democratic and popular republic of algeria ministry of ... · plus le parler arabe en algérie...
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I
Democratic and Popular Republic of Algeria
Ministry of Higher Education and Research
University of Oran
Faculty of Letters, Languages and Arts
Department of Anglo-Saxon Languages
MAGISTER
THESIS
OPTION: SOCIOLINGUISTICS
Submitted by: Supervised by:
President : Dr. MOULFI Leila MC(A) University of Oran
Supervisor : Dr. OUAHMICHE Ghania MC(A) University of Oran
Examiner : Dr.BENHATTAB Abdelkader Lotfi MC(A) University of Oran
Examiner : Dr. BOUKRERIS Louafia MC(A) University of Oran
2014/2015
THE EMERGENCE OF EDUCATED
SPOKEN ARABIC IN ALGERIA
KERMA Mokhtar Dr: OUAHMICHE Ghania
Members of the Jury Soutenue le 22 Janvier 2015
I
To all my family
my wife
my sons MONCIF and MOUANIS
my butterfly NOUR EL FAJR
II
First and foremost, my utmost gratitude goes to my supervisor, Dr.
Ouahmiche Ghania, for her many valuable comments and stimulating
suggestions on my work. I am grateful to her for helping me to focus my
ideas. I have immensely benefited from her talent in simplifying complex
linguistic issues. In the absence of her guidance and assistance, this research
work would never been realized.
I would like to acknowledge my thesis examiners Dr. MOULFI Leila,
Dr.BENHATTAB Abdelkader Lotfi and Dr. BOUKRERIS Louafia at the
University of Oran for their constructive suggestions, their mentoring and
advice regarding the organization of this research work and its results.
Very special thanks go to Dr. Benyamina for his understanding and
assistance.
III
ABSTRACT
The present research studies the use of different varieties of Arabic
within the Algerian society. The concern of my field research is to try to
demonstrate through investigation, and sociolinguistic interpretations the
extent to which the Algerians, namely the educated ones, are driven by the
necessity to use an intermediate level of Arabic to express themselves.
The purpose of the current study is to compare MSA and AA with ESA
at the phonological level and check if there are differences between the three
varieties of Arabic at the above level.
I chose as informants some educated people for I reckon that they can
give me suggestions about the impact of the Arabization policy, proclaimed
from 1962 and reinforced as years went on. From a realistic point of view
Classical / Modern Standard Arabic no longer represents spoken Arabic in
Algeria as well as in the Arab world.
Today’s educated generation manifests an overt tendency towards the
use of a third and intermediate level of Arabic in their daily speeches. This
verbal behaviour is a clear evidence of the linguistic change undergone by
my informants in the realm of phonology and lexis. The linguistic usage of
one level of Arabic at the expense of other levels can be accounted for by
socio-cultural phenomena such as Arabization, i.e. act of identity.
The friction between Classic/Modern Standard Arabic and dialectal
Arabic is supposed to be lessened by a third level of Arabic, commonly
known as Educated Spoken Arabic.
This research work deals with the distribution and the functions of
language varieties in Algeria. I will first present a brief overview of the
historical developments that shaped the specific sociolinguistic situation in
twentieth-century. I will then present the generally accepted views on the
social stratification of language varieties and language use in this society. In
the core of the text, I will argue in favour of a revision of these views,
drawing on the results of a case study of pragmatic variety choices among
educated Algerians.
I will endeavour to highlight the sociolinguistic factors underlying
language choice using three basic levels of Arabic which constitute the
linguistic repertoire of the speakers notably the Arabic dialect (Algerian
Arabic,Classical/Modern Standard Arabic and Educated Spoken Arabic.)
IV
A particular interest will be given to the study of the role ESA plays in the
speech community.
The collected data show that ESA combines features from Modern
Standard Arabic (MSA)and Algerian Arabic (AA), as well as hybrid forms.
This research project will be divided into four main chapters. The first
three chapters focus on theoretical sides in which different linguistic
phenomena will be mentioned. By doing so, the reader will have an overview
about the literature review which serves as a support for the present work.
The fourth chapter is the practical part where the obtained results will be
investigated. Each chapter contains an introduction and a conclusion in
which the major points of the chapter are presented.
KEY WORDS: Code-Switching-levels of Arabic-bilingualism– diglossia -
educated spoken Arabic- language policy.
V
RÉSUMÉ
La présente recherche étudie l'utilisation de différentes variétés de la
langue arabe dans la société algérienne. Le souci de ma recherche sur le
terrain est d'essayer de montrer au moyen d'enquêtes, et interprétations
sociolinguistiques la mesure, à laquelle les Algériens, à savoir les instruits,
sont entraînés par la nécessité d'utiliser un niveau intermédiaire de la langue
arabe pour s'exprimer.
Le but de cette étude est de comparer l’arabe standard modéré et
l’arabe algérien avec le parler arabe éduqué au niveau phonologique dans
le but de vérifier s'il existe des différences entre les trois variétés de l'arabe
au niveau au-dessus.
J'ai choisi comme informateurs des gens instruits car je pense qu'ils
peuvent me donner des suggestions à propos de l'impact de la politique
d'arabisation, proclamée en 1962 et renforcé au long des années. D'un point
de vue réaliste l’arabe classique / l’arabe standard moderne ne représente
plus le parler arabe en Algérie ainsi que dans le monde arabe.
La génération éduquée d'aujourd'hui manifeste une tendance vers
l'utilisation d’un troisième niveau intermédiaire de la langue arabe dans les
discours quotidiens. Ce comportement verbal est une preuve claire de
l'évolution linguistique subie par mes informateurs dans le domaine de la
phonologie et le lexique. L'usage de la langue d'un niveau d'arabe au
détriment des autres niveaux peut s'expliquer par des phénomènes
socioculturels tels que l'arabisation, c'est à dire acte de l'identité.
Le frottement entre l’arabe classique / l’arabe standard modéré et
l'arabe dialectal est censé être atténué par un troisième niveau de la langue
arabe, communément connu sous le nom de la langue parlée par des
intellectuels.
Ce travail de recherche porte sur la distribution et les fonctions des
variétés linguistiques en Algérie. Je vais d'abord présenter un bref aperçu des
développements historiques qui ont façonné la situation sociolinguistique
spécifique en Algérie. Je présenterai ensuite les points de vue généralement
admis sur la stratification sociale des variétés de langues et de l'utilisation de
la langue arabe dans la société. Dans le corps du texte, je vais plaider en
faveur d'une révision de ces points de vue, en m'appuyant sur les résultats
d'une étude de choix de variétés pragmatiques entre Algériens instruits
comme cas d’étude.
VI
Je vais essayer de mettre en évidence les facteurs sociolinguistiques ;
choix de la langue sous-jacente en trois niveaux de base de la langue arabe
qui constituent le répertoire linguistique des locuteurs notamment l'arabe
dialectal (arabe algérien), l’arabe Classique / arabe standard modéré et la
langue parlée des intellectuels. Un intérêt particulier sera accordé à l'étude
de ce dernier dans la communauté algérienne.
Les données recueillies montrent que l'arabe parlé éduqué combine les
caractéristiques de l’arabe standard moderne et le parler arabe algérien, ainsi
que des formes hybrides.
Ce projet de recherche sera divisé en quatre grands chapitres. Les trois
premiers chapitres se concentrent sur les côtés théoriques dans lesquelles des
phénomènes linguistiques seront mentionnés. Dans ce cadre, le lecteur aura
un aperçu de la revue de la littérature qui sert de support pour le travail actuel.
Le quatrième chapitre est la partie pratique où les résultats obtenus seront
étudiés. Chaque chapitre contient une introduction et une conclusion dans
laquelle les principaux points de ce chapitre sont présentés.
MOTS CLÉS: Code-Switching - les niveaux de la langue arabe -
bilinguisme - diglossie - politique linguistique - la langue parlée des
intellectuels.
VII
Acknowledgement………………………………………………………….I
Dedications ………………………………………………...……………...II
Abstract…………………………..……………………………………….III
Résumé…………………………………..………………………….……..V
Table of contents………...………………………………………….……VII
Phonetic Symbols ………..………………………………...................… XI
Abbreviations……………………………………………….….……….XIII
Tables and Figures......……………………..………………….….……XIV
General Introduction………………………………………………………..1
1. The Sociolinguistic Situation in Algeria ……...……………………….. 4
1.1 Introduction ……………………. …………………………………... ..4
1.2 The Stability of Classical Arabic …………………………………..….5
1.3 Modern Standard Arabic-Algeria’s national language …………...……7
1.4 MSA vs CA ………………………………………………….…..…....8
1.4.1 The Salient Characteristics of MSA …………………………..…....10
1.5 Language Use ………………………………………………….……..11
1.6 Algerian Arabic a cultural heritage…………………………….……. 13
1.6.1 The salient characteristic of AA ……………………………….…. 14
1.7 Language policy in the spirit of Arabization …………………..……..17
1.7.1 Steps of Arabization ………………………………………….……19
1.7.2 Reaction to the Arabization policy ……………………….………..21
VIII
1.8 Arabic – French Bilingualism ………………………………….……24
1.9 Berber – Tamazight …………………………………………….……26
1.10 English and the impact of globalization …………….………….….27
1.11 Conclusion ………………………………………………………... 28
2. Methodological considerations and Analytical Findings
2.1 Introduction………………………………………………….……….30
2.2The subject Matter…………………………………………….……….30
2.3 Hypothesis……………………………………………………....…….31
2.4 The approaches advocated in this study……………………….…...…32
2.4.1 The Quantitative Approach………………………………..…..……32
2.4.2 The Qualitative Approach……………………………………….….34
2.4.3 The mixed method approach…………………………………….….35
2.5Methods of data collection………………………………………….…35
2.5.1 Questionnaires………………………………………………………37
2.5.2 Individual interviews………………………………………………..39
2.5.3 Recordings …………………………………………………………40
2.5.4 Participants direct observation…………………………………….41
2.6 The Informants………………………………………………………42
2.7 Sources of data………………………………………………………43
2.8 Data analysis ………………………………………………………….44
2.9 Data Processing…………...…………………………………………..45
2.11 Transcription of the data in the study………………………………..46
2.12 Conclusion………………….………………………………………..48
IX
3. Literature Review on ” Educated Spoken Arabic” with a Particular
emphasis on Algeria
3.1 Introduction ……………….…………………………………………50
3.2 Diglossia revisited…….. …………………………............................50
3.2.1 Ferguson’s point of View…………………………………………..51
3.2.2 Diglossia in the Arab World ……………...….…………………55
3.2.3 High Variety vs Low Variety……………………………………….56
3.3 Ferguson’s classification of Arabic………………………………….58
3.4 Badawi’s classification………………………………………………..60
3.5 EL Hassan’s classification…………………………………………...63
3.6 The Emergence of ESA in Algeria……………..…………….………64
3.6.1 Educated Spoken Arabic as a dynamic System …………………..66
3.7 Conclusion ………..…….…………………………………….….67
4. Some Aspects of Educated Spoken Arabic in Algeria
4.1 Introduction…………………………………………………...………68
4.2 Phonological Preliminaries………………………………………...….69
4.3 The Segmental Analysis of ESA in Algeria….…………..……..….…71
4.3 .1 The consonantal System…………………………………….…..….71
4.3.1.1 Stops…………………………………………………………...….72
4.3.1.2 Spirants………………………………………………………...….73
4.3.1.3 The Emphatics ……………………………………………...……75
4.3.2 Consonant Clusters………………………………………………….77
X
4.3.2.1Homogeneous Clusters (Gemination) …………………...………..77
4.3.2.2 Heterogeneous Clusters………………………………...…………78
4.4.1 The vowel System of ESA in Algeria ………………………..……78
4.4.1.2 Vowel lowering ………………………………………………..…80
4.4.1.3 Vowel Centralisation……………………………………………...80
4.4.1.4 Short vowels………………………………………………….......81
4.4.1.5 Long vowels……...……………………………………………….85
4.4. 1.6 Diphthongs and Glides ……………..…………………..………86
4.5 Syllable Structure in ESA in Algeria……………………………..….88
4. 6 Grammatical Alternations………………………………………..….90
4.7 Some lexical observation on ESA in Algeria…………………………91
4.7.1 Lexical Selection……………………………………………...……92
4.7.2 Lexical Borrowings……………………………………………...…93
4.7.3 Kinds of Borrowing…………………………………………………96
4.8 Code-switching….………………………………….……………...…97
4.9 Stigmatised versus unstigmatised language levels….…….….…..…100
4.10 Language levels ‘ appropriateness and acceptability ….……….....102
4.11 The Swadesh basic vocabulary list ………………….……….......105
4.11.1 Degrees of cognation between Arabic levels ………..…...…..113
4.12 Conclusion…………………………………………………………114
General Conclusion……………………………………………………...117
Bibliography ……………………………………………….………..…..120
Appendix …………………..……………………………..…….……….129
XI
The Phonetic Transcription
1 .The Consonants of Educated Spoken Arabic
Phonetic Transcription Examples Gloss
/ P / / plasti:k / « plastic »
/ b / / bæ:b / « door »
/ f / / fi:l / « elephant »
/ v / / vila / « villa »
/ m / / mælik / « king »
/ θ / / θawra / « revolution »
/ð/ / ða / « this »
/ t / / ti:n / « fig »
/ d / / da:r / « house »
/ s / / sinimǝ / « cinema »
/ ʂ/ / ʂɑbu:n / « soap »
/ z / / zaman / « period »
/ n / / nasr / « victory »
/ l / / lisæ:n / « tongue »
/ r / / risæ:la / « letter »
/ ʈ / / ʈiksi/ « taxi »
/ᶁ / / ɖ alæ:m / « darkness »
/ ʃ/ /ʃamʕ a / « candle »
/ ʒ/ / ʒisr / « a bridge »
/ k / / kalima / « word »
/ g / / galb / « heart »
/ χ / / χubz / « bread »
/ɣ / /ɣari:b/ « strange »
/q/ / qali:l / « few »
/ ћ / / ћali:b / « milk »
/ʕ / /ʕaşa / « stick »
/ ʔ / /ʔ imæ:n / « faith »
/ h / / hæmǝ / « hawk »
XII
2. Semi – Consonants
3.The Vowels of Educated Spoken Arabic
/ w / / waqt / « time »
/ j / / jæ:bǝs / « rigid »
/ i / /ʕ a ʒ i:b / « wonderful »
/ a / / kataba / « he wrote »
/ æ / /ʔ iθnæ: ni / « two »
/ u / / lu:ћ / « wood »
/ o / / vo: ʈ / « vote »
/ ɑ / / ʈɑ:r / « he flew »
/ ǝ/ / kt ǝ b/ « he wrote »
XIII
Abbreviations
CA ׃ Classical Arabic
MSA ׃ Modern Standard Arabic
ESA ׃ Educated Spoken Arabic
AA ׃ Algeria Arabic
H : High variety
L : Low variety
XIV
Tables and Figures
1.Tables
Table 1.1. Level of proficiency in Standard Arabic ……………...….…p.12
Table 1.2. The informants' estimation about Algerian Arabic…...……p.16
Table 1.3. The informants' judgment about MSA usage ……...….....…p.20
Table 1.4.Arabization in Algeria ………………………………….....…p.22
Table 1.5. Attitudes toward Arabic-French bilingualism…...………..…p.25
Table 2.1. Sampling and stratification of informants ……...……...……p.42
Table 3.1. Attitudes towards MSA ………………...………………..…p.56
Table 4.1. Degree of proficiency in MSA …………...….…………..…p.89
Table 4.2. Lexical Borrowings ……………...…………………....….…p.93
Table 4.3. Calques based on a French model ………....……………..…p.95
Table 4.4. Degree of cognition between MSA/AA/ESA ……….……p.113
2.Figures
Figure 1.1. Degree level of MSA proficiency..........................................p.12
Figure 1.2. The informants' estimation about Algerian Arabic..............p.16
Figure 1.3. The informants' judgment about MSA usage ……….....…..p.21
Figure 1.4. Attitudes towards Arabization in Algeria…...……………..p.23
Figure 1.5. Attitudes toward Arabic-French bilingualism .....................p.25
Figure 3.1. Attitudes towards MSA…….................................................p.56
Figure 3.2. Badawi’s Arabic levels ….. ..…... .......................................p.61
Figure 3.3. Levels of Arabic in Algeria...................................................p.65
Figure 4.1. Consonant phoneme inventory..............................................p.72
Figure 4.2. Vowel phonemes of MSA …...............................................p.79
Figure 4.3. Degree of proficiency in MSA..............................................p.89
Figure 4.4. Degree of cognition between Arabic levels …………......p.113
XV
1
General Introduction
Algeria is one among many nations, which is emerging, but facing
linguistic problems. It can not be denied; however, that the history of Algeria
is closely bound up with foreign interventions namely Spanish,Turkish and
French.
During the last four decades the Algerian society has been the scene of
many linguistic developments. Arabic was declared the national and official
language of Algeria. Berber was marginalised during the 70’s, 80’s and
even 90’s. But, by the beginning of the third millennium Berber is
established as a national language. French which had an equal status with
Arabic, at the administrative and educational levels, was limited in scope,
particularly when Arabization law was issued in 1988. Algerian Arabic,
which is the mother tongue of the majority of the Algerian population, was
not taken into consideration. Hence, the linguistic problem in Algeria has
not been solved. Such language reforms have great impact on language users
and their language behaviour. In fact, it is a socio- political problem, with
roots that reach down into the heart of the Algerian life.
Taking into consideration the linguistic diversity of the Algerian
community, friction between varieties is not excluded. In fact, there is a
strong controversy between advocates of Classical/Modern Standard Arabic
and speakers of Algerian Colloquial Arabic. But, the strenuous question to
be raised at this level is why politicians do ideally homogenise the Algerian
linguistic landscape around one level of Arabic.
Practically, it seems to be inadequate to think of only one form of
Arabic. Educated people use an Arabic, which is totally different from that
used by the illiterates, especially when addressing an audience of different
educational backgrounds.
2
A third level of Arabic is appearing amongst the educated people as a
suitable medium of communication. This level is labelled differently as:
middle Arabic, inter Arabic, /alluɣa al wuʂʈa /or Educated Spoken Arabic. It
is supposed to lessen the linguistic tension between the educated and the
non–educated people in Algeria.
The concern of my field research, undertaken in different parts of Sidi
Bel Abbes is to try to prove through investigation,questionnaires, statistics,
and sociolinguistic interpretation the extent to which Educated Spoken
Arabic is an autonomous variety, forming a linguistic continuum with
Classical/Modern Standard Arabic and Algerian Arabic.
For the sake of simplicity and convenience, I will use only the term
Modern Standard Arabic (MSA) in this research work to mean generally the
contemporary fuʂħa, i.e. the written formal language that is used in written
forms of communication (formal correspondence), in written genres
(literatures, media) and at some formal occasions (e.g. media broadcasts,
political speeches, religious sermons).
Chapter One describes some aspects of the sociolinguistic situation in
Algeria. It tries to give an overall idea about the linguistic complexity from
which Educated Spoken Arabic emerges. Focus will be put mainly on the
defining characteristics of Classical Arabic, Modern Standard Arabic,
Algerian Arabic and the impact of the Arabization policy on the Algerian
social strata. One way to approach this subject matter without making it too
abstract is by discussing the evolution of some lexical items within the
Algerian speech community which undergoes significant changes.
Chapter Two will discuss the different methods and technics that can
be used to empirically investigate the data under discussion. It deals mainly
with the basic notions informing the quantitative and qualitative framework
and describe the key concepts and issues in the current research.
3
Chapter Three is mainly a critical discussion of diglossia, and the
different classification of Arabic as proposed by Ferguson ( 1959), Badawi
( 1973), El Hassan ( 1978), Meiseles (1980) and Freeman(1996).
Chapter Four is an attempt to demonstrates the heterogeneity of
Educated Spoken Arabic particularly at the phonological and lexical levels.
Some morphological features will also be discussed in order to show its
appropriateness and intelligibility to a large segment of the Algerian society.
The samples and usages investigated are chosen on the basis of their
frequency in the oral speech of my informants.
This research work will be closed by a general conclusion summarizing
what has been discussed. Some proposals concerning the future evolution of
Educated Spoken Arabic in Algeria will be made as a result of the analysis
of the data.
The division of this thesis into four broad chapters is intended simply to
enable me to concentrate on one facet of Arabic at a time. It also helps me
to examine the same problem from different aspects. For this reason, I feel it
important to provide a description of some linguistic aspects of the three
levels of Arabic: Classical / Modern Standard Arabic, Algerian Colloquial
Arabic, and Educated Spoken Arabic.
4
Chapter One The Sociolinguistic Situation in Algeria
1.The Sociolinguistic Situation in Algeria
1.1 Introduction
The linguistic situation in Algeria is diversified and complex in the sense
that several varieties are used today namely Classical Arabic, Modern
Standard Arabic, Colloquial Arabic, Educated Spoken Arabic, Berber and its
varieties, i.e. ( Chawi, Mzabi and Tergui etc…), French,some Spanish, and
lately English, particularly in the field of commerce, science and technology.
Accordingly, Algeria is characterised by the phenomenon of multilingualism
which affects the socio-cultural life of the Algerian people, and gives rise to
sociolinguistic needs that must be taken into account in education and
language planning.
In spite of the linguistic diversity, the Algerian decision- makers
adopted in 1963 Classical / Modern Standard Arabic as the National and
official language of Algeria ( Art.3, constitution), and avoided the whole
question of the social valuation of such a choice which, as we shall see later,
has sociolinguistic implications on the different strata of the Algerian
people. In fact, this choice is subjective rather than linguistic. The Algerian
society is homogenised around one language which is “ Arabic”. The latter
became the rallying point of all the forces of the nation, but of which
“Arabic” are we speaking ? Is it the “ super- imposed” variety which I
referred to earlier as Classical / Modern Standard Arabic? Or is it the native
variety of Arabic spoken by the majority of the Algerian people, commonly
known as Algerian Arabic?
It is interesting to notice that because of the excessive purism that
prevailed at that time, there is no doubt about the fact that the only variety of
Arabic that could unite the nation’s efforts in its fight for sweeping the
5
vestiges of colonialism was CA/ MSA, the language of “ Arab- patriotism”
and “ Pan- Arab Unity”.
Political circles labelled CA/MSA the standard language and labelled
AA a dialect, but socio-political imperatives and social needs do not always
merge. A new form of Arabic is emerging in Algeria, and the Arab world in
general as a suitable means of communication.This medium is labelled
differently as“ Middle Arabic”, /allugha alwuʂʈɑ/ or ESA. Before
considering whether or not CA/MSA has undergone a partial shift from
classicism to ESA. Let us first define CA, MSA, and AA.
1.2 The Stability of Classical Arabic
The term “Arabic” refers to the classical or archaic forms used in the
Mosque for religious ceremonies, and at home for worship. It is closely
linked to the holy scripts and religious matters. CA is used for prayers
by Moslems all over the world whatever their mother tongue may be:
Classical Arabic is used by approximately one billion Muslims for prayer
and scholarly religious discourse.( Houghton and Miflin,1994:412)
Classical Arabic1 is codified and is the vehicle of a huge body of
classical literature. It has a great literary tradition encompassed in ancient
poetry, religious and grammar books. CA may be traced back to pre-Islamic
times when a levelled variety based on the dialect of the tribe that inhabited
Mecca, emerged. It was mastered only by the literary elite, though
understood by all laymen. It is characterised by inflectional endings, which
were not part of the linguistic intuition of all Arabs, but only of the literary
elite. With the advent of Islam, CA was codified by the relentless efforts of
1 - Classical Arabic circa 580 AD was already a refined literary form used for reciting
poetry and was a common form which transcended tribal boundaries” (Hourani, 1991:14)
.
6
Muslim grammarians of the 8th century. During subsequent centuries,
socioeconomic and political factors widened the gap between CA and spoken
varieties in the newly Arabized territories (Ibrahim, 1989:39). Nowadays,
CA survives only in genres connected with religion, classical or classicizing
literature. CA enjoys the prestige of a written language, but is no one’s
mother tongue. It is used by a group of scholars who have always taken great
pride in their ability to speak flawless Arabic, and therefore always looked
down upon any colloquial interference with the classical forms. In addition,
CA is said to be the language of formal discourse, lectures, news broadcasts,
speeches and the like. However, under the new regime which has emerged
during and after the Algerian revolution(1954-1962)there has been a clash
between revolutionary leaders and the traditional classicists to meet the new
social requirement namely illiteracy and unemployment. For instance, a shift
from the use of the case-endings is a striking example.
[1]
From the above examples CA has undergone a partial shift from
classicism to MSA, but the classicists continued to thrown upon what they
considered a gross violation of the classical style. As a result of this clash, a
linguistic revolution began to take shape. As time went on, the traditional
Arab classicists were gradually displaced and the “neo–classicists” took over
to adapt Arabic vocabulary to the pressing demands of modern scientific
technology. In fact, there is some gradual loss of the most archaic
C A MSA Gloss
[Өu: mun] [Ɵu :m] garlic
[ɣ i ð æ : ʔ un] [ɣ i ð æ : ʔ] food
[ ӡamælun] [ ӡamǝl] a camel
7
vocabulary, phonetic and morphological structures of CA, because these are
too far from today’s reality.
1.3 Modern Standard Arabic-Algeria’s national language
Arabic advocated by the Algerian rulers is not CA as it may be seen,
but it is a modern literary form derived from it to meet social and
linguistic needs. This contemporary variety of Arabic, which is definitely
less formal than CA, has a higher rate of frequency.( Maamouri ,1973:57)
A huge number of foreign words and expressions was introduced into
Arabic during the 19 th century. Hence, they gave birth to MSA.The label
Modern Standard Arabic has been applied to the written language of
contemporary literature, journalism, some political speeches, television and
radio newscast, administration and diplomacy. It serves as the vehicle for
current forms of literature, and seen as a resource language for
communication between literate Algerians. (Saїd, 1967:12) states that MSA
is: that variety of Arabic that is found in contemporary books, newspapers,
and magazines, and that is used orally in formal speeches, public lectures,
and television.
MSA is a streamlined, modernised form of CA. It is the official language
of all Arab countries, and the intelligible means of communication within the
Arab world. MSA is standardised and codified to the extent that it can be
understood by different Arabic speakers in the Arab World at large. It has
the defining characteristic of a modern language serving as the vehicle of a
universal literature adapted to the needs of the modern world.
A great deal of scholarly attention has been paid in Western countries
to the study of Arabic in its many forms from a linguistic point of view.
Linguists attempted to describe the results of the operation of some of the
8
factors, lexical and syntactical, native and foreign which influence MSA and
attempted to specify some of the features which distinguish it from CA.
1.4 MSA vs CA
Modern Standard Arabic and Classical Arabic are usually perceived as
one.(Holes, 2004:5 )states that:
Ordinary Arabs themselves do not make a systematic
terminological differentiation between C LA and M SA. Both
are termed Ɂal'arabi:yatu Ifuşha: “ pure / eloquent Arabic” or
simply Ɂl'arabi:ya or Ɂal fuşha: for short, in Opposition to
Ɂl'a:mmi:ya ‘the vernacular’, which exists in innumerable
varieties and is popularly thought to be a grammarless
corruption of “real”Arabic(Ɂalfuşha:).
MSA is formally similar, but not identical to CA. The main difference
between MSA and CA lies in the vocabulary since they represent the written
traditions of very different historical and cultural eras, from the early
medieval period to the modern one. MSA reflect the need for contemporary
expressions, whereas CA reflects the need for older styles. MSA relies
heavily on translation from French and English. A wide range of new lexical
items is adopted by MSA. (Mary Catherine Bateson 1967, 2003:84)
identified three kinds of change that differentiate MSA from CA:
(1) a “series of ‘acceptable’ simplifications” in syntactic structures,
(2) a “vast shift in the lexicon due to the need for technical
terminology,” and (3) a “number of stylistic changes due to
translations from European languages and extensive bilingualism.
The major differences are stylistic and lexical rather than grammatical.
Particular features of MSA journalistic style include more flexible word
9
order, coinage of neologisms, and loan translations from western languages.
For instance, we frequently hear on the Algerian radio and television:
[2]
[3]
Morphologically, MSA does not make extensive use of case endings
that are prevalent in CA.
[4]
MSA is a simplified version of CA, i.e. without the complexity of its
case endings.
MSA French Origin Gloss
[sikriti:r] Secrètaire secretary
[ Libera:li] libèral liberal
[ mikænizm] Mècanisme mechanism
MSA English Origin
[ kæmpju:tar ] computer
[ manæ ʒ ment] management
[ʔæfla:m lwæstæ:rn ] western films
C A MSA Gloss
[ mæktæbun] [ mæktəb] a desk
[ qalæmun ] [ qæləm] a pen
[ wælædun] [ wæləd] a boy
10
1.4.1 The Salient Characteristics of MSA
MSA is standardised and codified. It has its own grammar and lexicon.
It has the traits of: standardisation, historicity and autonomy, but it lacks
vitality now. MSA is an idealised language. It has no native speakers as
( Mitchell, 1974:124) puts it: Modern Standard Arabic is not a spoken
language, it is nobody’s mother tongue, and the man who wants to talk at
all times like a book or a newspaper is a decided oddity.
It is not secret that, relatively speaking, very few Algerians can really
master MSA in such a way as to be able to engage extemporaneously in
literary activities, or participate in public formal discourses. Most Algerian
speakers seem to have a passive knowledge of MSA in the sense that they
can neither speak, nor write it properly. (Achouche,1981) states that:
An Algerian reader whose level of education equivalent to the Baccalaureate
can not read a page of an Arabic newspaper without making mistakes of
interpretation. Quoted in( Ennaji, 1991:8)
This is due to the rigid morphology of MSA. Even lawyers and civil
servants can not read it properly without making serious pronunciation or
grammatical mistakes.This may be caused partly by the lack of vowel
indication (Tashkeel)2.
[5]
2 Tashkeel is a universal system used since the early eleventh century, and includes six
diacritical marks: Fatha (a), Dammeh (u), Kasra (i), sukun (vowelless), Seddah(double
consonant), and Meddah ( vowel prolongation). (Sekkal, 1993:2-3)
ESA Gloss
[kætæb] he wrote
[kutib] was written
[kutub] writings / books
11
1.5 Language Use
Since the end of colonialism, the Algerian governments have initiated
mass-education campaigns. This is clearly obvious in the educational system
of the country. MSA is introduced at school as a unifying language. All
Algerians from six years on are required by law to acquire basic knowledge
through the medium of MSA. Such a policy is assumed to overcome the
linguistic regionalism, and to open doors to a new era of linguistic stability,
covering the different parts of Algeria. Yet, MSA is never used outside the
school for any purpose. Pupils are torn between the diglossic reality
whereby they “must” use MSA to write and talk in formal situations, and use
the vernacular3 to communicate in informal situations. Six years old children
are confronted with new vocabulary which is hardly related to their mother
tongue. Consider the following examples:
[6]
MSA failed to come to terms with the linguistic diversity in Algeria,
particularly Berber which is flourishing in the present linguistic climate. It
therefore seems to move from what is supposed to be a constant language to
subordinate one.
3 Vernacular is a term used in sociolinguistics to refer to the indigenous language or
dialect of a speech community.
MSA AA Gloss
[ʔiʒlis ] [ gʕud] sit down
[ɣira:ʔ] [lsæ:q] [ kola] Glue
[miʔzar] [tablija] a pinafore
12
Table 1.1 is based on responses to a questionnaire I administrated to
a sample of 40 informants from Sidi Bel Abbes as a case study. It shows a
decreasing percentage of language mastery.
Table 1.1. What is your level of proficiency in Standard Arabic?
Age-group
Total %
17/25 26/35 36/50 50+
Good
Medium
poor
1 3 3 2
3 0 2 1
6 7 5 7
09
06
25
22,5
15
62,5
These results are schematized in the following figure:
Figure 1.1. Degree level of MSA proficiency.
Figure 1.1 indicates that 62,5% of my informants show poor mastery
in MSA on the basis that it is a boring and complex language far from their
mother tongue namely, dialectal Arabic and Berber. Table 1.1 shows that
only 22.5 percent of my respondents consider that they have good or very
13
good mastery of Modern Standard Arabic, and claim that they can use it
fluently. They are eager to activate the role of MSAwithin the different strata
of the Algerian speech community. But, more than half think they have
average proficiency in MSA. This indicates that the informants seem to have
doubts about their ability to use the language without making serious
mistakes. Such a percentage is only indicative and may serve to show signs
of uncertainty as to the responses ' proficiency in MSA. This also indicates
that the informants seem to have doubts about their ability to use the
language within the Algerian society. But are Algerian people ready to reject
their mother tongue and embrace MSA as the sole medium of
communication in Algeria? Besides, the establishment of MSA as the official
and national language of Algeria would block social mobility of AA and
Berber.
1.6 Algerian Arabic a cultural heritage
Algerian Arabic is the mother tongue of the vast majority of the
Algerian people. It refers to the variety that Algerians use in oral
communication. It is a Colloquial Arabic used for everyday-life situations
and all interpersonal interactions. AA reflects the folk’s culture and oral
heritage of popular songs, stories and sayings.
It is unwritten although one might encounter an informal written text in
the Arabic script. The few cases when Algerian Arabic was written down
can be traced back to the 80’s and 90’s now extinct, satirical newspapers
such as: EL Munshar, EL Quardash and Sah Afa.To those, one might add the
radio plays in AA, which must have been written down (even though never
published) at least for the benefit of the cast. Bedouin poetry and soap operas
are striking examples. (Bishai, 1966:319) states that: Desirous of reaching
the general public and perhaps also because they had not fully mastered
C A the speakers of the revolutions have often used colloquial expression
14
in their formal speech. Algerian Arabic is still written in many newspapers
today El-haddaf and Ech-chabka are striking examples.
1.6.1 The salient characteristic of AA
Algerian Arabic is different from CA / MSA on the phonological,
morphological, syntactical and lexical levels. Foreign languages (French,
Turkish, Spanish, English) have always influenced the speech of Algerians.
A mixture of foreign words (borrowed and adapted phonologically) can be
heard in AA as part and parcel of daily communication.
[7]
Phonologically, most MSA vowels are deleted or reduced to schwa in AA.
The following instances are representative cases.
[8]
Morphologically, AA is much simpler than MSA because of the
absence of case-marking inflections and the dual and feminine plural
inflections.
[9]
AA Gloss
[ plasti:k ] plastic
[ lvi:s ] screw
[ vaksə ] vaccine
MSA AA Gloss
[rasama] [rsəm] he draw
[ fæhima] [ fhəm] he understood
[ rabiħa] [ rbəħ] he won
MSA AA Gloss
[ wælæd] [ wæld] a boy
15
Syntactical, although both MSA and AA have VSO and SVO word order,
the latter is more dominant in AA as in:
[10]
Lexically, AA is characterised by borrowing, particularly from French.
The following examples illustrate fact:
[11]
AA and MSA remain two distinct varieties because:
1.The first is the native language of most Algerians while the second is a
super-imposed variety learned at school, and used only for specific purposes.
2.The two varieties assume different functions: dialectal Arabic is the
language of the home and street, while MSA is the language of Arabization
and of modern culture.
Dialectal Arabic has recently been appreciated by many scholars.
Mazouni (1969:13) writes that: “Dialectal Arabic in Algeria is one of the
defining features of the Algerian people and the native language of the
majority of the population.” He also suggests that: Instead of disparaging it,
[ bintæ:n] [ zu:ʒ bnæ:t] two girls
[ mæktæbætæ:n] [ zu:ʒ mæktæbæ:t] two libraries
MSA: [ʔiʃtæra ʔæbi saja:ra]
AA [ bba ʃra loʈo]
Gloss my father bought a car
AA French origin Gloss
[ vista] Veste a jacket
[ livri] Livre a book
[ loʈo] auto a car
16
Dialectal Arabic should be studied and used as an aid to develop Modern
Standard Arabic. Quoted in (Ennaji,1991:13)
Although it is the actual pillar of communication, AA is considered by
my respondents as a distorted dialect of MSA Arabic. Linguistically
speaking, Algerian Arabic has gone through a natural linguistic evolution
process that has left it as different from MSA, as modern French, Spanish or
Italian are different from Latin.
Table 1.2. Do you think Algerian Arabic is an independent language?
Age- group
Total % 17/25 26/35 36/50 50+
Yes
Blanks
No
1 3 2 0
1 0 0 1
8 7 8 9
6
2
32
15
5
80
These results are schematized in the following figure:
Figure 1.2. The informants' estimation about Algerian Arabic
Algerian Arabic is unstable, in that it is in a state of considerable
change. According to my informants 80٪ state that AA is stigmatised
essentially because it is not codified. Besides, an individual who knows only
17
AA is considered as illiterate for the simple reason that AA is not taught at
school.
Furthermore, the International Conference on Arabization held in
Tripoli in 1975 urged governments to stop the use of dialectal Arabic in arts,
novels and plays. But, sometimes the speaker is forced to use AA against his
wish because the later is the only language which through constant use has
kept up to date with the realities of modern life.
Practically speaking, despite its belonging to an oral tradition, which
relegates it to an inferior position, in the years to come AA will flourish even
more, in view of its increasing importance in domains like the family, the
theatre and the mass-media, namely newspapers such as El haddaf and
echabka and many radio and television programmes discussing social,
political and religious matters.
1.7 Language policy in the spirit of Arabization
The Arabization of Algeria started before its independence in 1962,
under the leadership of the “Association of Moslem Scholars” in 1931.
Arabization sprang from the assumption that any independent sovereign
nation needs to have its own language: Every self respecting nation has to
have a language. Not just a medium of communication, a ‘vernacular’ or
a ‘dialect’ but a fully developed language. Quoted in(Pride and Holmes,
1972:103)
The Arabization policy was meant to erase all the coloniser’s remnants
on the one hand, and to unify Algerians politically and linguistically on the
other hand. Hence “the linguistic field” is also “field of power”, as put by
Andre Miguel (in Grand guillaume, 1983:7)4.
4 le champ linguistique et aussi champ de pouvoir.
18
The former president BenBella5 promised from the dawn of
independence that Arabic will regain its rank6 (Saadi, 1995:189). The
Algerian Constitutions state in the third article that Arabic is the National
and official language of Algeria. In a famous speech, the late President
Boumedienne (1968) (quoted in Bouhania, 1998: 26) declared7: Without the
recovery of this essential and important element which is the national
language, our efforts remain in vain, our personality incomplete and our
entity a body without soul. (my translation)
From a cultural point of view Algerians define themselves as Arabs and
Moslems. The Algerian decision–makers had a strong will to regain their
Arab and Moslem identity. (Taleb Ibrahimi, 1997:184)states that8 :
Arabization has become synonymous with healing, return to authenticity
[...] recovery of the dignity denied by the colonizers...) (my translation)
The achievement of such an ideal could not be established without
“ Arabic”. The latter is assumed to be a functional instrument in all spheres
of society, particularly in administration, mass media and school.
Accordingly, Arabization became an urgency. (Ibrahimi, 1973:17) said that
the necessary policy was9:Arabize progressively but resolutely. Harsh
ideological debates were launched between the ruling elite and the
5 (Merle, 1967:91) states that : The first time the Algerian revolutionary Ahmed Ben Bella
Spoke to the Arab league he had to speak to them in French, because nobody could
understand his Algerian dialect.
6 L’arabe va retrouver sa place.
7 Sans la recuperation de cet élément essentiel et important qu’est la langue national,
nos efforts resteront vains, notre personalité incomplète et notre entité un corps san âme.
8 L’arabisation est devenue synonyme de ressourcement,de retour à l’authenticité, […]
de récupération de la dignité bafouée par les colonisateurs.
9 Arabiser progressivement mais résolument.
19
Opposition: Officials, in independent Algeria, react in a hostile way to
French and are very keen on seeing it replaced by the national language,
Arabic.( Morsly, 1984:24)
Arabization was super imposed by the Algerian rulers. Such a choice
sprung from their socio-political ideologies such Arabo-Islamism and Pan-
Arabism. They decided that“Arabic”is a prestigious language which could
fulfil all modern, scientific and technological needs, and proposed that
French be kept as an “instrument”. The priority was to regain the Arabo-
Islamic identity which could not be achieved without adequate supports for
Arabic.
1.7.1 Steps of Arabization
Under the influence of the late president Boumedienne, 1971 was the
year of complete Arabization of the Algerian society. Scientific and literary
subject matters were taught in Arabic. Polytechnic education was introduced
for the first time in Algeria, and many university departments were gradually
Arabized. Besides, many Egyptian and Iraqi teachers of Arabic were brought
to Algeria to implement the Arabization policy.
In 1991 the generalisation of Arabic was voted in Parliament
(Article n°29 appendix 2). Accordingly, any document not written in Arabic
was automatically rejected. Besides, a higher Council for Arabic was created
through a presidential decree to implement the use of Arabic in Algeria.
These measures were backed up by a presidential decree, issued in 1998, to
generalise Arabic to all spheres of the Algerian society.
But, in spite of the slogan of Arabization, and the successive laws to
implement it, many public offices still use French as a medium in their daily
written documents. The post-office and the bank are striking examples.
Similarly, private institutions use French in their daily transactions.
20
Arabization was introduced to serve the purpose of administration,
schooling, and the mass-media to unite the medium of communication within
the Algerian community. But to the best of my knowledge, Arabization is a
source of conflict and disagreement among the Algerian people. Therefore,
Arabization necessitates a strong will on the part of the civil servants.
The Arabization attempts faced many difficulties and criticisms. Most
of my respondents believe that“ Arabic” is complex and difficult to learn.
This fact is well noticed in their speeches, where a special register is used,
i.e. a mixture of MSA, AA and some French to meet the communicative
needs of modern life. Younger informants (table 1.3) consider that limitation
to one level of Arabic, i.e. MSA is a disadvantage and gave reasons of the
type :
1- Arabic is an old fashioned language.
2- Making bad impression .
3- Problems with the opposite sex.
Table 1.3: Do you think the use of standard Arabic is an advantage or a
disadvantage?
Age- group
Total
% 17/25 26/35 36/50 50+
Advantage
Neither
Disadvantage
2 3 1 2
2 0 2 3
6 7 7 5
08
07
25
20
17,5
62,5
These results are schematized in the following figure:
21
Figure 1.3 The informants' judgment about MSA usage.
Question 1.3 was meant to elicit opinions toward MSA use. The results
illustrated in table 1.3 shows that most of my informants disfavour MSA use.
Only 20 percent show their eagerness to communicate in MSA. This is far
from surprising in view of the fact that the Algerians are lost within the
complex linguistic atmosphere.
1.7.2 Reaction to Arabization
Independence was a turning point in the linguistic history of Algeria.
By stating that “Arabic” is the National and Official language of Algeria”,
the legislators of the new Algerian Republic ( proclaimed on July 5, 1962)
brought to the surface the strong political and cultural movement towards
Arabization that existed with ups-and-downs before independence.
Two kinds of difficulties may be singled out: social and technical. The
Algerian rulers imposed MSA in Algeria. Hence, Arabization could not be
easily achieved. MSA has no speech community since it lacks vitality.
Besides, large semantic differences between MSA and AA are real obstacle
22
to the spread of MSA into the different levels of the Algerian society.
Arabization did not receive the approval of the whole educated elite.
The 1996’s Arabization Law was, and still is, at the origin of political
conflicts. Harsh debates were launched, particularly through newspapers
showing strong disapproval of the Arabization policy. In 1997 a journalist
said10:Please, when you are addressing people use a simple language, a
language that could be understood by everybody, use an Algerian Arabic.
(my translation ) Furthermore, a Member of Parliament urged people to go
on strike, and show their disapproval through demonstration in the streets.
Accordingly, Arabization created a split between advocates of “ Arabic” and
their antagonists. Most of my informants showed little or no interest in the
Arabization process. Only 8 out of 40 respondents showed their concern
about Arabization.
Table 1.4 : Are you for or against the Arabization policy in Algeria ?
Age - group
Total
% 17/25 26/35 36/50 50+
For
Blanks
Against
6 5 1 2
1 3 1 2
3 2 8 6
14
07
19
35
17.5
47.5
These results are schematized in the following figure:
10 S’il vous plait, lorsque vous vous adressez au peuple utilisez un langage simple, un
langage a la portée de tous et de, employez un «Arabe Algérien » Le quotidien
d’Oran ( 1997 :4)
23
Figure 1.4 The respondents' attitudes towards Arabization in Algeria.
The findings in table 1.4 are responses to the question meant to reveal
the respondents' reactions to the implementation of Arabization in the
Algerian society. It also meant to elicit information about the extent to which
Arabization has contributed to scholastic achievement and has improved
educational levels. The results show that 55 percent of the young informants
are for the extending and implementation of Arabization in educational and
cultural fields. This contrasts with elder respondents who believe that
Arabization will not serve educational purposes (70 per cent).
The Arabization policy has reached one of its aims at school, i.e.
replacing French by “Arabic”, but it has not succeeded at the social levels.
Local varieties, i.e. AA and Berber and its varieties are the essential means
of communication in Algeria. Besides, French still reigns supreme in the
realms of science, tourism, management and arts.
24
1.8 Arabic – French Bilingualism
French is used side by side with MSA in domains such education, the
mass media and administration. (Fitouri, 1983:47) states that Arabic- French
bilingualism has become necessary for promoting the development of the
Maghreb. It is also used to display the social status of the speaker. Within
this framework, (Akila, 2001:01) claims that11:
French has become an elitist language, symbol of social success
and remains omnipresent in the fields‘ of the bank, of economy
and the opening up on the universal’. It remains nevertheless the
language of the colonizer. (my translation )
Two general trends of attitudes toward bilingualism in Algeria can be
distinguished:
1.The first trend considers Arabic–French bilingualism as a sign of utter
alienation, or assimilation to the French language and culture from which
Algeria and many Arab countries suffer. This trend further consider that
Arabic – French bilingualism means the domination of French on the one
hand and the loss of identity and uprooting on the other hand.
2.The second trend is represented by the scientific elite who has received
a French or English education and training. They view Arabic–French
bilingualism a sign of openness and a source of enrichment.They equated
French with advanced science and technology. French is considered as a link
with Europe and the Western World, and therefore a key to the development
the country needs. Table1.5 shows that 31 of my respondents give support to
Arabic French bilingualism on the ground that it is a suitable means of
communication. Only 6 of my informants are against bilingualism in Algeria.
11 Le Français est devenu une langue élitiste, symbole de la réussite sociale et reste
omniprésente dans les secteurs,'' de la banque, de l’économie et de l’ouverture sur
l’universel. Elle n'en reste pas moins la langue de l'ancien colonisateur.
25
Table1.5 : Are you for or against Arabic – French Bilingualism in Algeria?
Age – group
Total % 17/25 26/35 36/50 50+
For
Blanks
Against
7 9 9 6
0 1 0 2
3 0 1 2
31
03
06
77,5
7,5
15
These results are schematized in the following figure:
figure 1.5 Attitudes toward Arabic-French bilingualism
Question1.5 was meant to elicit attitudes toward French-MSA
bilingualism. The results are illustrated in table 1.5. Most of my informants
favour French-Modern Standard Arabic bilingualism in education. This
reaction could be perceived as a positive attitude toward French.
Bilingualism is, thus, viewed by many as having a fundamental role in
strengthening cultural and economic contacts with Europe and the West.
26
The criticisms levelled against Arabic–French bilingualism are
emotionally rather than factually based. Practically speaking, bilingualism in
Algeria will be maintained for many years to come. Research has shown that
Arabic–French bilingualism is perceived to be the best language policy for
Algeria (Grandguillaume ,1983:70), (Haddad ,1986:103).
The Algerian population was so deeply influenced linguistically during
the French occupation that, today, more than fifty years after the Algerian
independence ( 1962), French continues to play an important role in the
spoken as well as written domains. Many Algerian people understand French
and use it in particular situations called situational shifting (Bloom and
Gumperz, 1972), where the languages convey social meanings.
1.9 Berber – Tamazight
Tamazight is the oldest language in Algeria. It is the mother tongue of
the indigenous inhabitants of Algeria. Although they adopted ‘Islam’ and
Arabic language, Amazigh maintained their language which is still the
language of their homes until today.
The government’s Arabization policies since the independence have
worked towards eroding, he importance of Tamazight (more commonly
known by the foreign designation of “Berber”), forcing the population,
which is highly urbanized, through social, educational, and economic
pressures (and until 1980’s through physical violence and incarceration) to
resort to French or the mixed Arabic. The Arabization policy ignores the
multilingual nature of the country. The Berber leaders felt threatened by
Arab nationalism, mainly the central role it gave to Modern Standard Arabic
at the expense of Berber, and they become increasingly vocal in their
demands of linguistic rights. In 1994-1995, Kabylia boycotted schools for
an entire academic year, culminating in the government’s commitment to
27
generalize Berber in education and the media (Benrabah, 2002:76).
Nonetheless, Tamazight is still widely spoken as a first language. The
Algerian census does not ask information concerning house–hold languages.
All language statistics should be taken with suspicion. Studies on
numbers of Tamazight speakers have only taken into account areas officially
designated as ‘Berber’, and completely disregarded the high populations of
Tamazight speakers in other regions, including entire neighbourhoods in
Arabic-designated cities such as Oran, Algiers, etc…
Speakers of different Tamazight ‘languages’ have been known to
understand each other. Radio programmes in kabylia have been understood
by illiterate women in the Aures, whose version of Tamazight is listed as a
separate language (Chaouia).
It is also important to note that the Algerian Constitution 2002
represents a historical turn in that it acknowledges Berber as a national
language and as an integral part of the unified Algerian linguistic and
cultural identity. Article 3a (adopted April 10, 2002). The Amazigh language
and culture have been given a great opportunity and interest, perhaps for the
first time in history, for their advancement and integration in media,
education and management, due to the recent constitutional amendment.
The status of Berber has changed from a spoken non recognized
language to a written recognized national language. The most practical
measure of this recognition has been the inclusion of the Berber language in
the Algerian system of education. Therefore, Berber has become another
language that is obligatory for students to learn from the first grade.
1.10 English and the impact of globalization
Profound linguistic changes are taking place in Algeria, as a result of
advances in the field of sciences, technology and communications.
According to (Grandguillaume, 2004:6), English gained some more
28
importance in the 1990s, when it was introduced to replace French, even
though only 10% of parents who had the option of choosing English for their
children in fourth grade did end up choosing English. Its presence in Algeria
was enhanced by movies, music, globalization, as well as the international
status it holds as a language of science, technology, business, cyberspace,
and scientific research. The widespread of satellite TV is another factor,
which has led to the infiltration of English into Arabic. This has added
another dimension to variation, as many new words have entered the
linguistic repertoire, which has ultimately, gave dominance to English in
different contexts. Consider the followings:
[12]
Nowadays, English is competing with both French and MSA in several
domains, and notably in higher educational levels, commerce, etc. It is
highly respected in Algeria, because it is more related to technological and
economical matters. Thousands of new words and expressions are infiltrated
into the verbal speech of the Algerian people to meet the needs of the new
communicative requirements.
1.11 Conclusion
The sociolinguistic situation in Algeria is both misleading, and a source
of conflictual interpretations. None of my informants uses MSA in his
ESA English origin Gloss
[taɖɑχum ] inflation
[ʕawlamǝ] globalization
[ ʔiqtiʂɑ:d su:q] market economy
29
social life. Besides, a foreigner who has studied only MSA will not
understand much of the spoken discourse going on around him in Algeria.
For the most part, MSA is not used in spontaneous speech situations.
Modern Standard Arabic lacks the vitality of AA and Berber. It is
used only for specific purposes for it is no one’s mother tongue. MSA often
intermingles with AA in what clearly becomes a mixing of linguistic levels,
and gives birth to intermediate level of Arabic generally labelled “Educated
Spoken Arabic”. The latter is assumed to lessen the linguistic friction
between the formal MSA and the informal AA variety.
30
Chapter Two Methodological Considerations and Analytical Findings
2. Methodological considerations and analytical findings
2.1 Introduction
This research work aims at describing the various lexical phonological
processes involved in the construction and articulation of words in the
variety of Educated Spoken Arabic as used in Algeria. It is an empirical
study which attempts to analyse of the speakers’ use and attitudes towards
the languages / varieties12 practiced in Algeria.
This chapter discusses the different methods that can be used to
empirically investigate the dynamics that are at work in multilingual
language usage. I briefly outline the basic notions informing the quantitative
and qualitative framework to describe the key concepts and issues in the
current research. The corpus studies the phonological system in ESA. It
attempts to shed light on aspects of ESA use by the selected informants in
their everyday conversation. This linguistic behaviour is not taken as a
product, but rather as a process. In other terms, it attempts to describe
multileveled and complex situation of Arabic language in Algeria.
2.2The subject matter
The present investigation endeavours to discuss the triangular
relationship between MSA , AA and ESA with a particular focus on the study
of the role and status of ESA, between what is assumed and what is
observed on the real ground. ESA will be described on the basic of a large
corpus material comprising directly observed conversations and discussions
covering a wide range of topics and interpersonal relationships. It highlights
12 Sometimes sociolinguists use the term variety to avoid confusion. A variety “is a neutral
term which means any particular ‘way of speaking’. […] when we observe an utterance
it is always in a particular language, in a particular dialect of that language, and
pronounced with a particular accent.” (Chambers, et al, 2003 :254)
31
some of the most common variation patterns that may exist in ESA, and
surveys the major factors that may influence and shape the dominant
patterns of language variation in Algeria.
Also, this study seeks to explore the sentential constituents of ESA and
presents a description of a body of data which illustrates how a number of
factors affect the use of a third level Arabic in Algeria to meet the
educated spoken Arabic needs.
2.3 Hypothesis
In light of the notion of language variation which characterize the
Algerian linguistic community, this dissertation aims to answer the
following:
1-What is the actual place of ESA in Algeria?
2-What are the main characteristics of ESA?
To answer the above questions, this research uses a large-scale survey
along with a social network study, and it is predicted that certain variables
are used to convey social information of (and between)the targeted speakers.
This chapter discusses the methods used in data collection and data
analysis. It briefly describes the selected informants and how the fieldwork
has been conducted. Some insightful sociolinguistic studies of speech
communities13 are Labov 1963, Labov 1966, and Hackert 2004. In studying
Educated Spoken Arabic, some adaptation of the methodology of these
studies has been required in order to evaluate the linguistic and social factors
13 An aggregate of people who come together around mutual engagement in an
endeavour. Ways of doing things, ways of talking, beliefs, values, power relations – in
short, practices – emerge in the course of this mutual endeavor. As a social construct, a
Community of Practice is different from the traditional community, primarily because it
is defined simultaneously by its membership and by the practice in which that
membership engages.” (Eckert & McConnell-Ginet, 1992:464)
32
constraining the variation that is present in the language. Thus, examine the
relevance of these models of variation to Arabic continua in Algeria.
I have used sociolinguistic interviews, questionnaire, recordings and
observations to obtain spoken data, census data to quantify the social and
demographic factors, which may influence linguistic variation. Below, I
discuss how each of these has been used in this work.
2.4 The approaches advocated in this study
This work makes use of three fundamental research approaches: one is
the quantitative paradigm of sociolinguistic research pioneered by William
Labov. The latter is sometimes called variationist, to distinguish it from other
sociolinguistic subfields; and the qualitative paradigm study, which uses a
social network approach, whereby external linguistic variables, as well as
linguistic variables are generated as the survey progresses. The mixed
method approach is used to combine quantitative and qualitative research.
The results generated by the contribution of both research methods are
used to identify the type of language variation that occurs in ESA, as well as
to establish what motivates this variation. Some of the important notions
(interview, questionnaire design, etc.) relating to the methodology of this
research are highlighted in the next section.
2.4.1 The quantitative approach
The methodology adopted for the current research draws on insights
from sociolinguistics. ( Labov, 2001:38) notes that:
The first contribution of sociolinguistic research in the second
half of the 20th century was to show that variation was not
chaotic, but well-formed and rule governed, that it was indeed
an aspect of linguistic structure.
33
The quantitative approach is proposed as an alternative approach to
overcome the rigid demarcation and dichotomization as proposed by
(Ferguson, 1959) in depicting the linguistic situation in Algeria. This
approach is intended to offer an optimal solution to the problem of
classification, of variation and shifting observed in the use of Arabic.
The quantitative approach proposed in this study exhibit tendencies and
trends of studying linguistic phenomenon in terms of variation, where
speakers have at their disposal several layers of linguistic items
(phonological, morphological, lexical, etc.) from which they can choose and
mix according to a set of social, stylistic, and linguistic factors.
People differ from each other in the way they perceive, interpret, and
remember things. Their accounts will show considerable variation across
individuals. It has always been known that speakers varied in their
realizations of particular abstract linguistic structures (intraspeaker
variation) and, furthermore, that usage varies across speakers (interspeaker
variation). Following (Labov 1994; Gordon 2001b) example, /æ/ (the vowel
of cat and bad) in many varieties of American English is realized with a range
of vowel qualities from a low front monophthong [æ] to a high front
diphthong [iǝ]. These linguistic items can be placed on a hierarchy based on
their social sensitivity as well as their linguistic nature.
The quantitative paradigm14 is started from the assumption that the
world is made up of observable, measurable, and quantifiable facts (Glense
and Peshkin, 1992:14). The focus is to try to find out particular explanations
and predictions to generalise from a sample to a population. Thus, explain
causal relationships and have generalized knowledge.
This research will (1) delineate the basic principles of the proposed
quantitative approach, (2) explain some of the most common variation
14 a paradigm means a whole set of philosophical ideas, a cognitive framework shared
by members of any discipline or group.
34
patterns which may exist in the Algerian speech community, and (3)
highlight the main factors that shape these patterns. The quantitative
approach starts from the study of the individual's linguistic variables
and the relationship between them across the linguistic levels.
2.4.2 The qualitative approach
The qualitative approach covers an array of techniques and seeks to
describe, decode, translate, and somehow come to terms with the meaning,
rather than the measurement or frequency of phenomena in the social world.
In other-words, qualitative research tends to work with text rather than
numbers.
Qualitative research paradigm adopts a phenomenological perspective
in viewing reality as a social phenomenon that develops through an
individual or cooperative social definition of the situation. Observations and
interviews are the two most frequently used methods for data elicitation. The
research design focuses on participation and interaction with individuals or
groups of people (Glesne and Peshkin,1992:14). Following (Klein & Myers,
1999:72), the foundation assumption for qualitative research is that
knowledge is gained, or at least filtered, through social constructions such as
language, consciousness, and shared meanings.
According to (Domegan and Fleming, 2007:24), Qualitative research
aims to explore and to discover issues about the problem on hand, because
very little is known about the problem. There is usually uncertainty about
dimensions and characteristics of problem. It uses ‘soft’ data and gets‘rich’
data’.
Each method paradigm serves research purposes with different data that
are used to explain particular sides of a subject or reality. In fact, each
method has particular strengths and weaknesses. Therefore, a combination
of both qualitative and quantitative methods in the same research project is
35
desirable. The use of paradigm mixes and blends may be held to consolidate
methodological strengths and offset limitations.
2.4.3 The mixed method approach
Mixed research is a synthesis that includes ideas from qualitative and
quantitative research. The mixed method approaches or triangulation15 has
recently risen to prominence.The reason that more researchers are opting for
these types of research is that both qualitative and quantitative data are
simultaneously collected, analysed and interpreted. (Campbell and Fiske,
1959) are credited as being the first to show explicitly how to use multiple
research methods for validation purposes. This trend was extended further
by (Webb, Campbell, Schwartz, and Sechrest, 1966:3) who argued that:
Once a proposition has been confirmed by two or more independent
measurement processes, the uncertainty of its interpretation
is greatly reduced. The most persuasive evidence comes through
a triangulation [italics added] of measurement processes. If a
proposition can survive the onslaught of a series of imperfect
measures, with all their irrelevant error, confidence should be
placed in it. Of course, this confidence is increased by minimizing
error in each instrument and by reasonable belief in the different
and divergent effects of the sources of error.
Triangulation is an attempt to map out, or explain more fully, the
richness and complexity of human behaviour by studying it from more than
one standpoint. Most scholars opt to use the mixed method approaches since
it is used as part of a validation process that ensures that the explained
variance is the result of the underlying phenomenon. (Patton, 1990: 244)
15 Triangulation is broadly defined by( Denzin, 1978: 291) as"the combination of
methodologies in the study of the same phenomenon."
36
mentions “fieldwork is not a single method or technique” It comprises a
variety of methods such as surveys, experiments, structured observation, and
interviews. Each of them is used to gather different kinds of data. Therefore,
using multiple sources can give a wide range of information, unlike the use
of a single method.
( Sieber, 1973:1337) provided a list of reasons to combine quantitative
and qualitative research. He outlined how such a combination can be
effective at the research design, data collection, and data analysis stages of
the research process. For example, at the research design stage, quantitative
data can assist the qualitative component by identifying representative
sample members, as well as outlying cases. One can argue that a more
constructive approach is to view qualitative and quantitative research as a
matter of degrees or a continuum rather than a clear-cut dichotomy.
The combination of quantitative and qualitative has offered a solution to
the limitations of the two approaches. On one side, we have the “greater
precision and richness‟ (McEnery and Wilson, 1996:77) of qualitative
analysis, on the other we are also granted the “statistically reliable and
generalizable results‟(ibid.) of quantitative studies. In short, the quantitative
designs use tests and closed-ended questionnaires in order to gather, analyse
and interpret the data. However, the qualitative methods mostly make use of
interviews, direct observations and open-ended questionnaires to obtain,
analyse and interpret the data.
The chosen theoretical framework seems to be efficient largely in the
analysis of the Algerian sociolinguistic panorama. All three-research models
are important as I attempt to analyse the manifold and complex linguistic
situation in Algeria.
This research work attempts to provide qualitative and quantitative
analyses, based on the responses collected in interviews that were not
confined to the choices in pre-set multiple choice questions, yes/no
37
questions, or scales. Free and detailed accounts for their personal experience,
opinions, feelings, and attitudes towards ESA were encouraged, with a view
to exploring their true feelings from the heart, based on their own recalls with
the least intervention.
Considering the likelihood of the respondents’ unfamiliarity with the
research objectives, or the concept ESA, a questionnaire was used as a
reference material for the interviewers to initiate responses. Responses to the
questions vary with the participants’ preference. The respondents were given
freedom to talk about the questions they had the most feelings towards, while
they might also skip a question if they were not familiar with it or had no
personal experience or feelings about it.
My objective is to illustrate, through the discussion of actual examples,
how these three types of Arabic are used by Algerian native speakers for
different kinds of communicative purposes at different levels.
2.5Methods of data collection
2.5.1 Questionnaires
Questionnaires are doubtless one of the primary sources of obtaining
data in any research endeavour. Questionnaires are :printed forms for data
collection, which include questions or statements to which the subject is
expected to respond, often anonymously. (Seliger& Shohamy, 1989:172) It
is a technique, which has been used to determine the way people evaluate
languages, dialects and styles, some being direct like few questions in my
fieldwork, others being indirect.
The questionnaire was the first method used to collect the basic
information about the language level of the participants and some general
opinions about the topic. The results of the survey were used to guide the
questions of the next two tools of data collection. This tool was used for the
previous familiarity of the researcher and participants with it, as well as
38
relevant ease of use, and free access. The survey consisted of 13 questions.
The first few questions were multiple choice ranking questions asking the
participants for their level of Arabic, their motivation of studying Arabic and
their daily use of the language. The rest of the questions were multiple-
choice Likert scale16 questions to rate the answer and help to elicit
participants’general perception of the difference between the different
linguistic levels characterizing the Algerian speech community and the
impact of the process of Arabization. The survey was anonymous.
The questionnaire was addressed to forty informants. These participants
were asked to report their answers by themselves, which has allowed me
not only to avoid discomfiture and influence, but also to gain time. But, for
the sake of avoiding any kind of ambiguity, I have decided to be present,
guide and assist the participants through answering the questions provided
in the questionnaire.
The elaborated questionnaire to undertake this research work was
divided into two parts. The first one involves information about educational
level, and teaching experience of the participants. It was intended to explore
these aspects in order to analyse the data obtained from the questionnaire and
to explain the respondent's attitudes towards the co-existent linguistic
varieties in Algeria.
The second part is devoted to show the informants’ attitudes towards the
use of AA as well as towards MSA in their daily speeches, includes nine
questions. Both open and closed questions were used, comprising yes–no
questions and multiple-choice questions. Each speaker was approached in a
context in which he was relaxed, and, already engaged in talking.
For this purpose, I elaborated a questionnaire to be filled by
informants. I have intended to discuss topics with informants such as
16 A psychometric scale commonly involved in research that employs questionnaires. It is
the most widely used approach to scaling responses in survey research.
39
expressing one’s opinion about social problems as a result of unemployment
and poor working conditions. The questionnaire takes into consideration a
number of linguistic parameters among which the informant’s age, sex and
educational background.
The Designed questionnaire was based on the questionnaire developed
by (Ohannessian, Ferguson, and Polome ,1975:159) which was found to be
comparable to the sociolinguistic situation in Algeria. (shown in appendix 1)
The questionnaire method was used in this study to obtain basic
information such as the informants’ age, level of education and languages
known. In addition, the survey questions that followed this questionnaire
aimed at understanding the attitudes of the informants towards the use of
certain variants, and to state which variants, to them, seemed more
prestigious. This technique was used by (Ladefoged, 2003:11).
2.5.2 Individual interviews
The second main type of data to be collected in the mixed method design
is the interview. (Burns, 1999:118) contends that “Interviews are a popular
and widely used means of collecting qualitative data.” The importance of the
interview is highlighted by (Cohen et al., 2000:267):
Interviews enable participants–be they interviewers or
interviewees- to discuss their interpretations of the world in
which they live, and to express how they regard situations from
their own point of view. In these senses, the interview is not
simply concerned with collecting data about life: it is part of life
itself.
The primary goal of an interview is to elicit and record information from
the complainant, subject, and every important witness. Interviews are among
40
the most familiar strategies for collecting qualitative data. I want to get
firsthand information directly from some knowledgeable informants. To do
this, interviewing is a key to understand what and how people perceive and
“interpret the world around them”(Merriam, 1998:72). (Flick, 2006:160)
adds that the purpose of interview “is to reveal existing knowledge in a way
that can be expressed in the form of answers and so become accessible to
interpretation.”
Interviews were conducted in person-to-person collective formats to
foster learning about individual experiences and perspectives on a given set
of issues and provide in-depth information. (L. Milroy, 1987) argues that the
interview technique is still adequate to draw a general picture of the
sociolinguistic norms through the comparison of collected data obtained
from a large number of speakers.
Individual interview is sensitive data collection method. I conducted
some personal interviews with continuing learners of Arabic who had
experienced learning Arabic in native environments, and had had long
exposure to Arabic. The interviews were meant to provide a different
perspective to the issue of language use in Algeria. It was assumed that the
longer exposure to Arabic in natural speaking environments will provide data
that is enriching to this research. The individuals were student and teachers
working in Sidi Bel Abbes in different capacities. The interviews were
guided open-ended interviews with very similar questions. They were all
recorded and they took 10, 15 and 13 minutes respectively. The choice of
anonymity was given and two of the eight interviewees opted not to identify
themselves.
2.5.3 Recordings
The data gathered for this study is based on more than fourteen hours
of audio-recorded conversations. Many recordings have been deleted either
41
because the speakers talk exclusively in AA, or because the quality of the
sound was not good. Many conversations have been recorded for the sake of
getting pure data for the present research work in different contexts: at
university (far from classroom courses), among friends and colleagues, and
in public gardens. I argue that recordings allow having concrete examples
and real situations that show the way the Algerian educated people
communicate, and then the different factors that push them to do so.
2.5.4 Participants direct observation
The fourth instrument used in this research work is observation. As I am
a member of the community under investigation, so it has been easy for me
to gain a large amount of data through taking notes from natural interactions
or behaviours of educated speakers. (Milroy and Gordon, 2003:68) say that:
the principal benefits of participant observation are (a) the amount and
quality of the data collected, and (b) the familiarity with community practices
gained by the investigator. They add that (ibid: 71):
Participant observation can be an enormously fruitful method
for sociolinguistic analysis. It produces a tremendous supply of
high quality data and crucial insight into community dynamics.
The observation of language use in the current study is expected to
provide reliable data in terms of variation and the social significance of
natural everyday speech (Labov 1966; Trudgill 1974; L. Milroy 1987;
Macaulay 1977). Such a technique is used to obtain a sociolinguistic profile
of Algeria as well as pinpointing some related issues such as language
variation, Arabization, bilingualism and levels of Arabic in Algeria.
42
2.6 The Informants
The 40 informants involved in this research are men and women from
Sidi Bel Abbes whose age varies from 17 to more than 50 years, and falling
occupationally into the following groups:
- teachers and students.
- doctors and nurses.
- business men and engineers.
- lawyers and civil servants.
Table 2.1 below illustrates the distribution of these groups under
investigation according to status and gender.
Table2.1. Sampling and stratification of informants.
The involved participants are selected for different reasons. Among
them, the different relations that they display, the nature of their work which
requires them to meet and talk to other people, and their varying degrees of
job men women total
teacher 05 05 10
student 03 02 05
engineer/business men 06 02 08
lawyer 02 03 05
doctor/nurse 02 05 07
civil servants 03 02 05
total 21 19 40
43
proficiency in mastering Arabic. They also constitute micro social networks
which I believe are representative of the community under investigation.
The informants were encouraged to speak freely about themselves, their
jobs, area of specialisation, and the problems facing the Arab Word,
particularly cultural problems. Participants were informed that the purpose
of the task was to help the investigator learn the different levels of Arabic or
to see what differences exist in how different speakers of ESA communicate.
2.7 Sources of data
Several techniques were implemented to collect data in this research
work. Linguists have shown that relying on one technic does not provide
sufficient and reliable data. The latter are drawn from a wide variety of
sources, including field work, interviews and related research literature. The
data were gathered from 40 informants, mass media, newspapers and direct
observations. For this reason a corpus of ESA words to be examined was
also collected from TV and Radio programs, observation and introspection.
Audio and video recordings were collected from four spontaneous
interviews on Algerian radio and TV, and the topics were on different
political and economic issues relating to Algeria. Spontaneity of speech
and formality of the setting are essential conditions for ESA. It is believed
that using different types of procedures for collecting data and obtaining that
information through different sources (questionnaire, interview, recordings
and direct observations) can increase the validity and reliability of the data
and their interpretation.
Interviews were conducted with participants, all of whom are Algerian,
receiving formal education in Algeria. Conversations were chosen as the data
collection method for the participants’ convenience, in consideration that
they are graduates. The interviews were conducted in French, MSA and
sometimes AA, and were made as comfortable and casual as possible to
44
elicit their free account of personal experience and feelings about ESA. Each
interview lasted approximately 10 minutes.
2.8 Data analysis
The main concern of this section will be the analysis of the results drawn
from the responses of the informants. The first three questions revealed that
all the informants were French-Modern Standard Arabic bilinguals.
Questions 4 through 13 were meant to elicit the informants' proficiency scale
in Modern Standard Arabic and French.
The analysis involves lexical, phonological, and morphosyntactic
features, in addition to the impact of sociolinguistic factors on stylistic shifts,
and their implications for language contact.
Data analysis of any sample of the variety used by educated speakers
shows that speakers use various variants differently, making use of
unlimited possible combinations. All educated speakers, under
investigation, seem to move towards MSA in different degrees. They are
not consistent in their application of what may be referred to as
"standardization17”rules and /or what Ibrahim (1985) calls “hybridization”
or “koineization18” rules. In fact, they often shift unpredictably within
the same context and sometimes within the same lexical items.
Analysis of recorded texts/discourses reveals that MSA and AA are in
fact so densely intertwined in the intermediate variety “ESA” that cannot be
17 The process by which conventional forms of a language are established and maintained.
Standardization may occur as a natural development of a language in a speech community
or as an effort by members of a community to impose one dialect or variety as a standard.
18The term "koineization" has more recently been applied to the process of levelling
which may result in a koine. A koine is the stabilized result of mixing of linguistic
subsystems such as regional or literary dialects. It usually sevrves as a lingua franca
among speakers of the different contributing varieties and is characterized by a mixture
of features of these varieties and most often by reduction or simplification in comparison.
45
actually characterized as pure MSA or AA. Thus, it is more accurate to
assume the existence of a mixture of varieties where segments from each
code are used interchangeably and variably. This mixture of codes has
resulted from the variable application of hybridization which takes place at
both ends of the diglossic scale in the form of “standardization” of the lower
varieties and “colloquialization” of the higher ones. Therefore, the outcome
of this amalgamation will be the production of hybrid forms and
constructions. The combination of forms which results from the variable
application of a series of optional rules on the same base forms are producing
in many cases forms containing vestiges of both codes. These rules are
optional, variable, and freely ordered within the same linguistic level, i.e.
phonological, morphological, etc.
2.9 Data Processing
After the interviews and observations have been done, I collected and
analysed the survey results. Then, transcription of interviews and notes took
place. Analysis of the data took place at the end of May and beginning of
June. After the transcription, I coded the data according to the major themes
of the participant’s responses. Then, selection of these coded data made its
way to the analysis and discussion section of my research work, below. As
noted above, I took a descriptive lens to probe into the issue of diglossia in
relation to the Arabic continuum.
For this purpose, the data collection was relatively extensive for such a
small study community. The research yielded rich and thick data. However,
for restrictions of both study scope and time/space the study will not be
comprehensive but rather selective. The study set its scope to explore only
relevant data to the issue of diglossia and the relationship with the different
levels of Arabic in Algeria. But, even within this scope, data was processes,
46
coded and synthesized in a manner that captures the ideas with reasonable
succinctness.
I tended to use the terms Modern Standard Arabic (MSA) and fuʂħɑ
interchangeably in the interviews. The participants seemed to have
understood both and used them according to their preference. Besides, I used
Algerian Arabic to refer to the Low Variety of Arabic. However, different
participants used different terms in reference to the Low variety of Arabic,
such as ‘ʕamija, colloquial, vernacular or Algerian Arabic or dialect(s).
Excerpts from the participant’s responses in the survey, observations and
interviews have been selected and quoted throughout the analysis. This
attempts to remain true to the descriptive nature of the inquiry.
2.11 Transcription of the data of the study
After data was collected, I transcribed relevant parts, analysed the
discourse and classified whether the variety used was H or L or medium and
specified the contexts under which it was used. It should be noted that the
transcriptions of the collected examples in this research work are phonetic,
and based on the International Phonetic Alphabet (IPA).The followings are
illustrative examples.
[13]
kθi :r men næ :s læhum nadra Ɣi:r ʔiʒabijǝ ʕla lmustǝqbel fǝl
ʒazæ:jer kul waħad ʕandǝh nadra χa:ʂɑ bih . lækǝn ʔiðǝ ħabbi:na
næfes dduwel lmutaqaddimǝ jæʒib ʕli:na nætæχalla ʕlǝ lʔananijjǝ bæ:ʃ
nwaħħad lʒuhu:d wnabni blæ:dnǝ . lukæ:n kel wa:ħad jdaħi Ɣi:r ʃwijjǝ
tʔaked mja bel mja billi blæ:dnǝ twelli dawla ʕaɖi:ma . χira:t lʒazæ:jer
kbi:ra beʂɑħ rahi Ɣi:r mustæƔalla wa lǝm ʔaʒid tafsi:r li hæd ʃi.
lʔaʒæ:nib mǝn kul duwǝl lʕalæm jthæ:ftu ʕli:nǝ. rahum ʕarfi:h
47
wǝʃ jdi:ru . hmaʂlaħa ʒæbethum . lblæ:d jχoʂha rʒa:l miɵl lkafaʔæ:t li
rarbǝt lǝl χa:reʒ.
Gloss
A lot of people look to the future with a pessimistic outlook. In Algeria,
each one has its own viewpoint. But, if we like to compete with the developed
countries, we must get rid of our selfishness to unite our efforts and strive to
build our country. If each one of us sacrifice a little bit, be sure one hundred
percent that our country becomes a great nation. Algeria has many goods,
but untapped, and I cannot find an explanation. Foreigners flock us from
all countries of the world. Interest prompted them to come to Algeria. They
know what they are doing. Algeria is lacking men, such as competencies that
fled abroad. (my translation)
[14]
ttaʕli:m rah Ɣi:r jzi:d jǝddahwar kul wuzara galu wǝtkalmu ʕla ʔiʂla:ħ
lmanduma ttarbawijjǝ.læ:kin lwæ:qar jkǝðab gaʕ wǝʃ qa:lu.ʔana mutæ:beʕ
lʃʃaʔn ttarbawi munðu mudda ʈwi:la matƔajjar ħata ʃi jru:ħ wæzi:r wʒi
weħdaχor wǝ sijjæ:sa hija hija . ʃu:f ʃæbæ:bnǝ jdi:ʕ wǝjgulek ttaʕli:m
ra:h mli:ħ fǝl blæ:d .jǝkaðbu ʕli:nǝ .bǝʂɑħ mændunʃ hæ:ð sijjasǝ ddu:m .
rabbi jʒi:b lχi:r lha:d lblæ:d. lu ka:n ʒi:na nqadru lʕilm wnaʕʈo:h maka:na
mli:ħa wǝʒh lʒazæ:jer jtƔajjar lǝl ʔaħsen .
Gloss
Education in Algeria continues to deteriorate. Each minister spoke on the
reform of the educational system. However, the reality belies all this talk. I
am from followers of educational affairs for a long time. Noting has changed.
Minister goes and another comes, but the policy remains the same. To see
48
the youth of today and compare it with their allegations, which says that
education is good in Algeria. In fact, they lie to us. Nevertheless, I do not
think that this policy lasts. God's answer is good for this country. (my
translation)
[15]
lwæzi:r ga:l belli ra:jħi:n naqdu ʕla sakanæ:t lhaʃa wǝl qaʂdi:rijǝ .
lakin hadǝ klæ:m ʒara:ʔid wʔiðaʕǝ. ħatta wa:ħed ma jaqdǝr jħǝl muʃkǝl
ssakæn fi bladnǝ. hadǝ lmukil qdi:m læ:zǝm tǝtwaffar ʔira:dǝ kbi:ra
wʃaʒa:ʕa wǝl ʔibtiʕæ:d ʕla lqarara:t lli tʒi mǝl fu:q .læ:zǝm lmutæ:baʕa
tku:n jawmijja fǝl mida:n. kul wa:ħǝd jǝtħæ:sǝb ʕala lʕamæl lli qa:m bih
su:q lʕaqqar sabħæt lma:fja hijja tǝtħakkam fi:h. kæ:jan li jamlek zu:ʒ
suknæ:t wkæ:jan li ħaʈ milaf munðu ʕaʃr sni:n wmazæ:l ma ħaʂal ʕla
walu.
Gloss
The minister said he would eliminate the barracks in Algeria. However, this
is not true, just talk to newspapers and the media. No one can solve the
problem of housing in Algeria. This is an old problem. We should have
political will, courage and move away from the decisions that come from
higher authorities. There must be the daily follow-up in the field. Each one
held accountable for the work done. The Mafia controls the real estate
market in Algeria. There are those who have two houses. On the contrary
there are others who put on file for housing 10 years ago and has obtained
nothing. (my translation)
2.12 Conclusion
The variability characterizing the Algerian linguistic situation and its
fusional nature makes it difficult to explain all its facets in the light of solely
49
one approach. Accordingly, the adoption of an appropriate method or
methods for this research project is of paramount importance. Three methods
have been proposed to approach the linguistic variability in Algeria. The
quantitative method, the qualitative method and the mixed method are used
to deepen the understanding of the topic and capture the widest possible
experience from the study community. Thus, overcome the binary distinction
between H and L varieties of Arabic. Linguistic variables whether
phonological or lexical are to be studied quantitatively and qualitatively in
relation to the social context of the informants.
These three models constitute my theoretical framework and through
the applications of their basic assumptions, I will attempt to demonstrate that
linguistic variants are used as a practice in my informants' interaction.
I opted to achieve triangulation (across method) collection of data by
using four prefigured data collection techniques. The data needed in this
fieldwork are gathered by means of questionnaires, recordings, direct
observation and interviews, which are used to elicit data explicitly from the
informants, and lead to yield more valid and authentic data.
50
Chapter Three Literature Review with a Particular emphasis on Algeria
3. Literature review with a particular emphasis on Algeria
3.1 Introduction
Copious literature exists on Classical Arabic, and what has been called
Modern Standard Arabic. A great deal has also been written about Arabic
dialects or vernaculars, mainly by Arabists and non–Arab Linguists. By
contrast, little is known about Educated Spoken Arabic, as it is used in the
Arab World.
The sociolinguistic situation in Algeria is different from that depicted by
the political leaders. They try to unite the Algerian society around one
language, Arabic. In fact, the Algerian speech community is linguistically
heterogeneous. It is characterized by the coexistence the of many local
varieties referred to as Algerian Arabic. Their respective position vis a vis
MSA is a clear case of diglossia19Ferguson (1959).
This phenomenon has been well documented (W. Marçais 1930; C.
Ferguson 1959a/b ; P. Wexler 1971 ; S. Altoma 1969 ; K. Walters 1996 ; A.
Kaye 1970, 1972, 2001; S. El-Hassen 1978 ; M. Ennaji 2002 ; G. Meiseles
1980 ; B. Hary 1996; M. Eid 1988 ; M. Ibrahim 1986). Hence, no discussion
of Arabic is complete without at least a cursory discussion of diglossia. Some
scholars go further and provide different classifications of Arabic.
3.2 Diglossia revisited
In Algeria as is the case elsewhere in the Arab World, two varieties of
Arabic are in common use. MSA is said to be the language of reading and
writing, while Colloquial Arabic is said to be the language of daily social
intercourse. Diglossia is the term used to describe the state where two
19 There is some evidence that diglossia existed even before Islam. Altoma states that:
Arabic diglossia can be traced back as far as the pre-Islamic period. (Altoma,1964:4)
51
different forms of speech live side by side and are clearly distributed
according to functional domains, in which each language is in a sense
irreplaceable by the other. All linguistic literature on Arabic is informed by
the concept of “ linguistic duality”, i.e. the co-existence of “Standard” and “
Colloquial” varieties of Arabic. The Standard is considered as the formal or
cultural variety. It is used in lectures, public speeches, religious sermons, in
the mass-media and in publications. On the other hand, Colloquial Arabic is
used in informal contexts. Language is a social phenomenon closely tied up
with the social structure of society. Accordingly, varieties are evaluated in
different ways.
3.2.1 Ferguson’s point of View
Ferguson (1959) started from the assumption that diglossic speech
communities have a High variety (H) that is very prestigious used in
education and the written form such as lecture, religious preach, TV and
radio news, and a Low variety (L) with no official status, used in the speech
of everyday. In Arabic speaking communities, the high variety is represented
by MSA, whereas the low variety is the mother tongue.
Diglossia is a relatively stable language situation in which, in
addition to the primary dialects of the language (which may include
a standard or regional standards) there is a very divergent,
highly codified (often grammatically more complex) superposed
variety, the vehicle of a large and respected body of written
literature, either of an earlier period or in another speech
community, which is learned largely by formal education and is
used for most written and formal spoken purposes but is not
used by any sector of the community for ordinary conversation.
(Ferguson, 1959:336)
52
These two varieties, classical and colloquial, exist side by side in the Arabic
speech community in a diglossia relationship.
Ferguson touched an important point, which turns out to be the key to
the handling of the problem. He assumes that there is a High variety of
language, i.e. MSA on a part with Low variety of language, i.e. AA20. This
assumption seems most certainly to be a false one in Kaye’s term(1972:35).
Diglossia had been contested as oversimplified (Al Batal, 1992:285), so;
another model of explanation was proposed that views Arabic variation in
terms of a continuum of language varieties (Fakhri, 1995:140). For centuries
the Algerian have managed to keep an equilibrium between their dialectal
varieties and MSA.
Arabic diglossia in Algeria is not a relatively stable21situation. It
involves the interaction of two systems. Both are subject to change. The
overlapping that exists between MSA and AA attests the instability of
diglossia in Algeria. This is accounted for by the fact that the Algerian speech
community is not a homogeneous speech community, using only one or two
varieties. There is, however, a third intermediary variety that is often
termed as “middle language”. A variety that seems to be accepted more by
the people than MSA.
Ferguson himself has commented on the weakness of his original article
in“Diglossia Revisited” (1991). He does criticise his lack of clarity on
specifying that his definition for diglossia was putative, and that the point of
his original article had been to point at a phenomenon that was not
understood hoping that it would receive more attention.
20For the purpose of this study and for the sake of consistency, the High variety will be
referred to as MSA, while the Low variety as dialect(s) or Algerian Arabic depending on
each case.
21 Stability means the slowing down or complete stoppage of linguistic change. Haugen
(1966) in( Pride and Holmes, 1972:10)
53
(Chen,1997:4) remarks that empirical studies, including Ferguson’s
diglossic case studies, have shown that compartmentalisation of language
use may, in fact, not occur because “either intermediate varieties may be
used or one variety may be displaced by the other”. Such a lack of power
symmetry between two languages or varieties results as unstable diglossia,
and leads to language shift.
Ferguson’s dichotomy could not stand when we consider language use
in the Algerian Parliament (Assemblée Nationale Populaire), the mass-
media, mosques and schools. For instance some Members of Parliament
speech is overtly delivered in colloquial Arabic for some minutes, or in both
MSA and Algerian Arabic alternately. Similarly, Algerian journalists
usually code-switch between the H and the L variety particularly when
discussing live programmes, where people participate or give their opinions
about a given topic. (EL Hassan1977) noticed such a phenomenon in the
Arab world. He confirms that: A speech in Parliament, or a political speech
elsewhere (Ferguson H) is usually given in Educated Spoken Arabic, and
sometimes in pure colloquial.(EL Hassan, 1977:115)
Therefore, we can refute Ferguson’s specification of function as either
not universal or have, for sociolinguistic reasons known some modifications.
Practically, an uneducated person who has had no experience with MSA
will not understand it beyond a few words and sayings.The following scripts
are taken from the discourse of parliament members:
[16] …wa lækin baʕd ma smæʕt lχiʈɑ:b tæ: ʕ lwazi:r lʔawǝl ʒ æ:bli
rabi mænæ:ʃ ʕaiʃi:n fi nafs lblæ:d wa la fi nafs zamæ:n lʒazair ʕɑrfǝt
kawareɵ ʈɑbiʕia kima zalzlet ʃlef , bumerdæ:s fajaɖɑnæ:t tæ:ʕ bæ:b
lwa:d wɣardaiə . wa lakin zanzla lima ʕadhæ:ʃ raqm fi li ʃ æ:l de ri ʃtǝr
hija zalzlet lfasæ:d li χlaqtu:ha ntu:ma ɵmæniə wtasʕi:n f əl mja tæ:ʕ
54
lmizaniə tæ:ʕ blæ:dna ʒet m əl pitro:l w əl ɣa:z haðihi lχairɑ:t ma
ʕandkum ħata daχl fi:ha
Gloss
“… but when I heard the Prime Minister ‘s speech I feel that we do not live
in the same country and not at the same time. Algeria known natural
disasters such as the earthquake that devastated Chlef and Boumerdes,and
floods that hit Bab El Oued and Ghardaia. But the quake, which does not
have a number on the Richter scale earthquake is the corruption and bribery
that you are behind its appearance. 98 percent of the state budget revenues
are from oil and gas. This natural good things are from God Almighty and
not from your work”.(my translation )
[17] … ɵaliɵan la mafiə ma z æ: let tnaħi f ərmel ta : ʕ w æ:d sipɑwo
gudæ:m rabi wa ʕbæ:du wal ʒadarmiə li ħad lʔæ:n … kulna ʕarfi:n
ʃku:n li ʒbed lχi: ʈ wa da ʃkara lkbi:ra wəħad ma ħawwas ʔli:h whaða
sijjad mahu: ʃ f əl ħukuma
Gloss
“…. Third, the Mafia is still exploiting the Spaw River sands in front of
everyone and even the national gendarmerie. We all know the person who
holds the string and take the big cake. No one is looking for the unknown
Mr. x. He is far from the ministry.” (my translation )
[18] …wəʃ maʕnatha maʒitu:ʃ bəh tabnu ʒitu: bəh diru wra kul
ʒazairi tlæɵa bulisijja maʒitu:ʃ bəh tabnu vu vule polisji la sosiəti
alʒeriən.
Gloss
“… What this means you did not come for the building, but you come in
order to put three policemen behind every Algerian. You did not come for
55
the building, but you come to control the Algerian society through police”.
(my translation )
3.2.2 Diglossia in the Arab World
The linguistic literature on Arabic is generally based on the Middle-
East. Accordingly, scholars usually generalise their conclusion to the Arab
world. They consider the Arab world as linguistically homogeneous. But
Arabic in all of its different dialects is the mother tongue of 200 million
human beings (Kimball, 1984:85). It is unrealistic therefore to assume that
all numbers of the Arab world share the same language rules.
The linguistic and sociolinguistic situation in the Middle East is quite
different from that in North Africa.(Francis, 1985:6) states that there are
roughly four major dialect groupings of modern Spoken Arabic: the Gulf and
Arabian Peninsula dialects, the Levantine dialects, the Egyptian dialects, the
Maghrebi dialects. A certain homogeneity of Arabic varieties has ben
recognized in North Africa as opposed to the oriental Arabic varieties.
(Marçais, 1977:vi )explains that22:
The phonemes density ]...[ creates the standard linguistic type of
Maghrebin Arabic. A completely recognizable type for the Arabists
and the Arab-speaking people who intend to speak it, the value of
a true certificate of origin. (my translation)
In the Middle East the gap between H and L, whether syntactic,
morphological or phonological is not important in the sense that illiterate
people can understand a speech delivered in the H variety.
22 La densitté des phénomènes[…]crée le type linguistique particulier de l’arabe
maghrébin, type tout a fait reconnaissable qui possède, pour les arabisants et les
arabophones qui l’entendent parler, la valeur d’un véritable certificat d’origine. Quoteted
in (Dandan, 1993 :23)
56
Algeria is characterised by a sharp diglossia in which two distinct
forms of Arabic, i.e. MSA and AA, co-exist each one assuming specific
functions. (Bouamrane, 1986:7)argues that : …it is in Algeria that the gap
between Classical Arabic the H variety, and Algerian Arabic, the L variety,
is the greatest.
3.2.3 High Variety vs Low Variety
An important feature of diglossia is that my informants have the
personal perception that the high variety, i.e. MSA is the “real” or “pure”
language, and that the low variety, i.e. AA is “incorrect usage”. Table 3.1 as
schematized in figure (3.1) confirms such a fact.
Table 3.1 : Do you think Modern Standard Arabic is a “pure” language?
Age . group
Total %
17/25 26/35 36/50 50+
MSA
AA
Blanks
7 9 10 10
1 1 0 0
2 0 0 0
36
02
02
90
5
5
Figure 3.1. Attitudes towards MSA.
57
Regarding MSA as a national literary heritage, the majority(90 percent)
of my respondents stressed its historical legacy and its place as the official
language of Algeria. The results reveal an overall agreement among the
majority of the informants who consider MSA as a pure language.
Given the diglossic situation characterising all Arab speech
communities, MSA is used in formal speeches or interviews. However, as
soon as the speaker diverts away from his well prepared speech in order to
add a comment, or respond to questions, the rate of colloquial usage in his
speech increases. How much MSA versus AA is used depends on the
speaker, the topic, the situation among other factors. The following list of
paired items shows the gap that exist between MSA and AA at the lexical
level.
[19]
Within Algeria and the Maghreb in general there is considerable
linguistic diversity and the dialect picture is complex. Linguistic differences
between H and L varieties are sufficiently large to create serious problems
in comprehension. Accordingly, it will be seen that the notion of “diglossia”
does not provide an adequate descriptive frame work for “Arabic”.
Deeper investigations into today’s Arabic–speaking world would clearly
show the slow development towards a middle variety of Arabic supposed to
lessen the problem of comprehensibility.
H (MSA) L (AA) Gloss
[ʕaʂa] [matrag] a stick
[ʈiflun] [ baz ] [ weld ] a child
[ba ʈ n] [ kerʃ] a belly
[ħiʂa:hun] [ʕæ wd] a horse
58
The communicative tensions which arises in the diglossic situation
may be resolved by the use of relatively uncodified, unstable,
intermediate form of the language (ʔalluɣalwuʂʈa) and repeated
borrowing of vocabulary items from H to L. (Ferguson, 1959: 10)
(ʔalluɣa lwuʂʈɑ) commonly know as “ Educated Spoken Arabic” is still in
the process of development. It has added a third dimension to Arabic
diglossia so that nowadays we can speak of Arabic “triglossia” (Ennaji,
1991) and (Youssi, 1995). Three levels of Arabic may be distinguished:
MSA, AA and ESA.
“Educated Spoken Arabic” is subject to considerable fluctuation not
only in its form of pronunciation but also at the morphological and lexical
levels but before considering “ESA”, let us consider the different levels of
Arabic as proposed by some scholars.
3.3 Ferguson’s classification of Arabic
Ferguson( 1959 ) implicitly recognizes Educated Spoken Arabic. He
considers (ʔalluɣa lwuʂʈɑ),i.e. ESA as an intermediate form of language.
Ferguson states that in normal educated speech, there is often a mixture,
mainly colloquial Arabic, but with an admixture of classical elements. He
says that (ʔalluɣa lwuʂʈa) is:
a kind of spoken Arabic much used in semi –formal and cross-
dialectal situations which has a highly classical vocabulary with
few or no inflectional endings, with certain features of classical
syntax, but with a fundamentally colloquial base in morphology
and syntax, and a generous admixture of colloquial vocabulary.
(Ferguson, 1959:433 ) quoted in(El Hassan, 1977:113)
59
Ferguson’s contribution to Arabic left a strong impact in the field of
Arabic linguistic literature. For the first time, variability in spoken Arabic is
implicitly recognised. Ferguson singles out three levels of Arabic:
1. The high variety, i.e. Classical /Modem standard Arabic.
2.ʔalluɣa lwuʂʈa, i.e. intermediate form.
3. The low variety, i.e. colloquial Arabic.
Ferguson’s classification is a considerable advance in Arabic linguistics,
in spite of its weakness. He fails to explicitly show the place of the individual
within the system, i.e. not all people can participate equally at all levels.
The High and the Low varieties are associated with certain socio-
economic and demographic characteristics of the language users. It is ESA
which is most interesting to us, since it rejects archaic standard items as well
as plain vernacular ones. This tendency is strong in the Arab speaking world,
and mainly in Algeria. The followings are illustrative examples:
[20]
A number of scholars after Ferguson such as (Blanc, 1960),
(Badawi,1973), (El-Hassan, 1977), (Mitchell, 1978) (Meisels, 1980) and
(Younes, 2006) among others, attempted to define these complex levels of
Arabic beyond the simplified High and Low dichotomy.
MSA AA ESA Gloss
[ʈoɣja:n] [dolm] [ᶁolm] [dolm] tyranny
[qa:ħil] [na:ʃaf ] [ʒæ:f] arid
[ɣibʈa] [farħ] [farħa] [sæʕa:da] [farħa] bliss
60
3.4 Badawi’s classification
(Badawi, 1977) proposes a novel theoretical rendering of contemporary
Arabic. He recognises five levels in Contemporary Egyptian Arabic:
1.fuʂħā al turāth.
2. fuʂћā al ʕaʂr.
3. ʕā mmiyyat al muthaqqafiin.
4.ʕā mmiyyat al mutanawwiriin.
5.ʕā mmiyyat al ʔummiyyiin.
The names of the five levels from top to bottom is translated into English
by(Freeman, 1996:3) as follows:
1.The classical language of tradition.
2.The modern classical language.
3. The colloquial of the educated.
4. The colloquial of the enlightened.
5. The colloquial of the illiterate.
Badawi’s classification is likely to run from extreme distance with
intermediate levels in-between. According to Badawi, the first of these five
“ levels” is devoted to religious talks and discussions, “ the second level” is
the vehicle of contemporary topics which call for the use of literary Arabic.
It is a modernised form of Classical Arabic generally known as Modern
Standard Arabic. It is used in education, for official purposes, and for written
communication within the Arab-speaking international community, “the
third level” is associated with the language of the educated people, it is a
colloquial language influenced by both the literary and contemporary
civilisation. It is used by the educated people for talks and discussions
concerning abstract topics and contemporary cultural issues in the domains
61
of science, politics, arts and social problems. Because of its flexibility,
frequency and closeness to daily life, the third level, i.e. the colloquial of the
educated, is the vehicle of Egyptian cultural and scientific discourse .“The
fourth level” is the language of the enlightened. It is a colloquial language
influenced by contemporary civilisation. It is used by literate people in their
daily activities such as buying and selling. It is the medium of
communication within the family, and among friends and neighbours.“The
fifth level”is the language of the illiterate. It is a colloquial language
relatively free from the influence of both the literary language, and
contemporary civilisation. It is mainly the language of comic plays and
country Folk.
In in attempt to show how the linguistic system of Modern Arabic in
Egypt works, Badawi offers a diagram based on his five levels.
Figure 3.2 Arabic levels in Egypt
It should be noted that in Badawi’s model, every level includes mixing
from all the elements of Arabic. This is different from Ferguson’s description
of diglossia, which states that the two forms, i.e. the High variety and the
low variety, are in complementary distribution.
62
In Badawi’s diagram we can see that even the speech of the illiterate
contains elements of the High variety(fuʂħa). Badawi’s third level, i.e. the
colloquial of the educated is of special interest to us because it has some
relevance to the study of Educated Spoken Arabic. This level is characterised
by a high mixture of literary and colloquial varieties (Figure 3.2 ), and the
spread of foreign lexical items ( dakhil )23. According to Badawi the third
level draws its features from three different “ codes”:
1.Literary Arabic.
2.The colloquial.
3.A few foreign languages.
Hence, it is more varied than the remaining four levels. Badawi argues
that a speaker of (ʕāmmiyyatu almuthaqqafiin), i.e.“ The colloquial of the
educated”, addressing his equals might use any of the following three forms
of the same word:
[21] / ө.q. b / , / s.q.b /, / t.ʔ.b/
/ өuq b / , / suqb /, / tuʔ b/ “hole”
Badawi claims that this choice is not available on any of the other
levels, because level 1, i.e. CA admits the form / ө.q. b / only, level 2, i.e. the
neo-classical admits / s.q.b/ only, and levels 4 and 5, i.e. the vernacular of
the enlightened and the illiterate admits / t.ʔ.b / only.
Badawi provides interesting details of the phonological and
morphological features of the spoken Arabic of the educated people.These
details may lack precision, but they make a useful guide for researchers
interested in describing Educated Spoken Arabic. Besides, the great strength
23 - By “dakhil” Badawi means foreign words
63
of Badawi’s model lies in its ability to rank the Arabic levels in a hierarchical
manner from the most formal to the least informal.
3.5 EL Hassan’s classification
EL Hassan (1978) starts from a simple classification of the levels of
Arabic. He singles out three levels :
1.Modern Standard Arabic ( MSA ).
2.Educated Spoken Arabic ( ESA ).
3.Colloquial Arabic .
The use of one or the other of the “levels” of Arabic is mainly
determined by factors likes the topic, the speaker’s background, the
interlocutors and the setting. EL Hassan assumes that the three levels
form a continuum because Educated Spoken Arabic shares features and
items of both Modern Standard Arabic and Colloquial Arabic.
Modern Standard Arabic (MSA) is the written language of
contemporary literature, journalism, and spoken prose. It exists
side by side with a great number of regional Vernaculars, usually
referred to globally as Colloquial Arabic. Educated speakers
in the Arab world use the variety of Arabic which we call
Educated Spoken Arabic (ESA) which draws upon both MSA
and Colloquial Arabic and constitute a continuum. These varieties
of Arabic are neither discrete nor homogeneous, rather they are
characterised by gradation and variation. (EL Hassan, 1978:32)
To back up his claim, EL Hassan conducted a detailed study of the
demonstrative system in ESA as it is spoken in Egypt and the Levant. He
assumed that the evidence adduced should lend support to linguists who
regard variation as a central theme in the study of living languages.
64
These varieties, as proposed by EL Hassan (1978), are characterised by
variation which is dictated by the speaker’s background, and the function of
each variety. EL Hassan thinks that the varieties of Arabic form a continuum
where each level is related to the following one. ESA occupies an
intermediate position between the formal and the informal span of the Arabic
continuum.
3.6.1 The Emergence of ESA in Algeria
Educated Spoken Arabic is the outcome of the competition between
MSA and Colloquial Arabic. The emergence of ESA may be attributed to
the inadequacy of Colloquial Arabic to cope with the rising tide of mass-
education campaigns, on the one hand, and the failure of the majority of the
Algerians to use MSA in their spontaneous discussions of all that relates to
Pan-Arabic communication as well as to modern life patterns. Bouhadiba
(1998) states that the amalgamation of the different varieties in place gives
birth to an intermediate level of Arabic. (Bouhadiba,1998:2) considers that24:
The phenomenon of varieties fusion in presence within the continuum, as
well as the Pan Arabic communication worry gave birth to a new form of
Arabic al lugha al wusta" or intermediate Arabic. (my translation)
ESA which has started to develop is likely to establish itself in the
years to come as the number of educated people in Algeria is expected
to increase as a result of compulsory and free mass-education.
ESA has added a third dimension to Arabic diglossia. Nowadays, we
have to speak of Arabic “triglossia”. Accordingly, we must distinguish
between three Arabic varieties: Modern Standard Arabic, Colloquial Arabic,
24 Un phènomene de fusion des variétés en présence au sein du continuum,ainsi que
le souci de communication panarabique ont donné naissance a une nouvelle varieté
d’arabe ‘al lugha al wusta’ ou arabe intermediaire.
65
and Educated Spoken Arabic. In an attempt to show how the linguistic
system of modern Arabic in Algeria works, I propose the following figure.
Figure 3.3 Levels of Arabic in Algeria
The proposed figure is a pyramid model with three faces. It symbolizes
the linguistic levels in Algeria namely MSA, AA and ESA.The latter is
especially used by the educated people in their daily conversations.
ESA, consists of a spoken form that borrow intensively from the
High variety, i.e. MSA, and being expressed fluently in the “Low” variety,
i.e. Colloquial Arabic, so as to be intelligible to the uneducated people.
(Bishai, 1966:320) states that most of the educated people in the Arab
World . …believe that Modern Inter-Arabic is not colloquial language, but
a simplified version of Classical Arabic, in which the pausal forms replace
the contextual ones.
All the structural aspects of ESA are subject to change. Its
pronunciation vocabulary, morphological patterns of word formation are
involved in this change.
66
3.6.1 Educated Spoken Arabic as a dynamic system
ESA comes out as a result of the linguistic friction between Modern
Standard Arabic and Colloquial Arabic. It occupies an intermediate level
within the Arabic continuum. ESA relies heavily on MSA and Colloquial
Arabic and even some foreign languages. The amalgamation of these codes
gives ESA the capacity of being understood by everybody regardless his
social and educational background. This flexibility stems from the lexical
diversity of ESA. The fact remains that educated Arabs of most nationalities
talk among themselves on most topics with little or no linguistic
embarrassment. Ezzat (1974) carried out a pilot study about the mutual
intelligibility between students of various Arab nationalities. He states that:
The question of reciprocal intelligibility has not been raised among
these students who conduct their daily affairs in their own dialect.
Thus, it occurred to me to investigate the common features that help
towards this mutual understanding. (Ezzat, 1974:9)
Ezzat gives a brief account of the points of similarity and differences in
ESA variety at the level of phonology, grammar and lexis. He concludes that
the colloquial usage, i.e. the registered ‘mixed’ Arabic of the cultured classes
provides spoken norms of intercommunication between educated Arabs of
different countries. Among Ezzat’s observations are two:
1. that educated Arabs use hosts of classical words and expressions.
2. and make adjustments where a speaker replaces some of his own dialectal
features with their equivalents in the dialect of another speaker in a particular
situation.
Educated Spoken Arabic is a variety that Arabs are strongly motivated
to employ and extend as it will be shown through next chapter.This tendency
is backed up by (Mitchell, 1974:125). He states that:Yet, it is the virtually
67
unregistered ’mixed’ Arabic provide the basis for the koineised Arabic of
intercommunication between Arabs of different countries.
3.7 Conclusion
Unlike Ferguson(1959) who suggests the H/L divergence in Arabic, I
think that the varieties of Arabic in Algeria: the High variety and the Low
variety form a continuum with ESA. I argue against the common opinion
that the linguistic situation in Algeria can be characterized by rigid
dichotomies such as formal CA/MSA versus informal dialectal Arabic AA,
and/or upper-class CA versus middle and lower class dialectal Arabic.
The issues discussed in this chapter prompt me to reconsider some of
the traditional assumptions about the actual use and the pragmatic value of
MSA, and AA in spontaneous contact. Instead of the rigid dichotomy
between formal MSA and informal AA dialect, educated Algerians may
have used or avoided specific varieties in their spoken language, depending
on their wish to include or exclude certain interlocutors in distinct socio-
political contexts.
It is worth noting that a good deal of Educated Spoken Arabic exhibits
no case-endings, but it is wrong to claim that there are no occurrence of
classical ʔiʕraab. In fact, a proportion of Educated Spoken Arabic does carry
full marks of classical ʔiʕraab. The grammarians and lexicographers who
laboured to isolate or establish a “correct Arabic” from the flux of varied
uses of language were unaware of other varieties of Arabic. They focus their
attention on the essentials of a formal pattern whereas, details of real life and
real language are subdued.
68
Chapter Four Some Aspects of Educated Spoken Arabic in Algeria
4. Some Aspects of Educated Spoken Arabic in Algeria
4.1. Introduction
Speaking is the primary linguistic activity in which people engage.
People all over the world value the communication codes25 differently. Some
codes may be labelled High while others are stigmatised as Low.
One of the difficult and interesting aspects of Arabic is that different
levels of Arabic co-exist in the Arab world in general and in Algeria in
particular. These levels differ from MSA and Colloquial Arabic in terms
of pronunciation, grammar and vocabulary.
The variety spoken by the educated people in Algeria as well as in the
Arab world is different from the one spoken by the illiterate.The former
which is referred to as“ Educated Spoken Arabic” is characterised by many
borrowed words and expressions from MSA, and even from some foreign
languages.
Educated Spoken Arabic is recognised by many scholars. It is labelled
“all luɣa lmustaħsana” Lakhdar (1959) “the acceptable language”,
Maamouri(1973) calls it “Educated Arabic”, Monteuil(1960) calls it “la voie
moyenne”, “the middle form”, Bishai(1966) calls it “Inter- Arabic”.
Educated Spoken Arabic has been selected to the focus of this study
because the number of its speakers increase rapidly and because of the
interesting factors which led to its emergence. ESA of Algeria has been
identified at two levels:
25 by “code”we mean a neutral label for any system of communication involving
language.
69
1.the linguistic level: phonological, syntactic and lexical levels.
2.the social level: a number of extra-linguistic factors which led to the use of
ESA by educated people in their daily activities rather than MSA or AA.
This chapter is an attempt to bring out the differences between MSA
and ESA at the phonological level. In order to do this, a brief description of
the phonological systems of the two varieties of Arabic is provided.
Besides, the phonological differences are discussed on the basis of the
changes involved in MSA when compared with ESA.
The present study tackles in a rather detailed way the description of the
speech of educated Arabic speakers and the different styles of speech they
use. ESA is discussed as an independent system in its general sense, i.e. as a
network of patterned relationships constituting the organisation of this level
of Arabic.
4.2 Phonological Preliminaries
The phonological changes take place through the processes of
substitution, omission, insertion, or transposition of phonemes at initial,
medial, or final position of words.The changes which are definable by
phonological or morphological contexts are considered as regular changes.
However, those which are restricted to a limited number of lexical items with
exceptions are treated as irregular changes.
One of the phenomena which characterise ESA in Algeria is
phonological fluctuation, i.e. the occurrence of phonological variants whose
distribution is not bound up with specific conditions in their structural
environment. Phonological oscillation occurs not only from speaker to
speaker, but may also be present in the speech of the same person in different
conditions as in:
70
[22]
Educated Spoken Arabic is the richest of all three levels of the Arabic
continuum in respect to the phonemic inventory which derives either from
MSA or Colloquial Arabic and some foreign languages namely French and
English. An Algerian speaker of ESA addressing his equals might use one of
the following forms:
1.the substitution of the interdental fricative / θ/ and / ð / by the dental stop
/t / and /d / as is the case in:
[23]
2.the substitution of the uvular stop / q / by the velar stop /g / as in:
[24]
MSA ESA Gloss
[hæ :ð a] [ða]
[da]
[hæ:da]
[hæ: ð a]
That
MSA ESA Gloss
[θawra] [tawra] a revolution
[ʔ iθ n a: ni] [ʔitna:ni] two
[θamanjə] [tmanjə] eight
MSA ESA Gloss
[qalb] [galb][qalb] a heart
[naqdir] [naqdǝr] [nagdǝr] I can
[laqaina] [lgi:na] we found
71
3.Sometimes the substitution of glottal stop / ʔ / by the labial glide /w / in
initial position and dropped in final position or assimilated to the preceding
semi-consonant as in:
[25]
This choice is not available on any of the other levels, i.e. MSA and
Algerian Arabic, because MSA admits only /θ / in example [ 23 ], and / ð /
in example [24], and only /ʔ/ in example [25].
4.3 The Segmental Analysis of ESA in Algeria
4.3 .1 The consonantal System
Through the analysis of the corpus, I have noticed that the consonantal
system of ESA contains 31 consonant segments which contrast at the
phonemic level. The evolution of certain sounds or segments in the ESA
system is primarily due to the introduction of a large number of loan words.
Out of contact with other languages, ESA has developed a flexible phonetic
system.The table below represents the consonant inventory of ESA in
Algeria. It is based on articulatory features drawn from the speech of my
informants.
MSA ESA Gloss
[ʔajna] [wi:n] where
[hawaʔ] [hwa] air
[ɖawʔ] [daww] light
72
Figure 4.1 Consonant phoneme inventory
Labial Interdental alveolar Emphatic Alveo-palatal Velar Uvular Pharyngeal Glottal
Stops (p)
b
t
d
ʈ
ɖ
k
g
q ʔ
Fricatives f
(v)
θ
ð
s
z
ʂ ∫
ʒ
χ
ɣ
ћ
ʕ
h
Nasal m n
Lateral l L
Flop r
Semi-
Consonant
w J
Consonants between brackets may be regarded as marginal phonemes since
they are restricted distributionally.
4.3.1.1 Stops
The following inventory of stops is frequently used in the speech of the
Algerian educated speakers:/ b, t, ʈ, d, ɖ, k, q, ʔ/. The marginal phonemes
/ p/ and /g /occur only in borrowed words, and words of foreign origin. The
labial /p/ and the labio-dental fricative / v / alternate freely with the voiced
labial /b/ and the voiceless labio-dental fricative /f/ respectively. The
followings are representative examples:
[26]
MSA ESA Gloss
/ kambju:tar / [ kæmpjutǝr]
[kambjutǝr ]
computer
/ bidæ ɣu: ʒi / [bida go ʒ i]
[bida ɣu ʒ i]
pedagogy
73
The velar stop [g] tends to mark rustic speech in Algeria, and [q ] is
therefore usually favoured by my respondents. (Hassaine,1984:162)states
that: In Arabic linguistic, the sound [g] is referred to as vulgar and non
literary.
The data at hand indicates that the phoneme /q / is by far the most widely
used. However, there is a tendency among young people more likely than
other groups to use the variant [g] instead of [ q] as in:
[27]
4.3.1.2 Spirants
Spirant phonemes /f, s, z, ʃ, ʒ, ħ, χ, ɣ / have a regular distribution. But
/ θ, ð /have low frequency. They are sometimes realised as [t ] and [d]. The
substitution of the classical fricatives / θ /and / ð / for the vernacular plosives
is noticed in the speech of my informants as in:
[28]
ESA Gloss
[qmær] [gmar] the moon
[lqa] [lga] he met
[ʂaffaq ] [ʂaffag ] he applauded
MSA ESA Gloss
[θ awra] [ tawra] a revolution
[θ al æ: θ a] [ tlæ:θa] three
[θam æ:nija] [tm æ:nja] eight
74
But / θ / is maintained in some position as in:
[29]
The interdental fricative / ð / is generally realised as /d /accept in some cases.
The following are representative examples:
[30]
I noticed that the classical phoneme /ɖ / of [χuɖɑ r] “vegetable” fell into
oblivion. It is usually replaced by the emphatic /d /as in.
[31]
Twenty seven out of forty informants used the stops /t/ and /d / in their
speech instead of the spirants /θ /and /ð /, that is 67,5% of the total
MSA ESA Gloss
[tamθi:l] [tamθ i:l] acting
[θælʒ] [θ æl ʒ] [t ælʒ] snow
[θ æl æ:ʒa] [θ ælæ:ʒa] a fridge
MSA ESA Gloss
[ʕað æ:b] [ʕdæ:b] Torture
[ðæ:b] [dæ:b] melt
[ʔuðun] [wden] [ʔudǝn] an ear
MSA ESA Gloss
[ʔiɖra:b] [ʔidra:b] strike
[ muɖħi k] [ mudħi k] foolish/ funny
[ħuɖu:r] [ħudu:r] presence
75
informants. However, some educated speakers still maintain the interdental
spirants /θ/ and /ð / in some words as in:
[32]
4.3.1.3 The Emphatics
The emphatisation of a speech segment is produced by a construction
of the pharynx accompanied by a slight rounding of the lips. The emphatics
are therefore more fortis than plain segments. Three emphatics are noticed
in the educated speech of my informants namely / ʂ/, / ʈ /, /ɖ /. Its domains
seem to be the CV(C) and CCV(C). The following list gives some relevant
examples:
[33]
CVC :
[34]
ESA Gloss
[θaqi:l] / [θqi:l] heavy
[kaðæ:lik]
also
]θumma] and / then
ESA Gloss
[ʂabu:n] soap
[ʈ a:wila] a table
[ʕaɖi:m] great
ESA Gloss
[ʂo:t] voice
[ʈ i:n] mub
[ᶁarba] [darba] a strike
76
CCVC:
[35]
The emphatics have regressive and progressive effects, viz. They tend
to influence both the preceding and the following phonemes within the word.
The following are representative examples:
[36 ]
A number of pseudo-emphatics are noticed in ESA, among them the liquid
/ L / and / r / and the uvular /q / and the low back vowel /a / as in:
[37]
ESA Gloss
[ʈ wi:l] long
[ʂ ɣ i: r] young
[ʕɖam] [ʕdɑm] a bone
ESA Gloss
[ʈbal] a drum
[waʂɑʈ] [waʂʈ] in the middle
[ɖɑrba] a strike
ESA Gloss
[qamær] [qmær] moon
[raʔs] [ra:s] a head
[iʂLa:ħ] reform
77
From the above examples, the adjacent segments to /ʈ, ʂ, ɖ/ are
emphaticised. Whereas, in the vicinity of the uvular / q / and the liquids
/ l / and /r / they behave differently. / q /, /l / and / r / exert a co-articulatory
baking effect on vowels only. In /qamær /, for example, emphasis does not
spread beyond a $ cv$ sequence.
4.3.2 Consonant clusters
4.3.2.1Homogeneous clusters (gemination)
In MSA all the consonants get geminated and occur in word medial and
final positions except /ʔ/, /χ/ and /h/, which do not occur in gemination in
word final position. In ESA also, all the consonants occur in gemination in
word medial and final positions except /q/, /ʔ/ and /h/, which do not occur in
gemination in word final position. Examples:
[38]
[39]
Medial Cluster ESA Example Gloss
/ʒʒ / [raʒʒʕa] to return
/mm/ [ʒammala] to decorate
/χχ/ [ra χχasa] to cheapen
Final Cluster ESA Example Gloss
/ bb / [rabb] God
/ʃʃ/ [raʃʃ] to sprinkle
/χχ/ [mo χχ] brain
78
4.3.2.2 Heterogeneous clusters
Clusters with three heterogeneous consonants are not used in MSA in
general.Two consonant clusters do not occur in word initial position in MSA
while they are possible in medial and final positions. ESA is distinctive from
MSA in allowing word initial clusters while it accommodates word final
clusters very rarely. Keeping in view the purpose of this study, I illustrate a
few ESA initial position combinations that reveal the difference between
MSA and ESA, and they are shown below:
[40]
4.4.1 The vowel system of ESA in Algeria
Vowels are one of two general categories used for the classification of
speech sounds. MSA has only three vocalic phonemes / a /, / i / , / u / and
their corresponding three long ones / a : /, /i : / , / u : / . The chart given below
in table 4.2 provides the description of the vowel phonemes of MSA.
Initial Cluster ESA Example Gloss
/tm/ tmar dates
/hs/ hsæ:b accounting
/ʈb/ ʈbi:b a doctor
/dw/ dwa drug
/sl/ slæ:ħ arms
/bħ/ bħar sea
/kt/ ktæ:b a book
79
Figure 4.2 Vowel phonemes of MSA
(Le comte,1968 :9) stresses the fact that26:
The phonetic system of Arabic is characterized by consonant
eminence underlined by diagram particularities. Only consonants
are compulsory written, the addition of vowels is optional. Vowels
of plain length are only noted that by small signs to the over or
below of the consonant and they are written in the Koran and for
pedagogical needs.) (my translation)
It is interesting to note in this respect that the Arab grammarians focused
their studies on consonants rather than vowels, on the ground that
information is transmitted through consonants and not through vowels.
26 Le systeme phonétique de l’arabe est caractérisé par la pré-éminence des consonnes
encore souligné, par une particularité graphiques, seules les consonnes s’écrivent
obligatoirement, l’adjonction des voyelles etant facultative. Les voyelles de longueur
ordinaire ne sont notées que pardes petits signes au dessus ou au dessous de la
consonne et elles ne s’ecrivent que dans des examples du Coran et pour des besoins
pedagogiques.
80
(Cantineau, 1960 :221) adds that27: Arab grammarians did not give the
opposition consonant vowel the importance that it actually has.
(my translation) Such a trend is backed up by (Moles, 1966:55) who claims
that28: Consonants carry about 80% of the semantic information. (my
translation) The chart given above provides the description of the vowel
phonemes of MSA.
4.4.1.2 Vowel lowering
ESA displays a rectangular vowel system which consists of four short
vowels /i, a, æ, u / which are respectively lowered into [e, a, o ] in the
environment of underlying emphatics. Consider the followings:
[41]
4.4.1.3 Vowel centralisation
One of most important phonological processes that operate in ESA is
the process of vowel centralisation or ( Imaala), where the short vowels
/ i, a , u/
27 Les grammariens Arabes n’ont pas donné a l’opposion consonnes voyelles
l’importance qu’elle a en realité.
28 Les consonnes portent environ 80% de l’information semantique
MSA ESA Gloss
/ɖulm/ [dolm] injustice
/qindi:l/ [qendi:l] Lantern
/ warqa / [wærqa] a sheet
81
are reduced to the short central open unrounded vowel[ə], in the environment
CVC (c). The following are representative examples:
[42]
Semitic languages are commonly written without the vowels marks
which could indicate the vowels. It occurs occasionally in CVCVC as in:
[43]
4.4.1.4 Short vowel
The / a / in ESA is retained in some morphological patterns and
dropped out in some others. Its domains seem to be:
1. caci:c :
[44]
MSA ESA Gloss
[sikki:n] [səqqi:n] a knife
[damm] [dəmm] blood
[dukk æ: n] [dəkkæ:n][dəkkæ:n] grocer’s shop
MSA ESA G loss
[bæ:rid] [b æ:rǝd] cold
[ʕamila] [ʕaməl] [ʕməl] he did
[rasama] [rasǝma] [rsǝm] he draw
MSA ESA G loss
[ħali :b] [ħli :b] milk
[sæmi:n] [smi:n] fat
[ɖari:f] [dari:f][dri:f] kind
82
MSA unstressed weak vowels of the first syllable drop down in
ESA. That is: cvcv1v1 , ccv1v2c .
2. caca:c :
[45]
3. caca:ci:c :
[46]
4. cacac :
[47]
MSA ESA G loss
[naha:r] [nha:r] day
[ʈala:q] [ʈla:q] divorce
[sama:ħ] [smæ:ħ] pardon
MSA ESA G loss
[qawa :ni :n] [qwani:n] laws
[masa :mi :r] [msæmi:r] nails
[maza:mi:r] [mæza:mi:r] whistles
MSA ESA G loss
[ʃækar ] [ʃkǝr] (he) thanked
[ʈalaba] [ʈlǝb] (he) asked
[katæba] [ktǝb] (he) wrote
83
Most of what has been said may apply to the short vowels/ i/ and /u /.
The followings are illustrative examples:
/i /
[48]
In closed final syllables / i / is realised as / e /as in:
[49 ]
The short / i/ is sometimes realised as / ǝ/ except between an interdental and
a labial where it is retained as in:
[ 50]
MSA ESA G loss
[ silæ:ħ] [ slæħ] weapon
[ʒibæl] [ʒbæ:l] mountains
[kilæ:b] [klæ:b] dogs
MSA ESA G loss
[nazila] [nazel] he went down
[ʃariba] [ʃreb] he drunk
[lamisa] [lmes] he touched
MSA ESA Gloss
/i/ / ə/
[miftæ:ħ] [məftæ:ħ] key
[miski:n] [mǝski:n] poor
84
/ u/
[51]
From the above examples, we can say that ESA shows a high degree of
variation between MSA forms and Algerian Arabic ones. In fact, there is a
trend towards the use of Algerian Arabic forms in which post-initial
vowels are elided to the benefit of initial clusters.
However, this does not apply to all the words having this pattern. In
Modern Standard Arabic which have no reflexes in Algerian Arabic, the
short vowels /a / , / i / , / u /are retained by ESA speakers as in:
[52]
All short vowels are lax when they occur in emphatic contexts.Their
production is accompanied by lip protrusion and tongue retraction.
Sometimes, the short vowels / a /, / u / are dropped in final position. They
are usually signs of morphological inflection.
[ bint] [bǝ nt ] girl
MSA ESA Gloss
[ʕuju:b] [ʕju:b] flaws
[buju:t] [bju:t] houses
[qulu :b] [qlu :b] [glu :b] hearts
MSA ESA Gloss
[særi: ʕ ] [særi: ʕ] quick
[sibæ:q] [sibæ:q] racing
[bunu:k] [bunu:k] banks
85
4.4.1.5 Long vowels
All long vowels in ESA are tense and unglided, and in general twice as
long in duration as their short counterparts.The following are representative
examples:
[53 ]
ESA seems to undergo vowel drop processes as a result of syncope rule
where short vowels are dropped in unstressed open syllables $cv$ twice as
long in duration as their short counterparts.
[54]
When occurring before a final / ʔ /, / a: / is shortened because of the
omission of the glottal stop /ʔ / as in:
[55]
MSA ESA Gloss
[kita:b] [kita:b] [kta:b] a book
[kalæ:m] [kalæ:m] [klæ:m] talk
[ħara:m] [ħara:m] [ħra:m] forbidden
MSA ESA Gloss
[ħalæ:l] [ħlæ:l] legitimate
[kælæ:m] [klæ:m] talk
[kabi :r ] [ kbi:r] big
MSA ESA Gloss
[sæmæ: ʔ] [ sama] [ sma] sky
[hawæ: ʔ] [ hawa] [ hwa] wind
[dawæ: ʔ] [dawa] [ dwa] medicine
86
The long vowel / i: / seems to be influenced by the Algerian colloquial
Arabic form. It is reduced to short / i / as in the possessive suffix of the first
person singular.
[56]
Much of what has been said about the long vowels /a: /and /i:/applies
to /u:/ in the sense that is fully retained in medial position as in:
[57]
4.4. 1.6 Diphthongs and Glides
Educated Spoken Arabic in Algeria has only two diphthongs: /aw/ and
/ aj /.They are usually retained before glides / j /and / w/ and in open syllables
as in:
MSA ESA Gloss
[kitæ:bi:] [ktæbi] my book
[tari:qi: ] [tariqi] [trigi] my way
[kalæ:mi: ] [klæmi] my pen
MSA ESA Gloss
[mulu:k] [muluk] kings
[buju:t ] [ bujut], [ bjut] homes
[ʕulu :m] [ʕulum] sciences
87
[58]
The diphthongs / aj / and / aw/ are sometimes reduced to / o: /, /i: / or / u: /
respectively.The followings are representative examples:
[59]
It is worth nothing that it is the speakers attitudes towards the topic of
discussion, the setting and the other that determine the use of the diphthongs
or its shortened reflexes. My informants use both as in:
[60]
MSA ESA G loss
[ʕajn] [ʕajn] [ʕi :n] eye
[mawt] [mawt] [mo :t] death
[lajl] [læjl] [li:l] night
MSA ESA G loss
[lawn] [lu:n] colour
[zajt] [zi :t] oil
[mawt] [mo:t ] [mu:t] death
ESA G loss
[bæjt ] / [ bi:t] home
[χæwf ] / [ χu:f] fear
[qaws ] / [ qo:s] a bow
88
The vowel system of ESA in Algeria depends on both Modern Standard
Arabic on the one hand, and on Algerian colloquial Arabic on the other hand.
In fact, there is a tendency to use more Algerian Arabic forms than MSA.
This may be explained by the fact that the Algerian Arabic phonological
system has less constraints than the MSA one.
4.5 Syllable structure in ESA in Algeria
Educated Spoken Arabic in Algeria is a simplified form of Modern
Standard Arabic. Most literary words have undergone a deletion process.
Accordingly /ʔakala/ “ to eat “ becomes [kla] or [ʔakǝl] in ESA. Such a
process is commonly known as “haplology” ( Bolinger and Sears, 1981).
Despite the deletion of some vowels and sometimes a whole syllable, the
meaning remains the same. For instance, the suffix {ah} has lost its
productivity in ESA, and in turn replaced by the suffix {-u}as in the
followings:
[61]
Spoken Arabic morphology is simplified because it does away with the
inflectional case endings of the classical form. This is more and more
obvious in the speech of the ESA in Algeria as well as all over the Arab
World. Classical morphemes undergo considerable change as they get to this
intermediate level, i.e. ESA.
MSA ESA G loss
[ʕalimah] [ʕalmu] he knew
[ kataba h] [ katbu] he wrote
[sanaʕah] [sanʕu] he made it
89
Educated speakers in Algeria prefer to drop the inflectional endings in
their speeches because they are not sure about them. Thirty three out of
forty respondents confirm that they are not sure to put the suitable
movement, particularly in final position.The table below shows such a trend.
Table 4.1: Are you sure to put the suitable movement in final position?
Age – group
Total %
17/25 26/35 36/50 50+
Yes
No
Blanks
1 1 0 1
8 9 9 7
1 0 1 2
03
33
04
7,5
82,5
10
These results are schematized in figure 4.3.
Figure 4.3 Proficiency in MSA.
The most important problems facing the respondents category is the
ambiguity to put the syntactic movements in the right place of the Arabic
90
words. More than 80 percent felt uncertain to correctly manage MSA,
especially many words in Arabic are homographic as in:
[62]
[63]
4. 6 Grammatical Alternations
Although a great deal of Educated Spoken Arabic exhibits no case-
endings (ʔiʕra:b), it is nonetheless wrong to claim that there are no
occurrence of classical (ʔiʕra :b), i.e. the existence of case endings. Consider
the following counter-evidence. The relevant endings are underlined.
[64]
MSA noun Gloss
[ birrun]
allegiance, kindness
[ barrun]
earth ; ground
[ burrun]
wheat
MSA verb
Gloss
[ jaʕid]
bring back
[jaʕudd]
count
[juʕidd]
prepare
ESA G loss
[ ʔæhlan wæ sæhlan ] Hello.Come in / nice to see you.
[ marћabæn bikum ] Welcome.
[ ma natsamaћʃ ʔabadæn mʕa ʔaj ʃaχʂ] I will never forgive anyone
91
ESA exhibits a canonical shape of syllable structure distinct from that of
MSA which is based on recurrent $ cv $ syllables. Initially, the most
frequent type of syllable structure attested in ESA is $ ccv- although a
$ cvc – type is also allowed as in:
[65]
The structure $ –vc # # and $ -cv # # are the most frequent types in
final position despite the presence of $ -vcc # # in some cases:
[66]
4.7 Some lexical observation on ESA in Algeria
The interplay in everyday speech between MSA and Algerian dialectal
Arabic, and indeed between Arabic and foreign languages is well noticed in
the speech of my informants. The interplay of lexical and other stylistic
choices can be very subtle. For instance [ʕusfu:run ]“ a bird” constitutes a
formal lexical choice in comparison with informal [ʈ w i:r ] or [ʕusfu:r]. It is
the “mixed” Arabic that provide the basic for ESA as a means of
communication.
ESA G loss
[ћarf] a letter
[mǝlћ] salt
[nha:r] a day
[ħli:b] milk
ESA G loss
[ʂ ifr] zero
[ tæmr] date
[ mulk] ownership
92
This section introduces some aspects of ESA’s lexis. It attempts at
exploring how lexical innovations appear in this level of Arabic. It also tries
to identify some loan words introduced into this system as a result of
language contact.
4.7.1 Lexical Selection
In Algeria, ESA is mainly spoken by educated people, but it is
understood by almost everybody. This easy intelligibility makes it the
vehicle language of communicating ideas and feelings. During the general
election’s campaign of 2014 a political leader says.
[ 67 ] ESA
/ʕandna barna:maʒ ʈamu:ћ jћal lmæʃæ:kel lli: jʕani menha
lmuwa:ʈan wji ћassen lʔawᶁa:ʕ lʔiqtiʂɑ:dija lelblæ:d /
Gloss
We have an optimistic programme. It solves the citizen’s problems and
improves the situation of the country. (my translation )
Educated Spoken Arabic has been woven from many different strands,
i.e. MSA and AA, the speaker’s urge to “ share’’ with his collocutors
involves a modification of vernacular forms in favour of more “neutral’’
ones, i.e. ESA or vice versa. New structural elements can be adopted and
reshaped to new manifestations that fit the requirements of ESA, the main
burden of such changes falls upon vocabulary to meet the changes that affect
society and culture of its speakers.
93
4.7.2 Lexical Borrowings
Borrowings is the consequence of the contact of two or more languages.
It is a process whereby new words are taken from a foreign language and are
integrated in the vocabulary of another one. Borrowings are usually known
as “ loan words.’’
Educated Spoken Arabic has adopted a large number of words from
many languages, particularity French. Accordingly, loan words have made
their way into the daily speech of the educated people in Algeria. Loan
words are modified and adapted to the phonological system of Arabic to fit
the social and communicative needs. The French impact on Arabic may be
inferred from the large preponderance of loan words.Table4.2 gives a sample
of French loans.
Table 4.2
French Origin ESA Gloss
visa [ v i s a ] Visa
satellite [ʂɑ: tǝ l ] / [ʂɑ: til ] Satellite
Plastique [ p l a s t i: k ] Plastic
libéral [ libira:li ] Liberal
Mosaique [ mozajj i:k ] Mosaic
television [ tilfæ:z ] Television
colon [ kolo: n ] Colonisers
cinema [ sinima ] Cinema
bourgeois [ burʒwazijja ] Bourgeoisie
Démocrate [ dimoqra:ʈi ] Democrat
This is probably this feature, i.e. borrowing which above all
distinguishes ESA in the eyes of purists. According to table 4. 2, one of the
most remarkable characteristics of loan words in that only content words
which bear lexical meaning and carry most loading are assimilated to ESA.
94
(Guy, 1990: 58) who suggest a cline of borrowability claiming that:in a given
social content certain linguistic elements are more likely to be borrowed
than others.
Guy states that less stable items such as vocabulary will be borrowed
more readily than the more stable items such as syntactic structures.
Accordingly, only content words admit innovations are adopted by ESA
speakers and adapted to fulfil their needs.
Educated people in Algeria seem determined to find their own outlet of
expressions.Thus, a large number of lexical items, borrowed mainly from
French characterise their speech as in:
[68]
The patterns described above show that there has been a large degree of
lexical borrowing from French into ESA. (Van Coetsem, 1988:26) claims that:
It is often noted that first lexical features are borrowed, then, under long term
cultural pressure, structural features (phonological morphological, and
syntactic) may also be borrowed. French borrowings were and still are
common everyday, particularly in the fields of sciences, technology, trade and
education. Two type of loan words used in ESA may be distinguished:
1.Arabicization:Arabicization is a process whereby foreign words are
incorporated into the language with phonological or morphological
modifications so as to be congruent with Arabic phonological and
morphological paradigms. Consider the followings:
French origin ESA Gloss
Technicien [tiqni] technician
Banque [bænk] bank
Cinema [cinima] movie
95
[69]
B. Loan translation / calque
Loan translation or calque is one of the forces that lead to lexical
innovation and therefore new structures and constructions are added to
language. (Lyons,1990:309) states that: The most obvious kind of loan-
translation involves translation of the constituent parts of a foreign word or
phrase.
The majority of calques attested in the present corpus are based on a
French model. Table4. 3 gives representative examples:
Table 4.3 Calques based on a French model
French Origin ESA Gloss
Lavage de cerveau [ɣasi:l mu χ χ] Brain-washing
Mot-clé [ kælima miftæ : ћ] Key-word
Tenter sa chance [ʒarrab ћaddah ] Take pot luck
Dessin animé [ rroʂo:m muta ћarrika ] Cartoon(film)
Economie du marché [ iqtiʂɑ:d ssu:q ] Market economy
Mondialisation [ʕæwlama ] Globalisation
( TVA) [darribat lqima lmudafa] Value added tax(VAT)
Garde champêtre [lћaras lbælædi ] Rural policeman
Chef d’unité [ raʔi:s wiћda ] Unity chief
Libre échange [ttaba:dul Iћurr] Free exchange
French origin ESA Gloss
table [ʈɑbla] a table
stylo [stilo] a pen
archive [ʔarʃi:v] archives
96
On the basis of the above table, we may say that the substitution of
French loan words by their Arabic counterparts leads to the conclusion that
French is losing its prestigious status and that a process of Arabization may
be at work, with literary and the mass-media as major promoting factors.
Borrowing and Loan translations or calques are adopted and adapted to
the morphology, syntax and phonology of ESA. In Algeria, most of the
technical words are not in Arabic but in French, and sometimes in English.
The flux of vocabulary inaugurated in ESA through contact with other
languages forms an interesting fund. Among these infiltrations are French
words which have proved to be useful and have subsisted. They consists of
names of places, plants, animals, instrument.ect.
4.7.3 Kinds of Borrowing
Borrowing is a linguistic phenomenon. It takes place when new concepts
did not have these counterparts in the host language.
a- phonological adaptation: It takes place when the foreign word is modelled
to fit the phonetics and phonology of ESA as in:
[70]
The French /o/ and / u / substituted by the Arabic /u:/ /o:/ respectively, for
they do not exist in the ESA phonological system.
French origin ESA G loss
pedagogue [bidæ ɣu:ʒi] pedagogy / educational methods
diktateur [diktæto:r ] dictator
maçonnique [mæsu:ni ] masonic
97
b-Morphological adaptation: It takes place when loan words are
incorporated in the host language.
[71]
The word [dimuɣra:fi] is adopted both phonetically and morphologically to
ESA. The French vowel /e / is substituted for Arabic / i /, since the former
does not exist as a vowel in the ESA phonology.The morophological
adaptation consists in the doubling of initial /d / and the omission of the final
/k/ of the French [demografik].
4.8 Code-Switching
Code-switching is a term used in sociolinguistics to illustrate the
switching from variety to another depending on who we are talking to and
the setting where we are. (Trudgill, 1992:16) states that code-switching is:
The process whereby bilingual or bidialectal speakers switch back and forth
between one language or dialect and another within the same conversation.
According to my collected data, ESA speakers code–switch from MSA
to AA and vice-versa depending on formality or informality of the setting,
the topic and the educational level of the participants. Consider the following
sentences taken from interviews between an Algerian Member of Parliament
and a Minister with journalists:
French origin ESA G loss
demografique [dimuɣra:fi] demographic
satellite [sa:til] [satǝl] satellite
docteur [dokto:r] doctor
98
[72]
MP: [zurna manʈiqet lʒænu:b welgi:na lʔumu:r ʂʕi:ba jæ:ser ]
Gloss: We visited the south and we found the matters very difficult.
[73] Minister: [ lmunaᶁᶁɑma darset lmuʃkel wnantadɑr radd ʔiʒæ:bi ]
Gloss: The organisation discussed the problem and we are looking for a
positive answer.
An educated Algerian may switch to MSA or AA in order to express
his feelings, and makes himself understood. The differences between the
three levels of Arabic MSA, ESA and AA involve the use of word forms,
together with the substitution of the sounds for others. Consider the examples
[73 ] and [ 74 ].
[74]
It seems that educated speaker is aware of what he must do, if he wishes
his actions to be interpreted by his interlocutors in the way he himself
intended. For instance, all my informants broke the rules of Arabic grammar
but at the cast of altering the nature of interaction in which they are involved.
One of my informant said:
MSA ESA AA Gloss
[ʂɑʕba ] [ʂɑʕb ] [ʂʕi:ba ] difficult
[ ʒiddan] [ jæ:ser ] [ jæ:ser ] very
[ ʔalmuʃkila] [ lmuʃkil ] [ lmuʃkila ] the problem
99
[75]
ESA [ mæʕendi:ʃ muʃkil qa:dar næt ћawar mʕ a ʔaj ʔinsæ:n ]
MSA [ læjsa ladajja muʃkila ʔanæ qa :dir ʕæ læ ʔæ n ʔataћa:wara
maʕa kulli ʔi nsæ:n]
Gloss I have no problem, I can communicate with anybody.
Understanding is the ultimate purpose of communication. Speakers
constantly adapt their linguistic habits to ensure understanding and
acceptance.
The skilled orator or preacher, for example is for part well able to
make use of the complete range of spoken Arabic, including the
vernacular of the illiterate and, Indeed , the speech of educated
the and that of the illiterate in a particular region.(Mitchell, 1982:90)
A speaker’s choice of words is limited by his context and the
circumstances or surroundings shared or partly shared by the speaker and the
hearer(s). These circumstances may be relevant to the understanding of ESA,
and may also influence its form. Accordingly, the individual participant in
ESA is to be seen as a chooser amongst MSA, AA and French loan words.
The following are representative examples:
[76] ESA [ felʒazæ:jær makkǝnʃ dimoqrɑʈ ija lækin dimaɣoʒijja ]
Gloss In Algeria, there is no democracy but demagogy.
[77] ESA [ lenternet ʂɑbћet daru:ra fi waqtna lħa: dar ]
Gloss In the present time, internet is a need.
It seems that the sources of code-switching in ESA must be the factors
referred to as “situational variables” in the wide sense of the term suggested
by (Hymes, 1972) that influence the choice of the form and content of the
selected code.(Mitchell, 1982:139) explains that: Linguistic choices are
100
made in accordance with the role, status and otherwise biographical
relationship of speakers, the topic of discourse, speakers’ repertoires, etc.
Educated Spoken Arabic is subject to variation in accordance with:
1.the setting: which refer to the physical circumstances in which the
communication event takes place. For instance, a preacher in a mosque uses
a more formal language than a football commentator who switches a lot into
Algerian Arabic in order to reach a wider audience.
2.the topic of conversation: the selection of a variety seems to have
depended on the topic of discussions, university lectures, court debate or
political debate or more parties.
3.The relative status of the collocutors: the verbal repertoire of the
Algerian educated speakers comprises MSA a well as AA and ESA. The
status of the speaker-hearer(s) comes into play in controlling which
variety from his verbal repertoire an Educated speaker would use. This
evidence suggest that the Algerian educated speakers tend in formal
situations to use what they regard as correct and prestigious forms, and
conversely, in informal situation, the tendency is to use non-prestigious
forms. In fact, all my informant adopt varying styles to suit varying
purposed.
Deeper investigations into today’s Arabic use would reveal that every
speaker in the corpus used some MSA vocabulary, every speaker used words
containing the classical phoneme/q / and [ g ]. Every speaker used some
classical verb forms. 18 out of the 40 informants used the classical
demonstrative /hæðə /sometimes, and 22 out of 40 used at least some
classical negatives. On the other hand, nobody used grammatical endings
and the classical interdental /θ / and /ð/ all time.
4.9 Stigmatised versus Unstigmatised Language Levels
The collected data of todays ESA’s speech reveal relevant subdivisions
of the data under investigation. It comprises a twofold distinction between
101
stigmatised and unstigmatised forms, particularly at the lexical level. Many
educated Algerians would, for example, avoid the use of [ʃir ] “boy”and
[ʃi:ra] “girl” which are stigmatised forms of [wæləd] [ weld] and [bint],
respectively.
Speakers of ESA show a high degree of oscillation between the
stigmatised forms of Arabic and its prestigious one. The fusion of MSA and
AA gives ESA a certain function that both the former and latter lack in the
sense that each of the two codes is used for specific purposes, while, ESA
adapts to all situations, both formal and informal ones. Consider the
following examples.
[78] Informal: [lli ʕandah ʃi ћa:ʒa : jzi:dha jatfæddal ]
Formal : [ llaði ʕindahu ʃæjʔ ʔiᶁɑ:fi jætæfaᶁᶁɑl ]
Gloss : He who would like to add anything, welcome.
[79] Informal : [ћna nʃæʒʒæʕ kul nnæ:s lli ʕandhum ʔira:da]
Formal : [næћ nu nu ʃæʒʒiʕ kull mən kæ:net læhu ʔira:da]
Gloss : We encourage all those who have willingness.
In example [78] the relative [ lli ] frequently occurs in the speech of my
informants. Its classical counterpart [ llaði ] did not occur, except in two
cases. This indicates that the lexical item [ lli ] might eventually replace the
classical [ʔallæði ].The same conclusion may be made for the second lexical
item[ næћnu] “we” in example [79]. Its classical counterpart [ћna] occurs
only three times in my collected data.
In fact, there is a tendency in ESA to use features which are shared by
both MSA and AA. Some are avoided by ESA speakers because they are
considered as too prestigious, i.e. they hinder communication between
speakers and hearers. Consider the following:
102
[80] MSA : [tæћaddæθna ћawla mæwæ:ᶁiʕin muχtælifætin]
ESA : [tћaddæθna ʕla mæwæ:diʕ muχtælfa]
Gloss: we have discussed different matters.
This [t(æ)ћaddæθna ] ‘we discussed’, [mu χtæl(i)fa]‘ different’ are marked
as formal when the bracketed short open vowel is included, and as informal
when it is not.
The interplay of lexical and other stylistic choices can be very subtle
for instance [bintæ:ni ] “two girls” constitutes a formal lexical choice in
comparison with informal [ zu:ʒ bnæ:t ].
The motives that lead speakers to shun given structures and forms
include not only the koineizing urge to “share” with those from other regions,
but the wish to avoid ridicule, the fear to be unintelligible, or offensive to
one’s collocutors as well. For instance, my informants frown upon the use of
the highly classicised form [ ᶁamaʔun ] “thirst”. Instead, its equivalent is
used [ʕɑʈɑʃ] or [ʕʈɑʃ].To give some idea of the nature of the linguistic
differences involved, we can cite the following examples:
[81]
4.10 Language Level's Appropriateness and acceptability
The intelligibility of the code is an important factor in social contact.
The purpose of talk is to establish and maintain communication. Educated
MSA ESA Gloss
[ɣaɖanfar] [Ɂasad] lion
[muʕdam] [mæski:n][məski:n] humble
[saχijun] [kari: m] [kri: m] generous
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Algerian seem careful about selecting words structures creating harmony
between the speaker and hearers. Each speaker adjusts his language, and
makes it intelligible. For instance, the word “money” has many equivalents
[drahæm],[flu:s],[ʂwarda] [ʂwalda] [lʔæmi:r],[ ʈoro]. ESA speakers, who
tend to avoid what is specific to regional varieties, seem to avoid therefore,
all of them except [drahæm] and [flu:s] which are shared by both MSA and
AA. This device is commonly known as levelling. In general terms;
speakers of different regional origins differ in their use of classicising and
elevating devices. Educated Algerians seem to classicise little but koinise
much and the tendency is more strong in the speech of young people than
old people: Classicising29and levelling30respond to the manifested
constraints, when the extra-linguistic context are intertwined, and that
choices between forms respond to stylistic prompting, i.e. to the need felt by
the speaker to mark his speech as careful or formal in response to such factors
as the topic of conversation, and of the status of his collocutors. In other
cases, communication may break down. Accordingly, the multiplicity of the
social factors have influenced in varying degrees the selection by a particular
speaker of one form or another.
Two main observations may be made with respect to the regular stylistic
variation exhibited by ESA speakers:
The first is that the differences between formal and informal do not only
concern the lexical choice between [jæstaʈi:ʕ] and [jæqdar] “he can ”, but
also between the order vs formal and sv informal. However, there seems to
29 by “classicising” we mean: departure from plain colloquial. The general trend is
towards eliminating colloquial influences, and emphasizing only classical style. It effects
resistance tochange and reveal the retention of linguistic forms used for certain purposes
and in certain contexts.
30 - Levelling is the powerful influence of local linguistic loyalty can come into play and
influence the choice made.
104
be an increasing tendency for sv to occur in formal contexts as is the
followings:
[82] SVO: [lʔustæ:d ʂbaћ mhæmməʃ ]
VSO: [ʔaʂbaћa lʔustæ:d mhæmməʃ ]
Gloss the teacher is marginalised.
The second is that there are observable regularities in respect of what may
and may not occur, and that these regularities do not conform to the rules of
MSA.
The linguistic variability attested in ESA may have as much to do with
society as with language. Hence, linguistic change is the product of a
dynamic in the social fabric, reflected in sociolinguistic variation and
language stances. The experiences of individual speakers in their daily life
are reflected through their speech performance. To cope with new social
situation, a new re-organisation in their social structure necessitates new
lexical content to fill the social and economic requirements. Changes in
specific vocabulary arise mainly from changes in people’s needs. As natural
responses to the changes in their immediate social environment.These
variations are conditioned. For example, there is no way of predicting in the
speech of an educated Algerian whether he will realise / q/ as [ g ] or [q ]
whether that is, he will pronounce ‘heart’ as [galb] or [qalb]. But this is not
to say that his choice of [ g ] or [ q] is random.
The conditioning factor depends on the degree of “formality” or
“informality” of the situation in which the utterance occurs. [ q] tending to
occur with the more formal and [ g ] with the less formal. But some
variations are unpredictable.Such variation is commonly know as free
variation. For instance the choice of / i : /or /e : / as in:
105
[83]
4.11 The Swadesh Basic Vocabulary List
The Swadesh Basic Vocabulary List is used to determine how lexically
related ESA is opposed to MSA and AA. The analysis may reflect the degree
of the lexical diversity that had already differentiated the three levels of
Arabic MSA, ESA and AA. This analytical list is used here to measure the
degree of similarity that exist among AA, ESA and MSA.
English gloss C A A A E S A
Animal ћajæwæ:nun hæj∫a / ћajæwæ:n ћajæwæ:n
Ashes rama:dun rma:d rma:d
At fi fi fi
All kull ga:ʕ kull /kæməl
And wa w w
Back ᶁɑhr ᶁhar , dahr ᶁhar , dahr
Belly bɑʈn kə rʃ bɑʈn / kərʃ
Bone ʕaᶁm ʕᶁɑm ʕaᶁm , ʕdɑm
Blood dam dam dam
Breathe tænæffus ʃhæg tanæffus
to bite ʕaᶁᶁɑ ʕad ʕadda/ ʕaᶁᶁ
Brother ʔæun u ʔæ
ESA Gloss
[ʈbi:b] [ʈbe:b] a doctor
[ħli:b] [ħle:b] milk
[bi:t] [be:t] a house
106
Bird ʈɑ:ʔirun ʈwi:r /zawǝʃ ʈɑʔir / ʈwi:r
Bark nubæ:ћ nbi:ћ /nbæ:ћ nbæ:ћ
Berry tu:t tu:t tu:t
to burn ʔæћraqa ћrag / ћrǝq ћrǝq / ћrag
Black ʔæswed kћal swed / kћal
Big kæbi:run kbi:r kæbi:r / kbi:r
Bad sæjjiʔ fæ:sæd /a:sær sæjjiʔ
Because liʔænna bæ:h/ atʃ liʔænna
English gloss C A A A E S A
to come ʔætæ: / ʒæ:ʔa ʒ æ: ʔata: / ʒæ:
to cry bæka: bka bka
to cook ʈɑbaa ʈba /ʈɑjjab ʈba / ʈɑba/ ʈɑjjab
Child ʈiflun bazz/ wəld/ ʈful ʈifl / wəld
clothing mælæ:bis kæswa/qaʃʃ mælæ:bis
to cut qaʈɑʕa gʈɑʕ / qʈɑʕ qʈɑʕ / gʈɑʕ
cloud ɣajmun ɣjæ:m ɣjæ:m
Cold bæ:rid bæ:red bæ:red
Dirty wæsiun mwæssæ wæsi
Dust ɣuba:r ɣabra ɣabra
to drink ∫æriba ∫rab ∫rab
to die mæ:ta mæ:t mæ:t
Dull aʃin ʃi:n aʃin
to dance raqaʂɑ rgaʂ raqaʂ/ rgaʂ
to dig ħafara ћfar ħfar
107
Dog kælbun kælb kælb
Dry ʒæ:ffun næ :ʃ a f ʒæ:f
Day jæwmun jæwm / nhɑ:r jæwm / nha:r
to eat ʔækæla kla ʔækəl / kla
Ear ʔuðunun wðæn /wdǝn ʔuðun / wðǝn
English gloss C A A A E S A
Eye ʕajnun ʕajn ʕajn
Egg bæjᶁɑtun bæjda bæjda
Earth ʔarɖ ʔard ʔard /ʔarɖ
Foot qadæm qra:ʕ /rʒəl rʒəl/ qadǝm
to fear a:fa a:f a:f
father ʔæbun bba /by ʔæb
to fight qa:tæla ћa:rab qa:təl / ћarab
to fall sæqaʈɑ ʈ ɑ:ћ sqaʈ
feather ri:ʃa ri:ʃa ri:ʃa
to fly ʈɑ:ra ʈɑ:r ʈɑ:r
Fat sæmi:n smi:n smi:n
Fish sæmækætun ћu:ta ћu:ta /sæmæka
Force quwwa quwwa / ʒahd quwwa / ʒɑhd
flower zahratun warda warda /zahra
freeze ʒali:d ʒli:d ʒali:d / ʒli:d
to flow sæ:la sæ:l sæ:l
to float ʕa:ma ʕa:m ʕa:m
Fog ᶁɑba:b ᶁba:b , dba:b ᶁbɑ:b , dba:b
108
Fire na:r na:r na:r
For li li li
Few baʕɖ /qali:l ʃwijja qli:l /ʃwijja
English gloss C A A A E S A
to give ʔæʕʈɑ mædd /ʕʈɑ ʕʈɑ
Grass ʔuʃb ћʃi:ʃ ћʃi:ʃ / ʕuʃb
green ʔæɖɑr dar ʔæɖɑr / dar
Good ħasænun mli:ћ mli:ћ / ћasæn
Hand jædun li:d / jædd jædd / li:d
Heart qalbun galb qalb / galb
Head raʔsun ra :s raʔs /ra:s
Hair ʃaʕr ʃʕar ʃʕar/ʃaʕr
to hear sæmiʕa smæʕ smæʕ/ samiʕ
husband zawʒ raʒəl zo:ʒ / zu: ʒ
to hunt ʔiʂɑda sɑjjæd ʔisʈɑd /sɑ:d
to hit ɖɑraba ɖrab , drab ɖarab
to hold ʔæmsæka,qabaɖɑ gbad/gɖab/qbad ʔæmsæk, qabad
heavy θaqi:l θgi:l , tqi:l tqi:l /θgi:l
Here huna hna hna
He huwwa huwwa huwwa
Ice ʒæ li:d ʒ li:d ʒæ li:d / ʒ li:d
In fi: fi fi
I ʔæna ʔæna ʔæna
109
If ʔiða / læw lukkæ:n / llaw/ ila ʔiða / law
to know ʕarafa ʕ raf ʕaraf / ʕraf
to kill qatæla gətl /qtəl /ktəl qtəl /gtəl
English gloss C A A A E S A
Leg sa:qun sa:g / sa:q sa:q
Liver kæbid kæbda kæbda
to laugh ɖaћika dћak ɖћak , dћak
to lie kæðiba kðəb kðəb
to live ʕa:ʃa ʕa:ʃ ʕa:ʃ
Leaf waraqa warga / warqa waraqa / warqa
Lake buћajra marӡa buћajra
Long ʈɑwi:l ʈwi:l ʈɑwi:l /ʈwi:l
mouth fæmun fumm fæm / fumm
Man ra ʒ u:lun ra ʒal ra:ʒal / raӡul
mother ʔumun ʔumm ʔumm
meat laћmun lћam lћam / laћm
mountain ʒæbæl ʒbəl ʒbəl
might tæmækkæna
/qadira
qdar /gdar tmækkæn/gdar
many kæθi:r bazza:f kθi:r / kæθi:r
Neck raqabætun ragba /raqba raqba / raqba
Nose ʔænfun ni:f ʔænf / ni:f
Name ʔism ʔism ʔism
110
narrow ɖɑjjiq ɖɑjjaq ɖajjaq / dajjaq
New ʒadi:d ʒdi:d ʒdi:d
Near qari:b gri:b / qri:b qri:b / gri:b
English gloss C A A A E S A
Old qadi:m gdi:m /qdi:m qdi:m
Other ʔa:ar laur laar
person ʔinsæ:n bnæ:dəm ʔinsæ:n
to play læʕiba lʕab lʕab
to pull ʒarra ʒarr ʒarr
to push dæfæʕa dmær /dfæʕ dfæʕ
Road ʈari:qun ʈri:g ʈri:q / ʈri:g
to rub ħakka ћakk ħakk
Rope ħablun ћbal ћ abl / ћbal
Rotten fa:sid fa:sid /a:sar fa:sad / fa:sid
Root ʒiðr ʒadra ʒiðr
River næhrun wæ:d næhr / wæ:d
to rain ʔæmʈɑrat ʂɑbbat ʔæmʈɑrat
Red ʔaћmar ћmar ħmar
Swim sæbæћa/ʕa:m ʕa:m ʕa:m /sbǝћ
Skin ʒild ʒæld ʒild / ʒald
Smell ra: ʔiћa ri:ћa ri:ћa
to sleep næ:ma /raqada rged / rqad næ:m /rqad
111
to sit ʒælæsa /qaʕada gʕad / ʒæmmaʕ ʒlas / qʕad
to stand waqafa wgaf /wqaf wqaf
Sister ʔutun ʔut / ut ʔut/ut
to say qa:la qa:l /ga:l qa:l /ga:l
English gloss C A A A E S A
Stick ʕu:d / ʕaʂɑ ʕu:d /maʈrag ʕu:d / ʕʂɑ
Sharp qa:ʈiʕ / ћa :d gaʈɑʕ qaʈiʕ / ћa :d
to sing ɣanna: ɣanna ɣanna
to smell ʃæmma ʃæmm ʃæmm
Snake ʔæfʕa / θuʕbæ:n læfʕa læfʕa
Seed ħabba ћǝbba ћǝbba
Stone ћaʒarun ћʒar ћaʒar / ћʒar
smoke dua:nun dua:n dua:n
smooth raʈb rʈub raʈb / rʈob
to turn da:ra da:r da:r
to think fækkara / ɖanna fækkar/ ɖann fækkar/ ɖann
Tooth darsun dars dars
tongue lisæ:nun lsæ:n lisæ:n / lsæ:n
to tie rabaʈɑ rbɑʈ rabɑʈ/ rbɑʈ
That hæ:ða ða /da / hæ:da ða /da /hæ:da/hæ:ða
This hæði:hi ði / di ði / di
to vomit tæqajjæʔa tqajja tqajja
112
to walk mæʃa mʃa / tmaʃʃa mʃa
to wash ɣasæla ɣsæl ɣsæl /ɣasal
woman ʔimraʔætun mra ʔimraʔa / mra
Wife zæwʒætun mra / zu:ӡa zæwʒa / mra
English gloss C A A A E S A
to work ʕamila dam ʕmal / dam
Worm du:dætun du:da du:da
Water ma:ʔun lma ma:ʔ /lma
woods ɣa:bætun ɣa:ba ɣa:ba
Wind ri:hun ri:h ri:h
White ʔæbjaᶁun ᶁjæd / bjæd bjæd/ ʔæbjæd
When mæta: wi:nta mæta
Where ʔæjn wi:n ʔæjn / wi:n
What mæ:ða ∫tæhwæla /wæ∫ mæða / wæ∫
Who mæn / mæn allaði ∫ku:nhuwwa mæn/ mæn allaði/lli
With mæʕa mʕa mʕa
We næћnu ħna ħna
Yellow ʔaʂfar ʂfar ʂfar
Year sanatun / ʕa:m ʕa:m ʕa:m
You ʔænta nta nta
113
4.6.4 Degrees of cognation between Arabic levels
A collective assessment of the lexical relationship among the three
levels of Arabic in Algeria, i.e. MSA, ESA and AA reveals that they share a
high degree of cognation. The following table made on the basis of the
Swadesh basic vocabulary list shows the different degrees of cognation
among the three levels under discussion, and schematized in figure 4.4
Table:4.4 Degree of cognition between MSA/AA/ESA?
Cognates Non-cognates % of Cognation
MSA / AA 129 33 79,62
MSA / ESA 159 03 98,14
AA / ESA 144 18 88,88
Figure 4.4 Cognation between levels of Arabic.
The above analytical inventory confirms that there is a relatively high
percentage of cognation between MSA and ESA, i.e. 98,14%. The lower
114
percentage of cognation between MSA and AA may be attributed to the
influence of the urban speech. The Bedouin characteristics of AA have
almost disappeared. This is due to the movement of segments of population
from rural to urban areas for employment. Its lexicon contains a dwindling
amount of urban and Bedouin items. Rural population is going through a
transitional stage of linguistic urbanisation.
The high percentage of cognation between MSA and AA, MSA and
ESA and AA and ESA is above the 70% requirement for the three levels to
be considered varieties of the same language.
4.7 Conclusion
Chapter four is an attempt to describe some aspects of Educated Spoken
Arabic. It shows that its inherent variability makes it quite different from
Modern Standard Arabic and Algerian Arabic. ESA is characterised by the
use of labial plovise [ p] and the labio-dental fricative [v] and the velar
plosive [g]. The presence of the French mass-media had noticeable impact
on the ESA phonetic repertoire and phonological system. Hence, new
consonantal and vocalic sub-systems are used and are based on foreign
segments. The foreign loans are adopted to ESA, and undergo a change in
their original morphology, phonetics, and phonology to fit those of ESA
speakers.
Educated Spoken Arabic is a spoken variety more flexible than
MSA or AA. It permits an easy introduction of foreign linguistic items. It
also allows the local vernacular items to be adopted and adapted.
Two major conclusions emerge from this Chapter. First, a very wide
range of styles was found in the corpus–ranging from nearly pure colloquial
to nearly pure classical. This implies that sociolinguistic models which
predict a certain language style when a given speaker is in a given situation
115
are suspect or invalid. The second is that nobody in the sample used what
could be called “ pure” variety of Arabic. All the Arabic in the corpus is, in
some sense, mixed. Moreover, there seems to be a hierarchy of features
which are used in mixed speech.
The linguistic variability may have as much to do with society as with
language. Hence, language change is the product of a dynamic in the social
fabric, reflected in sociolinguistic variation and language stances.
Language is never static: changes in pronunciation and vocabulary take
place in time and space. The experiences of individual speakers in their daily
life are reflected through their speech performance just as to cope with new
social situations, a new re-organisation in their social structure necessitate
new lexical content to fit the requirements of the newly established systems.
The analysis of the corpus under study lead me to the following
considerations.
1.ESA undergoes changes at the lexical, phonological and morphological
levels.
2.The tendency of ESA speakers to borrow dialectal expressions from the
speech repertoire of AA illustrates a process of speech accommodation.
3.Literacy and the mass- media have a levelling impact on language users.
Although the form and the amount of the collected data can not allow
one to make generalisation, certain points can still be made about the speech
act performance of ESA.
First, ESA speakers employ far more varied linguistic devices than MSA
or AA speakers in their daily speech.
Second, a noticeable difference emerged in the data, namely the frequent
use of a simplified language to address the interlocutors; especially in
situations where the speaker has relative power over the hearer.
116
At the outset of this investigation, I have examined some aspects of
ESA. The analysis of the corpus under investigation lead me to the following
considerations:
ESA undergoes changes at the lexical level. Most literary words have
undergone a deletion process. Besides, It’s phonology is very rich. It’s
lexicon is intelligible to both the educated and the non-educated people.
Educated spoken Arabic is a composite language resulting from a
merger between the classical and colloquial varieties. It is a variety that the
Arabs themselves are today strongly motivated to employ and extend.
117
General Conclusion
The linguistic situation of modern Algeria is extremely complex with
Arabic-French bilingualism, Arabic diglossia, the emergence of a third level,
Educated spoken Arabic triglossia and Berber.
After more than fifty years of controversy and official planning, the
Algerian linguistic problem has not been settled. This provides evidence at
once of the difficulty of solving the problem in any clear-cut way. Hence,
the task was one that needed to be approached with some fear because of its
complexity or “complexe de langue” (Bouhadiba,1998). The Algerian
linguistic complexity has to be diagnosed before looking for any solution.
The political authorities should unite efforts with those of all the
research groups in order to adopt a national linguistic policy which will take
into account the realistic measures and vital educational reforms that will
help the country to move onwards towards the development and progress.
In the light of this study the following tentative conclusion can be drawn
concerning the future evolution of the language situation in Algeria.
Colloquial Arabic will continue to serve as the language of family and of
ordinary activities. A higher form of dialectal Arabic which has started to
develop will establish itself as the number of educated people is expected to
increase in Algeria. This refined form of dialectal Arabic, usually associated
with the educated segments of the population will include more and more
Modern Standard Arabic lexical items.
One of the findings to emerge from this field research is that ESA
appears to serve most purposes, and to be extensive at least over sizeable
areas of the Arabic world, transcending the boundaries of national states.
ESA users are motivated:
118
1.to proclaim themselves as educated men and to converse on topics beyond
the scope of particular regional vernaculars.
2.to share communication with other Arabic speakers of similar background,
whether of their own or other Arab countries.
3.to promote the forms of Pan-Arabic that the force of modernisation
including urbanisation, mass–education and globalisation require.
4. to maintain enough local and regional linguistic loyalty. Such a trend may
help overcome linguistic regionalism and open a door to a new era of
linguistic stability in Algeria.
Educated Spoken Arabic is depicted by many scholars as a very
classicised version of the regional dialects, or a very colloquialised version
of Modern Standard Arabic. However, the debate revolves around whether
this is a stable form or a set of adhoc accommodation strategies between
educated speakers of mutually unintelligible varieties, or if it is merely
unsuccessful attempts at speaking Modern Standard Arabic correctly. Are
the varieties moving closer to each other and to MSA at the same time, while
MSA continues to be simplified and to move in the direction of the varieties?
This question is very controversial. One thing that everyone agrees upon
is that colloquial varieties are undergoing a levelling process and that there
are lots of recent borrowings from MSA into Algerian Arabic and vice
versa.( Kaye, 1972) suggests the possibility of a universalisation of an
admixture of MSA and Colloquial Arabic, i.e. ESA. But unless and until
the norms of ESA are fully institutionalised by the Arabs themselves,
colloquial varieties will continue to thrive.
The first step to be taken is to bridge the linguistic gap between the three
levels of Arabic in Algeria, with the proviso that every level is the product
of change to continue to change as long as it is spoken. Communication
becomes more efficient through the fusion of MSA, ESA and AA. Such a
119
fusion serves to regulate social relations among individuals in a manner that
satisfies their communicative needs.
At a second level, the incorporation of ESA into school and college
curriculum is to be welcomed, since the understanding of Algeria can never
be complete without the understanding of the different varieties under
discussion, in shaping the Algerian history. Students have to be taught a
vocabulary in which they can talk about their problems before they can be
helped further.
In order to determine the relative impact of these conclusions, ongoing
research will have to focus on the function and use of the discussed varieties
from different social backgrounds, in the Algerian speech community.
120
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Appendix(1)
Annexe (1) QUESTIONNAIRE
Ce questionnaire a été élaboré dans le but de mener une recherche sur
la gestion linguistique dans l’Algérie et l'effet de l'arabisation sur les couches
sociales. Prière de bien vouloir le remplir en répondant sincèrement à toutes
les questions. Mettez une croix sur la réponse valable. Toute information
donnée sera utilisée uniquement pour des fins académiques. Merci pour votre
collaboration.
1-Sexe : [ ] M [ ] F
2-Groupe d’âge: [ ] 17-25 [ ] 25-35 [ ] 36-50 [ ] +50
3-Niveau scolaire : primaire [ ] moyen [ ] secondaire [ ] universitaire [ ]
4-Quelle est votre langue maternelle ?
[ ] L’arabe algérienne [ ] Le berbère
5-Est-ce que votre niveau de compétence en arabe standard est
[ ] Très bien [ ] bien [ ] moyen [ ] médiocre [ ] pas de réponse
6-Est-ce l’Arabe Algérienne est une langue autonome ?
[ ] Oui [ ] non [ ] je ne sais pas
7- Pensez-vous que l’utilisation de l'arabe standard et un avantage ou un
inconvénient ? [ ] Avantage [ ] inconvénient [ ] je ne sais pas
8- Pensez-vous que le bilinguisme français-arabe est nécessaire pour le
développement du pays ? [ ] Oui [ ] non [ ] je ne sais pas
9- Est-ce que l'arabe standard représente pour vous une langue pure ?
[ ] Oui [ ] non [ ] je ne sais pas
10- Êtes-vous pour ou contre l'arabisation en Algérie ?
[ ] Pour [ ] contre [ ] je ne sais pas
11- Quelle langue, pensez-vous, les Algériens devraient utiliser plus ?
[ ] L'arabe standard [ ] français [ ] arabe algérien
12-Etes-vous sûr de mettre la voyelle appropriée en position finale ?
[ ] Oui [ ] non [ ] je ne sais pas
13- pensez-vous que L’arabe standard forme un continuum avec l’arabe
algérien ? [ ] oui [ ] non [ ] je ne sais pas
130
QUESTIONNAIRE
This questionnaire was developed in order to conduct research on language
management in Algeria and the effect of Arabization on society. Please, kindly fill in
honestly answering all the questions. Put a cross on the valid response. Any
information given will be used only for academic purposes. Thank you for your
cooperation.
Sex: [] M [] F
Age-Group 2: [ ] 17-25 [ ] 25-35 [ ] 36-50 [ ] 50
School-Level 3: Primary [ ] medium [ ] High [ ] university
4-What is your mother tongue?
[ ] Algerian Arabic
[ ] Berber
5-What is your second language?
[ ] Algerian Arabic [ ] Berber [ ] the French
6-What is your skill level in standard Arabic
[ ] very good [ ] medium [ ] no answer [ ] good [ ] poor
7- Do you think Algerian Arabic is an independent language?
[ ] Yes [ ] No [ ] I do not know
8. Do you think the use of standard Arabic is an advantage or a disadvantage?
[] Yes [] No [] I do not know
9. Do you think the standard Arabic - French bilingualism is required for the
development of the country.
[] Yes [] No [] I do not know
10. Does the standard Arabic is a pure language for you?
[ ] Yes [ ] No [ ] I do not know
11-What do you think of Arabization in Algeria?
Arabization has improved the [ ] Yes [ ] No
Arabization has clear objectives [ ] Yes [ ] No
[ ] I do not know
12 -What is your attitude vis-à-vis the standard French-Arabic bilingualism?
[ ] Favourable
[ ] Adverse
[ ] I do not know
13 - Are you sure to put the suitable vowel in final position?
[ ] Yes [ ] No [ ] I do not know
131
Appendix(2)
Article 3 of the Algerian Constitution 2002
132
Appendix(3)
Loi no 05-91datée du 30 jamadi second de l'année 141,correspondant
au 16janvier 1991 et comprenant la généralisation de l'utilisation de la
langue arabe
133
Abstract
The purpose of the current study is to compare MSA and AA with ESA at the
phonological level and check if there are differences between the three varieties of
Arabic at the above level. It aims to describe some aspects of the sociolinguistic
situation in Algeria, and to give an overall idea about the linguistic complexity from
which Educated Spoken Arabic emerges. Focus will be put mainly on the defining
characteristics of Classical Arabic, Modern Standard Arabic, Algerian Arabic and
the impact of the Arabization policy on the Algerian social strata. This research
also attempts to demonstrate the heterogeneity of Educated Spoken Arabic
particularly at the phonological and lexical levels. Some morphological features will
also be discussed in order to show its appropriateness and intelligibility to a large
segment of the Algerian society.
Résumé
Le but de cette étude est de comparer l’Arabe classique modéré et l’arabe
algérienne avec la langue parlée des intellectuels au niveau phonologique et
vérifier si il ya des différences entre les trois niveau de l'arabe. Il vise à décrire
certains aspects de la situation sociolinguistique en Algérie, et donne une idée globale
de la complexité linguistique d'où l’arabe parlé des intellectuels émerge. L'accent
sera mis principalement sur les caractéristiques déterminantes de l'arabe classique,
l'arabe moderne standard, l'arabe algérien et l'impact de la politique d'arabisation
sur les couches sociales algérien. cette recherche tente également de démontrer
l'hétérogénéité de l’arabe parlé des intellectuels en particulier aux niveaux
phonologiques et lexicaux. Certaines caractéristiques morphologiques seront
également abordées afin de montrer sa pertinence et intelligibilité à un large
segment de la société algérienne.
الملخص
الغرض من هذه الدراسة هو مقارنة اللغة العربية الفصحى الحديثة في الجزائر و اللغة العامية مع اللغة
الوسطى على المستوى الصوتي ومعرفة ما اذا كانت هناك اختالفات بين األصناف الثالثة للغة العربية على مستوى
فهذه الرسالة تهدف أساسا لوصف بعض جوانب الوضع اللغوي في الجزائر، وإعطاء فكرة عامة اله.المذكور أع
عن التعقيد اللغوي الذي برزت من خالله اللغة الوسطى كلغة للمثقفين . وسيتم التركيز أساسا على الخصائص
ي اسة التعريب على الشرائح االجتماعية فالمميزة للغة العربية الفصحى الحديثة، العربية الجزائرية، وتأثير سي
الجزائر . كما يحاول هذا البحث أيضا للتدليل على عدم تجانس اللغة العربية الوسطى المستعملة من طرف المثقفين
خاصة على المستويات الصوتية والمعجمية. حيث ستتم مناقشة بعض المالمح الشكلية من أجل إظهار مدى
.إلى شريحة واسعة من المجتمع الجزائري ضوحها و و مالءمتها
ABSTRACT
The purpose of the current study is to compare MSA and AA with ESA atthe phonological level and check if there are differences between the threevarieties of Arabic at the above level. It aims to describe some aspects ofthe sociolinguistic situation in Algeria, and to give an overall idea about thelinguistic complexity from which Educated Spoken Arabic emerges. Focuswill be put mainly on the defining characteristics of Classical Arabic,Modern Standard Arabic, Algerian Arabic and the impact of theArabization policy on the Algerian social strata. This research alsoattempts to demonstrate the heterogeneity of Educated Spoken Arabicparticularly at the phonological and lexical levels. Some morphologicalfeatures will also be discussed in order to show its appropriateness andintelligibility to a large segment of the Algerian society.
KEY WORDS:
Code-Switching; Levels Of Arabic; Bilingualism; Diglossia; EducatedSpoken Arabic; Language Policy; Arabization; Language Management;Dialect; Phonology .