Euboea and AthensProceedings of a Colloquium in Memory of Malcolm B. Wallace

Athens 26-27 June 2009

2011 Publications of the Canadian Institute in Greece Publications de lInstitut canadien en Grce No. 6

The Canadian Institute in Greece / LInstitut canadien en Grce 2011

Library and Archives Canada Cataloguing in Publication Euboea and Athens Colloquium in Memory of Malcolm B. Wallace (2009 : Athens, Greece) Euboea and Athens : proceedings of a colloquium in memory of Malcolm B. Wallace : Athens 26-27 June 2009 / David W. Rupp and Jonathan E. Tomlinson, editors. (Publications of the Canadian Institute in Greece = Publications de l'Institut canadien en Grce ; no. 6) Includes bibliographical references. ISBN 978-0-9737979-1-6 1. Euboea Island (Greece)--Antiquities. 2. Euboea Island (Greece)--Civilization. 3. Euboea Island (Greece)--History. 4. Athens (Greece)--Antiquities. 5. Athens (Greece)--Civilization. 6. Athens (Greece)--History. I. Wallace, Malcolm B. (Malcolm Barton), 1942-2008 II. Rupp, David W. (David William), 1944- III. Tomlinson, Jonathan E. (Jonathan Edward), 1967- IV. Canadian Institute in Greece V. Title. VI. Series: Publications of the Canadian Institute in Greece ; no. 6. DF261.E9E93 2011 938 C2011-903495-6

The Canadian Institute in Greece Dionysiou Aiginitou 7 GR-115 28 Athens, Greece www.cig-icg.gr

TRACEY CULLEN, LAUREN TALALAY AND ARKO TANKOSI

The Emerging Prehistory of Southern EuboeaMalcolm Wallace spent much of his life exploring the rich Classical history of southern Euboea, an area he first visited as a young boy with his father. During the last 25 years of his life, Mac co-directed the Southern Euboea Exploration Project (SEEP), an interdisciplinary research effort dedicated to the recovery and study of archaeological remains in the Karystia.1 Although a classicist and historian by training, Mac also enjoyed puzzling over the regions elusive prehistoric remains. He was well aware that scholars had long regarded the area as scarcely inhabited during the Neolithic and Bronze Age, having himself once noted that in southern Euboea evidence of human activity . . . before the Iron Age began is very sparse, and that Karystian individuality in earlier days is buried, beyond current enquiry.2 Over the past few decades, however, the regions prehistory has come more clearly into focus. The purpose of this article is to convey in broad strokes our current understanding of the early habitation of the Karystia, and to consider the role of the region within the wider prehistoric Aegean.1 Donald Keller and Malcolm Wallace founded SEEP in 1984 as a non-profit research project under the auspices of the Canadian Archaeological Institute in Athens (now the Canadian Institute in Greece). Work has been carried out with permits granted by the 11th Ephorate of Prehistoric and Classical Antiquities in Chalkis. We gratefully acknowledge the assistance of both institutions. The extent of our debt to Mac Wallace, and our sadness at his early death, are difficult to express. As long-time members of SEEP, we worked closely with Mac for many years. We will miss his keen engagement with all aspects of the project, from the research questions driving the fieldwork to the camaraderie of the team. Mac brought a special thoughtfulness, insight, and quirky humour to every occasion, always asking perceptive questions that invited rethinking. It is an honour to offer this article as a small homage in memory of Mac. 2 Wallace 1972, p. 1.

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EUBOEA AND ATHENS SEEP has added to our knowledge of the prehistory of the Karystia through a series of surface surveys and modest excavations. The surveys, both intensive and extensive, have covered three areas: (1) the Paximadi peninsula, west of the Bay of Karystos; (2) the territory east of the bay known as the BourosKastri peninsula; and (3) the large alluvial plain, or kampos, north of the Paximadi peninsula (Fig. 1). A small salvage excavation at the site of Plakari, located in the northeastern corner of Paximadi, and ongoing work at the Agia Triada cave, in the foothills of Mt. Ochi, have enhanced the results of survey and produced the earliest evidence for habitation in the area during the Late and Final Neolithic periods. We begin here by briefly describing the prehistoric findings from Paximadi, turn next to the Bouros-Kastri area, and then summarize work on the kampos and at nearby sites in the foothills.3

The Paximadi PeninsulaThe Paximadi peninsula, 22 square kilometres in extent, was surveyed intensively by SEEP in 1986 and 1988 (Fig. 2). The name Paximadi (dry toast or rusk) aptly describes the modern barren landscape; in recent times, the peninsula has been used primarily for grazing sheep and goats, though extensive traces of agricultural terraces and the remains of some 142 historical sites attest to widespread habitation in the past. Twenty prehistoric sites and findspots have also been identified on the peninsula (Fig. 3), ranging in date from Final Neolithic (FN) to Early Bronze (EB) II, a span of roughly two millennia, ca. 4200 to 2200 B.C. Four sites at the northern end of the peninsula Plakari, Kazara, Agia Pelagia, and Akri Rozos yielded architectural remains and relatively sizable samples of artefacts.43

This article builds on an earlier summary of work on the prehistoric remains of southern Euboea: Talalay et al. 2005. 4 For a detailed presentation of the prehistory of the Paximadi peninsula, see Cullen et al., forthcoming.

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TRACEY CULLEN, LAUREN TALALAY AND ARKO TANKOSI Plakari has revealed tantalizing glimpses of a prehistoric settlement perched on a headland overlooking the Bay of Karystos.5 Development of the area for house plots prompted a three-day salvage excavation in 1979, directed by Donald Keller. He uncovered a short stretch of Neolithic floor in one trench and possible pebble flooring material in another. Two wall segments, one of which is clearly associated with FN pottery in the scarp of a road cut, are dated to the earliest levels of the site. A retaining wall above the FN site appears to belong to an Iron Age sanctuary that yielded rich finds, rock-cut niches, and a polygonal wall.6 Judging from surface finds, the Neolithic site was roughly half a hectare in size and probably supported no more than a few families. It lay close to two springs, and had easy access to both the sea and the arable land of the kampos to the north. A large mineral lump was collected near the FN wall in the road scarp; if contemporary with the prehistoric habitation, it may indicate an early interest in the mineral resources of the region. The lead isotope profile of the lump is virtually identical to that of two samples of galena from a mine at Kallianou (Fig. 1), an 810 hour walk from Plakari.7 The excavated pottery includes red slipped and burnished ware, fine pattern-burnished pieces, coarse ware, bowls with lugs and pedestal bases, large jars, and so-called cheesepots (Fig. 4).8 Close stylistic parallels and similar fabrics are found in ceramics from FN sites in Attica, on Kea and Aegina, and as far away as theKeller 1982; Keller 1985, pp. 106107, 168170, figs. 8993; Talalay et al. 2005, pp. 2627. Brief mentions: Theocharis 1959, pp. 279, 284, 310; Sackett et al. 1966, p. 81; Touloupa 1979; Sampson 1981, p. 147; Sapouna-Sakellaraki 1983. 6 Historical remains on the headland: Touloupa 1979, esp. pl. 56: (polygonal wall); Keller 1985, pp. 102106, 180187, figs. 3650. Recent test excavations: Chidiroglou 20032004. 7 X-ray fluorescence of the piece carried out by Zofia Stos-Gale in 1996 showed that it was composed of copper and iron, with small amounts of lead, nickel, and arsenic (Stos-Gale, forthcoming). It is likely to be natural, but may have been collected by the inhabitants of Plakari for use in future smelting, or simply as a curiosity. 8 Keller 1982; 1985, pp. 169170, figs. 8993; Talalay et al. 2005, p. 39, fig. 4; Cullen et al., forthcoming. Fabric analysis: De Paepe 1982, pp. 7475.5

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EUBOEA AND ATHENS western Peloponnese and Crete.9 The lithic assemblage consists largely of discarded debitage and splintered flakes. Most are obsidian, presumably from Melos, introduced as raw nodules and decorticated at the site. The collection also included a fine bifacial arrowhead of honey flint, a material not local to the area.10 Although the sample is small, both the honey flint and the obsidian point to the import of foreign materials, while ceramic styles indicate that the settlement was part of a wide network of communication across the Aegean. Survey also revealed that a possibly contemporary site, Kazara, lay close by, 800 m to the west across a low saddle and below the summit of a steep ridge. Situated in a more remote upland location than Plakari, it produced traces of stone rubble walls and daub, and may represent a seasonal outpost. Surface remains included abundant coarse FN ware, with none of the fine pattern-burnished examples characteristic of Plakari.11 At Agia Pelagia, south of Plakari along the shore of a rocky promontory, lies a predominantly EB II site with extensive architectural remains, a cist grave, and pottery.12 As was already clear from surface remains, and confirmed in 2000 by a brief salvage excavation by the Greek Archaeological Service, rectangular structures had been laid out along the shore (Fig. 5). Parts of at least two buildings, separated by ca. 35 m, have now emerged. Most of the architecture consists of narrow (ca. 0.4 m) double-faced rubble walls, although the eastern wall of the northern building consists of two parallel and abutting doublefaced walls, possibly indicating a later modification or strengthening of an original wall. Construction differences9

See, e.g., Karali 1981 (Kitsos Cave); De Paepe 1982 (Thorikos); Theocharis 1953 1954, p. 66 (Askitario); Coleman 1977, esp. frontispiece, pls. 4043 (Kephala); Weisshaar 1994 (Kolonna); Zachos 2008, pp. 101119, figs. 1533 (Agios Dimitrios); Vagnetti, Christopoulou, and Tzedakis 1989, pp. 6064, figs. 3242 (Nerokourou); and Papadatos 2008, p. 262, fig. 15.4 (Petras Kephala). 10 See Talalay et al. 2005, pp. 26, 40, figs. 5, 6; Cullen et al., forthcoming. 11 Keller 1985, pp. 100101, 168; Talalay et al. 2005, pp. 2728, 41, fig. 7. 12 For brief accounts of Agia Pelagia, see Theocharis 1959, pp. 284, 310; Sampson 1981, pp. 145146; Keller 1985, pp. 9495, 170172, figs. 26, 27; Talalay et al. 2005, pp. 30, 44, fig. 11.

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TRACEY CULLEN, LAUREN TALALAY AND ARKO TANKOSI notwithstanding, both buildings seem to have a narrow corridor bordering their long side. Although both could represent domestic structures, the corridors bring to mind on a smaller scale plans of the well-known corridor houses known from EH IIB levels at sites such as Lerna and Kolonna, and in particular the modest, one-story variations at Zygouries and Lithares.13 No terracotta roof tiles were discovered, however, as at most corridor houses. Abundant fragments from Urfirnis sauceboats, a shape often associated with the drinking of wine during feasting and gatherings of elites, were collected elsewhere on the site during survey, leaving open the possibility that one or more public buildings were present. A relatively large site (1.5 ha) on the opposite side of the peninsula, Akri Rozos, also points to a degree of social complexity. The site, with distinct FN and EBA components, is located on a headland jutting into the Euboean Gulf (Fig. 1), a strategic point along the maritime route connecting the Cyclades, southern Attica, and central Euboea. Although four large modern houses now dominate the headland, prehistoric architectural features are still evident on the surface. A possible fortification wall punctuated by towers or semicircular bastions follows the jagged contour of the eastern rim of the headland; short segments are also visible to the north, presumably the remains of a wall that would have blocked access from the mainland. Steep rocky cliffs along the western edge provide a natural boundary or line of defence. Drains can be seen built into the southeastern wall, where traces of a platform were also observed (Figs. 6, 7). The perimeter wall cannot be dated, but comparable (and better preserved) structures are known at FN Strophilas on Andros and at several Early Cycladic sites, including Kastri near Chalandriani on Syros, Markiani on Amorgos, and Korfari ton Amygdalion (Panormos) on13

For discussion of the corridor house type, see, e.g., Pullen 1985, pp. 263267, figs. 85, 86; Shaw 1987, 1990; Maran 1998, pp. 193197; and Alram-Stern 2004, pp. 238243. We are grateful to Kostas Boukaras of the 11th Ephorate of Prehistoric and Classical Antiquities in Chalkis for allowing us to include a sketch of the excavated walls still visible in 2002 at Agia Pelagia, along with those exposed on the surface (Fig. 5).

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EUBOEA AND ATHENS Naxos.14 Akri Rozos produced a range of ceramics and ground stone tools, as well as abundant obsidian, spindle whorls, two small pieces of bronze, and a lump of unworked ore.15 It is likely that the site was occupied year-round and, with its proximity to the sea, maintained ongoing contacts with neighbouring regions. The walled perimeter of the site need not indicate a fortification per se, but surely carried symbolic weight. It may have been intended to provide not only a more closed community than seems to be the case for sites along the eastern side of Paximadi, but also a statement of social power.

The Bouros-Kastri PeninsulaTurning to the eastern side of the Bay of Karystos, we find evidence on the Bouros-Kastri peninsula similar to that from Paximadi. Subject to extensive survey by SEEP in 1989, 1990, and 1993, this arm of the bay, characterized by terrain more rugged than Paximadis, yielded little more than a dozen sites and findspots with prehistoric material (Fig. 8).16 As on Paximadi, all can be dated to the Final Neolithic or early phases of the Early Bronze Age. Finds were few and very worn, but distinctive surface features include pattern-burnishing, taenia bands, and Kerbschnitt punctuation; classic EB II forms such as saucers and fruitstand pedestals were also recorded. Nothing could be identified that was definitively EB III, nor did we find any evidence for Middle or Late Bronze Age occupation. Wall segments survive on the surface at14

Strophilas: Televantou 2001; 2008, pp. 4445, fig. 6.3; Kastri: Bossert 1967, p. 57; Markiani: Marangou et al. 2006, pp. 8487, figs. 6.1, 6.2; Korfari ton Amygdalion (Panormos): Doumas 1964, pp. 411412; Angelopoulou 2008, pp. 150151, fig. 16.1. 15 See Talalay et al. 2005, pp. 29, 4243, figs. 810. 16 In exploring the area between Platanistos and Cape Mandili, SEEP used premodern routes (mule trails, foot paths, and cobbled lanes) as survey transects; see Keller and Wallace 1990; Wallace et al. 2006, pp. 3442; Wickens 2009; Wickens (this volume). Three findspots Vigla, Bouros, and Kastri (Fig. 1) were noted by Sackett et al. (1966, pp. 8183, fig. 17) and Sampson (1981, p. 146, fig. 124) as prehistoric, but SEEP could only confirm later horizons at these locations.

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TRACEY CULLEN, LAUREN TALALAY AND ARKO TANKOSI four sites Agioi, Kalamos, Bouletza, and Spilia (Fig. 1) although their precise date could not be determined. As in the Paximadi area, the settlement pattern is dispersed, with modest sites and findspots on both sides of the peninsula, some on or near the coast, several in the uplands, and many situated near springs. One FN site, Spilia, sat high on a rocky outcrop and, situated much like Kazara, may have served as a lookout post. Fragments from large storage jars with impressed decoration (Fig. 9), however, may point to a more substantial occupation of the site. The storage jars find abundant parallels across the Aegean during both the Final Neolithic and Early Bronze Age.17

The KamposThe large alluvial plain west of Karystos known as the kampos was the focus of fieldwork carried out from 2006 to 2008 by the Karystian Kampos Survey Project, directed by arko Tankosi and Maria Chidiroglou.18 Extensive survey methods similar to those used for the Bouros-Kastri peninsula were employed during the first season, stratified sampling was adopted in the second season, while the third season was devoted to the collection of additional material from previously located lithic sites. The area provided some unexpected prehistoric patterns (Fig. 8). The survey target area, around 260 hectares in size, yielded no new prehistoric settlements with architecture, but instead produced 14 findspots consisting almost exclusively of obsidian scatters, datable to the FNEBA span by both technological and stylistic features.19 By contrast, the rare prehistoric pottery found in the kampos is highly fragmentary and worn, and generally impossible to date with any17 See, e.g., Coleman 1977, pl. 35: 146, 170 (Kephala); Karali 1981, p. 365, fig. 245 (Kitsos Cave); Sampson 1993, pp. 169170, figs. 158161 (Tharrounia); Lerna IV, pp. 343344, fig. II.7: P109, P110 (Lerna); and Zachos 2008, p. 112, fig. 26 (Agios Dimitrios). 18 Tankosi 2008. 19 W. A. Parkinson, pers. comm.

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EUBOEA AND ATHENS certainty. The one substantial site with well-preserved architecture and pottery is the previously known EB II settlement of Agios Georgios (Fig. 1), part of which was excavated by the 11th Ephorate of Prehistoric and Classical Antiquities in Chalkis in response to the construction nearby of an electrical substation.20 Two of the new findspots are particularly notable. Findspot 07S28, located in the western part of the kampos (Fig. 1), yielded about 300 pieces of obsidian from a 50 x 100 m area. Nearly the entire lithic reduction sequence is represented among the finds (Fig. 10), suggesting that the area served as a production site for stone tools. Findspot 07N35, at the other end of the survey area and very near Agios Georgios, yielded more than 2,500 obsidian fragments from an area ca. 100 x 150 m. The assemblage is dominated by pressure-flaked tools, mostly notched pieces and borers, and appears to represent a specialized production site where chipped stone tools were produced or modified for specific activities as yet undetermined. By contrast, Agios Georgios produced evidence for a full lithic reduction sequence accompanied by a wealth of lithic material.21 The precise relationship of the three sites is a subject for future study, but it seems likely that findspot 07N35 was contemporary with Agios Georgios and closely related to it. The discovery of a single prehistoric settlement with architecture on the kampos is notable. While later alluvium may have covered some sites, it is important to keep in mind that the kampos is (and probably was in antiquity) one of the largest areas of arable land in the greater region, including not only the Karystia but also the islands of Andros and Kea. Undoubtedly, it was a valuable agricultural resource, and as such may have been devoted primarily to producing foodstuffs that could be locally consumed or exchanged. Equally intriguing, however, is the large amount of obsidian found, complementing the finds from the Paximadi peninsula and confirming that southern Euboea played a role in the obsidian trade of the prehistoric Aegean.20 21

Sapouna-Sakellaraki 1992b; Blackman 1998, pp. 6465, fig. 96. Sapouna-Sakellaraki 1992b, p. 178; L. Dogiama, pers. comm.

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TRACEY CULLEN, LAUREN TALALAY AND ARKO TANKOSI

The Foothills of Mt. OchiExcavations at the Agia Triada cave were carried out from 2007 to 2010 under the auspices of the Ephorate of Palaeoanthropology and Speleology of Southern Greece in conjunction with SEEP, and co-directed by Fanis Mavridis and arko Tankosi.22 The cave, unusual for its narrow, steeply descending entrance corridor, has produced white-on-dark painted pottery datable to the late sixth early fifth millennium B.C., making it the earliest-known site in the Karystia.23 The white-painted rectilinear designs resemble those on pottery from the central and southern Cyclades toward the end of the Late Neolithic period and align the site with the socalled Saliagos culture; of particular interest among the white-ondark vessels from Agia Triada is one with an anthropomorphic protome that shows a marked similarity to Cycladic figurines.24 FN material has also been found in the cave, recalling pottery from Kephala and Kitsos Cave, as well as nearby Plakari.25 More surprising in a subterranean context was the discovery of EB II pottery that links Agia Triada not only with sites in Attica and the northern Cyclades but also with the core areas of the Cycladic world further south.26 In 2008, the excavators uncovered the remains of EBA burials in a small chamber off the main entrance corridor; two additional trenches were opened in this area in 2009The project has been generously funded by the Stavros Niarchos Foundation. For preliminary results from the 2007 and 2008 excavation seasons, see Mavridis and Tankosi 2009. 23 See Sampson 1981, pp. 9293, fig. 82; 1984, pp. 240, 244, fig. 5; Keller 1985, pp. 125127, figs. 63, 64; Mavridis and Tankosi 2009, pp. 49, 5253, fig. 3. A single radiocarbon date of ca. 5300 B.C. (cal) has thus far been obtained from the cave, but the excavators suspect that this date may be too early (Mavridis and Tankosi 2009, p. 51, table 1). 24 See Mavridis and Tankosi 2009, pp. 5253, for comparable white-on-dark pottery from Saliagos, Naxos, Thera, and islands further east, and pp. 49, 52, fig. 2: 3, 4, for the protome. 25 Sampson 1981, p. 145, fig. 123: 194208, 211212; Mavridis and Tankosi 2009, pp. 50, 5354, fig. 4. For similar material from Plakari and other sites within the so-called Attic-Kephala cultural horizon, see nn. 89 above. 26 Mavridis and Tankosi 2009, pp. 5456, fig. 5.22

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EUBOEA AND ATHENS (Fig. 11). Taken together, the findings so far indicate a primarily ritual and funerary use of the cave. In contrast to the dispersed settlement patterns of the Neolithic and Early Bronze Age, the Middle Bronze period is represented in the Karystia at only one site Agios Nikolaos Mylon (Fig. 1). The site is located northeast of Karystos, atop a rocky ridge (240 masl) with restricted approaches that can easily be monitored, and commanding a sweeping view of the surrounding countryside and the bay.27 On the basis of survey alone, it is difficult to determine whether depopulation of the area or a nucleation of settlements occurred in this period. Architectural remains and artefacts are distributed across a wide area (ca. 40 x 100 m), but the site occupies a steep slope, which makes estimating its size difficult. Most of the visible remains are restricted to a plateau (ca. 20 x 50 m) near the ridgetop. Segments of straight and curving double-faced walls can be seen on the surface, suggesting the outlines of at least one apsidal building, and a section of pebble pavement is visible in a pit scarp. Possible ceramic imports (Matt-painted, Gray Minyan, and perhaps Cycladic wares) and obsidian attest to relations with neighbouring regions, although most of the pottery, judging from the fabrics, appears to be local.28 Signs of metalworking, while difficult to date, can be seen in the form of slag, hard-fired clay fragments of moulds or crucibles, and a possible ox-hide ingot fragment and schist swage stone; metal finds include bronze tweezers, wire, and an amorphous piece of lead, probably a pottery clamp.29 A few kylix stems and a single rim fragment from a plain stemmed bowl would seem to indicate Late Bronze Age habitation, but no other secure evidence for a Mycenaean presence at this site or elsewhere in the Karystia has yet been found.30Keller 1985, pp. 128129 (site 80), 176177; Tankosi 2006. Tankosi and Mathioudaki, forthcoming. 29 Keller 1985, pp. 128129, 276278, figs. 71, 72. The swage stone may instead represent an arrow-straightener. 30 In 1939, Vronwy Hankey claimed to have found a few Mycenaean sherds at Cape Philagra on the north coast (Fig. 1), north of Yianitsi, but subsequent visits could not confirm this date (Sackett et al. 1966, p. 80).28 27

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TRACEY CULLEN, LAUREN TALALAY AND ARKO TANKOSI

DiscussionIf we step back from the data, we can begin to sketch a picture of the earliest occupation of the Karystia, a rugged area dominated by the twin peaks of Mt. Ochi. Southern Euboea differs from the central and northern reaches of Euboea, which were first occupied in the Early Neolithic, around 6000 B.C., if not earlier. The area around Karystos was apparently not visited until the Late Neolithic, at least a millennium later, followed by sporadic settlement, with gaps in occupation at the end of the Early Bronze Age and during the Late Bronze Age.31 The timing of initial settlement thus coincides with the founding of many new sites at the end of the Neolithic and the beginning of the Bronze Age in the Cyclades and elsewhere in the Aegean.32 Earlier settlements, some predating the Neolithic, are now documented on several islands,33 but an apparent spike in the occupation of islands and coastal promontories in the Aegean continues to characterize the Late and Final Neolithic and the Early Bronze Age. The steep mountains to the north of Karystos would have impeded overland travel, and the proximity of many of the prehistoric sites to the coast, particularly in the Early Bronze Age, reflects a seaward orientation for southern Euboea. Although determining which of the 51 documented prehistoric sites and findspots in the Karystia (Fig. 8) were contemporary or how long they were inhabited is difficult, it does appear from the limited extent of surface scatter that most were very small well under a hectare.34 All surely depended on intercommunityFor earlier Neolithic sites in northern and central Euboea, see Sackett et al. 1966, pp. 8286, fig. 16; Sampson 1981, pp. 5079, figs. 1, 13. Sampson (1981, p. 70, fig. 13, no. 7) has suggested that Koilosi Cave (Fig. 1) may represent an Early Neolithic II burial site in southern Euboea, but systematic investigations have not confirmed this date. 32 See, e.g., Broodbank 1999. 33 For pre-Neolithic island sites, see, e.g., Sampson et al. 2002 (Maroulas, Kythnos); Sampson 2008 (Cave of the Cyclops, Gioura); and Strasser et al. 2010 (Plakias, Crete). 34 The estimation of site size on the basis of survey data is complicated by processes of erosion and alluviation, vegetation cover, slope gradient, manuring31

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EUBOEA AND ATHENS relationships for marriage partners and long-term biological survival,35 and the similarity in material culture across the region points to regular intersite contact. Distances between sites in the Karystia are modest, with only a few hours walk between the most distant settlements, and coastal sites would have been easily accessible via canoe or other vessels. Contacts with the wider Aegean, particularly the Cyclades, are also likely. All of the sites and many of the smaller findspots are situated with good views to the open sea. Upland sites in particular afford fine views of eastern Attica, northern Kea, Andros, the Karystian kampos, and the mountains to the north. The occupation of sites with panoramic views not only provided a defensive advantage, but also corresponds well with the extensive ceramic evidence for regional interaction. The early inhabitants of the region seem to have been part of a wider sphere of interrelated communities across the Aegean, including the northeast Peloponnese, Attica, and the islands. The southern shores of Euboea may have held a uniquely favourable position, whether as a final destination, a waypoint, or a place to weather the occasional gale. Maritime traffic was at least partially keyed to the exchange of obsidian and it is possible that the largest sites in the area Akri Rozos, Agia Pelagia, and Agios Georgios were important EB II centers for the movement of obsidian. Whether the region served as a consumption or redistribution center is not known. In other words, were these sites merely on the receiving end of the raw or modified material, or did they function as emporia that passed some of the obsidian on to sites further north or west? Just as important is the question of how this trade was carried out and controlled. The location of Akri Rozos at the gateway to the Euboean straits, with Agia Pelagia on Paximadis eastern shore and Agios Georgios dominating the kampos (along with 14 obsidian scatters, some quite extensive), may indicatepractices, and depth of ploughing. Nevertheless, the low density and restricted area of artefact scatter on most prehistoric sites in the Karystia would seem to indicate relatively small habitations. 35 Cf. Broodbank 2000, pp. 8689, on the viability of small Cycladic communities and the likelihood of exogamy.

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TRACEY CULLEN, LAUREN TALALAY AND ARKO TANKOSI competition for the control and redistribution of both obsidian and other valued goods. Critical to interregional contact was the practice of seafaring. Our knowledge of seacraft at this time is based largely on schematic depictions of paddled boats such as those shown on Cycladic frying pans and in rock art, none of which indicate the use of a sail.36 Broodbank has explored the implications of nautical travel during the Early Bronze Age, suggesting that small canoes were used most often for inter-island communication, and that the longboats depicted on frying pans were more likely to have been ceremonial vessels, long-distance craft, or boats used in raiding and warfare.37 Studies of todays winds and currents, together with the distribution of prehistoric sites in the Aegean, permit reconstructions of the probable sea routes favoured in the Early Bronze Age.38 The Karystia occupies a strategic location along a major northsouth route that passed through the dangerous straits of Kavo dOro between Andros and southern Euboea, and on past Kea, Attica, and the southern Argolid. Bypassing the straits and traversing the protected waterways of the Euboean Gulf would have been another favoured route, with sites such as Akri Rozos, Lefkandi, and Manika well positioned to take advantage of it. Broodbank has estimated that with favourable weather conditions longboats could have covered 4050 kilometres a day, and smaller craft roughly half that distance,39 a calculation that places the Karystia within a long days reach of eastern Attica, Kea, and Andros. Travelers approaching the Bay of Karystos would easily have recognized the twin peaks of Mt. Ochi, visible from 80 miles away and a conspicuous landmark for those who knew the waters and traveled to and from the region.Agouridis 1997, p. 7, fig. 4; Broodbank 2000, pp. 96101, fig. 23. To date, the earliest-known such depictions in the Aegean are those carved into the outside blocks of the perimeter wall at the FN site of Strophilas on Andros; see Televantou 2008, pp. 4748, fig. 6.8. 37 Broodbank 1989; 2000, pp. 101106. 38 Agouridis 1997, pp. 910, fig. 5; Papageorgiou 2008a, p. 10, fig. 10; 2008b, pp. 210211, fig. 4 (route A). 39 Broodbank 2000, p. 102, table 3.36

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EUBOEA AND ATHENS Taken in aggregate, research by SEEP has shown that, contrary to what archaeologists once believed, southern Euboea was far from an uninhabited and isolated region in prehistory. Although occupation was sporadic, the Karystia supported a series of small settlements, beginning with the Late Neolithic habitation of the Agia Triada cave, and followed by dispersed settlement of relatively modest sites during the Final Neolithic and early phases of the Early Bronze Age. After an apparent gap at the end of the Early Bronze Age, a single center dominated the area in the Middle Bronze Age.40 During the Late Bronze Age, the region appears to have been largely abandoned, contrary to what might be expected from Homeric accounts and all the more surprising since the name Karystos (ka-ru-to), along with that of another Euboean town, Amarynthos, appears on an inscribed Linear B nodule from Thebes.41 The reliability of Homers description of Mycenaean political geography might well be doubted, but the mention of Karystos on the nodule from Thebes surely suggests a contemporary Mycenaean presence in the Karystia, if not necessarily a political relationship between the two areas.42 It is also possible that what we perceive as gaps in habitation are instead a reflection of the limitations of survey data. The EH I period in our area is poorly defined, and while we have found none of the Anatolianizing ceramic shapes typical of the Lefkandi I culture of EH IIB, nor diagnostic examples of EH III pattern-painted wares or wheelmade grey-burnished ware, theThe only other MBA remains reported from southern Euboea come from Lefka (Fig. 1), south of Nea Styra and outside the boundaries of the Karystia: Sackett et al. 1966, pp. 7880, fig. 14, pl. 21:a. 41 Karystos and Styra appear in the Catalogue of Ships in the Iliad (2.539), while the harbor at Geraistos (Kastri) on the Bouros-Kastri peninsula is mentioned in the Odyssey (3.174179) as a sanctuary to Poseidon where sailors stopped on their way to or from the dangerous straits off Cape Kaphireas (Fig. 1). For the Theban nodules referring to Karystos and Amarynthos, see Aravantinos 1987, pp. 3638; Piteros, Olivier, and Melena 1990, pp. 153154. 42 Thomas Palaima (this volume) argues convincingly that the presence of the place names on the nodules need not imply any political relationship between Thebes and Euboea, much less a scenario in which the island was part of a farreaching Theban kingdom.40

42

TRACEY CULLEN, LAUREN TALALAY AND ARKO TANKOSI condition of the sherds collected often allows only a broad dating of findspots to FNEBA? (see Fig. 8).43 Similarly, the unexpected rarity of Mycenaean remains in the region might be due to their being covered by later sites the Frankish kastro perched above Karystos with a view to the sea would seem a likely location for a Mycenaean center though in that event one would still expect to have found traces of Late Bronze Age habitation. In this brief summary of SEEP fieldwork, old and new, we hope to have shown that the Karystian individuality during the prehistoric past that Mac Wallace spoke of is no longer beyond inquiry, thanks in large part to Macs own efforts. Initial settlement of the Karystia appears to have been part of a broader trend of site expansion into marginal landscapes in Greece during the later Neolithic and Early Bronze Age. This span of time in the Aegean witnessed major cultural shifts in emerging social complexity, experimentation in metallurgy, and increased regional exchange and seafaring. Although details remain sketchy, it seems clear that southern Euboea participated actively in this new maritime and social landscape, taking part in exchange networks of obsidian and possibly other goods. The regions proximity to the Cyclades and the Greek mainland and its strategic location at the intersection of two major maritime routes were undoubtedly part of the impetus for establishing small settlements there. Links to neighbouring areas for the circulation of material goods and marriage partners, and to buffer the ordinary risks faced by early agriculturalists would have been key to the success of settlements in the region. This would have been true not only for43 For an overview of the complexities pertaining to the Lefkandi I (EH IIB) and Tiryns-culture (EH III) assemblages and their distribution, see Rutter 2001, pp. 113116; see also Angelopoulou 2008 for the related Kastri group. The percentage of Lefkandi I wares within excavated assemblages is often quite small; at Agia Irini on Kea, e.g., Wilson notes (Keos IX, p. 95) that Anatolianizing shapes make up only 13% of the sample from phase III, while EB II traditions continue to prevail (see pp. 238239). Given the thin scatter of pottery at most prehistoric findspots in the Karystia, the absence of diagnostic later EBA material may not be meaningful. On the other hand, if the apparent gap in habitation is an actual one, it might be attributable to the shifting nature of interregional alliances at this time.

43

EUBOEA AND ATHENS the small, dispersed settlements typical of the early periods, but also for the single Middle Bronze Age site found in the area. That these links existed is apparent from the abundant obsidian found in the Karystia and from the ceramic affinities observed between southern Euboea and the wider Aegean. It is our hope that continued survey and excavation by SEEP in the future will help us comprehend more fully the character and place of southern Euboea in the prehistoric Aegean.

Figure 1. Map of Southern Euboea, indicating areas surveyed by SEEP and sites mentioned in the text. T. E. Gerring

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TRACEY CULLEN, LAUREN TALALAY AND ARKO TANKOSI

Figure 2. View of the Paximadi peninsula from the northeast. Photo . Tankosi

Figure 3. Prehistoric sites and findspots on the Paximadi peninsula. B. Anderson

45

EUBOEA AND ATHENS

Figure 4. Examples of FN pottery from Plakari: (a) cheesepot; (b, c, d) red slipped and burnished bowls; (e) coarse ware bowl with incised decoration; (f) patternburnished jar with elephant lug; (g) pattern-burnished bowl; (h, i) pedestal bases, one with cutouts. Rim diameters are indicated when known. Drawings A. Hom, I. Keller, and L. E. Talalay

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Figure 5. Remains of structures at Agia Pelagia. W. A. Parkinson and D. R. Keller

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Figure 6. Stone-built drain in perimeter wall at Akri Rozos. Photo T. Cullen

Figure 7. Platform at southeastern corner of perimeter wall at Akri Rozos. Photo T. Cullen

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49

Figure 8. Distribution and topography of prehistoric sites and findspots in the southern Karystia; larger symbols indicate sites with architecture. B. Anderson, . Tankosi, and T. Cullen

EUBOEA AND ATHENS

Figure 9. FN storage jars from Spilia, fragments decorated with taenia bands. Drawing L. E. Talalay

Figure 10. Obsidian finds from findspot 07S28 in the kampos. Photo . Tankosi

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Figure 11. Laying out a trench in the east chamber of the Agia Triada cave, 2009. Photo A. Djordjevi

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Euboea and AthensProceedings of a Colloquium in Memory of Malcolm B. Wallace

Athens 26-27 June 2009

2011 Publications of the Canadian Institute in Greece Publications de lInstitut canadien en Grce No. 6

The Canadian Institute in Greece / LInstitut canadien en Grce 2011

Library and Archives Canada Cataloguing in Publication Euboea and Athens Colloquium in Memory of Malcolm B. Wallace (2009 : Athens, Greece) Euboea and Athens : proceedings of a colloquium in memory of Malcolm B. Wallace : Athens 26-27 June 2009 / David W. Rupp and Jonathan E. Tomlinson, editors. (Publications of the Canadian Institute in Greece = Publications de l'Institut canadien en Grce ; no. 6) Includes bibliographical references. ISBN 978-0-9737979-1-6 1. Euboea Island (Greece)--Antiquities. 2. Euboea Island (Greece)--Civilization. 3. Euboea Island (Greece)--History. 4. Athens (Greece)--Antiquities. 5. Athens (Greece)--Civilization. 6. Athens (Greece)--History. I. Wallace, Malcolm B. (Malcolm Barton), 1942-2008 II. Rupp, David W. (David William), 1944- III. Tomlinson, Jonathan E. (Jonathan Edward), 1967- IV. Canadian Institute in Greece V. Title. VI. Series: Publications of the Canadian Institute in Greece ; no. 6. DF261.E9E93 2011 938 C2011-903495-6

The Canadian Institute in Greece Dionysiou Aiginitou 7 GR-115 28 Athens, Greece www.cig-icg.gr

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