dartmouth model united nations african...

Dartmouth Model United Nations

African Union April 7 – 9, 2017

William Tremml Secretary-General

Emily Choate

Director-General

Bill Kosmidis Chief of Staff

Jessica Campinile

Chargé d’Affaires

Clayton Jacques Undersecretary-General of

General Assemblies

Makisa Bronson Undersecretary-General of

Special Committees

Scott Okuno Undersecretary-General of Current Crisis Committees

Lauren Bishop

Undersecretary-General of Historical Crisis Committees

Zainab Molani

Director of Public Relations

Michelle Wang

Director of Technology

Eva Wang

Director of Finances

DartMUN is a student run, non-profit, all volunteer organization sponsored by he Dickey Center for International Understanding.

DARTMOUTH MODEL UNITED NATIONS CONFERENCE

Twelfth Annual Conference • April 7 - 9, 2017 Dartmouth College • Rockefeller Center • Hanover, NH 03755

E-mail: [email protected] • DartmouthMUN.com

January 11, 2017 Dear Delegates:

On behalf of the entire Dartmouth Model United Nations staff, I would like to welcome and thank you for registering for the twelfth annual Dartmouth Model United Nations conference this April 2017. We have been working relentlessly since the end of last year’s conference to provide a better and more worthwhile Model U.N. experience for this winter’s delegates. We are optimistic about this winter’s conference and Dartmouth Model U.N.’s future.

DartMUN is a unique conference. We pair world-class delegations and dais staff members in smaller, more-interactive environments to facilitate an enriching experience for delegates of all skill levels. We believe DartMUN’s active, small committees ensure delegates feel comfortable immersing themselves in a competitive but supportive environment that encourages trial by error and participation. Furthermore, DartMUN’s well-trained staff is excited to work with your delegates this winter in committee to equip the next generation of college students with the skills to tackle complex global problems.

With this said, Model United Nations is only meaningful when delegates are thoroughly prepared. To aid in your research preparation, your committee staff has spent hours researching, writing, and editing this Background Guide. The Background Guide serves as an introduction to your respective committee and an overview of the topics that you will be debating over the course of the conference.

The Background Guide is intended to be a starting point for your research and is not, in itself, an adequate exposure to the complexities of your committee’s topics. To be prepared, each delegate should do further research and focus on processing information through the lens of their respective country or position. If you are having trouble digesting all the information, the Background Guide contains relevant discussion questions that break down the topics. Also, as questions or ideas arise, do not be shy in contacting your committee staff via e-mail. Committee staff are knowledgeable and can help you better understand a particular topic or how your country fits into a larger international debate. More often than not, discussing the problem with another person can open up more paradigms and viewpoints that may guide you throughout the brainstorming process.

As in years past, all delegates are expected to write a brief position paper before the conference to synthesize all of their preparatory research and analysis. Please see the position paper guidelines on the conference website for specific information about content, format, etc. Committee staff will collect position papers at the beginning of the first committee session on Friday evening, so be sure to bring a hard copy because delegates who do not submit position papers will not be eligible for awards.

Sincerely, William Tremml Secretary-General DartMUN XII

The African Union: Journey to Political & Economic Unification Introduction

Source: Peace and Security Council of the AU. Member states are dark green; suspended members are light green

The African Union (2002-present) is an organization comprised of 54 African countries, excluding Morocco. It is the direct descendant of the Organization of African Unity (OAU), which was was created to encourage cooperation amongst African states, increase the quality of life for Africans and to defend the sovereignty and independence of member nations. One of the OAU’s primary objectives was to rid the continent of colonialism and white minority rule (of which primarily South Africa and Angola were guilty). However, the OAU actually did very little to protect the rights of African citizens, and was often referred to as the “Dictator’s Club.”1 The idea of creating an African Union was rekindled in the 90s by Libyan president Muammar al-Gaddafi. In the 1999 Sirte Declaration and the 2000 Constitutive Act of the African Union, leaders from the 54 signatory states created and documented a framework within which the union was to govern. The AU’s primary goals are to increase continental 1 “History of the OAU and the AU.” https://www.au.int/en/history/oau-and-au

unity, promote peace and wellbeing within the member states, and to foster multilateral interactions with foreign countries, most notably within the UN, of which the AU is a permanent observer.2 History of the Problem Presently, there are many official governing bodies in the AU, most notably the Pan-African Parliament and the Assembly of the African Union, amongst other smaller supporting bodies devoted specifically to each article of the Agenda 2063, or the AU’s 50-year plan (e.g. committees to uphold human rights, security, peace, economic development, etc.).3 These two bodies have similar function. The Assembly of the African Union is the supreme governing body of the AU and is comprised of the heads of each member state (i.e., the presidents, prime ministers, and king). Currently, the Assembly of the African Union is responsible for monitoring the implementation of policies, adopting the AU budget, appointing chairpersons and commissioners, and considering requests for AU membership. However, power has been slowly relegated to the Pan-African Parliament, in order to facilitate more active participation from citizens in member states (as opposed to power being in the hands of just the heads of state). The Pan-African Parliament is a democratically elected body of approximately 250 representatives (the actual number varies by year) that is currently in charge of facilitating the implementation of policies decided upon by the other branches of the AU (committees for peace, finance, social and cultural preservation, etc.), promoting self-reliance and cooperation in Africa, and strengthen continental solidarity.4 2 “Vision and Mission.” http://www.au.int/en/about/vision 3 “About Agenda 2063.” https://www.au.int/web/agenda2063/about 4 “Pan African Parliament: One Africa, One Voice.” http://www.panafricanparliament.org/about-pap

African Union DartMUN IX

Accomplishments of the AU Despite the inefficiency and convolutedness of the AU’s many branches, the Union has reached several notable achievements. Most recently, in July 2016, the AU issued continental passports that allowed for freer movement of people between all member states. 5 This is the first step in a long journey towards total geographical unification and one pan-African state. The AU has also intervened successfully within member countries through negotiation and coercive enforcement of constitutional law. In Togo, Mauritania, and Mali, countries recently afflicted by political coups, the AU stepped in to reinforce laws and ensure that leaders were democratically elected. Notably, in Mauritania, the AU suspended membership until the government agreed to hold elections, and in Mali, the AU helped foster and nurture a constitutional government that held its first election in 2013, after an Islamist coup and consequent French military intervention.6 The AU has also exercised influence on regional militaries to uphold peace. The body in charge of intervention, the Peace and Security Council (PSC), is tasked with maintaining peace through, according to article 4e of the Constitutive Act of 2000, “appropriate means as may be decided upon by the Assembly.” 7 Currently, the PSC actively manages current crises, most importantly in Sudan, Comoros, Somalia, Democratic Republic of

5 “African Union Set to Launch Continental Passport.” https://www.trademarkea.com/news/african-union-set-to-launch-continental-passport/ 6 Kofi Annan, Interventions: A Life in War and Peace (Penguin, 2012). 7 “Constitutive Act of the African Union.” https://www.au.int/web/en/treaties/constitutive-act-african-union

Congo, Burundi, and Côte d’Ivoire, among others.8 In 2008, an AU force comprised of Sudanese, Tanzanian, and Senegalese troops invaded Anjouan to restore peace to the area and deter a bid for independence from the island nation of Comoros. They successfully toppled the anti-Comoroan and anti-AU government. 9 Still active today is the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM), which had been formed in 2007 to support the Somalian government in its efforts to combat Al-Shabaab, a jihadist terrorist group in East Africa.10 AMISOM, largely made up of Burundian, Nigerian, Ugandan, Malawian, Ethiopian, and Djiboutian forces, trains and equips the Somalian military, helps implement a security plan for the entire nation, and maintains a safe atmosphere in which other peacekeeping groups can deliver humanitarian aid. The force, supported by the UN and the US, is still stationed in Somalia today, helping maintain relative peace in the area.11 Finally, the AU has recognized eight integrated economic zones, or regional economic communities (RECs). These are geographically informed groups of countries with shared economic interests. These can also be regarded as the first step in economic integration, as dividing regions into unified sub-organizations can encourage overall cooperation in the future. Current Situation and Plans There has been talk of increasing the power and efficacy of the AU; its role is currently

8 “Peace and Security Council.” http://www.au.int/en/organs/psc 9 “The African Union Dispatches a High-Level Emissary to the Comoros.” http://www.peaceau.org/en/article/the-african-union-dispatches-a-high-level-emissary-to-the-comoros 10 http://amisom-au.org/ 11 ibid.


supplementary to each member state’s government: for example, while the AU does have multilateral exchange with foreign countries, most members also interact one-on-one with them. Since the AU’s goal is to increase political unity within the continent, some states, particularly aggressive and militant states such as Libya, wish to create a pan-African ruling body, outfitted with its own military and with legislative autonomy. Others simply wish to augment the AU’s existing powers and grant it more exclusive power, for example to intervene within the states on behalf of the entire continent. The AU would also like to have official languages to standardize legislation and communication between states. Currently, it has four “working” languages, Arabic, French, Portuguese, and English.12 However, it also wants to preserve the importance of African languages, although it would be difficult to communicate across countries. The Abuja Treaty of 1991 serves as a framework for the AU’s economic aspirations. It calls for the creation of an African Central Bank (ACB). The goal of the ACB is to become the lender of all African banks, and to issue a single, unified currency for all of Africa.13 Additionally, the AU hopes to create a free trade area and a single market, emulating the existing economic framework of the EU. However, this will prove to be potentially quite difficult, since Africa is a large continent with extremely diverse geography and varied economic and political interests. The AU’s governing sub-bodies are incredibly confusing and have a large amount of overlap. Thus, the system is unclear and generally

12 “History of the OAU and the AU.” https://www.au.int/en/history/oau-and-au 13 “Abuja Treaty Establishing the African Economic Community.” http://www.wipo.int/wipolex/en/other_treaties/details.jsp?treaty_id=217

inefficient: legislation must travel through many branches before being passed. For example, there exists a Peace and Security Committee within the AU’s Economic, Social, and Cultural Council, whose job is to anticipate conflicts, prevent immoral crime (e.g., employing child soldiers, drug trafficking, black market arms trading), and enact national security reforms. This committee is not to be confused with the Peace and Security Council (PSC), which oversees and assembles task forces to intervene within member countries. Unsuccessful AU Campaigns In 2004, the PSC assembled the African Union Mission in Sudan (AMIS), a peacekeeping force intended to monitor the escalating tension between the Sudanese government and various liberation rebel groups. By 2005, the AMIS had grown to a force of approximately 7,000 mostly Rwandan and Nigerian soldiers. While the mission initially seemed optimistic, logistical difficulty and poor planning forced AMIS to declare that it was on the brink of collapse: soldiers were going unpaid for months, and 33 peacekeepers had died14; AMIS has now been integrated into the UN’s peacekeeping force. AMIS stands as an example of the inefficiency of communication and logistical movement of the AU’s peacekeeping branch. Regional Economic Committees Another example of conflicting sub-groups within the AU is the RECs (regional economic communities). Although not created by the AU, eight RECs have been acknowledged by the Union: UMA (Arabic states), COMESA (Eastern and

14 “28th PSC Meeting: Communique of the Peace and Security Council (AMIS) AU Mission in the Sudan.” http://www.peaceau.org/en/article/communique-of-the-peace-and-security-council-amis-au-mission-in-the-sudan


Southern states), CENSAD (Sahel-Saharan States), EAC (Eastern states), ECCAS (Central states), ECOWAS (Western states), IGAD, and SADC (Southern states). 15 Even they contain overlap: nearly all member countries of IGAD (the Intergovernmental Authority on Development), barring Somalia, are also members of COMESA. Two of these RECs also contain Morocco, which is not a member state of the AU. The RECs have their own regional treaties, a set of governing rules through which, essentially, each community interacts with the others. The RECs had been formed in 1991 as the first step to facilitate continental integration of Africa. However, given the diversity of Africa’s geography (e.g., Egypt and South Africa have vastly different climates and natural resources), each region’s economic interests are also invariably dissimilar. It will be difficult to convince each region to synchronize their economic policies and encourage eventual integration. Morocco A third factor potentially complicating a pan-African unionization is Morocco’s status as a non-member state. Although it has applied for membership in September 2016, Morocco’s main conflict with the AU has not been resolved. Morocco had been a member of the OAU, but left in 1984 upon the admission of the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic (SADR, or more colloquially referred to as Western Sahara).16 The SADR claims sovereignty over lands that presently belong to Morocco; thus, Morocco and many other countries do not recognize the SADR’s government as 15 “Regional Economic Communities (RECs).” https://www.au.int/en/organs/recs 16 “Why Morocco Really Wants Back in the African Union.” http://www.al-monitor.com/pulse/originals/2016/07/morocco-join-african-union-western-sahara-dispute-egypt.html

legitimate. At the time of the SADR’s admission to the AU, 75% of African Union states recognized its statehood, but countries both within the continent and outside have withdrawn support of its existence (most interestingly, India and Thailand).17 Even the UN still classifies the land as a “territory to be decolonized” and has not recognized its statehood. 18 As of 2016, only approximately half of the members in the African Union recognize the SADR as a country, and even fewer members have diplomatic relations with it. Despite many member countries’ disagreement about the status of the SADR, the AU made a unilateral decision to accept its application for membership. This event highlights the potential political conflicts between member states; it may be impossible for the AU to account for each states’ aspirations and desires accurately and fairly within its actions. Potential Solutions In January 2015, the AU endorsed the Agenda 2063, a 50-year plan for achieving an “integrated, prosperous, and peaceful Africa.”19 However, the plans are vague and long-term. There are several ways in which the AU can immediately take the next step to total political and economic integration: focus on regional political cooperation, strengthen continental economic policy, or reaffirm its political status in the UN. The AU could first expand the political influence of regional bodies (such as the RECs) before

17 https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/International_recognition_of_the_Sahrawi_Arab_Democratic_Republic 18 ibid. 19 “About Agenda 2063.” https://www.au.int/web/agenda2063/about


moving to the macro level. Since there are pre-established alliances and blueprints in place for governing, the AU could capitalize on existing structures and try to give these communities more autonomy. If it could relegate tasks, such as intervention, to regional bodies, people who are familiar with the terrain and with the problems at hand could handle logistic coordination of troops locally. However, this could potentially hinder progress toward a fully united Africa, since each region has vastly diverse economic interests due to geography; this difference would be magnified by increased autonomy and political power for a region. For some countries, who do not necessarily want increased AU power, this may be the optimal solution. Alternatively, the AU’s next step could be to implement an aggressive program of continental economic integration. This year, it had successfully issued continental passports. 20 It plans on also issuing a continental currency, the Afro. As of now, three countries (Egypt, Swaziland, Lesotho) have already ratified the use of the Afro. If the AU could implement a single currency system, it could emulate the EU and implement a single-market, free trade economy that unilaterally negotiates with foreigners. This would encourage foreign investment in Africa, because investors would have access to goods available across the continent. Additionally, this would benefit people in member states, as countries would be able to trade with other member states freely and cheaply. However, there exist several other multi-country currencies (West African CFA Franc, South African CFA Franc, South African Rand), which introduces

20 “African Union Passport Launched during Opening of 27th AU Summit in Kigali.” https://www.au.int/en/pressreleases/31182/african-union-passport-launched-during-opening-27th-au-summit-kigali

some complications to the plan; additionally, without an efficient centralized government (which not every AU member necessarily wants), propagating a new currency throughout the entire country can be extremely difficult. The AU is also currently a permanent observing member of the UN. It should seek to solidify its ties to the UN, especially in terms of national security and humanitarian intervention. Additionally, if it could achieve enhanced observer status, like the EU, it would be able to participate in UN by speaking in debates and submitting proposals. Thus, it would be able to interact multilaterally with other countries on behalf of AU member states’ foreign policy. Additionally, the enhanced recognition and legitimacy from the UN would increase acknowledgement of AU power within the continent itself and boost its influence domestically. However, the EU has only achieved enhanced observer status recently; it is unclear if the AU’s application would be approved. The AU is a relatively young organization, especially compared to analogous institutions such as the European Union. However, its goal of political and economic unification may be achievable with some decisive policy change. Questions to Consider 1. To what extent should the AU’s power

expand? 2. Considering that not every country has the

most stable government, will leaders feel threatened by an increase in power of the AU?

3. How efficient can interactions with other powerful countries, such as the UK and US, be? How will it be different from interactions with each individual country?


African Urban Development: A Tale of Many Cities Introduction Cities are often seen as the key to modern economies. Gathering people no longer involved in the primary production of agriculture or other resource extraction industries and employing them in manufacturing and an eventual service economy allows for the concentration of capital and greater overall development. Africa currently lags as the continent with the lowest urban population, with only 36% of the population living in cities as of 2010. Projections for 2050 show the continent catching up to the global average, with the highest regional rate of urbanization.21 Still, Africa’s urbanization has not been without issues. History of the Problem A lack of urban planning has left 60% of urban African residents in slums, concentrating issues of access to basic services and becoming breeding grounds for disease and crime. Certain studies have shown definitively that there is a tie between a country achieving middle income status and its urbanization.22 In Africa, urban household income is twice as high as rural household income. The economic growth that occurred in Africa in the 1990s and 2000s derived primarily from the industrial and service sectors, which are mainly urban based.23 Various theories about how to sustainably expand cities dealing with infrastructure, the role of public 21http://www.worldbank.org/en/events/2015/06/01/urbanization-in-africa-trends-promises-and-challenges 22http://water.worldbank.org/sites/water.worldbank.org/files/iuwm_ch1.pdf 23http://documents.worldbank.org/curated/en/657321468740136695/pdf/355640ENGLISH01nglish1full01PUBLIC1.pdf

and private players, pollution control, and other uniquely urban issues have been proposed, but, even with the importance of the issue, and the great deal of thought lent to the subject, little support has been given to projects meant to tackle the difficult issue of African urbanization. Past Actions Urban growth in Africa has translated mostly into growing slums and hotbeds of poverty and inequality for many urban migrants instead of the better lives they were promised. This statement, however, must be qualified by region. While North Africa has a larger proportion of their population in cities than Sub-Saharan Africa (to be referred to as SSA), 47.8% to SSA’s 32.8%, they have a significantly lower portion of their urban populations residing in slums, thanks largely to more advanced urban development strategies involving increased infrastructure and residential spending.


Source: The Telegraph.

SSA’s cities are largely characterized by a lack of even basic infrastructure, especially in low-income areas. Still, the cities do offer certain benefits; 84% of Africa’s urban residents have access to potable water and 54% of them to sanitation, compared to less than 40% of the continent’s total population. Still, without significant economic activity in these slums, development funding is sometimes hard to justify. The majority of migrants arrive from rural areas and lack formal education or trade skills that would be applicable in the city. Most of them the go to work in the informal sector which accounts for 93% of all new jobs and 61% of urban employment in Africa. These incomes, however, are low and occasional, leaving the new urban residents to seek the cheapest possible residence,

often offered by slum landlords, leading to an increase in crime and general insecurity. 24 Weak government institutions, in addition to not being able to offer these areas additional support, are unable to even provide basic law enforcement, leaving housing and land markets to their own devices, not managing the expansion of informal settlements. These regions could likely become self-sustaining quickly if African governments would move efforts from appeasing the large, foreign corporations doing business in their countries, and instead focusing on domestic drivers of productivity such as small and medium-sized enterprises, the development of human resources and skills, and technological innovation. Making these investments would hopefully turn the slum establishments from a simple, high-density, survivalist area into something closer to the economic hub of a city. These rapidly growing, largely unmanaged populations have placed a strain not only on government institutions, but also on the environment surrounding them, draining natural resources at an alarming rate. Informal settlements have quickly taken the place of forests and other ecosystems and increased water and air pollution, bringing the darkness and diseases that comes along with these developments.

24 Ibid


Source: oswposters.org

Local Development of Global Cities As national and state governments in countries around the world begin to focus in improving the economic development situation in areas outside urban centers that have been forgotten by programs, city governments have begun to invest more into understanding and improving the economies in their areas. The first step to doing this is making sure that money produced within the area is kept there and used to improve local programs.25 Serving Two Masters: Public and Private Development This homegrown urban development can follow one of two paths, either being led by the government with funds from businesses in the form of taxes, or led by businesses which run projects given to them by the city, in exchange for tax breaks or other benefits to the business. The involvement of businesses has led to the creation of Special Economic Zones (SEZs) which are specifically defined areas where rules governing

25 http://unhabitat.org/planning-and-design/

businesses, including labor laws and minimum wage requirements, are removed in the name to encourage foreign business investment. Groups such as community development credit unions allow groups to invest directly into a committee that controls projects such as housing or infrastructure programs which are necessary. They lend money and take pressure off banks, allowing businesses to expand.26 This same model has also worked well for individuals with community development loans that provide similar services to them. Governments have worked to encourage individuals to use these services in cases where the government lacks the ability to help. These lending institutions, along with other setups such as development banks, land trusts, and cooperatives serve as a useful alternative to government programs that are still incredibly important. The government works far better when a set plan exists, rather than when it allows for rapid and unregulated growth. This allows them to reuse old brownfield sites, areas that were productive but have quickly become wastelands in developed cities. General utilities are also usually provided in this way to avoid the risk of a private monopoly jeopardizing access to basic services. Combinations of these two projects are called public-private partnerships and have become the source of some of the most innovative ideas of this century.27 The final part of this is the citizens. Individuals need to feel knowledgeable and involved in order to contribute. By assuring that typically

26 Ibid 27 http://www.sustainable-city.org/articles/capital.htm


underrepresented groups are heard maintains peace and improves the democratic process. The basic problems of the poor must be solved before we can try to build a great society, and these methods allow us to try to do both at once.28 Current Situation Urban Sprawl Between 2005 and 2015 the world’s cities swelled by about 750m people, according to the UN. More than four-fifths of that growth was in Africa and Asia; specifically, on the fringes of African and Asian cities. With few exceptions, cities are growing faster in size than in population. Lagos, the capital of Nigeria, is typical: it doubled in population between 1990 and 2010 but tripled in area. In short, almost all urban growth is sprawl.29 Housing Experts from groups such as the Brookings Institution now believe that Africa’s urban population growth will soon outstrip the urban economy’s growth, leading to further poverty and unrest. Focusing efforts on providing jobs, education, basic health services, and good governance all the way down to the local level will allow these cities to continue to be engines of growth instead of examples of development gone wrong.

28 http://uli.org/wp-content/uploads/2005/01/TP_Partnerships.pdf 29 http://mirror.unhabitat.org/documents/SOWC10/R4.pdf

Source: World Bank, data from UNESDA, 2010

Case Study: Cooperation and Consolidation Johannesburg, South Africa, is a city of 4 million people, with an additional 5 million living nearby. The population is predicted to double within 20 years and so managing this booming city is an interesting challenge. Up until now, city officials have aimed to make Johannesburg important to the whole world. The last time they were important to those outside of South Africa, however, was during Apartheid when they drew investment due to their natural resources at the expense of most of the South African population. The brutal conditions in the Soweto township on the outskirts of Johannesburg in contrast to the luxurious inner city was a symbol of the unfairness of the Apartheid regime. Today in a free South Africa, the government must be responsible and well managed. Johannesburg sits in the middle of a cluster of cities called the Gauteng City Region. To avoid abnormal seeming differences between neighbors, people are looking to see more cooperation. Most


want a "Gauteng without borders" after they look into bus lines that end in strange places and calls for funding for repetitive programs. Increased cooperation in South Africa has brought the number of local city governments from 1100 to 283 and so clearly this program has worked in the past. Still, even one example of these issues can be a huge problem. The barriers drawn by apartheid can still be seen in the way people are spread out in cities, with public housing projects for the poor being too far from jobs and other services to be useful. The unemployment rate is stable at around 24.3% even as the rich have gotten richer. By decreasing car use in the entire Gauteng region and increasing cooperation between cities, several things can get done. Public transport can be further improved by making it profitable, even though the MetroRail system is often described as "not sexy enough" by officials. Neglected areas that may exist awkwardly between cities can be turned into low-cost, well-connected housing projects. The staples of a responsible, well managed government, can turn a city around (Integrated City Making: Governance). he diversity of Africa’s geography (e.g., Egypt and South Africa have vastly different climates and natural resources), each region’s economic interests are also invariably dissimilar. It will be difficult to convince each region to synchronize their economic policies and encourage eventual integration. 30 Potential Solutions In order to address the challenges of urbanization facing many African cities, some key reforms should be pursued by governments. These include

30 http://downloads.lsecities.net/0_downloads/ICM_Detailed_Report.pdf

(i) upgrading informal settlements through the provision of integrated infrastructures and services that target the marginalized groups, including the poor, youth, women and elderly people. In addition, governments should act proactively to ensure orderly urban development by defining and implementing clear urban development strategies; (ii) mobilizing urban financing from local and foreign investors. These resources should be efficiently and adequately allocated between central and local governments’ urban projects and should encourage strengthening the role of municipalities; (iii) improving human capital through equal access to education and healthcare services and facilities for all categories of citizens in order to meet labor market needs; (iv) diversification of economic activities through the creation of new economic hubs oriented towards high sustainable and value-added production and exportation. These reforms should be more inclusive to ensure that all categories of citizens, regardless of their age, race, gender, ethnicity, or socio-economic conditions, have equal access to adequate housing, basic infrastructure and services and equal job opportunities. Questions to Consider 1. To what extent should the AU’s power

expand? 2. Considering that not every country has the

most stable government, will leaders feel threatened by an increase in power of the AU?

3. How efficient can interactions with other powerful countries, such as the UK and US, be? How will it be different from interactions with each individual country?

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