressed values was
significantly different for both groups.
The results indicate that there was a difference,
significant ata level superior to alpha = ,001. In the goodness
of fit test the obtained result, with six degrees of freedom,
was:
2 X = 223.96 p < .001
The results of the computer's program were very similar.
The first result here presented was obtained when the influence
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
S4.
of groups was entered before that of time (Phases of the debate),
the second when it was entered after that of time, in both cases
with six degrees of freedom.
x2 = 21s.92 p < .001
x2 = 211.29 p < .001
Evidently, we can reject the hypothesis of no influence:
the pattern of the expressed values depended on the groups.
3.2.3.2. Phases of the debate and values.
An important aspect of the analysis was t~ see whether
there was a significant diff erence in the frequencies of the
values expressed in the three Phases of the debate. I first
measured the difference between the values expressed in the
Second Phase and the values expressed in the lhird Phase
--ignoring the influence of the groups. lhe results obtained
--first and second run-- with six degrees of freedom were non
significant.
x2 = 12.01
x2 = 10.22
p > .os
p > .os
Then, I measured the diff erence between the values
expressed in the First Phase and in the lhird Phase --also
ignoring the influence of the groups. lhe results --first
and second run-- were significant at an alpha level of .OS,
with six degrees of freedom.
x2 = 12.66 p < .os
x2 = 15. 82 p < • os
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
SS.
The relation between time and the expressed values is
significant, although much smaller than the relation between
values and the groups themselves.
3,2.3.3. Groups, Phases, and values.
The measure of the combined eff ect of groups and Phases
on the frequency of the expressed values was, once more, highly
significant•' I first measured the difference between the values
expressed by both groups in the Second and Third Phase ~~the
effect of group by Phase 2-Phase 3 on the expressed values-
and obtained the f ollowing results with six degrees of freedom.
x!- = 33. 90 (both runs) p < ;'001
Then I tested the same effect of Phase by group, but
this time in the f requencies of the values expressed in the
First and the 'Illird Phase. The results, with the same six
degrees of freedom, were:
x!- = 40.9S (both runs) p < .001
Consequently, there was a combined influence of Groups
and Phases in the frequencies of the expressed values, 'Illese
results, highly significant, seem to indicate that there is
an evolution in the frequencies of the expressed values far
both groups through the debate,
This conclusion receives a further confirmation when
we apply a goodness of fit test to the frequencies of particular
values expressed by both groups in the three Phases of the
debate, The results obtained, with two degrees of freedom,
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
56.
are shown in Table VII,
TABLE VII
MODIFICATION OF THE VALUES THROUGH THE DEBATE
Value x2 p
Democracy 25.14 < .001 Peop, Will 51.10 < .001 Priv. Pro. 37.16 < .001
Productiv. 3, 95 > .10
The other three values --Communism-Nationalism, Social
Injustice, Wealth Distribution~- were not tested since their
frequencies for one group were zero or near zero.
The frequencies of Democracy, People's Will, and Private
Property seem dependent on the Group and Phase of the debate,
that is, there seems to be an evolution of these particular
values through the debate, The non significant result of
Productivity appears surprising, since a look at the relative
frequencies of both groups shows a clear pattern of modification
(cf, next point),
3,2,3.4, Evolution a...."ld mutual influence.
The obtained results seem to indicate not only that
there was an evolution in the values expressed by both groups
in the three Phases of the debate, but also that this evolution
was at least partially due to their mutual influence --the
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
57.
influence of the debate and all the externa! factors impinging
upon it. From these statistical analyses we cannot certainly
infer a causal effect; but we can infer the existence of an
effective interaction between the two groups during the debate.
Ihis inf erence is also supported by the correlation between
the frequencies of particular values expressed through the
debate, Obviously, these correlation are based on few data
-~six~~ and, therefore, are not reliable. But the correlation
coefficients are brought here just as another clue to the
existence of an evolutionary process of mutual interaction.
Ihese coefficients are expressed in Table VIII.
TABLE VIII
SPEARMAN CORRELATION COEFFICIENTS ... BETWEEN THE VALUES EXPRESSED BY BOTH GROUPS"
i:
Value
Communism-Nationalism Democracy
People's Will
Private Property
Productivity
Social Injustice
.54
.80 ~.99
-.78 -.95 ~.69
Coefficients obtainedwith 6 data,
The correlation coefficient for the value Wealth Distribution
could not be obtained since ANEP-FARO never expressed it. It is
interesting to note that the two higher coefficients, People's
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
58.
Will and Productivity, are both negative, and that one of these
corresponds to one value, Productivity, for which a non signifi-
2 cant X was obtained,
3,2,4, Representation of attitudes,
Following Rosenberg's lead (1968, pp. 79~80), I have re~
presented the attitudes of both Goverrunent and ANEP~FARO in a
space --"attitudinal cognitorium"~- where the central object,
the Agrarian Transfonnation (AT), is related to other objects,
symbolic values, either positively or negatively (cf, Figures
2, 3, and 4). Let us explain briefly these representations.
First of all, each pair of designs corresponds to the
values expressed by both groups in each of the Phases of the
debate on the Agrarian Transf onnation.
The cognitive elements that constitute the attitude toward
the Agrarian Transfonnation are symbolically represented by the
seven values surrounding the central object, and the lines
linking the values with the central object, These lines also
represent cognitive elements, that is, the instrumental relation~
ships existing for ~~perceived by~- the subject of the attitude
between the central object and those peripheral objects or
values.
The affective elements of the attitude have been represented
with colors. Every object in the actitudinal space has one of
three colors: green, which means positive affect; red, which
means negative affect; and black, which means no significant
expressed connection between a value and the central object,
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
59.
1he same meanings hold for the instrumental lines, except that
instead of black I have suppressed the linking line whenever
no significant connection between a value and the Agrarian
Transf ormation was expressed in the corresponding Phase of the
debate, By "significant connection" is meant a quantitative
expression of a particular value equal or higher to five percent
of the total number of values expressed in each Phase, 1his
quantitative criterion does not rule out the possibility that
a value with a low frequency has a qualitative relevance. But,
for the sake of the representation, I have chosen the quantitative
criterion, leaving for the discussion the analysis of other
qualitative aspects.
Whenever an ambivalence is expressed, this is represented
by a double-colored circle or line. I have chosen this device
instead of calculating a ratio between positive and negative
evaluations and assigning to the value or relation the color
of the dominant affect, in order to express more clearly the
existing ambivalence and the possible consequent inconsistencies.
Finally, every object and relationship has received a
quantitative evaluation with either positive or negative signs.
One sign expresses a moderate evaluation; two signs a strong
one; and two different signs, ambivalence.
3,2,4.1. First Phase: Figure 1· The graphic representation of the attitudes of both
groups during the First Phase of the debate shows f our different
reference values: Communism-Nationalism (CN), People's Will (PW),
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
60.
Fig. 2 F I R S T p H AS E
GOVERNHENT
ANEP-FARO
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
61.
Social Injustice (SI), and Wealth Distribution (WD), The only
value in which both groups completely agree is Pemocracy (De),
though the perceived relationship to the Agrarian Transf ormation
is different, as the different signs Agrarian Transformation seem
to require. The other value where there is a practical agreement
is Productivity (Pro), although the ANEP's evaluation is much
higher, and the Government is ambivalent with respect to the
relationship between this value and the Agrarian Transformation
-~the Government believes that the Agrarian Transformation
might, at least at the beginning, affect land productivity.
The Government is also ambivalent in its evaluation of
Private Property. It not only believes that the Agrarian Trans~
formation does not clearly favor the enforcement of this value,
but also that the existing forras of private property have
positive and negative aspects.
In this First Phase, therefore, ANEP shows a simpler and
more consistent attitude than the Government toward the central
object, The Agrarian Transformation is linked by ANEP with
fewer values and in a more definite form.
3,2,4,,2;, Second Phase: Figure _d,
In this Phase of the debate, we can still observe f our
different values in the attitudes of both groups: Communism
Nationalism, People's Will, Social Injustice, and Wealth Dis
tribution. These are the sarne as in the preceding Phase, but
it is now the Government, and not ANEP~FARO, that does not give
quantitative relevance to the value People's Will, The other
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
62,
Fip;. 3 SECO UD P H A S E
GOVEP.~ENT
ANEP-FARO
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
63.
three differences are as in the First Phase: the Government
does not significantly mention the value Communism~Nationalism,
and ANEP~FARO still ignore Social Injustice and Wealth Distri
bution, lhe change with respect to People's Will indicates the
possibility that a process of inconsistency has been induced in
the attitude of ANEP-FARO --or that ANEP~FARO have become more
conscious of the political relevance of the value People's Will:'
Certainly, the Government insistently charged that ANEP~FARO
represented the opinion of only a "vecy reduced minority,"
lhe Government shows a significant change in its eva~
luation of Productivity: it increases its positive value and
changes its relation to the Agrarian Transformation from one
of ambivalence to a clearly positive one. Here, too, we can
suspect an effort to solve an inconsistency, strongly emphasized
by the opposing group.
lherefore, while the Government increases and clarifies
its evaluation of Productivity, AL'!EP~FARO gives it less relevance
~-though still holding its basic evaluation-~ and increases its
evaluation of People's Will. lhe only remaining obvious in
consistency is the governmental evaluation of Private Property,
still considered in itself and in its relation to the Agrarian
Transformation as simultaneously positive and negative.
In general, we can say that the Government's attitude is
more consistent in this Phase than it was in the First one; but
ANEP's attitude maintains the same consistency that it had in
the First Phase, accrued by the incorporation of People's Will,
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
64,
Fig. 4 T H I R D P H A S E
GOVERNMENT
ANEP-FARO
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
65.
3,2,4.3. Third Phase: Figure~.
Once more, we have four different reference values in
this Phase. However, while three of them, Communism~Nationalism,
Social Injustice, and Wealth Distribution, are the same as in
the previous Phases, the fourth is no longer People's Will, but
Private Property (PP), This change seems extremely important,
since Private Property was the only remaining inconsistent
element in the Government's attitude. Its dropping might mean
that the Government cannot consistently incorporate it in its
attitude toward the Agrarian Transformation,
At the same time, the Government increases the instrumental
value of the Agrarian Transformation with respect to Productivity,
and brings People's Will to the value frame of reference again.-
By contrast, ANEP-FARO maintains the same values and evaluations
as in the Second Phase, increasing still more its emphasis on
Democracy and Private Property.
3,2,4.4. Changes in the attitudes toward the Agrarian
Transf ormation.
Through the representation of the attitudes in the three
Phases of the debate, we have seen that sorne changes took place~
The only change observed in ANEP~FARO was its incorpo~
ration of People's Will, For the rest, it remained steadily
consistent.
The Government, however, changed three values, One of
these changes was only quantitative: People's Will was given
less emphasis in the Second Phase than in the First of Third,
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
66,
But the other two changes were quantitative and, more significant~
ly, qualitative as well, The Goverrunent was clearly ambivalent
toward Private Property and Productivity at the beginning of
the debate. It soon solved its ambivalence with respect to
Productivity, giving it an increasing relevance and a definite
instrumental evaluation,· But the Goverrunent did not seem able
to solve its ambivalence toward Private Property, and it had to
drop this value in the Third Phase of the debate, One of the
crucial points of the debate resolution probably lies here, I
will examine this point later.
We can summarize the relevant aspects of the debate as
shown by the representation of the attitudes of both groups
through the debate in five points:
a. There is a clear and constant evaluation given by
both groups to the value Democracy.
b, The Goverrunent does not significantly include in
its frame of reference the value Communism-Nationalism,
and ANEP~FARO do the same with respect to Social
Injustice and Wealth Distribution.
c. Though the value People's Will is first brought
into the debate by the Goverrunent, it is more
consistently incorporated into the frame of reference
by ANEP~FARO,
d, ANEP-FARO progressively give less relevance to
Productivity, while maintaining it as a basic
reference value. The Goverrunent, on the other hand,
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
67.
gives it an increasing relevance, solving an initial
instrumental ambivalence toward it.
e, ANEP-FARO give an increasing relevance to Private
Property, while the Government, ambivalent toward
it, drops it in the Illird Phase of the debate.
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
68.
(4) D I S C U S S I O N = = = = = =
4.1. FIRST HYPOTHESIS,
4.1.1. Attitudes and social groups.
The first hypothesis of this work stated that the conflict-
ing groups had similar basic attitudes toward the Agrarian
Transformation and that this similarity showed that both groups
belonged to the same social class.
The hypothesis is based on the assumption that we can
define social groups by means of the attitudes they hold toward
relevant objects; the link between attitudes and groups is
provided by the ideological nature of attitudes. I have
further theorized that attitudes are not constituted by a simple
relationship subject-object, but by a radial structure in which
the central object of a particular attitude acquires meaning
and is evaluated by its instrum~ntal relations with the other
objects ~~values~~ of the structure,
Therefore, I defined operationally the first hypothesis
in terms of the diversity or identity of the values which both
groups instrumentally related to the Agrarian Transformation
--the central object of the attitude, If these values are
different, the first hypothesis has to be rejected and we will
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
69.
have to say that the evidence does not preve that both groups
belonged to the same social class,
A final comment bef ore I get into the analysis of the
first hypothesis, By speaking of the contending groups, I do
not intend to mean that they represent the two fundamental
social classes that Marxist theory distinguishes in capitalistic
countries --the bourgeoisie and the proletariat. On the ene
side, this cannot be the case in a country like El Salvador,
where --as I said in the Introduction-- several modes of
production are at work and, consequently, we can expect to
find more than two social classes. On the other side, the
lowest social class in El Salvador does not correspond to the
characteristics that typify the proletariat, Rather, this
lowest class has to be considered as a Lumpenproletariat
(Gunder Frank, 1972; Ribeiro, 1971), completely marginated
from any kind of social influence, Its illiterateness and,
more deeply, its lack of any kind of social power, prevents
it from any possible activity other than its own survival.
Illerefore, my first hypothesis refers to the contending
groups as two possible diff erent social classes ar two groups
of the same social class -~but, in any case, as groups ar
classes at the upper levels of the social stratification. Ill.e
point is whether ene of these groups --the Govenunent-- was
really trying to link itself with the lowest classes of El
Salvador, ar whether it was just a case of diff erent levels
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
70.
of social consciousness inside the same social class.
Did both groups show the same basic attitudes toward the
Agrarian Transformation during the debate? In other words,
did they ref er to the same set of values in order to estimate
the meaning and value of the central object, the Agrarian
Transformation?
This question directs us toward an analysis of the total
set of values expressed by both groups throughout the debate,
I leave aside for the moment the problem whether all these
values were expressed in the three Ptiases of the debate or
just in one or two of them.
According to our statistical analysis (cf, 3.2.3.1), there
is a difference in the frequencies of the values expressed by
both groups, significant beyond the .001 level. The conclusion
we can draw f rom this test is that the f requency of the expressed
values was not independent of the groups. But we need to
elaborate the meaning of this general difference by means
of a qualitative analysis.
If we look at Table VI (p. 48), we can notice that the
only value in which there is an absolute difference is Wealth
Distribution. In fact, ANEP-FARO never mentioned it, although
it was one of the crucial points used by the Government for
its argumentation, But this difference,though very important,
does not accoi.mt for all the variance between the values
expressed by both groups. Actually, if we test the same
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
71.
obtained frequencies leaving out the value Wealth Distribution,
we obtain a ;;?- still significant beyond the .001 level. There-
fore, we have to look far differences in the other values;
If we follow the sarne quantitative criterion that we used
far the representation of the attitudes, that is, if we take
into account only those values with a relative frequency superior
to five percent of the total frequency, two other value dif~
ferences appear: Communism-Nationalism and Social Injustice.
The Government devoted no significant attention to the value
Communism~Nationalism, which was one of ANEP-FARO's war-horses,
On its part, ANEP-FARO almost systematically omitted to mention
the value Social Injustice ~~as we saw in 3,2,2.6; This omission
is still more significant if we consider that the Government
tried to link the situation of social injustice with the need
for a better wealth distribution.
On the one side, we have the Government insisting upan the
situation of social injustice and the need far wealth distribution,
systematically ignored or omitted by ANEP-FARO; on the other
side, ANEP~FARO blarne the Government for its communist policy,
while emphasizing their own nationalistic stance.
The picture of the differences becomes still clearer if
we establish a comparative list of the expressed values ordered
according to the quantitative relevance given to them by both
groups (cf, Tahle IX).
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
Rank
1
2
3
4
5
6
TABLE IX
ORDER OF BY RELATIVE
GOVERNMENT
Social Injustice
Democracy
Productivity
Private Property
Wealth Distribution
People's Will
VALUES FREQUENCY
ANEP-FARO
Democracy
Communism-Nationalism
Productivity
People's Will
Private Property
72.
As we can see, the most striking difference seems to be
in the relevance given to Social Injustice by the Government
and to Communism~Nationalism by ANEP~FARO --values respectively
omitted by the other group, 'Ill.e diff erence seems to be not
only quantitative, but qualitative as well. Moreover, if we
take a closer look at the evolution of the debate, we can come
to the conclusion that this difference is not casual, but
rather constitutes the core of the contrasting attitudes.
In effect, every time the Government insisted upan the
situation of social injustice, every time it showed with data
the irrationality of a social organization characterized by
tremendous inequalities, ANEP~FARO accused the Government of
using socialistic language, of promoting the class struggle,
in one word, of communism. "ANEP rejects the demagogic and
class language of the last governmental issue" (ANEP, doc.
07,15), According to ANEP-FARO, this language would reflect
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
73,
the presence in the Goverrunent of "communists," "It is time
for President Molina to open his eyes and sweep away all that
clutter: frustrated technicians, only motivated by their re
sentment and social maladjustment; seditious ex-communists,
full of poison and rancor; disguised extremists, who pretend
to love a regime they hate" (ANEP, doc. 09.11). Therefore,
according to ANEP~FARO the First Project of Agrarian Trans~
fo:anation would only pretend "to open the window to inter~
national communism" (FARO, doc. 09,02),
It is o,bvious that both the Gove·rrunent and ANEP~FARO were
confronted with the same objective situation. Actually, ANEP~
FARO never denied the socio-economic figures offered by the
Goverrunent, although on more than one occasion they charged
that the data were grossly exaggerated (cf. for instance: ANEP,
doc. 07.13; FARO, doc. 09.22c). The problem lay in how it was
interpreted.
To name a certain situation as one of social injustice is,
certainly, to give an interpretation of it -~an interpretation
which implied that the beneficiaries were profiting from inequity
and human exploitation.' And it was this interpretation of the
social situation that ANEP-FARO considered as communist. For
them, it was not social injustice, but underdevelopment and
insufficient productivity that caused the Salvadoran situation
(cf; ANEP, doc. 07.09; doc; 07.15).
The core of the different attitudes, then, seems to be in
a different perception of the social situation. But the problem
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
74.
is still more complex, since this different interpretation also
implied an evaluation of the present economic system. Both
groups persistently avowed their commitment to the capitalist
system as it was consecrated by the Constitution of the Republic,
President Molina went as far as saying that he was pushing the
Agrarian Transformation because it represented a "life insurance
policy for the free enterprise and the democratic regime" (GOV,
doc. 07,07),• At the same time, the Government spoke of "struc:..
tural injustice" in the sense that the socio:..economic organization
enforced an inequitable distribution of wealth. Therefore, the
Government seemed to consider as a structural deficiency of the
system what ANEP-FARO saw as an insufficient development of it.
Once more, the difference was interpretative.
This different perception of the social situation and of
the socio:..economic system reveals the different attitudes that
both groups held toward the Agrarian Transformation, The
reasoning might seem circular, but it is not. We begin by
realising the diff erent values emphasized by each group; these
different values imply a diff erent perception of the social
situation; and this different perception is but the expression
of different attitudes vis-a-vis a concrete reality -:..in this
case, the Project of Agrarian Transformation.
We know that the interpretation of reality is the central
cognitive function of ideology (cf, Berger & Luckmann, 1967),
an that different ideologies imply a different situation in a
social system. Therefore, the fact that the different values
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
75.
emphasized by both groups can adequately be explained by a
different social perception leads us to the conclusion that
the Government and ANEP-FARO had different attitudes toward
the Agrarian Transformation.
It follows from this analysis that we cannot accept the
first hypothesis, In summary, the rejection of the first hy~
pothesis is based on two kinds of arguments:
a, The quantitative analysis shows that:
(1) there is a statistically significant difference
between the frequencies of the values expressed by
both groups;
(2) there is ene value, Wealth Distribution, in which
there is an absolute difference between both groups;
(3) there are two other values, Social Injustice and
Communism-Nationalism, highly emphasized by ene of the
groups and almost completely omitted by the other.
b. The qualitative analysis shows that:
(1) the different values omitted by the groups are
mutually related in a meaningful form;
(2) this interrelated difference implies a different
perception of the social situation and of the socio~
economic system;
(3) this different perception, in its turn, implies
different attitudes toward the Agrarian Transf ormation.
The rejection of the first hypothesis leds us to the
conclusion that the Government and ANEP-FARO did not belong
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
76.
to the sarne class. lb.is conclusion rnight seern questionable,
since social classes are determined by sociological f actors
--the objective situation in the productive systern--, and not
by psychological ones. But we are not trying to define class
rnernbership by rneans of psychological elernents: rather we are
trying to find out through psychological analysis whether or
not two groups belonged to the sarne social class, lhe difference
rnay seern subtle, but it is not, lhe formation of social classes
is determined by social factors, but the ascription of a group
to a social class has to influence its psychology, And it is
through the analysis of sorne psychological expressions that
we pretend to know the social ascription of sorne groups. In
all this analysis I arn in disagreernent with R; Brown, who pretends
to preve with psychological data the inadequacy of the concept
of social class (cf, Brown, 1965), In our case, this kind of
analysis has led us to the conclusion that the Government and
ANEP-FARO did not belong to the sarne social class.
It rnight also be argued that the propagandistic character
of the debate could be hindering the class identity of both
groups. Without cornpletely rejecting this hypothesis, I think
it loses credibility if we observe: 1) that the problern debated
was one of fundamental relevance .. for the social situation of
both groups (cf, 4.2.2 and 5.1); and 2) that we are not
focusing on the direct evaluation of the attitudes' central
object. It seerns clear that publicity required that the
Government rnaintained a consistent evaluation of the Agrarian
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
77.
Transfo:r:mation --as in fact happened even after the debate.
We have focused instead on the reference values which in
principle were not the manifest object of the debate, and it
is in these values that we have found a significant difference.
Our conclusion might be further confi:r:med by a sociological
analysis that would specify how these two groups related to the
means of production of the Salvadoran system; It could also
be interesting to see the social origin and status of A:r:my
officials, who govern the country since 1932 and are the decisive
factor with respect to important political decisions, as was the
case with the Agrarian Transformation. Our conjecture, simply
based on experience, is that most A:r:my officials come from the
lowest middle class~ But these analyses fall outside of our
present work.
Now, the conclusion reached should not conceal the fact
that both groups also had sorne aspects in common, More
concretely, they both agreed in their reference and evaluation
of Democracy and Private Property ~~two essential values, as I
will show later, The definition of the Government and ANEP-FARO
as different social classes requires, then, that we consider not
only those aspects in which they differ from each other, but
· also those aspects in which both find themselves in agreement.
It is precisely this set of differences and commonalities that
specifies the relations of the Government and ANEP-FARO at the
interior of the same social system, and allows us to discern
the points of possible conflict.
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
78.
4.1.2, An example of the different attitudes.
ni.ere is a part of the debate which clearly exemplifies
the different attitudes held by both groups toward the Agrarian
Transformation.· Ill.is part is the analyses about the constitu;.
tional character of the First Project of Agrarian Transf ormation
issued by the two groups in several documents (GOV, doc. 08.30;
09,02; 09,03; 09.07; 09.13; 09.14; ANEP, doc. 09,20; 09.2la;
09,22a; 09;•23; 09.24c; cf, also Ungo, 1976),
ni.e first thing to be noted is the relevance given by both
the Government and ANEP-FARO to the legal character of the
Agrarian Transformation. Ill.is special concern confirms that
both groups agree in the value Democracy and both try, by all
means, to show their commitment to the Constitution that
positively consecrates the democratic regime.
However, the coincidences of both analyses end with the
common acceptance of Democracy. For the rest, the legal analyses
are completely different, in form and in content. Let us try
to summarize these differences in three points.
a. ni.e Government bases its legal study on the analysis
of the present social situation of the country, It offers a
profuse series of socio;.economic data which make clear the
inequalities in every order of human life ;.:.economic, cultural,
political-- that is; the inequality in the distribution of the
goods socially produced. It is this situation of social
injustice that, according to the Government, constitutes the
final reason for the proposed changes, namely, the Agrarian
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
79.
Transformation.
ANEP, on the other hand, bases its analysis almost com~
pletely on authority ~-the legal expertise of its authors·;·
ANEP devotes a considerable part of the first document to
emphasize the academic and experiential credits of the authors
of the analysis ~~three well~known lawyers, who had played
relevant roles in the Salvadoran public life. Moreover, the
argument of authority is not only used with respect to the
source of the study, but also with respect to the content: in
all the five documents into which the analysis is divided, a
continuous recourse is made to the work of scholars and to the
Constitutions of other countries in order to support the
argumentation offered;·
This first difference is, then, clear: the Government
tries to see directly the situation of El Salvador, while
ANEP remains at the ideological level of the law itself;·
b, The second difference concerns the kind and style of
the analyses. The Government tries to get beyond the formulations
showing the intention of the law, that is, the problems it
pretends to solve as well as the solutions presented.•
ANEP, on its part, reduces its analysis to the formal
level -~that is, to a study about the formal logic of the
articles, their internal consistency, as well as the link
between the legal dispositions and previous legislation. Speak~
ing, for instance, about the "social function" of private property,
it reduces itself to an analysis of its definition and how the
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
80.
terms have to be understood, without ever mentioning any f act
about the present forms of private property in El Salvador and
its real effects --not its formal conceptualization.
Ihis second difference is consistent with the first one:
while the Government is more concerned with the factual effects
of private property in the country, ANEP keeps its analysis at
an abstract level. In other words, the Government analyzes
private property historically, ANEP does it ahistorically.
Once more, the different perception ~~ideological interpretation~
of the Agrarian Transformation is manifest,
c, Finally, the Goverrunent analyzes the Agrarian Trans~
formation from several perspectives: legal (doc. 08,·30),
economic (doc. 09 ,02), philosophical and political (doc. 09. 03),
social (doc. 09,07), and technical (doc. 09.13; 09.14); All
these perspective allow the Government to link the Agrarian
Transformation with different aspects of the Salvadoran society,
all of them characterized by the same conditions of under
development, inequality, and human oppression.
ANEP, on the contrary, restricts its study to the legal
perspective, and the only subject of its analysis is the concept
of private property and the constitutional i.mplications of the
First Project of Agrarian Transformation with respect to it.
Ihese three basic differences and the conunon frame of
Democracy confirm our antecedent analysis and the conclusion
that both groups had different attitudes toward the Agrarian
Transf ormation and, theref ore, do not belong to the same social
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
81.
class, The above mentioned difference in the ideological level
of the analyses issued constitutes an important aspect of the
difference, which I will examine later;
4.2, SECOND HYPOTHESIS,
4. 2 .1.' Evolution of attitudes through the debate;'
Since the debate on the Agrarian Transf ormation was public
and had an obvious propagandistic character, it was to be ex~
pected that each contending group would maintain its own
consistent direct evaluation of the Agrarian Transformation,
It would be naive to expect any change in this evaluation.
However, I have already indicated that the consistency of the
attitudes should not be looked for in the evaluation of their
central object, but rather in the frame of reference --values~~
in which this central object is placed, In this sense, we can
follow the Phases of the debate observing the expression or
omission of certain values, and the diverse emphasis given to
them. In other words, it is in these reference values that
we should look f or a possible evolution of the attitudes toward
the Agrarian Transformation.
The second hypothesis of this work assumes that there was
a change in the attitudes of the contending groups through the
debate, I have already shown (cf, 3.2,3,2, and 3,2,3.3) that
it is statistically sound to assume that this evolution took
place. We need, now, to take a closer look at this evolution
and its possible meaning.
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
82.
Four values are held in conunon by the Goverrunent and ANEP~
FARO in the debate: Democracy, People's Will, Private Property,
and Productivity. From these four values, only Productivity
does not seem to change in a statistically significant form
(cf, Table VII, p; 56), though it does change and the direction
of its change is constant and inverse for both groups (cf,
Table VI, p. 48), The change of People's Will is irregular,
in the sense that it does not f ollow a definite direction of
change through the three Phases of the debate -~though its
pattern of change seems the most correlated, r = - , 99 ,' Both
groups change significantly in the relevance given to the value
Democracy. In fact, this is not only the value in which both
groups completely agree, but also the value which changes in
the same increasing direction, In the last Phase of the debate,
Democracy is the value most emphasized by both groups. The
last conunon value is Private Property,· This value is increas
ingly emphasized by both groups in the two first Phases; but,
while AL'IEP-FARO keep this trend in the Third Phase, the
Goverrunent drops it abruptly, Therefore, we can reasonably
suspect that, if there is a change in the attitudes toward the
Agrarian Transformation, one of the crucial points and perhaps
the crucial point must lie in the evaluation of Private Property.
The evolution could then be described in the answer to the
following question: What should be the social function of
private property in the Salvadoran democratic regime in order
to fulfill the popular will? Let us follow the evolution of the
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
83,
four common values -~Democracy, People's Will, Private Property,
and Productivity-- through the three Phases of the debate,
4.2.1.1; First Phase.
From the beginning, both groups give a great emphasis
to Democracy, Moreover, for both groups the respect to the
Constitution of the Republic represents an unquestionable basis
and a necessary frame of reference for the debate, The Government,
principally President Melina, links this democratic feeling with
its constitutional duty of accomplishing the will of the Salva~
doran people. Hence its emphasis on People's Will and its
attack on the minority charac_ter of ANEP,
ANEP expresses little concern at the beginning for the
value People's Will, and devotes the greatest part of its
argument to emphasize the relevance of Productivity~' Actually,
this value is expressed by ANEP in this Phase with a relative
frequency greater than any other value in any Phase of the
debate,' On its side, the Government considers Productivity
important, but shows an ambivalence in relating it to the
Agrarian Transformation: though in the long run the Agrarian
Transformation will increase the land productivity, it is
implied that at the beginning the Agrarian Transformation might
negatively affect the agrarian production.'
Private Property does not receive a great quantitative
emphasis in the First Phase. However, it constitutes the most
important qualitative concern, In fact, ANEP links it to
Democracy and to Productivity, Without private enterprise,
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
84;
ANEP says, Productivity will sink.
The Government is extremely ambivalent toward Private
Property in this Phase, probably because ~-as I showed in 4.1~~
its consideration stems from a direct analysis of the social
situation and an evaluation of the factual effects that Private
Property has prod_uced and is still producing in El Salvador.
Certainly, looking at the Salvadoran situation, Private Property
cannot be praised or considered as an efficient democratic means
to fulfill People's Will;· On the contrary, Private Property is
the structural element responsible for the inequitable Wealth
Distribution,'' The Government thinks that no Democracy can exist
without Private Property; but the latter has to be subordinated
to the former, and not vice versa. Consequently, the Government
sees the Agrarian Transformation as a means to put limits to
certain f orms of land ownership and to increase the number of
private owners.
Precisely here lies one of the deepest inconsistencies
of the Government: it feels that the present forms of Private
Property are greatly responsible for the situation of Social
Injustice prevailing in the country; however, instead of
rejecting Private Property, the Goverrunent pretends to correct
its negative consequences by increasing the number of private
owners.
4.2.1.2. Second Phase.
The emphasis given by both groups to Democracy is
similar in this Phase to that of the First Phase,' Once more,
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
85.
Democracy is the basic field and Prame of reference f or any kind
of argumentation about the Agrarian Transformation. But, while
the Government stops emphasizing People's Will, ANEP~FARO begin
to give it a great relevance. This pretends to be an explicit
answer to the governmental charge that they represent only a
minority elite; But the new emphasis on People's Will is more
dramatically expressed by the rise and activities of FARO which
from the beginning presents itself as the bearer of the national
feeling and the speaker fer the "living forces" of the Republic.
On the other hand, ANEP-FARO sharply decrease their
emphasis on Productivity, while the Government increases the
relevance given to this value and suppresses its previous
ambivalence toward it. The Government now insists that the
Agrarian Transformation not only will increase the Productivity
of the land, but it will benefit the whole economic system,
promoting new investments and creating a solid internal market.
If the Government solves its ambivalence toward Pro~
ductivity, it cannot do the same with Prívate Property.· The
greater emphasis given by the Government in this Second Phase
to this value has, nevertheless, a slightly different affective
tone: the governmental documents begin to present Prívate
Property less in terms of the social inequality it has produced
in the past, and more in terms of the "social function" it has
to fulfill in the future. And this is the reason why the
Agrarian Transformation is necessary: to make possible the
social function of Private Property, If the Agrarian
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
86.
TransfoI111ation aff ects the present foI111s of land ownership, it
is in order to promote new foI111s of Private Property, The am
bivalence is still there, though expressed in more positive
teI111s,
ANEP~FARO also maintain their evaluation of Private
Property and change their affective tone toward it. The problem
is no longer for ANEP-FARO the negative consequences of the
Agrarian Transf 0I111ation on the production of the country; the
problem is that, in "destroying" Private Property, the democratic
regime is also affected. In other words, the change that the
Agrarian TransfoI111ation intends to establish with respect to
Private Property is a move toward the establishment of Communism
in the country. Any kind of attact against any foI111 of Private
Property is an attack against Democracy -~it is a communist plot,
Though I will examine this problem in the next point,
let me emphasize the change operated with respect to Private
Property: the Government depoliticizes its position, considering
Private Property less in relation to Social Injustice and more
in relation to Productivity and economic development; ANEP~FARO,
on the contrary, politicize tl].eir stance, judging the effects of
the Agrarian TransfoI111ation less as a threat to Productivity
than as a communist attack against Democracy and against the
People's Will.
4. 2, l. 3 ;; Third Phase,
In the final Phase of the debate, Democracy is not only
more frequently mentioned than in previous Phases, but it is the
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
87.
value most frequently expressed by both groups ~~.29 for the
Government, ,34 for ANEP-FARO; We might say that both groups
are maximizing their reference to Democracy as a commonly held
criterion. At the same time, the Government once more re
emphasizes People's Will, though less than ANEP~FARO. FARO's
meeting provide ANEP-FARO with the opportunity to claim popular
support for their stance•
The change already observed in Productivity during the
Second Phase continues in this Third Phase: the Government
emphasizes it still more without ambivalence, and ANEP~FARO
give it less relevance, while maintaining it as a basic reference
value.
The most significant change occurs with respect to
Prívate Property. While ANEP~FARO increasingly emphasize this
value, the Government drops it,' The increasing emphasis that
ANEP~FARO have been puting on Democracy has been linked to an
increasing emphasis on Prívate Property ~-these two values show
a correlation of r = .998. On the contrary, the relevant
increase given by the Government to Democracy has been accompanied
by a sharp decrease on Prívate Property --correlation r = ~.995; The change observed in the expressed values thus shows
a clear pattern of evolution, a pattern dependent on the groups
and, apparently, on their mutual influence;· Now we can with
sufficient assurance specify the meaning of this change: Prívate
Property is an essential value for the democratic regime as it is
established by the Salvadoran Constitution. Inasmuch as the
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
88.
Agrarian Transforrnation interferes with the fo:z:ms of Private
Property legally practiced at the present time in El Salvador,
it interferes with Democracy, Therefore, the Agrarian Trans
forrnation is against Democracy, There is no compatibility
between this Democracy ·and this Project of Agrarian Trans
forrnation.
In summary: There is an evolution in the values
expressed during the debate, which implies the confirrnation of
the attitude held by ANEP-FARO, and a modification of the attitude
held by the Government. This modification lies basically in the
recognition of the central role that Private Property plays in
the Salvadoran democratic regime and, consequently, in the
implicit recognition of the incompatibility of this system with
a Project of Agrarian Transforrnation which affects Private
Property.
The first part of my second hypothesis which assumes an
attitudinal change cannot be rejected: in fact, the Government
changed its attitude toward the Agrarian Transforrnation --it
changed its value frame of reference.
4.2.2. Levels of social consciousness.
The first subhypothesis of the second hypothesis states
that the debate tried to increase the class consciousness of
the participants. In other words, what I am trying to show is
that the change in the values implied an increase in class
consciousness.
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
89.
I have already defined class consciousness as the individual
or group awareness about the objective interests of one's own
social class. This concept is, certainly, political, insofar
as class consciousness is not a simple knowledge, but a practica!
one. Social consciousness implies the active defense of one's
social class and, therefore, the organization -~political
organization-~ of the group in order to serve those class interests.
It is a well-known social fact that class consciousness increases
in periods of social crisis or unrest, when men are forced by the
circumstances to become aware of their own roots. It is my
contention that this process happened in the Salvadoran conflict,
and that the increase in class consciousness was not only a
by-product of the debate, but it was one of its central elements.
Let us follow, once more, the evolution of the debate, trying to
bring forward this aspect of the debate. In order to do that,
I will contrast the values most emphasized by each group in
each Phase (Table VI, p. 48), and will examine the possible
meaning of their central ref erence role with respect to the
Agrarian Transformation.
4. 2. 2 .1. First Phase.
The two values most emphasized by the Government in this
First Phase are Social Injustice and Democracy, Since these two
values are brought in reference to the Agrarian Transformation,
their joint meaning can be expressed in the following terms:
for the Government, the Agrarian Transformation was a democratic
solution to the situation of Social Injustice. In fact, this
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
90.
was exactly what Col. Melina manifested in his inaugural
Presidential Address: "What can democracy mean for all those
i.memployed in the coi.mtry as well as in the urban marginal zones?
•••• We cannot close our eyes to the fact that the battle for
the survival of the ideals of freedom, prívate enterprise,
individual rights, that is, the survival of the democratic
system and the institutional bases of the coi.mtry in which we were
born, will take place in the rural area" (GOV, doc. 09.23b).
The attitude of the Governrnent in this First Phase was
obviously political. But I would better call it "naively"
political, insofar as the political character at the beginning
of the debate simply expressed the obvious nature of any govern~
mental action. As we will see, the terrn "political" soon acquired
a different connotation.
The two values more emphasized by ANEP in this Phase were
Productivity and Comrni.mism-Nationalism. The high relevance given
to Productivity implied a more "apolitical" attitude, and the
first attack on the Agrarian Transf orrnation as comrni.mist pretended
to i.mderline its technical inefficiency. Hence, the emphasis on
the governrnental red tape, incapability, and lack of experience.·
El Salvador, ANEP says in its first manifesto, "has little natural
resources and cannot afford the luxury of blithely destroying a
great portien of its productive capacity •••• The adopted measure
needs justification, with economic and technical argurnents really
valid" (Al'lEP, doc. 07.09). For ANEP, the Agrarian Transforrnation
is not a technical measure, but a political one. "The land reforrn
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
91,
used as a political tool only has meaning in a class struggle,
in which it is intended to destroy the power of one of the
classes and to transfer it to the other" (ANEP, doc. 07.13),
The meaning of ANEP's attitude is also clear: a land
reform only can be justified as a technical means to increase
productivity, not to distribute the land (cf. Sebastián, 1976).
The Agrarian Transformation is a political reform, a typical
communist policy which tends to destroy productivity ~ the
power of the productive class. Three points in ANEP's attitude
deserve to be underlined: (1) ANEP considers Productivity as
the first goal and only justification f or any possible land
reform; (2) ANEP assumes that the Salvadoran production is its
own merit, that is, it identifies Productivity with the activity
and character of its own social class; (3) ANEP rejects the
Project of Agrarian Transformation because it is not a technical,
but a political, measure, and its goal is to destroy productivity
and the productive class -~ANEP's social class.
It is evident that, from the beginning, the attitude of
ANEP implies a social consciousness, that is, a clear awareness
about the interests of its own social class. The same cannot be
said of the governmental attitude, which holds that the Agrarian
Transformation is going to benefit all social classes in El Sal
vador. Paradoxically, the more explicitly political terms and
stance of the Government is less "political" than the explicitly
technical stance of ANEP,' If, technically, the conflict seems
to be between Productivity and Wealth Distribution, politically
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
92;
the conflict is between Democracy and a supposedly communist
measure ~-the Agrarian Transformation. Whereas the Government
holds that Democracy requires the Agrarian Transformation in
arder to achieve Social Justice, ANEP maintains that the Agrarian
Transformation is a communist bill against Productivity and its
own social class --the productive class.
4,2,2.2. Second Phase.
In this Second Phase, the Government still maintains
Social Injustice and Democracy as the first two values, although
their expression is relatively less frequent than in the First
Phase, At the same time, it significantly increases its expression
of Productivity and Prívate Property. The Government, during this
Phase, addresses a good part of its efforts to preve that the
Agrarian Transformation is a technical solution to the Salvadoran
problems, and that the Government is technically prepared to
fulfill this task; In other words, the Government tries to
de-emphasize the political character of the Agrarian Trans
formation. By this time, ANEP's charge has already achieved the
identification of "political" bill with "antidemocratic" ar
"procommunist" bill1 political means non-technical, class-struggle
policy, And the Government, instead of reaffirming and defending
the political nature of the Agrarian Transformation, begins to
step back and to emphasize its technical character,
ANEP, on the contrary, follows the opposite direction. In
this Second Phase it drops its emphasis on Productivity, and con~
centrates predominantly on the relevance of Democracy, Communism-
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
93.
Nationalism, and People's Will, three explicit political values.
Its stance is no longer technical: it is openly political. The
Agrarian Transformation is not only a communist measure against
Democracy; it is against the will of the Salvadoran people,
During this Phase, ANEP does not insist on Productivity,
but on the identification of the Salvadoran people with its own
interests --a typical ideological recourse by which the interests
of the dominant class are held as the interests of the whole
society. In other words, ANEP does not represent a single class:
ANEP is the representation of the Salvadoran people;
This political stance and this ideological identification
is pathetically expressed by the rise and activities of FARO, It
is in the meaning of this organization that, in my opinion, lies
one of the crucial elements of the debate,
As I said in the Introduction, FARO was organized by a
group of the landowners affected by the First Project of Agrarian
Transf ormation. It is to be noted that all these landowners were
already organized in several agricultural associations included
in ANEP: the "Salvadoran Cotton Co-operative Ltd.," the "Sugar
Association of El Salvador," the "Agropecuarian Salvadoran
Association," etc. Moreover, the particular economic history of
El Salvador determined that the only class with economic resources
to afford large business or industrial factories was the same
class of landowners, ,Therefore, the big landowners also own
large interests in the industrial and service sectors. In this
sense, the same individuals can be found at the head of the banks,
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
94.
industries, or land properties, It is not casual that El Sal
vador is known as the country of the fourteen families," This
situation made the rise of FARO apparently unnecessary, since
the affected landowners already.had available severa! associations,
all of them included in ANEP, through which to channel their
opposition to the Agrarian Transformation, Why, then, did they
begin a new association7 What was the meaning of FARO?
The first striking note about FARO is its formal inde~
pendence from Al'IBP and, at the same time, its material identi
fication with it ,· In fact, during the debate both groups
independently signed the same documents, that is, the same
documents appeared one time signed by ANEP, another time by
FARO, Obviously, this represented a material identification of
both groups. Nevertheless, they maintained their formal in
dependence, andan interesting "division of labor,"
Four traits characterized the activity of FARO:
(1) An open aggressiveness, which did not fear to resort
to personal insults, innuendos, attribution of intention, and
even clear calumnies;
(2) The use of express threats of all kinds: economic,
political, and even personal;
(3) A clear political stance and the promotion of
political activities, while denying any kind of political in~
volvement;
(4) The expression of Communism-Nationalism as its
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
95.
central and almost only value ;·
From these characteristics and the identification/
independence between ANEP and FARO we can discern the meaning
of the latter: FARO represented in the Salvadoran conflict the
political front group of ANEP. In other words, FARO was the
political materialization of ANEP's class consciousness, its
political class instrument. In that way, ANEP could keep its
pretended professional --apolitical?-~ character, its tone of
technical respectability, its self-attributed supraideological
identification with the national interests ~~while, at the same
time, channeling its political consciousness, its class defense
through the activities of FARO. FARO could be "sacrified" in
the conflict; ANEP would survive as a clean professional
association, only concerned with the interests of the whole
country.
It is, then, clear that this Second Phase represents a
politicization of the debate. Whereas the Government begins to
move into a technical field, ANEP moves into the political battle
grol.llld by means of the materialization of its social consciousness,
FARO. Since the Agrarian Transformation is a political measure
against one social class -~ANEP's class~~ FARO will be the
political arm of this class against it.
The technical-political division of labor as well as the
identity of Al~EP~FARO is evident at the end of the Second Phase,
While ANEP "technically" insists that "if a decision of a few
is harmful to us all .. , it is not a good decision" (Al~P, doc.
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
96.
09.09b; 09.14b; 09.16; 09.17b), FARO issues big propagandistic
reports of its last meeting under the head;.line: "FARO demands
dialogue with the Government" (FARO, doc. 09.13a), And the same
document is also published with Che footnote: "Publication of
ANEP" (ANEP, doc. 09.13b; 09.14).
4.2.2,3,' Third Phase.
As I have already indicated, the most important character
istic of the governmental attitude in this Phase is Che withdrawal
of Private Property from its frame of reference. At the same
time, the Government increases its emphasis on Democracy and
Productivity. Its two first values are still Social Injustice
and Democracy, but now Democracy occupies the first place. Two
elements are, thus, notable in the attitude of the Government
toward the Agrarian Transformation in this Phase: its increased
emphasis on Productivity and its almost complete omission of
Pri vate Property ,"
ANEP;.FARO, on the other hand, increase their emphasis on
Democracy, but now they put as their second expressed value
Private Property and, in third place, with a very high frequency,
Communism~Nationalism.
All the analyses made thus far indicate that the final
role of Private Property in the actitudes of both contenders is
central. The politicization of the debate in its Second Phase
gives to this final change a clear meaning: Private Property
is a political value. Therefore, far A!'lEP;.FARO the Agrarian
Transformation pretends to destroy Democracy bringing Communism
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
97.
through the suppression of Private Property. As FARO clearly
states in one of its invitations, "the pretended capricious and
unconstitutional interpretation of the Principle of Private
Property in social function is the instrument that will spoil
us from the right of land, house, industrial enterprise, business,
and bank ownership, in order to smash the will of the Salvadorans
and to turn them into real pariahs in behalf of the marxist
regime that the executioners and technocrats of the new class
wish to administer" (FARO, doc. 09,30)•
Evidently, this explicit acknowledgment of the political
character of Private Property is the best expression of a high
class consciousness. Social classes are objectively determined
by their relation to the means of production, and Private Property
is the basic element in this relation. Emphasizing the political
meaning of Private Property, ANEP~FARO are explicitly appealing
to their class interests. And, if the Government cannot deny
this fact, but stops mentioning Private Property, it is because
the character of what is at stake has appeared clear to it. 1he
problem was no longer the distribution of sorne land; the central
problem was the fundamental nature of Private Property. 1his
kind of Democracy is not possible without an almost absolute
right of Private Property.
In sununary: 1he progressive politicization of the debate
implies an appeal to the interests of the Salvadoran dominant
class, Insofar as the Government is a Government of this concrete
political system, to affect Private Property is to affect its
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
98.
own interests, to destroy the basis of its social power. It is
through the awareness of this fact that the debate reaches a
conclusion, Therefore, we cannot reject the first subhypothesis;
the debate, as it-was led by ANEP-FARO, tried to increase the
class consciousness of the Government, that is, appealed to
their common interests. And their common interests were rooted
in the present forms of Private Property,
4.2. 3. Attitude change through inconsistency,·
My last subhypothesis intends to preve that the process of
attitude change can be adequately explained by Rosenberg's model.
I have already shown that there was a change in the attitudes of
both groups, and that this change was in the direction of an
increasing politicization. The question would be: Can this
process be explained as one of inconsistency raising and solving?
Can the modification induced in the governmental attitude by
ANEP's class consciousness be explained as a process of in~
consistency resolution? I think that the answer is affirmative,
and that Rosenberg's model can adequately be applied to my
analysis. Let me elaborate this affirmative answer.
In the First Phase of the debate, the Government begins by
claiming the incompatibility of a democratic regime with a
situation of Social Injustice, and it presents the Agrarian
Transformation as an i.mportant means to salve this problem. On
its side, Al'IBP begins the debate by un~erlining the incompatibility
between Productivity and Communism: the Agrarian Transformation
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
99.
is not a democratic solution, because it destroyes Productivity.
The intent of mutual inconsistency raising is clear in the
claims of both groups. However, while in the Second Phase the
Government seems affected by ANEP's argumenta, ANEP answers the
governmenta:l charges by strenghtening its position;' In fact,
the Government tries to salve its initial ambivalence with
respect to Productivity, and gives this value an increasing
relevance. ANEP not only ignores the emphasis on Social Injustice,
but sees the governrnental emphasis on this value as a communist
stance. Consequently, ANEP polarizes itself around its own
values ~~this Democracy, this Private Property, this productive
system. Moreover, it answers the governmental claim on People's
Will by integrating this value and politicizing its position,
bringing its stance to the political field by means of FARO,
The politicization of Private Property accomplished in this
Second Phase by ANEP~FARO effected an unbearable inconsistency
in the attitude of the Governrnent. Since the beginning, the
Government had held an ambiguous evaluation of Private Property·;•
The politicization of this value seemed to reach the governmental
threshold of intolerance far inconsistency, And the dropping in
the Third Phase of this value confirma the theoretical prediction
that attitudes will change when the inconsistent elements cannot
be denied or isolated from the central object of the attitude
(cf, Rosenberg, 1968).
This last point is important. The Government was able to
modify its evaluation of Productivity without changing its
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
100.
attitude toward the Agrarian Transformation; but it was not
capable of doing the same with Private Property. Why this
difference? In my opinion, the difference lies in the politi
cization of the value Private Property; this politicization
means that Private Property was essentially linked to Democracy,
as ANEP's class consciousness made clear. If the Government
pretended to maintain its evaluation of Democracy identified
with the Constitution of the country -~and this was an unquestion~
able value and the essential element in the frame of reference-~
it had to modify completely its understanding of Private Property,
It could not do it and, therefore, had to drop Private Property.
The change of its attitude toward the Agrarian Transf ormation
had to follow from this fact;
We can ask ourselves whether this change proceeded through
a modification of an affective or a cognitive element. The
answer to that question must be: through both elements, in the
sense that Private Property was not a simple cognitive element,
but also a strong affective one ~~as the analysis has shown.
However, I thi.nk that, paradoxically, the affective element
seemed to play a more relevant role.' Class consciousness is
made possible by situations of personal involvement, and the
new knowledge is not possible until the circumstances force the
individuals to look differently at the daily events. If the
Government could reach a new class consciousness it was insofar
as its own position was menaced by the threat to the basis of
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
101.
its power. And it is in this aspect that we can place the
effect on the debate of all the ongoing pressures --economic,
political, and personal. Once Private Property was seen as a
political value, the position of the Goverrunent toward the
Agrarian Transformation was no longer tenable; but to realize
this fact required an emotional involvement, made possible by
the strorg pressures of ANEP-FARO,
One final remark. It is clear that the Third Phase of the
debate annot.mced the resolution of the conflict, as in fact
happened, Nevertheless, after the debate both groups, the
Goverrunent and ANEP-FARO, publicly declared that they would
promete in common the Agrarian Transformation; But now, this
Agrarian Transformation would be in the "productive," "apolitical"
terms desired by ANEP-FARO, and without affecting in any way
Private Property, The Goverrunent, evidently, had changed its
attitude toward the Agrarian Transformation. In other words,
the new attitude was toward a new object, and in relation to
different values, especially, without relation to Private Property.
The new attitude not only showed an internal consistency, but
also an external one: there was no more conflict between the
Goverrunent and ANEP-FARO, between the Agrarian Transformation
and the interests of the dominant social class •.
Therefore, I cannot reject the second subhypothesis: the
resolution of the debate was reached through a process of in
consistency raising, Rosenberg's model can adequately explain
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
102.
the goverrunental attitude change that took place in the Salva
doran debate on the Agrarian Transformation.
4.2.4. After the debate.
The validity of my interpretation of the debate receives a
further confirmation by two documents, issued by ANEP and FARO
sorne time after the conclusion of the debate (cf, 3.1.4),
On October 25, ANEP issued a statement about the amendments
to the First Project of Agrarian Transformation. Its first point
is an acknowledgment that the new definition of Private Property
in social function is the crucial modification of the Project,
that allows the country a period of renewed trust and peace.
ANEP thanks "the living forces" of the Republic for their un
derstanding and support. And, in a final point, "ANEP urges
all the entrepreneurs of the country not only to keep but to
strenghten the unity f or the defense of our principles of free
enterprise" (ANEP, doc. 10.25). As my interpretation of the
debate would lead us to expect, the class consciousness and the
political relevance of Private Property are the central points
of this document.
The document of FARO, issued on November 27, is divided
into three sections: (a) An analysis supporting the amendments
introduced to the Project of Agrarian Transformation; (b) An
analysis of the "socio-political situation," denouncing "subversive"
popular movements and the work of land "agitators;" and (c) A
statement about ~he intentions and goals of FARO as organization.
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
103.
In 3.1.4, I showed FARO's contradictory claim of being
apolitical and its expressed political goals. Since FARO has
been defined as the political f ront group of ANEP during the
debate, its declaration further confirms this interpretation;
The ideological falseness of its stance supports the contention
that FARO expresses the political consciousness of the dominant
social class, while pretending to be the voice of the "national
interest." A maximum of class consciousness implies, in this
situation of historical oppression, a maximum of ideological
falseness. The attitude of FARO expresses almost in pure terms
the figure and the myths of the "oppressor" type described by
Freire (cf,· 1.4 •. 2);
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
104.
( 5) e o N e L u s I o N = = = =
S. l •' ! PSYCHOSOCIAL INTERPRETATION OF I!lli DEBATE,
The debate that took place in El Salvador during 1976
betwen the Goverrunent of Col, Melina and the "National
Association of the Private Enterprise" (ANEP) about the First
Project of Agrarian Transf onnation shows the existence of two
different social classes in the ruling sector of the Salvadoran
society. These two classes are linked by the need for maintain-
ing the present social system as it is consecrated by the Cons~
titution of the Republic. One of the essential elements of this
system is the right of Private Property, exerted almost without
limits.- It is through the private ownership of the means of
production that these social classes are configurated and
acquire social power.
Each of these social classes had a different perception of
the social situation and, consequently, gave a different inter~
pretation of the ways to solve the tmderdevelopment and the
social inequality that characterizes the cotmtry. While the
Goverrunent interpreted the situation as one of social injustice,
At'IBP interpreted it as one of deficient productivity. This
difference in the perception of the reality implied a diff erent
level of social consciousness, th~t is, a different awareness
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
105.
of their objective interests as social classes.
Concretely, these two social classes perceived differently
the land situation of El Salvador and the possible solutions to
its problems. lhe First Project of Agrarian Transformation
issued by the Government and immediately opposed by ANEP made
clear their different attitutdes toward the Salvadoran social
problems.
At the beginning of the debate, the opposing views of
social justice against productivity (First Phase) constituted
the central points of the argument. But it soon became clear
that the opposition was between the present democratic system in
El Salvador and a policy of social justice labeled as communist
by ANEP, since it would represent a serious limitation to its
traditional prerogatives (Second Phase). Finally, the conflict
appeared as one between private property and social justice in
the Salvadoran system (Third Phase).
lhe increasing politicization of the debate showed that,
very often, the criteria of technical efficiency and productivity
simply hide a political interest of the ruling class ~-the defense
and maintainance of the present forras of private property.
Private property is the source of the social domination of one
class over the others, and its meaning is not merely technical,
but political. ANEP was conscious of this meaning, and hence
the rise of FARO as a f ront group which would lead the conf ron
tation to a pure political field.
Dlrough the debate, the Government was f orced to accept
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
106,
the political meaning of private property and, consequently, to
change its attitude toward the Agrarian Transformation; If the
Government wanted to preserve its own role of social power it
had to preserve the system. And, since the system was founded
on private property, a Project that would affect the present
forras of private property would also affect the system and its
own situation.
The politicization of the debate expresses the existence of
forces other than ideological; but more directly expresses the
central role that social consciousness plays in the configuration
of social actitudes,
Was this conflict the expression of an hegemonic crisis
inside the ruling class? We can neither support nor refute this
sociopolitical interpretation. But, from our psychosocial pers~
pective, it appears that the conflict was deeper: not an
hegemonic conflict inside the ruling class, but an hegemonic
conflict inside the whole society, In other words, it seems
that the debate aimed at a clarification of the central role of
private property in the Salvadoran system: it is through private
property that the ruling class achieves its position of hegemony,
its social power. Any measure that somehow ~~even mildly, as
this Project of Agrarian Transformation-~ could affect private
property had to be felt by the ruling class as an assault against
its social hegemony. It is in this sense that I believe that the
governmental position was representative of the intereses of the
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
107•'
oppressed classes: the Project of Agrarian Transformation
affected the basic mechanism through which the social system
has exerted and still exerts their oppression (cf, also Sebas~
tián, 1976). Probably, one of the political errors of the
Government in the conflict was to ignore the practical support
of these classes. But this is another question.
Private property gives basis not only to the present social
system, but also to the attitudes of different groups. ANEP's
attitude toward the Agrarian Transformation exemplifies the
social roots of attitudes as well as their social functionality
with respect to the objective interests of a social class. At
the same time, the new consciousness acquired through the debate,
the new attitude toward the Agrarian Transformation, led the
Government to change drastically its reformistic policy aimed
at social justice into a policy of systematic repression of any
kind of social ~~"communist"-- concern, The last events in El
Salvador pathetically confirm this point.
S. 2, SOME THEORETICAL IMPLICATIONS ,.
I would like to indicate three theoretical points that seem
to follow from this work and that, in my opinion, deserve further
reflection and research;
The first is more methodological than theoretical, although
it can also have implications for theory, Content analysis has
proved to be a useful tool f or social psychology; The present
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
108,
study, for all its limitations, preves at least that it is
possible to acquire a significant psychological knowledge of
human events and actions through a careful analysis of relevant
documents,: Its possibilities are, to be sure, limited, as the
modern branch of psychohistory is proving. But it seems
appropriate for the study of those group events where individuality
is less relevant. In any case, social psychology would only gain
by reconsidering content analysis at least as another possible
method of research,
My second point goes back to sorne considerations I made in
the Introduction (cf; 1.4.2), I stated there the group nature
of the attitudes and their ideological character. I think the
present work shows that an understanding of attitudes as the
psychological structure of ideology establishes a valuable bridge
between social groups and individuals, between social structures
and personality, between social interests and individual actions.
I say action, and not behavior, because I intend to emphasize
not only its formal structure, but also its contentual meaning;
and meaning is essentially social. 1he actions of both the
Government and ANEP-FARO, as well as those of their members,
could certainly be referred to that mediating variable called
attitude. But the cognitions and affects that frame any attitude
are individual as well as social elements. I think that if we
pretend to explain more adequately human attitudes, we cannot
limit ourselves to a positivistic functional model, but we have
to reintroduce this model into its historical context.
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
109.
Hence my third point. lb.e consistency model has rightly
emphasized the internal elements that constitute an attitude,
giving it stability or instability, Now, I think that it follows
from the previous point that this model can and should be enlarged
in order to take into account its relational consistency, that is,
the relation of a particular attitude with its social roots and
reference points. It is here that, in my opinion, social cons~
ciousness plays the central role: the relational consistency of
an attitude will depend on the level of social consciousness of
the subject of that attitude ~~individual or group; It seems to
me that this consideration could help social psychology to a
better understanding of sorne social processes, especially those
that involve significant group changes,
I do not pretend that these points are fully clear, Never~
theless, they seem to me to be promising enough to deserve more
theoretical study and practical research; Social psychology
has devoted a good part of its best efforts to the study of
attitudes, However, during recent years it has been somehow
forgotten, giving way to other models and approaches. Perhaps
it is time to go back to that rich field and reexamine it with
new eyes and renewed interest •.
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
110.
(6) R E F E R E N C E S
Abelson, R. P. & Rosenberg, M. J, Symbolic psycho~logic: a
model of attitudinal cognition. Behavioral Science, 1958,
3, 1-13.
Althusser, L. La revolución teórica de Marx. (Spanish trans;')
México: Siglo XXI, 1968.
Anderson, T. P. Matanza: El Salvador's communist revolt of
1932, Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1971.
f:; .§1!2 órdenes mi capital. ECA (San Salvador), 1976, 337, 637-643.
Berelson, B,
York:
Content analysis
Free Press, 1952. in communication research. New
Berelson, B. Content analysis; In Lindzey, G, (Ed.), Handbook
.Qf social psychology. Vol. I. Cambridge, Mass.: Addison
Wesley, 1954.
Berger, P. L. & Luckmann, T. The social construction of reality.
New York: Doubleday, 1966,.
Bock, R.D~ Multivariate statistical methods in behavioral
research. New York: McGraw~Hill, 1975.
Bock, R. D. & Yates, G, Multigual: Log~linear analysis of
nominal .Q.!: ordinal gualitative ~ El:'. the method of
maximum likelihood. Chicago: National Educational
Resources, 1973.
Brown, R. Social psychology. New York: Free Press, 1965.
Browning, D. El Salvador: Landscape and societv, Oxford:
Clarendon Press, 1971.
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
Burke, M. El sistema de plantación y
trabajo agrícola en El Salvador.
1976, 335-336, 473-486.
111.
la proletarización del
ECA (San Salvador),
CONAPLAN, Plan de desarrollo económico y social 1973~77. San
Salvador, w.d.
Coser, L, 'Ille functions of social conflict. Glencoe: Free Press, 1956,
Deutsch, M.· Conflicts: Productive and destructive. In Zaltman, G,, Kotler, P., and I. Kaufman (Eds.), Creating social
change;' New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1972.
Dirección General de Estadísticas y Censos, Censo Agropecuario
1961. San Salvador, 1966.
Dos Santos, r, El nuevo carácter de la dependencia. Santiago de
Chile: .Centro de Estudios Socio-Económicos, Universidad de
Chile, 1968,
Ellacuría, I. La historización del concepto de propiedad como
principio de desideologización. ECA (San Salvador), 1976, 335~336, 425~450.
Estado y sociedad. Crisis hegemónica y lucha ideológica ~ la coyuntura de la Transformación Agraria ~ El Salvador 1975~ 1976. San Salvador, 1977 (mimeo).
Frank, A, G. Capitalism and underdevelopment in Latín America: historical studies of Chile ~ Brazil. Harmonsworth: Penguin, 1971,'
Frank, A. G, Lumpenbourgeoisie: lumpendevelopment; dependence,
class, and politics in Latín America. (M, D. Berdecio trans.)
New York: Monthly Review Préss, 1972.
Freire, P. Pedagogv .Qf the oppressed. (M. B ,· Rámos trans.) New York: 'Ille Seabury Press, 1970.
George, A. Quantitative and qualitative approaches to content
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
112.
analysis.· In Pool, I. de Sola (Ed.), Trends in content
analysis. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1959.
Hays, W; L. Statistics far the social sciences. New York:
Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1973.
Hernández;..Pico, J,, Jerez, C., g alii, El Salvador: Año Po;.
lítico 1972, San Salvador: U,.C.A. "José Simeón Cañas",
1972.
Jaguaribe, H.- Causas del subdesarrollo latinoamericano. Revista
Paraguaya de Sociología, 1970, 12·
Jerez, C. El contexto socioeconómico de las decisiones políticas en el proceso de integración centroamericana. ~ (San Sal;. vador), 1977, 339-340, 5;..32,
Kelley, H. H. Two functions of reference groups. In Proshansky,
H. & Seidenberg, B. (Eds.), Basic studies in social psycho;.. .lQgy. New York: Holt, Rinehart, and Winston, 1966,
Kendall, M. G. Rank correlation methods. London: Griffin, 1948.
Lasswell, H. D. & Leites, N. (Ed.), Language of politics. Studies
in guantitative semantics. New York: George W, Steward,
1949.
Lukács, G. History and class consciousness. Studies in Marxistic dialectics. (R. Livingstone trans,) London: Merlin Press,
1971.
McGuire, W. J. The nature of attitudes and attitude change, In Lindzey, G. & Aronson, E, (Eds •. ), The handbook of social
psychology. "nd. ed. Vol. 3. Reading, Mass.: Addison;.. Wesley, 1969.
Martín-Baró, I. Psicodiagnóstico de América Latina. San Salva;. dar: U,C,:A, "José Simeón Cañas", 1972.
Martín-Baró, I. Introducción. In Hartín-Baró, I. (Ed.), Problemas
de psicología social en América Latina.. San Salvador: u.e.A. Edi t. , l 9 7 6 ,.
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
113.
Marx, K, The Grundrisse. (D, McLellan ed. and trans.) New
York: Harper & Row, 1971.
Marx, K. The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte. New York:
International Publishers, 1972.
Menjívar, o. & Ruiz, s.. La Transfonnación Agraria en el marco de la Transfonnación Nacional. ·ECA (San Salvador), 1976,
335-336, 511~534 ..
Ministerio de Planificación y coordinación del desarrollo econó
mico y social, Indicadores económicos y sociales. Julio~
Diciembre 1975. San Salvador, 1976.
Moscovici, s.. Society and theory in social psychology. In
Israel, J. & Tajfel, H;· (Eds.), The context of social psycho~
.1,Qgy. h critical assessment. London: Academic Press, 1972.
Neweomb, T. M. Attitude development as a ftmction of reference ' groups: the Bennington study. In Proshansky, H. & Seiden~ berg,
York:
B, (Eds,), Basic studies in social psychology. New
Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1966,
Osgood, C,, Suci, G., and P. Tannenbaum, The measurement of
meaning. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1958.
Osgood, C. E. The representational model and relevant research methods. In Pool, I. de Sola (Ed,) Trends in content analysis.
Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1959.
Pool, I. de Sola, Trends in content analysis today: a summary,
In Pool, I. de Sola (Ed,), Trends in content analysis,
Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1959.
Pool, I, de Sola~ al, The prestige press: ~ comparative analysis of political syrnbols, Cambridge: The M.I.T.
Press, 1970.
Porshnev, B,
Moscow:
Social psychology and history.
Progress Pub., 1970.
(I. Savin trans.)
Ribeiro, D,. El dilema de América Latina. Estructuras de poder
fuerzas insurgentes. México: Siglo XXI Ed., 1971.
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
114.
Rosenberg, M,' J. An analysis of affective;.cognitive consistency,
In M, J, Rosenberg, C, I. Hovland, W; J, McGuire, R. P,
Abelson, and J, W, Brehm, Attitude organization fills! change;
New Haven: Yale U, Press, 1960, (a)
Rosenberg, M, J, A structural theory of attitude Public Opinion Quarterly, 1960, 24, 319;.340,
dynamics. (b)
Rosenberg, M, J, Consistency between attitudinal affect and spontaneous cognitions. ~ Journal of Psychology, 1962,
54, 485-490,
Rosenberg, M. J. Sorne content determinants of intolerance far attitudinal inconsistency, In Tomkins, s. S, & Izard, C.
E;· (Eds.), Affect, cognition and personality. New York:
Springer, 1965,
Rosenberg, M. J, Hedonism, inauthenticity, and other goads
toward expansion of a consistency theory. In R. P, Abelson,
E. Aronson, W,J. McGuire, T. M. Newcomb, M. J, Rosenberg,
and P. H. Tannenbaum, Theories of cognitive consistency: ~
sourcebook. Chicago: Rand McNally, 1968.
Sebastián, L, Criterios para evaluar los objetivos de una Refor;.
ma Agraria. ECA (San Salvador), 1976, 335-336, 571;.590,
SIECA, Estadísticas sociales. Guatemala, 1972.
SIECA, El desarrollo integrado de f... .!h_ .fil1 la presente década. Tomo 7: Política social. Buenos Aires: BID/INTAL, 1973.
Siegel, s. Non parametric statistics far the behavioral sciences. New York: McGraw;.Hill, 1956,
Siegel, A;· E. & Siegel, S, Reference groups, membership groups,
and attitude change, In Proshansky, H. & Seidenberg, B.
(Eds,), Basic studies in social psychology. New York: Holt,
Rinehart and Winston, 1966.
Stagner, R. Personality dynamics and social conflict, In Smelser, N, J., &'Smelser, W, T. Personality and social svstems. New
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
115.
York: John Wiley & Sons, 1963.
Stein, E, Comunicación colectiva y Transformación Agraria. ECA (San Salvador), 1976, 335~336, 535~556.
Ungo, G, M. Consideraciones jurídico/políticas sobre la Transformación Agraria. ECA (San Salvador), 1976, 335~336, 451~
462.
White, R. K. Value-analysis. .Ih§ nature -ª!1Q ~ of the method, Society for the psychological study of social studies, 1951.
White, A, El Salvador. New York: Praeger, 1973.
Zamora, R, ¿Seguro de vida o Transformación Agraria. 511~534.
despojo? Análisis político de la ECA (San Salvador), 1976, 335~336,
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
A P P E N D I X A ===================
11§.! Q[ OOCUMENTS
Kind of docurnents: A - Manifestos and transcriptions of official speeches.
B - Theoretical analyses. C - Invitations and reports,
Newspapers (San Salvador): DH - El Diario de Hoy,
DL - Diario Latino. EM - El Mundo,
PG - La Prensa Gráfica.
(1) DOCUMENTS ISSUED BY THE GOVERNMENT
07.07 A
07. lOa
07 .'lOb B
07,lOc A
07,14 B
07 .16 B
07 .17 A
08.27a
08.27b
08.30
09.02
09.03
09.06
B
B
B
B
B
B
Newspaper
DH
PG
DH
DH DH
DH EM
DH
PG
DH
DH
DH
DH
Docurnent
Presidential Address.
Decree: First Project of AT.
Goverrunental a.ra;er to ANEP.
Presidential Address in Ahuachapán. Goverrunental answer to ANEP,
Goverrunental answer to ANEP, The Goverrunent to the Salvadoran people,
The Gov. is technically prepared.
The instrurnents for the AT,
AT is constitutional (!),
AT is constitutional (II).
AT is constitutional (III),
AT is constitutional (IV),
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
Date ,!&1n!! Newspaper
09,13 B DH 09,14 B DH 09,16a A DH
09.16b C DL 09.17 C DH
09,2la A DH
09.2lb C DH 09.22 C EM 09.23a e PG
09,23b A PG 09.24 C PG 09.27 C PG 09.29 C PG 09,30 C PG
Appendix A, 2,
Document
AT is constitutional (V), AT is constitutional (VI), Presidential Address.
People have the right to know the truth. People have the right, •.
Presidential Address 1975, People have the right ,·, ,
People have the right •.• People have the right ..• Presidential Adciress 1972. People have the right •.. People have the right,,, People have the right,,, People have the right,,,
(2) DOCUMENTS ISSUED BY ANEP;.FARO
07. 09 07 .13
07.15 07.19
08.09 08.12
08.20 08.23
08.26 08.31
09.0la 09,0lb
09.02 09.03
A
B
B
A
B
B
e B
A
e A
e e e
DH
DH
DH
DH
DH DH
PG
DH
DH PG
PG PG
DH PG
ANEP: Manifesto. ANEP answers the Government.
ANEP answers the Government. This is ANEP,
ANEP: Nobody can deny these facts; ANEP: Governmental inefficiency on
FARO:
ANEP:
land administration, Invitation to meeting,
What is the social benefit of the AT?
FARO: We will not sell our land. FARO: Invitation to meeting. Al~EP is ready to help. FARO: Invitation to meeting.
FARO: Invitation to meeting. FARO: Invitation to meeting.
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
Date Kind Newspaper
09.06a 09,06b
09.07a 09. 07b
09.08 09,09a
09.09b
09,09c 09.10
09.11 09 .13a 09.13b 09.l4a 09.14b 09 .16 09.17a 09.17b 09.20 09,21a
09.2lb
09.22a 09.22b
09.22c 09.23
09.24a
09 •24b 09.24c 09.25
09.28
e e
e e e B
A
e B
B
e e e A
A
A
A
B
B
B
B
A
B
B
e B
B
B
e
PG
DH
PG
DH
DH PG
EM
PG PG
PG
EM
DH PG
EM
DL
DH PG
DH
DH DH
DH DH
DH DH DH DH DH DH DH
Appendix A, 3.
Document
FARO: Resolutions meeting,
FARO: This is the "small group" that opposes the AT,
ANEP: This is the "small group",,. FARO: This is the "small group",,,
FARO: Resolutions meeting. ANEP: Land Reform f ailed in Guate
mala (I). ANEP: If a decision of a few is
harmful to us all,,, it is
not a good decision.
FARO:
ANEP:
ANEP:
Invitation to meeting, Land Reform failed ••• (II).
Land Reform failed,,, (III).
FARO demands dialogue with the Gov.
ANEP: FARO demands dialogue .•. ANEP: FARO demands dialogue,,,
ANEP: If a decision •••
ANEP: If a decision. ·" ANEP: Manifesto. ANEP: If a decision• ..
ANEP: Legal study (I). ANEP: Legal study (II),
FARO: Machiavellian advice to
President Melina.
ANEP:
FARO:
FARO: ANEP:
FARO:
FARO:
ANEP: ANEP: FARO:
Legal study ( III) ,·
Manifesto.
There is no Min. of Agriculture. Legal study (IV),
Invitation to meeting. You are alone, Mr. President.
Legal study (V), Other legal study,
Invitation to meeting.
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
Appendix A, 4.
Date Kind Newspaper Document
09.29 e DH FARO: Invitation to meeting.
09.30 e PG FARO: Invitation to meeting,
10.01 e PG ANEP: Invitation to meeting.
10.02a e EM Multiple invitations to meeting,
10.02b e EM ANEP: Invitation to meeting.
10.04 e EM FARO: Popular answer to FARO's call. 10.os e PG FARO: Popular answer to FARO's call,
10.06 e DH FARO: Thanks to nationalistic people,
10. 25 A DH ANEP: Period of national recovery.
11.27 A PG FARO is democratic and apolitical.
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas
Biblioteca Florentino ldoate
111111111 376809
Digitalizado por Biblioteca "P. Florentino Idoate, S.J." Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas